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                <text>The medieval port of Yabitsu is located in an inlet at the northwest end of Tsushima Island. Yabitsu is geographically closest to the Korean peninsula, separated by the Korea Strait.  It is difficult to use its small isolated hinterland as a field for farming because in the inlet, some stone-built remains, which seem to have been quay and jetty are present. Although no description on Yabitsu has been found in any Japanese historical materials, a few Korean documents have been discovered in the Korean peninsula. From these literal evidences, the port of Yabitsu looks to have been used as an inlet for anchorage in the first half of the 15th century.  The name of the inlet appeared in ‘Song Hui-gyeong’s Chronicle’ written in 1420, which was known as ‘老松堂日本行録’ in Japan.  This chronicle refers to the port of Yabitsu as ‘也音非梁 (Ya-i-hi-ryo)’, which is on the way to the village of Waniura in Tsushima island.  Seongjong of Joseon, the 9th king of the Joseon Dynasty of Korea, recorded this port as ‘也音非道浦 (Ya-i-hi-do-ho)’ in his Annals of Joseon Dynasty written in 1499.  The survey in 2018 showed that the port of Yabitsu had a long history from the 4th to 17th centuries with early Haji wares, Sue wares, Goryeo potteries, Chinese white porcelains, and old Karatsu wares being found, However, the exact date when the stone remains in the inlet were constructed and their entire structure have not been known yet, because no full-scale survey has been conducted so far.  Additionally, we have not known the exact reason why the port was chosen to be built at Yabitsu. The survey on this port could contribute to restoring the maritime cultural landscape in Tsushima island, as well.</text>
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                  <text>2021 Session 7: Submerged War Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region</text>
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                  <text>Abstract                                                                                                                     &#13;
&#13;
While evidence of conflict in the Asia-Pacific Region dates back thousands of years, World War II brought more people into contact with the seas of the Asia-Pacific region than ever before and left a correspondingly large archaeological signature. Today, the ship and plane wrecks, maritime infrastructure and underwater dumping sites from WWII present an archaeological resource of conflicting values ranging from artificial reefs and tourism assets, to war-graves and even ecological threats. Most recently, the different values placed on these sites has been thrown into sharp relief with the illegal salvage of a number of naval ships in South-East Asia and subsequent outcry from former colonial powers.&#13;
&#13;
Maritime warfare throughout the Asia-Pacific Region has had a far-reaching impact on the people who lived, and continue to live in these areas that goes beyond the mere recording of battlefields and the machinery involved. Maritime archaeology has significant potential to provide insights into the lives and experiences of those who have been overlooked by traditional war histories including non-combatants and indigenous people.&#13;
&#13;
The protection and management of World War II-related Underwater Cultural Heritage (WWII UCH) provides particular challenges in the contemporary Asia-Pacific Region. While the 2001 UNESCO Convention provides a code for internationally recognised best practice, most countries in the region are yet to become signatories. Many countries in Oceania in particular see the current interest in WWII UCH as overshadowing the need to protect and preserve indigenous UCH. A potentially useful framework that could be used to provide a balance in interests and benefits for more of the Asia-Pacific community is the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals that provide a holistic and relevant path for incorporating all UCH into sustainable environmental and development policies and practices. This should lead to an appreciation of all that constitutes Asia-Pacific UCH and their particular challenges.&#13;
&#13;
Session Organisers:&#13;
&#13;
Matt Carter&#13;
Bill Jeffery&#13;
Hans Van Tilburg&#13;
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                <text>During the Second World War over 3,800 ships were sunk throughout the Pacific Region. The legacy of this conflict is still being felt today, with an unconfirmed number of potentially polluting wrecks (PPWs) still containing oil and unexploded ordinance. Many of these wrecks have deteriorated significantly and the threat of a spill is increasing as over 70 years of corrosion is causing collapse of the ships structures. The scale of this threat is largely unknown, however estimates indicate that thousands of tons of oil may remain in these wrecks with several identified as already leaking. &#13;
Aware of the increasing risk that these wrecks pose, the Major Projects Foundation was established in 2018 with the aim of mitigating this risk. The primary activity was the purchase of the former New Zealand Navy Diving Vessel HMNZ Manawanui as an expedition vessel. With the vessel newly renamed RV Ocean Recovery, and with a Memorandum of Understanding with the Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme (SPREP) and the University of Newcastle, the Major Projects Foundation is dedicated to gathering robust scientific data on the condition of PPWs throughout the Pacific. Using cutting edge and incorporating industry standard technology, high-risk wrecks will be surveyed and assessed. Once wrecks with oil content are identified, commonly practiced subsea engineering solutions exist to mitigate the threat of an oil spill. Furthermore, the information from the survey of these wrecks will be used to educate and mobilise the public and policy makers to the risk such PPWs pose to marine ecosystems and the people who rely on them. &#13;
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                <text>Carter, Matthew, Dr. William Jeffery, and Dr. Ian D MacLeod. 2021. “World War Two Shipwrecks; a toxic legacy?.”&#13;
Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia&#13;
Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021.&#13;
The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/683</text>
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                    <text>Who Were the Africans in Eastern Asia? : The Christian
European Period 1500-1900 AD
Clifford Pereira
Royal Geographical Society
cliffjpereira@hotmail.com
Abstract
Seaways, especially monsoonal ones, allow movement on two directions.
However Eurocentric approaches have tended to create hierarchies of
cultures which have biased movements in particular directions to the
historical exclusion of some narratives. This is a fresh look at a cultural
connection from a perspective that has evaded investigation and seeks to
balance the research on Chinese interactions with Africans in Africa.
Africans have been trading with Asia for hundreds of years, yet their
history and presence in East Asia has been barely suggested or
investigated. The role of African crewmen is an important part of this
narrative and one that brings a new dimension (if not challenges) to
ethnographic studies of maritime cultural landscapes and seascapes.
Key words: Africa, China, interactions, exchange, ethnography

