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                    <text>Archaeological, Literary and Ethnographic Evidence for
Traditional Boat-building in Kerala, South India
Veerasamy Selvakumar1

Abstract
Kerala possesses rich maritime traditions dating back to the Early Historic period. A few types of
traditional watercrafts developed indigenously and some are influenced by external contacts.
Archaeological excavations revealed a medieval sailboat at Kadakkarappally in 2003 and an
Early Historic canoe at Pattanam in 2007. The Early Historic Sangam Tamil texts refer to the
watercrafts of Kerala. Traditional boat-building still survives in Kerala. This paper presents the
evidence for traditional boats in Kerala, their historical context and the possible external
2
influences, until the 15th century Common Era (CE).

I. Introduction
Kerala's strategic location connects the eastern and western worlds in the Indian
Ocean region Kerala‟s internal processes and external influences have caused
the development of a vibrant maritime culture, including interesting watercraft
types, than any other region in India. This paper presents a survey of traditional
boat-building in Kerala, its historical context and the possible external influences,
until the 15th century CE.
With the Western Ghats on the east and the Arabian Sea on the west,
Kerala (Lat. 8◦ 15' and 12◦ 50' E; Long. 74◦ 50' and 77◦ 30' N, Figure 1A) is
enriched by the monsoons, 44 perennial rivers, 15 backwaters and a 600 km
coast. The average temperature is between 20◦ and 32◦ C, and the annual rainfall
varies from 1800 to 3600 millimeters (mm). Kerala has rich wood sources
suitable for boat-building.

Previous Research
Experiments undertaken in methods of navigation to survive in the water-filled
landscape led to the development of indigenous watercrafts, some of which still
survive. The Classical texts3, medieval travelers4 and the European adventurers5
and administrators6 discuss the traditional watercrafts of Kerala.
Systematic research on the traditional watercrafts was initiated by the
Europeans. James Hornell (1920:21-24) offers an account of the traditional
watercrafts. A.P. Greeshmalatha and Victor Rajamanickam (1993;
Greeshmalatha and Rajamanickam 1995; Rajamanickam 2004) documented the
nature, distribution and construction techniques of the watercrafts.

1

Department of Epigraphy and Archaeology, Tamil University, INDIA, selvakumarodi@gmail.com
Designation for the Georgian „Calendar Era‟.
3
Specifically the Sangam Tamil (Zevelebil 1974) and Greco-Roman texts, e.g. The Periplus
(Casson 1989; Schoff 1912).
4
For instance, Ibn Batuta (Lee 1829) and Marco Polo (Benedetto 1931; Yule 1993).
5
Cabral 1995; Barbosa, Stanley 1866; Varthema 2004.
6
For example, Francis Buchanan 1806: 419-420; and William Logan 1884: 39.
2

1

�Rajamanickam and V.S. Arulraj (1994:9-24) present the watercrafts from Tamil
and Malayalam literature. Other important studies include Lucy Blue's
Kattamaram Project 2005-2007, Jesse Ransley's The Backwater Boats of Kerala
(2008, 2010), and Ralph Pedersen's study on the clench-fastened boat (2010).
Archaeological excavations exposed an Early Historic canoe at Pattanam
(Cherian, et al. 2007a; Cherian, et al. 2007b; Cherian, et al. 2009) and a
medieval sailboat at Thaikkal-Kadakkarappally (Nair, et al. 2003; Pedersen 2004;
Selvakumar 2006a; Tomalin, et al. 2004). An Indo-Arabian type stone anchor has
been identified near Kannur (Tripathi, et al. 2005).
Several publications exist on Late Medieval boat-building (Appadorai
1936; Arunachalam 2008; Joseph 2003; Malekandathil 2001; Mathew 1997).
Despite these studies further investigations are essential for a holistic
understanding of boat-building in Kerala.

Figure 1. Map of Kerala (Drawing by Tangadurai, 2011) and Canoe from
Pattanam (Photo by Mohammed 2007).

2

�II. History of Boat-building
Prehistoric Age
Boat-building in Kerala, perhaps, extends to the prehistoric period. Kerala has
evidence for prehistoric cultures; especially traces of the early Holocene
microlithic food-gatherers who existed along the littoral of coastal/riverine
contexts (Rajendran 1989; Selvakumar 2006b). Kerala was perhaps first
occupied by the Homo sapiens, who might have migrated along the coast from
Africa in the Late Pleistocene (Petraglia, et al. 2009). Movement and fishing in
riverine/coastal regions were essential for their subsistence, and hence, there is
a possibility that rafts like kattumaram and teppam, which involve securing the
logs of wood/bamboo with creepers, emerged as an adaptation to the
environment.7 It is probable that dugout canoes were crafted using fire and/or
lithic tools.
In the later prehistoric context, i.e. post-3000 Before Common Era (BCE)8,
it is probable that the Harappa civilization (Ratnagar 2006) and its West Asian
counterparts interacted/traded with the microlithic communities of Kerala which
perhaps brought in new boat-building techniques.

Iron Age
Little research exists on the trade, navigation and boat-building of the Iron Age
communities (ca. 1000 to 500 BCE), which built megalithic burials with gravegoods for the dead (Gurukkal and Varier 1999). The iron implements suggest
advanced metallurgy, and the carnelian beads and bronze artifacts indicate longdistance trade. The factors such as political conflicts, internal exchange and longdistance trade would have required the plank-built boats, extended dugouts and
sails.
External contacts would have influenced the boat-building traditions of
Kerala. Colonization of Sri Lanka by Vijaya from North India in 543 BCE,
depicted in the Ajanta paintings, means that large vessels were used in India in
the Early Historic period (Panikkar 1947:32). In addition, the ships of the Indian
Ocean Rim9 would have visited the Iron Age Kerala greatly. Teak wood and
perfume of Kerala origin are reported to have been used during the time of King
Solomon of the Old Testament (Narayanan 2004:41) and the reference to the
land of Ophir in the Bible, identified with Kerala, if authentic, point to longdistance trade (Rawlinson 2005:102).

7

Such rafts are built by securing banana, bamboo and other light wood with creepers or plant
fibres. They are made even today.
8
BCE=Before Common Era, a designation indicating years before the beginning of the Georgian
Calendar.
9
By Indian Ocean rim, I mean the countries along the rim of the Indian Ocean from North Africa to
Southeast Asia, and also the islands of this Ocean.

3

�Early Historic (300 BCE to 500 CE)
The Early Historic period has comparatively better evidence. Pan-Indian
interactions, "rudimentary" urbanization, political conflicts, craft-specialization and
the Indian Ocean trade (Champakalakshmi 1996; Gurukkal 2010; Ray 2003;
Selvakumar and Darsana 2008) induced by the internal and external factors (e.g.
spice trade and Roman Empire) impacted Kerala. The Classical texts and
archaeological record attest to the vibrant trade and the multi-functional towns
with markets, ports and manufacturing and boat-building centres (e.g. Tondi,
Muciri and Nelkynda as discussed in R. Champakalakshmi 1996: 105-141.

Pattanam Canoe
Excavations at the Early Historic site of Pattanam (25 km north of Kochi),
proposed to be Muciri, produced the lower portion of a dugout (extended?) canoe
(6 m+) (Figure 1B), near a wharf with bollards of teak. Accelerated Mass
Spectrometry (AMS) Carbon14 (C-14) dates place the canoe in first century
BCE/CE (Cherian, et al. 2009; see Cherian this volume). The canoe, similar to
modern vanji, is made of Artocarpus hirsutus (anjiliy/aini) wood famous for
contemporary dugouts. With a carved frame in one end the canoe shows
evidence for caulking and repair with a piece of wood. The canoe perhaps was
used for the transportation of goods/people along the rivers and backwaters. The
Sangam texts refer to kazhittoni (canoe of backwater) that brought gold from the
Yavanar's kalam10 (PuranaanooRu, 343, Selvakumar 2008) to Muciri. Similarly
Pliny11 says that the Roman ships could not enter Muciri and, the goods were
transported in smaller crafts (Sastri 1939:53). Therefore, the archaeological
context perfectly matches with the texts. Was the smaller craft a kazhittoni or
some other type?

Texts
The Sangam texts mention several watercrafts including kalam, naavaay,
vangkam, timil, ambi and puNai (Subrahmanian 1966). The description and
context help identify their purpose, but not their design and structure. For nautical
terms in literature (Rajamanickam and Arulraj 1994; see Athiyaman this volume).
The last three crafts meant for coastal-riverine navigation were indigenous; while
the first two--sail-driven, sea-going vessels--in some contexts were non-local.
Periplus12 mentions about colandia and sangara (Schoff 1912:46) plying in the
Bay of Bengal and Southeast Asia which are considered to be outriggers of
Southeast Asian origin (Sakhuja 2009).

10

The texts often mention about nankalam. Nan means 'good' in Tamil and kalam refers to ships,
ornaments, weapons and pottery. Here is refers to ships. Yavanar means people of GrecoRoman and West Asian origin.
11
Pliny the Elder, who lived in the first century CE, was a Roman writer and naval commander.
His account gives details on the Indo-Roman trade.
12
The Periplus Marei Erithrei is a Greek navigational guide dateable to the mid first century CE
(Casson 1989). The name of the author of this work is not known.

4

�Evidence from South India
Moving east of Kerala, the Early Historic port of Azhakankulam in southern Tamil
Nadu, has two graffitio motifs of boat on pottery (Sridhar, et al. 2005). According
to Lionel Casson (1996) one specimen (Figure 2A) is similar to the Roman ships.
The sherd is broken and the double ropes of the second mast are very clear and
hence it matches with the Ajanta/Satavahana motifs and not with the mosaic of
the Ostia specimen (Figure 2C).
The coins of Satavahana (Sharma 1980) ruler Vashistaputra Sri Pulumavi
II have a double-ended ship having two masts secured with a single rope on
either side; the stern has a rudder (Figure 2B).13 The coins of Satavahana
Gautamiputra Yajna Sri Satakarni (Bajpai 1981:145; Mookerji 1999:51) have a
vessel with twin ropes on the exterior sides of the masts and single rope on the
interior, for better compactness to the ship. It appears to have a raised foreside,
and both types seem to be sea-going vessels.
In Deccan, the Ajanta paintings have several ship depictions (Figure 2D);
one type, carrying pots, has three masts and some carry animals (Mookerji
1999:39; Schlingloff 1976), which prove that large ships were used in India.
Pieces of teak, perhaps used in ships, were recovered at Berenike
(Abraham 2007:290), which might have come from Kerala. The volume of ship
traffic suggests possible repairing facilities in Kerala. The abundance of corroded
copper and a few tin pieces from Pattanam (Cherian, et al. 2007a; Cherian, et al.
2007b) indicates their probable use in ship building/repair, and it is not clear if
Roman ships were built in Kerala.

Figure 2. Watercrafts of Early Historic Indian Ocean Region- A Graffito,
Azhakankulam; B Motif on Satavahana Coin; C Motif from Ostia; D Pleasure
Boat motif, Ajanta

13

Wilfred Harvey Schoff (1912: 244) has different versions of the boats on the Satavahana and
Pallava coins; their accuracy is uncertain.

5

�Nature of Watercrafts
The evidence suggests four categories of watercrafts:
1. The raft types for fishing on the sea and backwater. While kattumaram
does not occur in the Tamil texts, maram does, and it means
ship/boat/raft (Subrahmanian 1966: 645)
2. Dugout canoe for transport of people and goods, and fishing.
3. Ambi of the Tamil texts which exchanged fish for paddy (PuranaanooRu
343) might be a plank-built or an extended plank-built type. It is
spoken of as including faces of horse and elephant. Did ambi have
a keel and the extension of which had animal figureheads?
4. The large sea-going ships, e.g. vangkam, naavaay and kalam with sails
and also colandia and sangara (Schoff 1912: 46). Interestingly, as
in English, kalam refers to both utensil and ship in Tamil. Yavanar
tanta vinai maaN nankalam in Akanaanooru 149 suggests the
Roman origin of certain kalams. The poets, not familiar with the
specific names of the Roman ships, used the generic label kalam.
The native crafts are precisely named with their functions; e.g.
kazhitthoni and ambi in PuranaanooRu 343. Naavaay could be a
ship of North Indian origin, as its root word naav is Indo-European,
not Dravidian, and vangkam, perhaps belonged to the Bay of
Bengal region.

Early Medieval (500 to 1000 CE)
Data on the watercrafts and the navigation of this period is scanty. However, the
ship motifs from the Pallava coins (Tripathi and Raut 2006) and Ajanta
(Schlingloff 1976) prove the importance of maritime activities. Vangkam occurs in
the Medieval Tamil texts (Appar Devaaram 1.84.7). Obviously state formation
and commercial interests in South India boosted navigation and boat-building.
Kerala witnessed the ships of West Asia, Coramandal coast, Southeast
Asia and China. Perhaps Islam and Christianity too reached Kerala during this
period. Increased evidence for trade occurs from the ninth century. The merchant
guilds of Anjuvannam and the Christian presence at southern Kollam in 849 CE
evidenced by the Terisappalli copper grants are noteworthy (Abraham 1988;
Subbarayalu 2001; Varier 2003:160). The Jamat mosque inscription (late tenth
century) at Patalayinikollam mentions about the guilds of Manigramattar and
Valanjiyar (Varier 2003:155; SII, 8, 162:69). The maritime empire of the Cholas
controlled southern Kerala and northern Sri Lanka, which further proves the
importance of boat-building so the empire could be connected. By the end of this
period Muslims were very active on the South India coast due to their interest in
the Indian Ocean trade.14 The West Asian navigation technologies might have
been introduced to Kerala. Beypore, north of Kozhikode, and other settlements
perhaps emerged as major boat-building centres.

14

Ghosh 1992: 362 suggests that Muslims were pushed out of Mediterranean trade by the
Christian states from the 10th century CE.

6

�Late Medieval (1000 CE to 1500 CE)
Evidence for boat-building of this period is available in Arab, Chinese (Karashima
2004a; Sen 2006), European and native (Payyanur Paattu, Antony 1994)
sources. The polities of Kerala which were in frequent skirmishes needed
watercrafts for political and administrative purposes. Reference to the
Kudiraichettis (horse traders) of Kerala occurs in Tamil inscriptions (Rangacharya
1919:1641). Merchants of Kerala were active on the east coast of India
(Karashima 2004b:7), Sri Lanka (Pathamanathan 2004) and Southeast Asia
(Selvakumar 2010).
South India witnessed the merchants from the Indian Ocean Rim. Idrisi
mentions about Fandarina (Pantalayinikollam) where ships of Sindh anchor
(Varier 2003:162). The Genizah letters of Ben Yiju mention about a nakkudha
named Nambiyar, perhaps a ship captain (Goitein 2001:430). The Cholas
dominated the eastern Indian Ocean in the 11th century and they took
expeditions to Sri Lanka, and to Southeast Asia to protect their maritime interests
(Kulke, et al. 2009). The Chola inscription at Krishnapatnam of Andhra (1256 CE)
mentions about the vessels named marakkalam15, thoni, vedi, padavu, kalavam,
kamarasavalli and turi (Karashima 2004b: 7). Three types of Chinese ships that
visited Kerala are mentioned by Ibn Battuta. Pantalayinikollam, north of
Kozhikkode, was a wintering port for Chinese ships and Chinese sources
mention southern Kollam as a major port (Varier 2003). Clearly West Asian
dominance and Chinese interest grew in this phase (Sen 2006).

Kadakkarappally Sailboat
At Kadakkarappally (N Lat. 9 95. 470'; E Long. 76 18. 41' ca. 35 km south of
Kochi, Chertala Taluk, Alappuzha dt), a damaged sailboat was excavated in
2002-2003 (Nair, et al. 2004; Pedersen 2004; Selvakumar 2006a; Selvakumar
2011; Selvakumar, et al. 2004; Tomalin, et al. 2004). This is the first significant
example of a large boat to be excavated in India (Figure 3).

15

Marikar, surname of certain South Indian Muslims is considered to have derived from
Marakkalarayar which means ship master/captain/owner (cf. Marakkalanaayakan in Barus
inscription, Subbarayalu 1994), the Tamil equivalent (?) of nakhuda/naquid (Goiten 2001).

7

�Figure 3. A General view (from south) of the excavated boat at Kadakkarapally
(Photo by Ralph Pedersen 2003).
It is a flat-bottomed, nailed and plank-built boat; intact length ca. 18.67 m,
width, ca. 4.05 m. The boat had a transom stern, partly disturbed, and a
curvilinear-pointed bow, which resembles kettuvallam. It had double masts, one
in the bow and the other amidships. It is made of Anjily wood (Artocarpus
hirsutus) and for the bulkhead Cassia fistula wood is used. Two C-14 dates of
Cal ad16 920–1160, average 990±70 years (Birbal Shani Institute of
Palaeobotany (BSIP, Lucknow) and Cal ad 1020–1270 (Beta Analytic), place the
boat between twelfth and fifteenth centuries CE. The boat displays a mixture of
technologies some of which do not survive in contemporary Kerala. The "lashedlug" technology has interesting parallels to methods used in Southeast Asia and
its compartments resemble the Chinese tradition.

16

'Cal' refers to calibrated age of the dated sample. It is the calendar age of the sample.

8

�Modern Period (from 1500 CE)
The boat-building scenario changed drastically during this period because of the
colonial presence (the Portuguese, Dutch and British)17 and the emergence of
maritime empires (Mathew 1997), and the lack of powerful local polities. A
dugout canoe of late historic period (Figure 4) was found at Uzhavur near
Koothattukulam in 2006, but many such finds in Kerala either go undocumented
or end up as firewood.