Introduction
In this paper an African is defined as a person whose ancestors were born
in Africa, Therefore discourse not limited to people who are perceived or
perceive themselves as Black or indeed Black African.
Eastern Asia is defined as the territory roughly east of a line 92⁰ East of
the Meridian to 146⁰ East, that is inclusive of Japan, North and South
Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines, China and both mainland and maritime
Southeast Asia.
The paper proposes to answer four fundamental yet simple questions:
1) Who were the Africans that came to Eastern Asia (Origins)?
2) How did they get to Eastern Asia (Routes)?
3) What were they known as in Eastern Asia and why (Exonyms)?

�4) What was the nature of their lives in Southeast Asia (Socio-economic
and Political Agency)?
After intense research on the lengthy topic of Africans in Eastern Asia,
much of it from African perspectives, taking in important research
evidenced by Timothy Powers (2010 and 2012), Li Anshan (2015),
George Hatke (2013), Jacques Gernet (1999), William Clarence-Smith
(2006), de Verre Allen (1993), John Sutton (1990), Marina Tolmacheva
(1993), Louise Levathes and Shihan de Silva Jayasuraya (2008a and
2008b) a possible chronological framework consisting of four periods
based on the above criteria was produced:
1) The Hindu-Buddhist Asian period 300BC-700 AD.
2) The Islamic Asian period 700-1500 AD
3) The Christian European period 1500-1900 AD
4) The Modern Period 1900-2000 AD.
It is impossible to cover such an immense timeframe within this paper;
however, a concise bibliography is included for reference and future
research. This paper will concentrate on the evidence provided for period
3, which has been termed ‘The Christian European period 1500-1900 AD’
for the simple reason that the majority of the evidence for this period is
from European sources. The paper examines this and other available
evidence before reaching the conclusion.

The Evidence
Prior to the sixteenth century, Africans that were not Christians or Muslims
were regarded as infidels or Qaffiri (‫كافر‬, singular) by the Arabs and
Persians in Africa and in India (Pankhurst, 2003) and were allowed by the
tenants of Islam to be enslaved. Generally, Christians in the Horn of Africa
were mainly from the Amhara, Tagaru (or Tigrayna) people, and Muslims
were from the coastal Tigre, Tagaru, Afar and Somali peoples. The major

�pagan peoples at this time were mainly Oromoo and Sidama. All of these
were Cushitic speakers. The coastal peoples were in-part the
descendants of the Axumites – an important African maritime people.

Research has already established that the main flow of Africans in the
Islamic Asian period 700-1500 AD (including the Tang, Yuan and
Early Ming Dynasties) was ultimately from the Horn of Africa and along
the Maritime Silk Route to Eastern Asia (Pankhurst, 2003 and Powers,
2010). This trend continued into the sixteenth century when the majority
of Africans arriving in India, including pre-Portuguese Goa came through
the port of Zeila which was the main exporter enslaved pagan Oromoo
and free Abyssinians destined for India where they were called Habshis
(Pankhurst, 2003) and this is confirmed by Linschoten (2005) ‘there are
many Arabians and Abexiins in India’ and he notes that ‘there are many
of them [Abexiins] in India that are captives and slaves’.

From the sixteenth century European records provide evidence of African
presence in East Asia, starting in succession with the Portuguese,
Spanish, Dutch, English and the finally the French.

Portuguese experiences in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Maghreb, had
led them to describe all Muslims as Mouros or Moors. They understood
that the process of Arabisation meant that Arabs were not a race, but a
people. Arriving in East Africa in 1498 the Portuguese regarded the
Muslim people that they encountered on the coast (i.e. Arab, Persian,
Somali and Swahili) all as Moors – a term that they extended with their
travels right across the Indian Ocean to the spice-producing Sultanates of
the Malukas and Southern Philippines. Mistrust and trading necessities
meant that they were reluctant to enslave these Moors. In fact, vastly

�outnumbered and economically reliant on these Muslims produced a
‘keep your enemies close’ approach.

After the Portuguese established themselves in Southeast Africa (modern
day Mozambique) enslaved Africans increasingly came from through
Mozambique Island which they held from 1507, but this trade was still far
below the Arab-Persian trade from the Horn of Africa. The Portuguese
were quick to adopt the Arabic term as Kaffirs or Cafres for the enslaved
pagan Africans as a trading commodity, a labour force, militia, and a
prospective Catholic convert (de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a).
There were in Goa ‘Many Persians, Arabians and Abexijns, some [of
them] Christians and some [of them] Moors’. Linschoten (2005) notes the
tattoos that identify the Christians and makes it clear that ‘these
Abexiins… such as are free doe serve in al India for sailors and seafaring
men with such merchants as sailed from Goa to China, Japon, Bengala,
Mallaca, Ormus and all the Oriental coast.’ Linschoten explains that after
arriving in India the Portuguese sailors are ‘ashamed to live in that order
and think it is a great discredit unto them’. Interestingly he also explains
that the Abexiins are hired on low wages and travel with their wives under
a Portuguese Captain but possibly an Arab boatswain who oversees the
Abexiins.