Figure 4. A Dugout canoe excavated at Uzhavur-Puthuvely, Kottyam District, and
Kerala (V.Selvakumar 2006)
The water-filled southern and central Kerala produce several varieties of
watercrafts. From the boat song of vanjipaattu to the Khalasi workers of Baypore
yard the boat-building tradition is very dynamic (Joseph 2003). Malayalam has
about 38 names for watercrafts (Rajamanickam 2004). Vanji is a canoe for
river/backwater transport; kettuvallam is a stitched plank-built boat used for largescale transport, and its modified version functions as houseboats; changnadam
(sangara) is used for ferries and palliOdam for ritual purpose; chundan vaLLam
for the boat race in Alappuzha is an important type. Iruttukutthi vaLLam was used
for piracy earlier. Caalattadi or kattumaram is used by the fisher-folk of Kerala.
churulan vaLLam, Odi vaLLam, veppu vaLLam and kochchu vaLLam are other

17

Modern and contemporary ship-building are not discussed in this paper.

9

�traditional craft varieties. Craftsmen of Beypore produce large vessels, uru18,
which are now manufactured mainly for West Asian customers.

III. Discussion
The internal and external dynamics have conditioned the traditional boat-building
in Kerala, especially in Southern and Central Kerala which have numerous rivers
and backwaters. The dugouts and rafts, which perhaps developed in prehistoric
Kerala as an adaptation to environmental conditions, have been in constant use;
however, their specific design has probably changed. Plank-built vessels,
extended dugouts and use of masts and sails might have been introduced in the
Iron Age when internal social complexities and external interactions intensified.
The find of the Pattanam canoe is no surprise as similar canoes are used
even today. Naavaay and vangkam were large seagoing vessels perhaps
manufactured by the major traders in the Early Historic. While the smaller crafts
were the products of day-to-day demands, the larger ships were the result of
long-distance trade and the capitalist enterprise of major traders and guilds or
political enterprise of the states. The chiefs did control the trade and used ships
for political and economic benefits.19 The Indian Ocean trade brought merchants
and watercrafts from different parts of the world to Kerala which might have led to
hybridization of boat-building technologies. Reference to "the well-crafted vessels
given by the Yavanar" in Tamil Akanaanooru poem 149 suggests that particular
ships were Greco-Roman in origin. The indigenous ships were also used in longdistance trade. The questions of joining planks through stitching and nailing in
the Early Historic period and their origin need more research.
Very little is known about the early medieval watercrafts but continuity of
early crafts is possible. From the 9th century the Indian Ocean witnessed
increased commerce, and West Asian communities dominated the Indian Ocean
trade (Arunachalam 2008). These communities with interest in Southeast Asia,
traded on a variety of goods, including horses which were in great demand in late
Medieval South India. Kerala along with the east coast of India was an ideal
ground for these communities due to its location in the sea route connecting
West Asia and Southeast Asia and the spice wealth. Therefore, the West Asian
boat design dominated in certain contexts. Perhaps the native trading groups
faced competition from the West Asian traders and it is probable that some of the
traditional Indian designs (e.g. Vangkam, Kalam) lost their importance. The
Beypore uru design is considered to be influenced by West Asian traditions
(Hornell 1920). According to Hornell (1920: 7), "the Malayali adheres to the
indigenous dugout design, the Arab type is largely built at those Mappilla centers

18

In the Mottupalli (1358 CE, SII XXVI, 635). and Krishnapatnam inscriptions (Karashima 2004b:
7), uru is the generic name for ships.
19
The Chera king Senguttuvan defeated his enemies/pirates on the sea and a Chera king was
'operating gold-yielding naavaay and other kalams would not pass his way (PuranaanooRu 126)
in the Early Historic period. PathiRRuppattu (II, Canto, 8-10) mentions about a Chera king, who
punished the Yavanar and took away their ship (?) with valuables.

10

�where the strain of Arab blood is appreciable, as for example at Calicut, Beypore
and Ponnani". However, this categorization cannot be extended to the past. It
needs to be researched carefully to understand if the Beypore design is entirely
non-local or any of the early Indian elements were incorporated in it. Craftsmen
of Beypore perhaps built boats of different types for various markets; and hence
they could have copied and experimented with a combination of technologies.
The Kadakkarappally sailboat, with Southeast Asian (cf. Manguin's 1996)
and local features, suggests that certain types were abandoned in the past. It
also proves that iron nails were used in medieval Indian boat-building, contrary to
the widely held notion (Selvakumar, et al. 2004: 79). The competition over the
Indian Ocean trade increased from the 15th century with the arrival of colonial
powers and large watercrafts were built in Kerala to fulfill their ambitions.
Several traditional watercrafts are used in Kerala and some of their names
occur in ancient texts. The absence of kattumaram in the Sangam texts is
puzzling; does maram in the texts refer to kattumaram? Or did it become popular
later? While the contemporary watercrafts can help us to understand ancient
navigation they are not static representations of the past navigation system.
Modification, abandonment and introduction of boat designs have been a
constant process due to social-economic and political demands. For example,
traditional watercrafts have disappeared in many traditional river crossings
("Kadavu') due to the new concrete bridges. The kettuvallams have been
modified into houseboats for promoting backwater tourism (Zacharias, et al.
2008).
Kerala has been the meeting ground for boat-building traditions of the
eastern and western Indian Ocean regions; so detailed research, documentation
and preservation of traditional boat-building methods are required for the growth
of nautical archaeology in Kerala and the preservation of traditional nautical
knowledge.

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18

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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>Kerala possesses rich maritime traditions dating back to the Early Historic period. A few types of traditional watercrafts developed indigenously and some are influenced by external contacts. Archaeological excavations revealed a medieval sailboat at Kadakkarappally in 2003 and an Early Historic canoe at Pattanam in 2007. The Early Historic Sangam Tamil texts refer to the watercrafts of Kerala. Traditional boat-building still survives in Kerala. This paper presents the evidence for traditional boats in Kerala, their historical context and the possible external influences, until the 15th century Common Era  (CE).</text>
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                    <text>ARCHAEOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY OF WORLD WAR II JAPANESE
AIRCRAFT IN AUSTRALIA: THE CASE STUDY OF HAJIME TOYOSHIMA’S
ZERO
Hiroshi Ishii (Flinders University, MA Student)

ABSTRACT
During World War II, the Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) and Army (IJA) carried out a series of air raids on
northern Australia. The Bombing of Darwin by the IJN on 19 February 1942 was the most significant foreign
attack in mainland Australia since the colonisation of Australia by the British Empire. One of the IJN Zero
fighters flown by a petty officer, Hajime Toyoshima, was force-landed on Melville Island, north of Darwin. The
pilot was subsequently captured by an Indigenous man, Matthias Ulungura, and became the first Japanese
prisoner of war on Australian soil. This study examines historical records and remains of Toyoshima’s Zero and
related materials currently displayed in three museums around Darwin to answer the research questions of why
and how the utilisation of the wreckage of Toyoshima’s Zero and related materials have changed over time.
Close examination with 3D photogrammetry recording of the wreckage shows characteristics of the early model
of Mitsubishi M6A2b Type 0 Model 21 carrier fighter and evidence of use of this aircraft wreckage.
Examination of related materials also indicate debatable authenticities. Despite the questionable legitimacies of
these related materials, exhibitions of museums utilize them in their attempted recreations of the past event.
Furthermore, those materials reflect the social value shifts that those items went through. This study focuses on
interactions between Australians, which includes the Indigenous people, and the IJN aircraft.

KEYWORDS: World War II, Aviation, Japan, Australia
LIST OF IMAGES
Figure 1. Toyoshima’s Zero, force-landed on 27 February 1942 (Photograph: Australian War Memorial).
Figure 2. 3D-rendered orthographic view of the Zero (Created by the author, November 2022).
Figure 3. A close-up of the Type 14 pistol, which is exhibited at the Darwin Military Museum as Toyoshima’s pistol
(Photograph: Author, 4 December 2021).
Figure 4. A bronze statue of Matthias Ullungura (left) and a three-blade propeller (right) outside the Patakijiyali Museum
(Photograph: Wendy Van Duivenvoorde, 27 May 2021).

INTRODUCTION
World War II (WWII) significantly impacted Australia, as it was the first time in postcolonial Australian history that foreign forces attacked the country. From 1942 to 1945, the Imperial
Japanese Navy (IJN) and Army (IJA) conducted a series of air raids in northern Australia
(Lewis and Claringbould 2020), combined with naval attacks by the Japanese and German navies
in Australian waters (Lewis 2010; McCarthy 2009a, 2009b, 2011; Smith 2008), which greatly
influenced the country’s establishment of a national identity independent from the British Empire.
The Bombing of Darwin on 19 February 1942 was the first and largest Japanese air raid in Australia.
During the raid, a Mitsubishi A6M2b Model 21 Zero (Zeke) fighter flown by Petty Officer
Hajime Toyoshima and launched from IJN aircraft carrier Hiryu, was forced to land on Melville
Island. Toyoshima became the first prisoner of war (POW) in Australia (Alford 2011, 38–39). The
remains of the aircraft and related materials, including the propeller, Toyoshima’s pistol and a
statue of the Indigenous man, Matthias Ulungura, who captured the pilot, are displayed in three
museums in Darwin and Bathurst Island, serving as significant mementoes of the war for Australian,
Indigenous, and Japanese history. This study focuses on how Australians and Indigenous people
have utilised the wreckage of the Japanese aircraft and related materials.

1

�RESEARCH QUESTION
As a research question, this study will focus on why and how utilisations of the wreckage of
Toyoshima’s Zero and related materials have transformed over time. This research pursues the
following four avenues to address the question. Firstly, historical documents and records of
Toyoshima’s Zero and related materials will be examined. Secondly, the current condition of the Zero
in the Darwin Aviation Museum will be recorded and analysed to observe any trace of utilisations.
Thirdly, related materials and displays in three museums (the Darwin Aviation Museum, the
Patakijiyali Museum, and the Darwin Military Museum) will be observed. Lastly, the gathered data
will be interpreted to understand human behaviours towards materials related to the war.
THE BOMBING OF DARWIN
The Bombing of Darwin occurred on 19 February 1942, several days after the fall of Singapore, and
was a combination of two raids. The first raid was carried out by IJN and led by Vice Admiral
Chuichi Nagumo and his First Mobile Striking Force (‘Mobile Fleet’). Even though the Mobile Fleet
is often called the ‘Nagumo Force’, later historians evaluate Nagumo as a ‘largely passive and not
terribly innovative’ commander (Parshall and Tully 2005, 17). Nagumo was, however, fortunate to
have talented young officers such as Commander Minoru Genda, who designed this raid as well as the
Pearl Harbor attack (Lewis and Ingram 2013, 50–51).
The first raid involved 188 IJN aircraft, including 36 Mitsubishi A6M2 ‘Zero (Zeke)’ fighters, 71
Aichi D3A1 ‘Val’ dive bombers, and 81 Nakajima ‘Kate’ bombers. Launched from four carriers –
Hiryu, Soryu, Kaga and Akagi – the aircraft attacked Darwin in the morning (Lewis and Ingram 2013,
286). The Kates and Vals dropped a total of 82,800 kg of bombs (Lewis and Ingram 2013, 88). Their
primary targets were merchant and navy ships in the harbour and port facilities, such as Stokes Hill
Wharf and oil tanks. Some bombs hit the city area and destroyed a post office, possibly because of
overshoots (Lewis and Ingram 2013, 82–83). Twenty-one ships in the harbour were heavily damaged
or sunk during the raid. The exact number is uncertain, but at least 252 people were killed, and 350
were injured during the first raid (Alford 2011, 34).
IJA carried out the second raid, which involved 54 land-based bombers, a combination of 27
Mitsubishi G4M1 ‘Betty’ bombers from Kendari in Sulawesi and 27 Mitsubishi G3M1 ‘Nell’
bombers from Ambon on the Maluku Islands in the Netherlands East Indies, attacking Darwin over an
hour after the first raid, at noon. The Nells and Bettys dropped a total of 32,050 kg of bombs and
primarily targeted the airport (Lewis and Ingram 2013, 233).
DESK ASSESSMENT AND FIELD SURVEY
Desk-based research was conducted before a field survey in Darwin to gather historical records,
photographs, and films to understand the interactions between people and the Zero. Primary sources,
such as historical photographs, films, and archived official documents and reports, were collected to
achieve historical accuracy, along with secondary sources like published books, websites, and
newspapers. The Heritage Branch, Northern Territory Government, and a local historian, Bob Alford,
kindly provided unpublished reports.
The collected data was utilised to aid the field survey in three museums: the Darwin Aviation
Museum, the Darwin Military Museum, and the Patakijiyali Museum on Bathurst Island. The Darwin
Aviation Museum exhibits the majority of the portion of Toyoshima’s Zero and is run by the Aviation
Historical Society of the Northern Territory (AHSNT) (Darwin Aviation Museum 2017). The Darwin
Military Museum is run by the Northern Territory branch of the Royal Australian Artillery
Association (RAAA) and has Hajime Toyoshima’s pistol in their theatre-like exhibition (Australian
Charities and Not-for-profits Commission [ACNC] 2022). The Patakijiyali Museum is run by the
Tiwi people and has a propeller from Toyoshima’s Zero and a bronze statue of Matthias Ulungura
2

�(O’Toole and La Cana 2017). As the examined materials were displayed in publicly accessible areas,
no permission was needed except for recording the Zero at the Darwin Aviation Museum.
EXAMINATION AND 3D RECORDING OF THE ZERO
The photographic examination and 3D recording of Toyoshima’s Zero, which are exhibited in the
Darwin Aviation Museum, were planned to analyse the identification, current condition and traces of
past utilisation of the aircraft. Permission to survey the remains of the Zero was granted by the
committee of AHSNT in May 2021.
3D recordings and modelling of cultural heritages and archaeological sites are technologies that have
recently been rapidly and widely adopted among researchers, especially maritime archaeologists
(McCarthy et al. 2019, 1–2). These technologies are applied to recordings of aircraft wrecks and
restored aircraft (Lickliter-Mundon 2018, 36).
For this research, photogrammetry was chosen as a 3D recording technique for three reasons. The first
reason is that photogrammetry requires neither any contact nor the destruction of recording objects
since it only requires photo shooting. The second reason is that photogrammetry can produce the
desired accuracy and data resolution for this research. Finally, photogrammetry only requires low-cost
equipment and one operator to record a feature.
HAJIME TOYOSHIMA ON MELVILLE ISLAND
Several Tiwi people’s testimonies mention their encounters with Hajime Toyoshima on Melville
Island. One Indigenous woman who first encountered Toyoshima on the island, Missus Aloysius,
described her encounter with Toyoshima in her letter to a friend. She described that Toyoshima tried
to communicate with them and even offered his watch to a boy they were taking care of (Lockwood
2013, 95). Although Toyoshima’s approach to the Indigenous people was peaceful, Matthias Ulungra
(Ngapiatilawai)’s disarming of Toyoshima as the first Japanese POW on Australian soil symbolises
their encounter with Toyoshima (Riseman 2018, 138). Matthias described the event details when he
approached Toyoshima from behind and told him, ‘Hands up!’ He took his revolver and a map
(Lockwood 2013, 96). Without any resistance, Toyoshima was captured, and his flying suit, his
Belgian .32 inch (8.1 mm) automatic pistol and his map were taken by Matthias. Later he was taken to
the Australian Army on Bathurst Island and handed to Australian Army Sergeant Les Powell (Piper
1995, 58). Toyoshima said he was an air gunner from Ambon, and his name was Tadao Minami. He
died during the infamous Cowra prison breakout in New South Wales on 5 August 1944 (Powell
2007, 91).
THE ROYAL AUSTRALIAN AIR FORCE’S INVESTIGATIONS OF THE ZERO IN 1942
Despite Toyoshima’s temptation to hide his identity and the existence of his wrecked Zero, Tiwi
people traced his movements and found the wreck site. In early March 1942, a team of Royal
Australian Air Force (RAAF) led by Indigenous men visited the site (see Figure 1). This was the first
time in WWII that the Allies captured a fully intact Zero (Piper 1995, 60). Squadron Leader Sergeant
Allan Beatty, one of the No. 13 Squadron (RAAF) from Darwin, led the investigation team and wrote
his report on 7 March 1942 (NAA 1942).
Since it was impossible to carry the whole Zero with their manpower, the RAAF intelligence team
partially dismantled the Zero, including all armaments, the engine, the rear fuselage and instruments.
Those parts of the Zero were later manhandled to the coast and then shipped to Darwin for further
inspections (Piper 1995, 60). Around 1983, the team leader – Sergeant Allan Beatty – described his
‘finding the empty oil tank of the fighter with a single hole and some metal about the size of a .303
bullet inside’, which might be the cause of the Zero’s malfunction and wrecking (NAA 1942). Beatty
kept ‘the small drogue from the pilot’s parachute’ from the site as a souvenir until 1993, the year in
which he donated it to the Darwin Aviation Museum (Piper 1995, 63).
3

�Figure 1. Toyoshima’s Zero, force-landed on 27 February 1942 (Photograph: Australian War Memorial).