Charles Boxer (1997), historian of the Portuguese Empire noted that
‘Portuguese shipping in the inter-port trade of Asia was increasingly
operated from the days of Albuquerque onwards, by Asian seamen
working under a very few white or Eurasian officers. Even the great
carracks of 1,000-2,000 tons which plied between Goa, Macao and
Nagasaki might be entirely crewed by Asians and negro slaves’. However

�Boxer is incorrect. The reputation of the Christian and Muslim Abyssinians
as good sailors was widespread, though the enslaved Abexiin were
actually animist (i.e. kaffir) Oromoo tribesmen, who had a strong military
tradition and were often good horsemen. In several areas of the Indian
Ocean and Western Pacific, piracy was endemic and Africans were rare
enough for their presence to cause fear. It was therefore wise for the
Portuguese to man their ships with Abexiin crew and for the Jesuits to
have kaffir retainers and body guards. This explains the Africans arriving
in Macau from the 1550’s on Portuguese ships and those depicted on the
Japanese Nanban Byobu (southern Barbarian folding screens) in Japan.

In Siam (Thailand) King Chairacha entered relations with the Portuguese
and allowed a trading and religious presence at Ayutthaya. In 1538 as an
assurance against Burmese invasion and eager for Portuguese military
technology he requested that the Portuguese actually retain a military
presence which resulted in 130 Portuguese men being based in the
established Portuguese settlement. Bearing in mind the paucity of
Portuguese men in Asia, it could well be that many of these “Portuguese”
were in fact Africans. There were definitely Japanese and Chinese
Christians, and other Luso-Asians at the settlement which lasted until
1767 when the Burmese destroyed Ayutthaya.

During the early years in Goa the Jesuits employed slaves, and the
Church Provincial Council of 1567 laid down precise rules for the keeping
of slaves (Borges, 1994). Though in reality this was not the case in
Eastern Asia. Perhaps the best known African of this period in East Asia
was the one called Yasuke, who was an African retainer of the Japanese
warlord Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582). Yasuke appears to have arrived in
Japan in 1579 as part of the entourage of the Jesuit Visitor Alessandro

�Valignano. It was Nobunaga who gave the African the name Yasuke
(Lockley, 2017). Both free and bonded helpers were members of the
domestic staff of the Jesuits in the Japan Province, the majority of the
former were Japanese, while the enslaved ones were Africans, Indians,
Malays, Koreans or Japanese (Borges, 1994). Another African is
mentioned in Japanese sources as a gunner in the service of Arima
Harunobu in 1584.

The unification of the Portuguese and Spanish crowns between 1580 and
1640 resulted in the wars with the Dutch and ultimately the downfall of the
Portuguese Eastern Empire. The same wars resulted in an acute shortage
of soldiers throughout the seventeenth century. But the Portuguese
considered sepoys (Indian soldiers) as physically unfit and preferred the
more robust African soldiers (Sequeira-Antony, 2004). By the early
seventeenth century, slaves were the largest non-Goan group living in the
city of Goa, most of these were Africans who had come through
Mozambique Island and other parts of Eastern Africa, and the rest were
Asians. They served as caretakers, guards, servants, concubines and
artisans. From Goa slaves were shipped to other Portuguese settlements
and even to Lisbon (Borges, 1994). The first recorded African to enter the
territory of modern South Korea was a personal servant attached to the
Portuguese trader João Mendes, who was on a Japanese vessel blown
off course by a typhoon while travelling between Phnom Penh and
Nagasaki. They drifted on to the island of Tong Yong in 1604. It appears
that João Mendes was on a diplomatic mission for Shogun Tokugawa
Ieyasu (1543-1616) to the Khymer Kingdom (Kim, 2008). There was a
Portuguese merchant and a Jesuit presence at Hoi An in Vietnam, but no
substantial research has been done on the community to confirm an
African presence.

�Friar Domingo Navarette recorded the presence of African soldiers in
Guangzhou in 1618 and confirmed that they were runaways from Macau
(de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a). In 1622 enslaved Africans defended the
Portuguese base at Macau which the Dutch attacked with a force of 13
ships and 1300 men. The Portuguese numbered only 150 – two thirds of
which were residents, mostly mestiços. Additionally there were Jesuit
artillerist and decisively up to 100 armed African slaves. There are also
observations in 1637 of the few Portuguese cavalleros (horsemen) being
accompanied by Africans servants dressed in expensive red damask
bearing lances on which were placed the crests of the Portuguese
families. It appears that there were two Africans in Macau who acted as
interpreters between the Portuguese and the Chinese. One of these,
Antonio was a ‘Capher Eathiopian Abissen’. The other is described as a
‘Chincheo runaway from the Portugal’s at Macau’. He was therefore an
enslaved African who had escaped from Macau possibly to the Chenghai
District of Eastern Guangdong Province. Both men appear to have learnt
Cantonese and therefore to have been in Southern China for some time
(Pankhurst, 2003).