REDISCOVERY OF THE ZERO
In September 1960, during the development of a road on Melville Island, the Zero was rediscovered.
The director of the Welfare Branch, Northern Territory Administration, Harry Christian Giese,
recognised the Zero as the first Japanese aircraft shot down on Australian soil and advised that it be
secured for future usage in a museum or similar facility. Eventually, the Zero was stored in a secure
area at Snake Bay, Melville Island (NAA 1971). From 1962 to 1969, the Returned Sailor’s, Soldier’s
and Airmen’s Imperial League of Australia (RSSAILA) Darwin Sub Branch and the RAAA Northern
Territory branch showed their interest in obtaining Toyoshima’s Zero to the Administrator of the
Northern Territory. The Tiwi people, however, refused to provide the wreckage (NAA 1971).
In late October 1977, after lengthy negotiations, the Milikapiti (Tiwi) Council agreed to lend the Zero
to AHSNT under a formal agreement. The remaining aircraft parts were shipped to Darwin and
secured in an AHSNT facility (Piper 1983).
THE CURRENT CONDITION OF THE ZERO
During the field survey for this research on 3 December 2021, 1,401 images of Toyoshima’s Zero
were taken with a Nikon D5600 digital single-lens reflex camera (DSLR) at Darwin Aviation
Museum. All images were successfully aligned with Agisoft Metashape, and a high-quality 3D
scanned model of the remains of Toyoshima’s Zero was created. Further, the 3D model of the Zero
4

�with one-metre scale bars was rendered with the 3D software Blender for analysis and display
purposes (see Figure 2). The round-shaped oil tank in front of the fuselage is a characteristic of an
early model of Zero, such as Model 11 or 21 (Hara 2001, 169). Furthermore, the wingtip from the port
wing displayed in the Darwin Aviation Museum shows folding and locking mechanisms. Assuming
the wingtip belongs to the front fuselage of the same Zero, it indicates either a Model 21 or 22 (Hara
2001, 277). Therefore, the Zero in the museum is likely identified as a Model 21 Zero.
The remaining parts of the engine mount on the Zero are physical evidence of the salvage operation
by the RAAF salvage team at the end of February 1942. Other missing characteristics of this
wreckage, such as the engine, the rear fuselage and instruments, match with information from the
RAAF salvage team’s report. Thus, this Zero can be identified as Toyoshima’s Zero.

Figure 2. 3D-rendered orthographic view of the Zero (Created by the author, November 2022).

TOYOSHIMA’S PISTOL
Although Matthias Ulungura described Toyoshima’s pistol as a ‘revolver’, Piper (1995, 58) and
Alford (1991, 20–21) describe Toyoshima’s pistol as a .32 Belgian automatic pistol with seven rounds
fully loaded in its magazine. This description of the .32 Belgian automatic pistol probably comes from
Australian Army Sergeant Lew Powell’s testimony. Since Powell was military personnel, it is
unlikely that he misidentified the calibre and characteristics of the pistol, while he would not have
gained any benefits from a false description. It is easy to identify the model of Toyoshima’s pistol as
the FN Model 1910 based on Powell’s specific description (Gorenstein 2022, Chapter 10).
A Japanese Type 14 pistol, however, is displayed as Toyoshima’s at the Darwin Military Museum.
This pistol is not likely to come from Toyoshima. The manufacturing year and month for a Type 14
pistol were engraved near its grip. In the case of the pistol in the Darwin Military Museum, the
manufacturing year and month can be read as ‘昭18.4’, which means ‘April 1943’ (Shōwa 18) (see
Figure 3), and it is more than a year after the capture of Toyoshima. There is a record that a
Mitsubishi Ki-46 Type 100 Command Reconnaissance Aircraft – the Allied codename Dinah – flown
by IJA Lieutenants Saburo Shinohara and Hideo Ura crashed north of the Bathurst Island Mission on
17 August 1943. Their bodies were buried near the crash site (Lewis and Claringbould 2020, 112).
The pistol currently exhibited as Toyoshima’s at the Darwin Military Museum likely belongs to either
Shinohara or Ura.
5

�Toyoshima’s pistol often appears in many stories and museums, such as the statue of Matthia, because
it is the direct physical evidence of his surrender. Since Toyoshima is the first Japanese POW
captured on Australian soil, the identity of who disarmed him later became a historical matter, and his
pistol symbolised the event. Since the social value of the event increased over time, Powel attempted
to reclaim the credit for the disarming of Toyoshima much after the war (Bellamy 1995, 63).

Figure 3. A close-up of the Type 14 pistol, which is exhibited at the Darwin Military Museum as Toyoshima’s pistol
(Photograph: Author, 4 December 2021).

STATUE OF MATTHIAS ULLUNGURA AND PROPELLER ON BATHURST ISLAND
As a plaque on the statue of Matthias Ullungura in Patakijiyali Museum indicates, the Northern
Territory Government built this statue in 2016 to commemorate the contributions of Matthias and the
Tiwi people during WWII (Figure 4). Despite Matthias mentioning Toyoshima’s pistol as a
‘revolver’, his statue holds an FN Model 1910 pistol which Lew Powell’s description influenced. It is
questionable whether the Tiwi people requested or benefited from this statue, given the oral history
and dance they have developed to represent this part of their history (Davidson 2015). It is more likely
that the statue is the government’s way of indicating interest in the Tiwi people and the shared past.
Though more research is required, a brief inspection of the picture of the propeller near the
Patakijiyali Museum attributed to Toyoshima’s Zero by Ken Lai, a curator of the Darwin Aviation
Museum, suggests the association is unlikely for two reasons. First, the propeller reduction gear and
the propeller shaft, which appear in the propeller on Bathurst Island, are still visibly intact on the
wreckage of Toyoshima’s Zero in the historical picture (see Figure 1). The propeller reduction gear of
Toyoshima’s Zero is still covered with a metal housing and surrounded by the cowling in the picture.
Second, the propeller should be bent backwards, since Toyoshima’s Zero force-landed. The propeller
on Bathurst Island (Figure 4), however, is bent forwards, indicating the propeller hit ground or water
from the side or back but not from the front. It is challenging to identify whether the propeller on
Bathurst Island originated from either a Japanese or an Allied plane because Sumitomo Metal
6

�Industries was licenced by American company Hamilton Standard in 1934, and the company started
to manufacture hydromatic propellers in 1938 for Zeros (Yoshida 2019, 76–78).

Figure 4. A bronze statue of Matthias Ullungura (left) and a three-blade propeller (right) outside the Patakijiyali
Museum (Photograph: Wendy Van Duivenvoorde, 27 May 2021).

SOCIAL VALUE CHANGES
From this research, historical narratives of Toyoshima’s Zero and related materials can be observed.
The Darwin Aviation Museum uses Toyoshima’s Zero as a medium to recreate the 1942 Bombing of
Darwin. The Darwin Military Museum pistol and the Patakijiyali Museum propeller are used to lend
legitimacy and authenticity to the host institutions. Meanwhile, status of Matthias Ulungura serves as
a tourist attraction. These narratives suggest that the social values of Toyoshima’s Zero and related
materials have also changed over time. Parallels can be observed elsewhere, as in the case of USS
Arizona in Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. During the war, the wreckage of the USS Arizona was utilised for
war efforts. After the war, the wreckage was heavily salvaged for relic collecting until the time came
in the 1960s when the wreck became a war memorial (Delgado 1992).
RE-CREATING THE PAST WITH MEDIUMS
All museums surveyed during this research attempt to re-create the event by utilising Toyoshima’s
Zero and related materials to some degree. In other words, those materials work as mediums to
connect visitors and the past event – the Bombing of Darwin. In the case of the Darwin Aviation
Museum, Toyoshima’s Zero is a medium to re-create past events. The pistol in the Darwin Military
Museum and the propeller at Patakijiyali Museum also serve as a medium through which to provide
legitimacy and authenticity to the respective museums, despite the questionable credibility of those
artefacts. Further, the creation of related materials, which are fabricated mediums, occurred in the
7

�cases of the Patakijiyali Museum (i.e., the statue of Matthias Ulungura). These cases illustrate how
mediums are significant in experiencing a past event and are also used for tourist attractions.
CONCLUSION
This study attempted to answer the main research question: Why and how have utilisations of the
wreckage of Toyoshima’s Zero and related materials changed over time? Four research aims were
addressed to answer this research question.
The first aim was to examine historical documents and records of Toyoshima’s Zero and related
materials. Through analysis of historical documents, value shifts towards Toyoshima’s Zero over time
were observed. The aircraft had value as an enemy aircraft during the war. After the war, it was
forgotten until its rediscovery. After its rediscovery, several stakeholders were interested in obtaining
the aircraft as a war relic and tourist attraction.
The second aim was to record and analyse the current condition of the Zero in the Darwin Aviation
Museum to observe any trace of utilisations. With the recording and analysis of the Zero in the
Darwin Aviation Museum, this study successfully identified the model of the Zero as an early Model
21 flown by Toyoshima; this study also examined traces of salvage attempts.
The third aim was to observe related materials and displays in three museums. With the observation of
museum displays, this research found the credibility of artefacts claimed to be Toyoshima’s pistol and
the propeller from his Zero questionable. Overall, the survey concluded that all three museums
attempted to re-create the event by utilising artefacts to some degree and I noted social value changes
over time.
The final aim was to interpret collected data to understand human behaviour towards materials related
to the war. As explained above, the social value of Toyoshima’s Zero and related materials has
changed over time. Historical records and the current condition of the Zero reflect these shifts.
Moreover, museums utilise Toyoshima’s Zero and related materials as mediums to connect visitors
with the re-created past event.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the Aviation Historical Society of the Northern Territory (AHSNT), Bob Alford and Ken Lai, for the
permission to examine Toyoshima’s Zero. I would also like to thank David Steinberg from the Heritage Branch, Northern
Territory Government, for his support of this project. This paper is based on the author’s thesis research. Thanks to my thesis
supervisor, Wendy Van Duivenvoorde.