By the time Portugal gained her independence from Spain in 1640 as
many as 5000 Africans lived in Macau and there were even special
masses for their wives. They were employed mainly as enslaved personal
servants to the men, as labourers and guards or soldiers. Enslaved
Chinese females were preferred as household maids, cooks, wet-nurses
and personal servants to the ‘Portuguese’ wives who were often mestiços
(de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a). By the early Qing Dynasty (1644-1912)
Africans were definitely present in small numbers in Guangdong province
as well as at Macau (de Silva Jayaruraya, 2008a). In 1651 the Governor
of Macau requested ‘Negro’ soldiers rather than Mestiços from India (de

�Silva Jayaruraya, 2008b). Friar Domingo Navarette again recorded the
presence of African soldiers in Guangzhou in 1686 (de Silva Jayaruraya,
2008a). According to Brother José de Jesus, in 1745 there were in Macau:
‘twelve thousand men who at the same time dwelt there […]
between Portuguese, half-castes, Nhons [Japanese], Malays,
Canarins [Goans], Timorese, Mozambicans [Mixed heritage
from Mozambique Island], Malabars, Moors [Muslims], Kaffirs
[Non-Muslim Africans], and other nations……’ (Puga, 2013).
No information is available on the African presence in Spanish Formosa
(1626-1642). The people of the Philippine islands had their own form of
slavery before the arrival of the Spanish. In Tagalog these were called
alipin. Africans must have arrived on the Spanish vessels across the
Pacific from Acapulco as sailors, servants and slaves. The Spanish in the
Philippines initially had their local Asian slaves, but in 1586 Philip II of
Spain proposed to slowly eliminate enslavement of his Spanish Indies
subjects by requesting all children to be born free and banning new slave
purchases. The laws proved very successful but started a trend of
purchasing foreigners (including Indians, Chinese and Malays, Koreans
and Japanese) who were not subject to the king’s laws. The Portuguese
seized the trading opportunity and brought enslaved Africans from the
Indian Ocean for sale to the Spanish in the Philippines, these were known
as esclavavos negros (negro slaves). By 1621 Africans constituted about
a third of the Intramuros population at Manila. A Little work has been done
on the African presence in the Spanish Indies in the Marianas which
suggests an African presence from at least 1602. With the termination of
Portuguese interaction, Africans disappear after 1640 and for the entire
Tokugawa period. However, it would be interesting to know of any

�evidence of Africans resident at Hirado or Deshima, or in Taiwan attached
to the Dutch presence in the East Indies.

While the European trade in Africans from the Horn of Africa decreased
the late eighteenth century saw Africans sold at Mozambique Island
arriving at Macau through the Portuguese colonies of Diu, Damman and
Goa. One of the traders was a Portuguese called Joaquim do Rosario
Monteiro (Machado, 2003).

There is no information on Africans in the Maluku Islands. Considering
their troubled history and the use of Africans as soldiers in Sri Lanka by
the Dutch since the mid-seventeenth century one would expect some
African presence in the region. Between 1831 and 1842 the Dutch
attempted to recruit no fewer than 2,200 Africans for service in their
colonial army, primarily in the Dutch East Indies. In the end they only
contracted 44 men from Elmina Castle (Ghana). But another push for men
recruited from Kumasi, mainly from non-Ashanti peoples in the North of
present-day Ghana produced 2,200 men serving 15-year contracts. While
a second attempt among the Ashanti produced 235 men. A consequence
was that this militia was composed of men from different ethnic groups
that spoke different languages. Mistrust among them was a challenge to
the Dutch. To ensure against a mutiny the Dutch distributed them into
separate companies and battalion. It appears that African liaisons with the
Javanese and Sumatrans resulted in many of them being more fluent in
Malay then Dutch. This gave them an advantage when organising
themselves and making demands for equal pay or better living standards.
By December 1841 there were 1,318 Africans in the Koninklijk
Nederlandsch-Indisch

Leger

(Royal

Netherlands-Indies

Army).

Recruitment had been vastly reduced at Africa, but in 1850 The Dutch

�decided to resume African military recruitment in Elmina and 800 were
recruited between 1860 and 1872, mainly from the Ashanti. In the Indies
they were known by the term Londo Ireng in Javanese or Belinda Hitam
(Black Dutch) in Malay. This recruitment ended in 1872 when Britain took
over the Dutch possessions in the Gold Coast (i.e. Ghana), but many of
these Africans stayed in Indonesia (mainly in Java) and married Malay
women. They also had their own area of Purworejo called Kampung
Afrikan. Here the community retained its distinct Afro-Indonesian culture.
Soldiers who lived in other areas and were simply assimilated into
Indonesian societies (van Kessel, 2008).

Around 1879 the Portuguese Governor of Timor had a battalion which
included 200 Africans who the Timorese called Falikas. The 1881 census
of Singapore includes Africans though their numbers were small (de Silva
Jayaruraya, 2008a).

Conclusion
Initially most of the Africans who came to Eastern Asia on board
Portuguese ships where from the present day Ethiopia and Eritrea,
including the Tigre and Tagaru crewmen and pagan Oromoo or Sidama.
Then increasingly from the seventeenth century onwards Africans came
from among the Makua, Yao/Nyanja, and Maravi, of Mozambique, Malawi
and Zimbabwe though the island of Mozambique from the seventeenth
centuries.

Africans arriving with the Dutch in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
initially came from West Africa, among the Akan and Dagbane language
groups in modern day Ghana, Burkina Faso. There may have been a few
Malagasy boarded at Cape Town.

�Three distinct routes to East Asia for enslaved Africans can be discerned;
the first and oldest route is from Zeila to Oman or Hormuz and on to the
Gujarat on Arab Persian or Gujarati vessels. After purchase in Gujarat the
route was through Goa to Macau and then to any Portuguese or Spanish
port. From around 1600 the route was entirely on Portuguese vessels from
Mozambique Island to Macau via Goa. The nineteenth century Dutch
route was from Elmina in Ghana to Cape Town and directly to Batavia on
Dutch vessels.

This period stands in stark contrast to previous ones for Africans and other
people of colour arriving in Eastern Asia. Formally Africans had arrived as
envoys, merchants, soldiers and slaves into a realm that was composed
roughly of the same elements of stratified society that existed in Eastern
Asia.