8

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10

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                    <text>Assessing Historic Properties and Cultural Resources
in the Main Hawaiian Islands
Hans Van Tilburg
NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, Honolulu, Hawaii 96825, USA
Email: hans.vantilburg@noaa.gov
Dave Ball
BOEM Environmental Assessment Section, Camarillo, California 93010, USA
Email: david.ball@boem.gov
Abstract
Understanding the types and locations of significant archaeological and cultural
resources is essential to their protection. NOAA and the Bureau of Ocean Energy and
Management (BOEM) have teamed up to support an assessment of historic properties
and cultural resources in the main Hawaiian Islands. Objectives for this project include:
1) a database of verified, reported, and potential submerged cultural resources in the
Hawai`i Outer Continental Shelf; 2) a database of historic properties that could be
adversely impacted by alteration of the ocean viewshed; and 3) a management tool for
engaging Native Hawaiian communities in identifying significant marine areas for
offshore energy development planning purposes.
Key words: Resource Management, Hawaiian Islands, Indigenous community,
Mitigation, Viewshed
Origin of the Project
The remote main eight Hawaiian Islands are approximately 3,900 km from the North
American continent, 6,000 km from Japan, and 7,000 km from Papua New Guinea.
Their coasts and near shore waters represent, for the most part, a high-energy marine
environment subject to the prevailing northeasterly Trade Winds, open ocean swells,
Pacific storms, quake-generated tsunami, and passing hurricanes. There are few
natural harbors or safe anchorages, though fringing and barrier reefs provide some
protection. The warm clear waters are home to the Teredonavalis shipworm, and
currents and surge contribute to sand scouring and marine weathering of all artifacts.
However, compared to continents, the waters around the Hawaiian Islands drop off very
quickly. For instance, 300-600 m are typical depths for the three-mile limit around the

1

�island of O‘ahu. At these depths, historic wreck sites are little affected by the recurring
storms and tsunami events that impact the upper ocean levels.
Initiating a comprehensive and systematic documentation of cultural resources for the
marine environment of the main Hawaiian Islands (survey does not include the remote
Northwestern atolls) is a challenging and daunting task. No such comprehensive survey
has yet been completed, though some progress has been made in gathering specific
information regarding historic properties such as shipwrecks and submerged aircraft.
Hawai‘i’s high-energy marine environment has long been hazardous for mariners, and
hundreds of ships have been reported lost. But one of the most interesting challenges
for understanding underwater cultural heritage (UCH) in the islands is the fact that, until
recent years, the overall definition of cultural resources in Hawai‘i generally did not
included historic properties like shipwrecks, so commonly recognized as UCH in other
locations.
In general, the main focus of cultural resource efforts in Hawai‘i has been the
maintenance and preservation of indigenous cultural access, traditional practices, and
active human connections and relationships to marine species and culturally significant
natural resources. These are issues of immediate importance to local communities,
dynamic issues that bear directly on maintaining cultural practices and cultural identity.
The fact that shipwreck archaeology is relatively new to the islands is not due to a lack
of attention to cultural resources; just the opposite, it is due to the fact that cultural
resources and resource preservation, in the broadest sense, have been and are
overwhelmingly important in Hawai‘i. Historic properties like shipwrecks represent the
new element or “player” brought into an existing and much older discussion.
Historic wreck sites are obviously important to archaeologists and historians as unique
and non-renewable sources of information. They have also been important to Hawai‘i’s
recreational diving industry and even to fishermen as productive fishing sites.
Yethistoric wreck sites have not been part of the cultural resource discussion at a
program or agency level until more recent years. For instance, while cultural resources
are a large part of the 2012 Hawaii Ocean Resources Public Management Plan (Anon,
2012), shipwrecks or submerged historic properties are not mentioned within the

2

�document. Sensitivity to Hawai‘i’s unique history and a special sense of place is
required for understanding cultural resource governance in the islands.
This presentation focuses on a new and innovative resource management three-year
inventory project, the Maritime Cultural Resource Site Assessment in the Main Hawaiian
Islands, funded by the U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Ocean Energy
Management (BOEM), through an Interagency Agreement with the U.S. Department of
Commerce, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), National Ocean
Service. This project proposes new ways of conducting cultural resource inventory work,
methods that are better suited to recording information in a manner that recognizes
Hawai‘i’s investment in cultural resource management, and better suited to engaging
Native Hawaiian Organizations and communities, as well as accounting for the existing
values that archaeologists and historians bring to the mix.
The origin of this project is actually the State of Hawai‘i’s effort to reduce greenhouse
gas emissions and develop local energy independence. The State supports a mandate
to achieve 70% “green” energy independence by the year 2040. Offshore renewable
energy development will be a part of the effort to meet this goal. Understanding the
types and locations of significant archaeological and cultural resources will be essential
to their protection in the context of this coming development. Therefore, NOAA and the
Bureau of Ocean Energy and Management (BOEM) have teamed up to support the site
assessment project, producing the tools of the desk-based assessment for the entire
main eight Hawaiian Islands, prior to the specific proposal of any single specific
development project.
There are three main objectives for this project: 1) create a database of verified,
reported, and potential submerged cultural resources in the Hawai`i Outer Continental
Shelf; 2) create a database of historic properties on shore that could be adversely
impacted by alteration of the ocean viewshed; and 3) create a management tool for
engaging Native Hawaiian communities in identifying significant marine areas for
offshore energy development planning purposes. There are a number of important
benefits stemming from the overall goal of resource protection from potential impacts.
For NOAA the project will help meet the agency’s mandate to inventory historic
properties, and most importantly build on two decades of growing social awareness of
3

�maritime heritage properties in Hawai‘i. For BOEM the project will obviously facilitate
decision-making for offshore renewable energy development by providing the
groundwork for cultural resources review, helping make siting decisions more efficiently.
Finally, for Native Hawaiian stakeholders the project will (hopefully) better engage
communities with agencies prior to the proposal of activities that may impact resources.
Objective 1: Database of Verified and Potential Submerged Cultural Resources on
the Outer Continental Shelf
(Note: the volcanic islands of Hawai‘i originate in a denser oceanic tectonic plate, not a
lighter continental plate; hence, they have no actual continental shelf. Here the term
OCS is used to designate the main study zone from 3-200 miles offshore).
Objective 1, the inventory of verified, reported, and potential submerged cultural
resources on the Hawai`i outer continental shelf, will be the most familiar to maritime
archaeologists as it replicates, in part, the standard desk-based assessment tool
highlighted in UNESCO’s UCH Foundation courses, and published in the Training
Manual for the UNESCO Foundation Course on the Protection and Management of
Underwater Cultural Heritage in Asia and the Pacific (UNESCO, 2012). NOAA
sanctuary staff are currently examining primary and secondary archival sources and
developing a Microsoft Access database of confirmed, reported, and potential
submerged archaeological resources within the survey area. The project specifies the 3200 mile offshore Federal waters zone, but existing data for the near shore 0-3 mile
zone may be included as well, in order to make a more usable inventory. The targeted
archival sources include: the Hawai‘i State Historic Preservation Division records; State
and Federal shipwreck databases; the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum; internet
sources; maritime insurance companies records; the National Archives (e.g., customs
house records, wreck reports, Federal Admiralty court records, etc.); public, private, and
academic libraries; public and private maritime museums; historic newspapers
(including currently available translations of Hawaiian language newspapers), private
papers and collections; historic maps and navigation charts; archaeological site reports;
and federal, state, and private hangs and obstructions databases.
Though the shipwreck topics relatively new here in Hawai‘i, there is existing field
information in a variety of forms: numerous shallow water maritime archaeology site
4

�plans and surveys (SCUBA depths) by NOAA and University of Hawai‘i divers as part of
the Maritime Archaeology Survey Techniques courses; discoveries, images, and
informal reports by sport and technical divers; and multiple deep water site discoveries,
including high-definition video surveys, by the Hawai‘i Undersea Research Lab (HURL).
HURL was established in 1980 as a joint NOAA/University of Hawai‘i center with the
primary responsibility of advancing knowledge of the nation’s deepwater resources and
marine processes which are crucial for effective ecosystem-based management. HURL
has two three-person research submersibles; Pisces IV and Pisces V (Fig. 1).These are
battery-powered, one-atmosphere submersibles with a maximum operating depth of
2000 m (6,280 ft). They offer scientists direct observation through three view ports,
high-definition

video

cameras,

instrument

placement,

sample

collecting,

and

environmental monitoring. Though maritime archaeology and cultural resource
management has usually not been a priority for fully-funded missions, HURL has
investigated numerous maritime heritage properties during their pre-season training
dives, preparing both submersibles and pilots prior to the dive season (Fig. 2). Maritime
archaeologists have been able to take advantage of the excellent working relationship
between NOAA and the University of Hawai‘i, and the generosity and professionalism of
HURL Operations Director Terry Kerby and his staff, to gain unique data on deep water
discoveries.

Fig. 1 HURL 3-man research submersible PISCES V launching from
the submerged LRT.(C. Wollerman, HURL)
5

�Fig. 2 Deep water discoveries of naval aircraft circa 1938, one of many types
of resources found by the HURL team. (H. Van Tilburg, NOAA ONMS)
Several important documents and collections provide critical background information for
the UCH inventory, though some include only near shore (0-3mi) information. The 19891990 Hawaiian Fishpond Study including the islands of O‘ahu, Moloka‘i, Maui, Lāna‘i,
Kaua‘i, and Hawai‘i is the largest state-wide statistical survey of coastal fishpond field
data, supported by the Bishop Museum (DHM: 1989; 1990). Mifflin Thomas’s Hawaiian
Registered Vessels lists statistical and service data for selected ships of both the
historic Kingdom period 1800-1893 and subsequent Territory of Hawai‘i period 18931959 (Thomas, 1982). Thrum’s Hawaiian Annual 1842-1932, Honolulu features an
annual summary of marine casualties. Specific shipwreck losses can also be traced
through newspaper issues of the Pacific Commercial Advertiser (1856-1912) (later the
Honolulu Advertiser), as well as the local Star Bulletin (1912-2001).

Finally, naval

shipwreck and aircraft losses have been detailed in U.S. Shipwrecks in Hawaiian
Waters: an Inventory of Submerged Naval Properties (Van Tilburg, 2002) produced by a
grant from the Naval Historical Center in Washington DC (now known as the Naval
History and Heritage Command). Inventory work is continuing to build upon this
foundation.

6

�The existing and somewhat scattered field and archival inventory data is focused on 0-3
mile near shore resources and suggestive of three broad categories of cultural heritage
resources: 1) pre-western contact Native Hawaiian archaeological sites such as coastal
fishponds and fish traps; 2) 19th and early 20th century commercial transportation,
including whaling and sealing ships, Pacific cargo vessels, and inter island steamships
servicing the (former) Hawaiian plantations; and 3) military vessels, including surface
ships, submarines, and submerged naval aircraft. The offshore 3-200 mile OCS
inventory brings a new focus and new dataset to the fore.
Objective 2: Database of Historic Properties that could be adversely impacted by
Alteration of the Ocean View Shed
For Objective 2, NOAA sanctuary staff will conduct research in the office of the Hawai‘i
State Historic Preservation Division and develop a database of terrestrial properties that
could be visually affected from offshore renewable energy siting. The data to be
collected includes historic and archaeological information related to properties that are
nominated to, or are eligible for, listing on the U.S. National Register of Historic Places.
This may seem like an odd task for maritime archaeologists. For preservationists and
cultural practitioners, however, the connection is clear.
The National Register establishes criteria for measuring historical significance, an
important step in valuing and preservation heritage resources. Traditional Cultural
Properties, or locations associated with traditional beliefs or religious ceremonies, or
economic or artistic practices central in maintaining a community’s identity, may meet
National Register criteria and be protected (Shrimpton, 1990). Recently, the viewshed
or view plane of the ocean itself was interpreted as a type of historical “property” (Fig. 3).
Precedence was set in the review of the proposed Cape Wind (offshore turbine wind
farm) energy project in Nantucket Sound, Massachusetts (MMS, 2010). The Aquinnah
and Mashpee Wampanoag Native Tribes claimed that the proposed wind turbines had
the potential to degrade their essential view of the sunrise for religious ceremonies and
also the view of the ocean central in other rituals. In an island state like Hawai‘i, with an
active and engaged host culture, it is only natural that federal agencies begin to address
the issue of viewsheds of the ocean as they pertain to the cultural significance of
specific areas of the marine environment.
7

�Fig. 3 The raised Hawaiian temple at Pu`ukoholāHeiau National Historic
Site on the Island of Hawai`i, a place where cultural practices continue.
(H. Van Tilburg, NOAA ONMS)
Objective 3: Management Tool for Engaging Native Hawaiian Communities in
Identifying Significant Marine Areas
For objective 3, NOAA sanctuary staff will work with a Native Hawaiian Project
Facilitator to develop a consultative working group. The group will include members of
NOAA’s Maritime Heritage Program, the Facilitator, the BOEM contracting office
representative, and representatives from each of the main Hawaiian Islands (including
island districts and/or counties). The working group will coordinate and facilitate the
development of an analysis guide through a series of workshops, meetings, trainings,
and consultations, as necessary, held during the project. This analysis guide or
management tool will identify community heritage resource leaders, define common
terminology, establish protocols for handling sensitive issues, establish reciprocal datasharing for information validation, develop a list of topics that should be consistently
asked for by project proponents, and create a template for Hawaiian communities to
collect and hold information that can be queried internally with the ability to provide
summary results to external parties. That is a major paradigm shift. The project
proposes to grant communities greater ability to manage and control their own sensitive
8

�cultural resource information rather than automatically require them to reveal sensitive
information to government agencies. Information obtained from this project will provide
baseline information for Native Hawaiian communities, helping to recognize and
document marine areas of cultural importance. In short, the working group will develop
a guidance tool that will help local communities navigate through cultural management
discussions, particularly where those discussions involve sensitive resources and
critical marine areas.
The working group will then test the analysis document tool by conducting independent
case studies, identifying indigenous cultural landscapes within a pre-defined study area.
At its most basic, cultural landscapes are specific places where combinations of human
activity and natural forces have left a discernable mark or footprint on the environment
(Jensen et al., 2011). The landscape studies will begin with a Traditional Cultural
Property (TCP) and Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) analysis of Native
Hawaiian sites and resources within the selected areas (Fig. 4). These case studies will
focus on areas that include coastal land-based, as well as offshore, areas of Native
Hawaiian significance. Each case study will incorporate an area of one or more
traditional Hawaiian ahupua`a, a land division developed by ruling chiefs of the islands
in the 15th century which typically runs from the mountain ridge to the fringing reef,
usually encompassing an entire watershed. The types of cultural resource information to
be identified include traditional cultural properties in a maritime context, information
related to traditional gathering, hunting, fishing and other subsistence and commerce
activities, as well as those related to spiritual and ceremonial sites and activities. The
working group, workshops, and case studies provide an analysis guidance tool that
(hopefully) will assist local communities in conducting their own maritime cultural
landscape assessments. Familiar heritage resources like shipwrecks do not
automatically rise to the fore here, unless those types of resources are valued by the
community itself. Significance, in this instance, is not defined by government mandates
and enforced from above, but rather is more reflective of local values and generated at
the grass-roots community level.

9

�Fig. 4 The emergent walls of the Hawaiian stone fish traps and fish pond at
Kaloko-Honokōhau National Historic Park. (H. Van Tilburg, NOAA ONMS)
Project Challenges and Questions
The ambitious and innovative approach represented by this maritime resource
assessment project raises interesting challenges for Hawai‘i’s cultural preservation
efforts. The project will not be easy to complete. Discussions regarding cultural
resources are always lengthy and highly charged in Hawai‘i, and this is a complicated
project inclusive of a large amount of public input in a process that has no precedent
among the islands. The fact that local communities, in Hawai‘i and elsewhere, often feel
disenfranchised by development interests and may perceive that their access to cultural
resources deteriorates over time, engenders an understandable amount of wariness
among the public. Those who are familiar with Hawai‘i’s history also know that the
United States was clearly implicated in the illegal overthrow of the Hawaiian Islands in
1893, for which the presidential executive office issued a formal apology 100 years after
the fact. They also know that the diseases that flourished in the wake of the Western
discovery of Hawai‘i in 1778, followed by subsequent social and economic upheaval,
devastated the Hawaiian population, cultural practices and traditions, and very fabric of
Hawaiian society. Cultural practices, identity, and cultural resources are therefore
inseparable, and managing cultural resources is a complex and critical challenge in the
islands.
10

�For exactly these reasons, this project attempts what may be an improvement on the
way that cultural resources have been assessed, managed, and ultimately protected in
the United States thus far. If successful, local communities may be more empowered in
resource management decisions that affect their islands.

Because the underwater

cultural heritage falls under the larger definition of cultural resources, and UCH does
include a wide variety of historic and prehistoric properties, BOEM has therefore
included project support for the Asia Pacific Conference on UCH 2014 and is one of the
main APCONF conference sponsors. The project obviously has a contribution to make
in understanding the underwater cultural heritage of Hawai‘i, and just as obviously, parts
of the project go way beyond the definition of “underwater cultural heritage”. Or do they?
Considering the intense level of cultural resource engagement locally in Hawai‘i, and
also considering the passage of the international UNESCO 2001 Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, one might ask “where is the intersection
between these two efforts? Is there any? How much of what is considered “cultural
resources” in Hawai‘i is really included in the definition of UCH: “…all traces of human
existence that lie or were lying underwater and have a cultural or historical character”?
Clearly, shipwrecks are part of the UCH, whether or not they are popularly regarded as
cultural resources in Hawai‘i. And clearly, pre-Western contact lithic remains of stone
fishponds and traps, along with canoe anchors, artifacts associated with coastal villages,
and specific accumulations of ancient fishing tools, are part of the UCH resource base,
under “objects of prehistoric character.”But humans have been intentionally and
inadvertently shaping their environment, both terrestrial and marine, for a very long
time...much, much longer than the existence of any written definition of “traditional
cultural properties” or criteria from the National Register of Historic Places (Fig. 5). This
has led to the cultural landscape approach being used as the interpretive tool to
understand cumulative impacts to the environment in a more holistic fashion. Canall
these landscapes be UCH as well?