But the arrival of Africans with the Europeans was different. Africans of
this period (1500-1900) arrived on European ships as sailors under
European captains, or often in the entourage of the European merchants,
and Jesuit missionaries. The Chinese used the term Gui-nu (Ghost-slave)
for Africans, or in Cantonese Gui-lo (ghost man). In Japanese Africans
were called Kurobo (Lockley, 2017) or Kuronbo in the Nagasaki dialect
(Screech, 2017). So the Africans often arrived in a position subservient to
Europeans who themselves were perceived, at least by the Chinese and
Japanese, as Southern barbarians (Nanbanjin in Japanese) and therefore
below the status of the Chinese and Japanese. This is perhaps most
evident in the seventeenth century use of the Cantonese term Gui-Nu
(ghost-slave) for Africans in Guanghzhou, but also in the Japanese term
Kuronbo (black novice monk). Both of these terms place the Africans as

�subservient to the Europeans. The range of this servitude from novice or
page to slave reflected the reality.

African features and physique were clearly admired for strength (Lockley,
2017), however the subservient status that Africans held almost
everywhere in Eastern Asia (in contrast to South Asia) fed into indigenous
concepts of colour based on working status, caste, or in the case of the
Burmese, Thais, Filipinos and Taiwanese on the perception of subjugated
peoples such as the Mons, Khymers, enslaved Ternate Islanders,
Taiwanese Aboriginals or Philippine Aboriginals (Blussé, 2009) who they
thought of as Blacks. With the exception of Korea, Japan and much of
China, Asians themselves would be colonised by Europeans adding to the
stigma of dark colour, and its association with race, enhanced by the
Atlantic

Slave

Trade

and

Euro-American

concepts

of

racism.

Nevertheless, the adoption of Catholicism brought the Africans some
support from the Catholic Church that effectively managed the civic life of
both Portuguese and Spanish Asia. Friar Domingo Navarrete mentioned
the wives of the “negroes” in Macau at mass, and in 1637 Peter Mundy
mentions that these wives were Chinese slaves. So legitimate
intermarriage between Africans and Chinese took place in Macao (de
Silva Jayasuraya, 2008) and the resulting Afro-Chinese were absorbed in
the Macanese community. Little work has been done on the African
presence in the Philippines or in the Marianas, but presumably the same
Catholic system was at work.

It seems that during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the largest
concentration of Africans in Eastern Asia was at Portuguese Macau. Of
course Macau was governed from Goa which was the terminus of all

�Asian trade to and from Europe via Mozambique Island, and the African
presence in both cities continues to the present day. But foci shifted to the
Dutch city of Batavia in the nineteenth century. Africans arriving with the
Dutch were concentrated in the Batavia area, where they served the Royal
Dutch Indies Army. They married Indonesian and Luso-Indonesian
women and settled mainly in Java. In 1965 when Indonesia gained
independence the Belinda Hitam were offered Dutch citizenship and
immigrated to the Netherlands. Little work has been done on the African
presence prior to the twentieth century in French Indo-China (Laos,
Cambodia and Vietnam).

Acknowledgements
I owe a special debt of gratitude to Dr. Shihan De Silva Jayasuraya
(London), Dr.Thomas Lockley (Tokyo), and Dr. Ineke Van Kessel
(Lieden).
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T.,
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Biography
Clifford Pereira is a Historical Geographer
specialising in ‘hidden histories’ and migrations
from and within the Indian Ocean World. A
graduate of Geography and Asian Studies from
the University of Ulster, he is a long-term fellow
of the Royal Geographical Society (with IBG),
where he was also curator, consultant and
facilitator on outreach projects (2006-2013).
Pereira was Honorary Research Assistant with
Royal Holloway, University of London (2010-2013), and Visiting Assistant
Researcher for Dalian Maritime University, China (2011-2015). He is
currently a Researcher on the African collection of the Museum of
Anthropology (MOA) at UBC, Canada and specialist researcher and for
the international heritage consultancy firm Barker-Langham, London
(2008-Present).

�</text>
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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
&#13;
Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels.  Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities.  In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology.  Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment.  The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study.  The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers.  &#13;
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                  <text>Akifumi Iwabuchi&#13;
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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                  <text>Kotaro Yamafune                                   &#13;
APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>Who Were the Africans in Eastern Asia? : The Christian European Period 1500-1900 AD </text>
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                <text>Seaways, especially monsoonal ones, allow movement on two directions. However Eurocentric approaches have tended to create hierarchies of cultures which have biased movements in particular directions to the historical exclusion of some narratives. This is a fresh look at a cultural connection from a perspective that has evaded investigation and seeks to balance the research on Chinese interactions with Africans in Africa. Africans have been trading with Asia for hundreds of years, yet their history and presence in East Asia has been barely suggested or investigated. The role of African crewmen is an important part of this narrative and one that brings a new dimension (if not challenges) to ethnographic studies of maritime cultural landscapes and seascapes. </text>
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                <text>Clifford Pereira </text>
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                    <text>When History Meets Technology: Preliminary Survey on the Historical Documents of
Underwater Cultural Heritage
Chiung-Hui Fu (National Academy of Marine Research / National Cheng Kung University,
cathyfu886@gmail.com)
Yu-Chuan Tseng (National Academy of Marine Research, a24725169@gmail.com)
Shao-Jung Chung (National Academy of Marine Research, shaorong28@gmail.com)
ABSTRACT
Underwater cultural heritage (UCH) is a newly developed interdisciplinary field in which historical research is
indispensable. According to the UNESCO 2001 Convention on the Protection of UCH, the desk-based study of
historical, archaeological, geological, and environmental data is necessary for the preliminary work of inventory.
Then researchers conjecture sensitive areas after analyzing and integrating the above information. The Taijiang
Inner Sea and Tayouan are important historical sites for the political activities of the Dutch East India Company
and the Siege of Fort Zeelandia in the 17th century. According to preliminary conclusions from the historical
documents, Dutch shipwrecks may have been buried in the shoals and wetlands around the mouths of the
Zengwen to Yanshui River or the land area of Anping District, Tainan City. If there are discoveries, they will be
significant material evidence of Taiwan's history in the Age of Discovery. However, the Taijiang Inner Sea has
undergone 400 years of geographical and environmental changes, including river channel migration, sandbars,
lagoons, land expansion, and urban development. Many of the hydrological regions of the period are gone.
Therefore, planning shipwreck survey strategies that compare historical documents and map data with current
geographical locations is more complex than surveying the sea. This study attempts to collect domestic and
foreign maps of the Taijiang Inner Sea and Tayouan area and collect documents related to Dutch East Indies
shipwrecks. After inductive analysis, a geographic information system program overlays the maps and data.
Authors estimate the possible location range of sunken ships as a reference for UCH survey planning and target
object comparison. Finally, integrate the suspected targets discovered by the scientific instrument survey to
examine the relationship between historical documents and scientific survey data.

List of Figures and Table
Table 1: Information of VOC Shipwrecks in the Waters near Tayouan
Figure 1: Fort Selandia on Teowan (Lai and Wei 2018)
Figure 2: Locations of Sites in Tayouan (Chiang 1992)
Figure 3: Overlay of Data from Historical Documents as well as the Investigations with Scientific Devices,
Possible Locations of the VOC Shipwrecks (Map of Taijian Inner Sea)

INTRODUCTION
Since equipment for scuba diving was invented by the French engineer Jacques-Yues Cousteau and
Émile Gagnan in 1943, operations in archaeology could be extended from land to underwater, which
also brought about the cooperation of different fields and made underwater archaeology an emerging
interdisciplinary practice. Regardless of legal or practical perspectives, history is always an
inseparable element in research.
I.

Legal Perspective

Articles 14 and 15 of Annex-Rules Concerning Activities Directed at UCH in UNESCO's 2001
Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2001 Convention)
address that an assessment should be conducted in the preliminary work to elevate the meaning and
fragility of damages upon the UCH and surrounding natural environment from the project itself as well
as the potential of obtaining the data that can satisfy the project goals. Such assessment shall include
obtainable background studies on the history and archaeological evidence, the archaeological and
1

�environmental qualities of the historic sites, and any potential consequences of affecting the stability
of such UCH as a result of these activities.
The Operational Guidelines for the UNESCO 2001 Convention specify that the State Parties shall
declare their link to a specific UCH through the following information when consulting their interests
in such heritage: (a) the results of scientific expertises; (b) historic documentation; or (c) any other
adequate documentation (UNESCO 2015). In other words, the historical documentation is essential
evidence for clarifying the ownership or other relevance of the UCH.
II.

Practical Perspective

In terms of underwater archaeology operations procedures, they include preliminary work, historic site
investigation, study organization, preservation and management, and education and promotion.
The preliminary work can be divided into advanced assessment, desk or background research, general
investigation, and evaluation. Among them, the advance assessment can be further divided into:
1.

Thorough or partial history investigation of UCH.

2.
Thorough and partial evaluation of marine environment, social and economic development,
national policies, and comprehensive resources.
3.

Draft of assessment standards of general investigation in sensitive zones.

4.

Assessment of the potential sensitive area of the UCH.

5.

Planning of a range of thorough or partial one-time general investigations.

6.

Planning of priority or road map of thorough general investigation.

Background research shall be involved with the time of the historic site’s formation and the historical
and archaeological backgrounds of relevant regions. Historical geography can provide crucial
information on the development of a specific area and possible historic sites of that region (Maarleveld
et al. 2013). The historical data can also serve as the archaeological resources for the expected site
(Manders and Underwood 2012). The desk research shall integrate all previously collected
archaeological evidence and take all usable historical proofs as the reference (Maarleveld et al. 2013).
Evaluation should be about the historical, cultural, archaeological, artistic, and scientific values,
among which the historical importance should be about evaluating whether the historic sites or relics
are relevant to the local, regional, or national history, or even the people, events, activities, locations,
or themes of world history.
For the subsequent investigation of historic sites, research organization, preservation, and educational
promotion, the historical research can be essential support, such as comparison of relics or ship
nationality, statements on the value of the heritages, as well as explanation, exhibitions, and
publications of data of historical sites.
CASE STUDY: VOC SHIPWRECKS IN THE TAIJANG INNER SEA
Taijiang Inner Sea and Tayouan were necessary historical fields of the governance activities of the
United East India Company (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, VOC) and the battle between them
and Koxinga. From the literature, we can preliminarily conclude that Dutch shipwrecks or relics might

2

�be underneath the shoal, wetlands, or even the inland area of nowadays Anping, Tainan. They can be
the material proof of Taiwan’s place in the Age of Sail if they can be found.
However, due to the river channel migration and urbanization over the past 400 years, the shoals,
lagoons, and the inner sea became land, and the waters of Taijang Inner Sea are no longer. The
comparison between historical documents, maps, and current locations, as well as the investigation of
shipwrecks, is significantly more complex than underwater cultural heritage in marine areas.
In this study, we intend to collect the maps of the Taijiang Inner Sea and Tayouan in Taiwan and other
countries and the pieces of literature about VOC shipwrecks. By overlaying the maps and the data with
the geographic information system (GIS), we can preliminarily speculate the possible locations or
range of the shipwrecks, which can serve as a reference for investigating cultural heritage and target
comparison. Lastly, we can organize the suspected targets found by the scientific devices for cultural
heritage to check the correlation between the historical documents and the found data.
RESOURCES
First of all, regarding the source of historical documents, we have original and second-hand data. For
accuracy, we took the journals, letters, and paintings to find the records and clues of ship sinking and
estimate the possible locations of the shipwrecks with other data organized in previous research.
The historical data in this study include:
1.
VOC Literature: De Dagregisters van het Kasteel Zeelandia, Dagh-Register gehouden int
Casteel Batavia: vant passerende daer ter plaetse als over geheel Nederlandts-India, Report of Affairs
in East India, De missiven van de VOC-gouverneur in Taiwan aan de Gouverneur-generaal te Batavia,
and Konxinga’s March to Taiwan by Albrecht Herport.
2.
Maps: Overview Taijiang: Scanning Antique Maps of Tayouan for 400 Years, Historical Atlas
of Tainan, 1626-1960, and Antique Maps Drawn by the Dutch in the 17th Century.
3.
Previous Research: Report of Investigations on Port Channels of Tayouan and VOC
Shipwrecks in the 17th Century by Tree Valley Foundation with the commission from the
Administration Office of Taijiang National Park in 2012, as well as the Closing Report of Collection
and Analysis of Historical documents and Data of VOC Shipwrecks by Tamkang University from
2015 to 2016 and the Report of Prospection Plan with Remote Sensing on Underwater Cultural
Heritage in the Waters of Tayouan Port by Strong Engineering Consulting Co., Ltd. from 2017 to 2018
with the commission from Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture.
4.
Field Survey: On-site positioning of former sites of Fort Zeelandia, Tayouan Towns, Fort
Provintia, and Zeeburgh, as well as detection with shipborne devices and investigation with an
airborne magnetometer in waters of Taijiang.
FRAMEWORK
We collected the humanity and natural background data of the waters of the former Taijiang Inner Sea
before planning this investigation, including:
1.
Historical documents and data, such as the ports, the channels, naval warfare, and the
shipwrecks.
2.

Map data, such as historical maps and voyage maps.

3

�3.
Archaeological information on land, such as indigenous archaeological sites related to the
VOC.
4.
Terrain and environment data of the waters, such as the landform, depth, sediments, and
depositions.
First, we organized the information about shipwrecks in the historical documents. As the records
lacked coordinates, we could only mark the possible areas from the textual descriptions about the
locations, wind direction, and relative position of the objects on land. Second, for the maps we
collected, we would position and digitalize the buildings or historic sites that still stand today and
overlay them with Taiwan e-Map. Third, we use GIS to establish the attribute data and carry out
archives and analyses with these data. It can be helpful not only in drawing out the sensitive zone of
the investigation but also in the comparison of the data. Such data can become a reference for future
studies, courses, and promotions. Last, the target data from comparing the shipborne devices and
airborne magnetometer in the waters of Taijiang can be input for overlay in GIS and serve as the basis
for further investigations and the reference for EIA on the UCH in the future.
RESULTS
By organizing the historical documents, we can conclude that 11 ships sunk in the waters of Taijiang
or Tayouan at the time. The vessel and brief information are shown in Table 1.
Table 1. Information of VOC Shipwrecks in the Waters near Tayouan
No.

Ship

Date of
Shipwreck

Type

Tonnage

1

Valk
(Valck)

1623-07-19

Jacht
(Yacht)

60

Location

Remarks

South to the entrance

2

Taiwan

1654-08-09

Jacht
(Yacht)

150

Reef at the entrance

3

Verde

1654-10-28

Retour
schip

400

Noorderrif
Sicao, Tainan

4

Lam, Witte

1654-10-28

Fluyt

5

Formosa

1654-10-28

Galjoot

6

Maarssen

1656-09-11

7

Hector

1661-05-01

8

Immenhorn

1661-05-29

Jacht
(Yacht)
Jacht
(Yacht)
Galjoot

9

Urk

1661-08-18

Galjoot

10

Koudekerke

1661-09-16

Jacht
(Yacht)

11

Kortenhoef
(Kurtenhofen)

1661-09-16

Noorderrif
Sicao, Tainan

Port and Starboard
(dismounted)
Er’ren River
Rear side of Fort
Zeelandia

Shipwreck
Caya,
Wengang
(Northern Gate)

Western end of Baxemboy
to Luermen
Baxemboy
300

Fort Zeelandia channel
South to the entrance
Soulang River (Zengwen
River)
Mashagou,
Jiangjun
District, Tainan

100

Baxemboy
Baxemboy

When choosing the base map, as Dutch Formosa lasted from 1624 to 1662, we could only obtain
information about the shipwrecks after 1654. Therefore, we took Formosa 1652 / Een perfect caertjen
vant Taijouanse canael as the base map because the era is closer and the terrain marking is the clearest.
4

�For the modern map, we chose Taiwan e-Map and Google Maps as the base maps for overlay. After
analyzing the relative locations of the shipwrecks in the texts, we marked on Formosa 1652 / Een
perfect caertjen vant Taijouanse canael first and then overlaid with Taiwan e-Map after digital
positioning. The combination produced Figure 4, and can be the referenced for detecting the target
objects with the submersible devices.
Below I discuss our process of approximating two shipwrecks during the battle between Konxinga and
the Dutch.

Figure 1: Fort Selandia on Teowan (Lai and Wei 2018)

I. Hector
According to De Dagregisters van het Kasteel Zeelandia, the Hector sank during the battle between
Konxinga’s fleet with the Dutch. On 30 April 1661, the Hector, the Gravelande, and the Maria were
porting in the southern shipyard, preparing for battle (Chiang 2007). On 1 May the Dutch commander
ordered the three ships to attack Konxinga’s junk fleet. Based on the journal, we could only know the
Hector was sinking in an explosion (caused by gunpowder) on the way to fight the fleet when sailing
downwind. At the same time, the Gravelande and Maria successfully retreated to the southern porting
site (Chiang 2007). The journal does not specify the route of the Hector nor the location where the
explosion occurred. By comparing other documents, we found that two aerial views illustrated the
blast of Hector. Although the views are not precise maps, they can serve as a reference to the relative
location. According to the drawing of Die Vestung Seeland auff der Insul Tijawan gelegen published
in Continuatio Diarri Europaei in 1663, the explosion was marked at the character C, which is by the
5

�shore of towns in Tayuoan; it’s the northeastern direction from the towns. However, according to Die
vesting Selandia auff Teowan drawn by the Swiss-Dutch soldier Albrecht Herport, the explosion was
at the number 8 in Figure 1, between Baxemboy and Fort Zeelandia; it’s the northwestern direction
from the fort on the sea. The marked locations are different and contradictory. Regarding reliability,
Albrecht Herport was witnessing the scene, so his drawing should be more accurate (Lai and Wei
2018). Thus, we adopted the location marked in Die vesting Selandia auff Teowan and believed the
explosion of the Hector occurred between Baxemboy and Fort Zeelandia, which was the northwestern
direction from the fort on the sea.
II.

Koudekerke

According to De Dagregisters van het Kasteel Zeelandia, the Koudekerke arrived at Fort Zeelandia on
15 September 1661. The Dutch planned to detour to the rear side of the town of Tayouan, assaulting
Konxinga’s forces. The Koudekerke was ordered to port between the Noorstraat and the Custom House
and attack from there on the 16th. On the day, the Koudekerke headed to the location but got away
from the coast due to the winds. In the battle, cannons on the Koudekerke exploded and became the
enemy’s target, and it ended up sinking by the sand coast near the enemy’s fort. For the relative
location, please see the number 10 in Figure 1. Based on Figure 2, the Custom House was on the
outskirt of the town. Although the ship was away from the coast, the location should be roughly near
the Custom House. The sinking place should be by the sand coast near the eight cannons. Therefore,
we deemed the shipwreck near the Custom House and by the shore of Fort Zeelandia.

Figure 2: Locations of Sites in Tayouan (Chiang 1992)

Combined with Table 1 of the historical documents about the shipwrecks, the locations are presumed,
as shown in the coloured polygons in Figure 3.
6

�For detection with shipborne devices, we used side scan sonar, multibeam echo sounder, sub-bottom
profiler, and magnetometer in the waters near Yanshui River and river mouth Luermen. Also, we chose
to hang a magnetometer on the drone for investigation due to the different terrains at the tidal river,
shoals, river mouth, wetlands, and the coast, as well as the dense woods of mangroves on both sides of
the river, the sandbanks, and the oyster farms, which made underwater investigation very difficult. The
muddy water is also a downside for divers or optical detection. After comparing and filtering the
results from airborne and shipborne devices, we found seven suspected UCH sites.

Figure 3: Overlay of Data from Historical Documents as well as the Investigations with Scientific Devices,
Possible Locations of the VOC Shipwrecks (Map of Taijian Inner Sea)

We overlaid the results and the historical documents, as shown in the circular/coloured dots Figure 3,
and saw they roughly match. As the investigations do not yet involve diving, optical detection with
remotely operated vehicles (ROV), or archaeological sampling, the results concluded in Figure 3 can
be taken as a reference in decision-making in future archaeological investigations or construction
projects.
We also selected five of the seven suspected UCH sites in this study. We conducted sampling by core
drilling to analyze the sedimentation and migration of the river. Combining the results of 210Pb dating
and carbon-14 dating, we assumed that the locations of VOC shipwrecks are 0.7-2.7 meters beneath
the riverbeds. It can also be the basis for river construction projects involving UCH investigation or
surveillance.

7

�Bibliography
Albrecht, A. “Annex: Konxinga’s March to Taiwan (Trans. Chou, Hsueh-Pu).” In Formosa in the Past, edited by Chen,
Kuan-Hsueh. Taipei: San Min Book Co., (2018): 177-193.
Chiang, Shu-Sheng. The Final Battle and Peace Treaty between Konxinga and the Dutch in Taiwan. Taipei : ECHO of
Things Chinese, 1992.
Chiang, Shu-Sheng. De missiven van de VOC-gouverneur in Taiwan aan de Gouverneur-generaal te Batavia 1, 1622-1626.
Taipei: SMC Publishing, Inc., 2007
Lai, Chih-Chang and Wei, Te-Wen. Scanning Antique Maps of Tayouan for 400 Years, Historical Atlas of Tainan, 1626-1960.
Cultural Affairs Bureau, Tainan City Government, Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 2018.
Manders M. R. and Underwood C. J. Training Manual for the UNESCO Foundation Course on the Protection and
Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Asia and the Pacific. Bangkok: UNESCO, 2012
Maarleveld, T. J., Guérin U. and Egger B. Manual for Activities Directed at Underwater Cultural Heritage: Guidelines to the
Annex of the UNESCO 2001 Convention. Paris: UNESCO, 2013
UNESCO. Operational Guidelines for the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, UNESCO
Digital Library. 2015
Available through: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf000

8

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