11

�Fig. 5 The plantation-era ruins of the industrial harbor at Mahukona, once
the entry port for the Kingdom of Hawai`i. The submerged steamship wreck
from 1913 lies to the left. The whole environment, harbor, and wreck, make
up the cultural landscape here.(H. Van Tilburg, NOAA ONMS)
One could pursue the merit of including or excluding a given resource as cultural
heritage for a long time. That is something of a theoretical exercise. Perhaps it would
be better, for our efforts in Hawai‘i, to approach the question from the local perspective
of the intended results. Definitions of landscapes and underwater cultural heritage and
cultural resources all serve a similar purpose: they are intended to promote the
understanding and preservation of resources that are valued for a number of reasons,
including maintaining cultural identity. Is it worthwhile to understand the cultural
resources and long-term impacts associated with traditional hunting, fishing, and
gathering activities in the context of potential UCH? Is it worthwhile to think broadly
about the definition of UCH, beyond the familiar shipwreck sites? The local answer is a
pragmatic “yes,” if by doing so, those “traces of human existence” that are valued by
communities as significant may have a better chance at being understood and protected.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the Bureau of Ocean Energy and Management for
making the project possible, and the dedicated staff of the National Marine Protected
Area Center for providing the impetus for the development of the cultural landscape
approach as it pertains to maritime heritage resources.

12

�References
Anon., 2012. Hawaii Ocean Resources Management Plan, Public Review Draft. Hawaii
CZM Program State Office of Planning, Honolulu.
DHM Planners Inc., 1989. Hawaiian fishpond study: islands of Oahu, Molokai, and
Hawaii / prepared by DHM Planners, Inc. and Public Archaeology Section, Applied
Research Group, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Honolulu.
DHM Planners Inc., 1990. Hawaiian fishpond study: islands of Hawaii, Maui, Lanai and
Kauai / prepared by DHM Inc., Public Archaeology Section, Applied Research Group,
Bishop Museum and Moon, O'Connor, Tam &amp; Yuen, Honolulu.
Honolulu Star Bulletin 1912-2001, Honolulu, Hawaii daily newspaper.
Jensen, J. O., Mather, R. and Gray, J., 2011. Viewing the Future through the Lens of the
Maritime Cultural Landscape. Sanctuary Watch, Fall: 2-3.
MMS (U.S. Minerals Management Service), 2010.Record of Decision: Cape Wind
Energy Project, Horseshoe Shoal, Nantucket Sound. U.S. Department of Interior,
Washington DC.
Pacific Commercial Advertiser 1856-1921, (becomes Honolulu Advertiser), Honolulu
Hawaii daily newspaper.
Shrimpton, R. H., (Ed.), 1990. National Register Bulletin: How to Apply the National
Register Criteria for Evaluation. U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service,
Washington DC.
Thomas, M., 1982. Hawaiian Interisland Vessels and Hawaiian Registered Vessels.
Seacoast Press, Santa Barbara.
Thrum’s Hawaiian Annual 1842-1932. Star-Bulletin Press, Honolulu.
UNESCO, 2012. Training Manual for the UNESCO Foundation Course on the
Protection and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Asia and the Pacific.
UNESCO Bangkok Asia and Pacific Regional Bureau for Education, Bangkok.
Van Tilburg, H., 2002. U.S. Shipwrecks in Hawaiian Waters: an Inventory of Submerged
Naval Properties. Naval Historical Center, Washington DC.
Hans Van Tilburg holds a BA in geography from University of California Berkeley, an
MA in maritime archaeology/history from East Carolina University and a PhD in history
from the University of Hawai‘i, where he ran the graduate program in maritime
archaeology and history. Hans has taught courses in world maritime history and
13

�published over 30 articles and book reviews, as well as several books. He has served
as a consultant for UNESCO’s cultural heritage program and instructor for UNESCO’s
UCH Foundation courses. He is currently the maritime heritage coordinator and unit
diving supervisor for NOAA’s Office of National Marine Sanctuaries in the Pacific.
Dave Ball is the Pacific Region Historic Preservation Officer and Diving Safety Officer
for the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM). Before joining BOEM he worked
for several archaeological firms in the Pacific Northwest. He received a BA in
anthropology from Sonoma State University in 1992 and an MA in anthropology from
Florida State University in 1998. Dave has over 20 years’ experience in archaeology
and has directed field research on both terrestrial and underwater archaeological sites
across the country, including inundated prehistoric sites, World War II shipwrecks, and
deepwater shipwrecks in the Gulf of Mexico. He is currently serving on the Board of
Directors for the Advisory Council on Underwater Archaeology.

14

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                  <text>In 2009, responding to the effort to protect the significant natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, the U.S. National Marine Protected Areas Center formed a Cultural Heritage Resources Working Group to provide expert advice on improving the conservation and management of maritime heritage resources. The resulting White Paper provided a series of recommendations to both the U.S. Department of Commerce and the Department of the Interior, including new definitions for cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes. Central to these recommendations was a strong endorsement for the Cultural Landscape Approach in the understanding and management of maritime heritage resources (or UCH). Subsequently, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administrationâ€™s (NOAA) Maritime Heritage Program has adopted the recommendations of this paper and is implementing a â€œmaritime cultural landscapeâ€ approach to the management of cultural resources within the National Marine Sanctuary System. Also as a part of this initiative, NOAA and the Bureau of Ocean Energy and Management (BOEM) have teamed up to support maritime cultural landscape studies of heritage resources by Native American Tribes and Native Hawaiian communities in the Pacific region. These projects on the U.S. West Coast and in the Hawaiian Islands demonstrate the necessity of adapting a broader range of recognized cultural resources and a more inclusive and participatory management and preservation process. Charismatic resources like historic shipwrecks will always provide unique information for archaeologists and historians, but we do ourselves a disservice if we focus solely on these types of properties, and neglect other perspectives and the broader nature of all types and traces of human existence that lie underwater.&#13;
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                <text>Understanding the types and locations of significant archaeological and cultural resources is essential to their protection. NOAA and the Bureau of Ocean Energy and Management (BOEM) have teamed up to support an assessment of historic properties and cultural resources in the main Hawaiian Islands. Objectives for this project include: 1) a database of verified, reported, and potential submerged cultural resources in the Hawai`i Outer Continental Shelf; 2) a database of historic properties that could be adversely impacted by alteration of the ocean viewshed; and 3) a management tool for engaging Native Hawaiian communities in identifying significant marine areas for offshore energy development planning purposes.</text>
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                    <text>Assessing Potentially Polluting Wrecks in US Waters
Michael L. Brennan (SEARCH, Inc., Deep Water Sector Leader)

ABSTRACT
The topic of this abstract fits within this session on threats to underwater cultural heritage (UCH) because of the
environmental risk posed by shipwrecks with petroleum cargoes. While many shipwrecks from the World Wars
are important parts of our cultural heritage, they also pose a significant threat to the marine and coastal
environment as the steel hulls containing their cargoes continue to corrode. A vital limiting factor in addressing
such pollution risks is that many of these wrecks lie in deep water and have yet to be located. Surveys to find
these wrecks, followed by assessment and management are required to prevent or minimize the adverse impacts
to our ocean heritage. Recent work using satellite detection of oil slicks has assisted in locating certain oil tanker
shipwrecks in deep water.

KEYWORDS Potentially Polluting Wrecks, World War II, oil spills, shipwrecks

INTRODUCTION
This paper studies the wrecks identified by the United States National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration (NOAA) as “Potentially Polluting Wrecks” (PPW), which are those that pose the
greatest risk of leaking or spilling their petroleum cargoes or bunker fuel and causing an
environmental hazard (NOAA 2013a). This fits within this session, “Major Threats to Underwater
Cultural Heritage” because most are considered historic under the US National Historic Preservation
Act (NHPA). More than half of the wrecks identified as PPWs are merchant ships from World War II,
which is a significant theme of national importance reflected in the programs for recognizing and
encouraging the historic preservation efforts in the United States. The risk of threats to conservation
of our heritage also refers to both natural and cultural resources under the World Heritage
Convention. Historic and archaeologically significant shipwreck sites that are also potentially
polluting therefore pose a risk to natural ocean heritage while being cultural sites also at risk
themselves of collapsing. In these instances, when a wreck suffers a loss of structural integrity due to
corrosion in the marine environment, the result is not only a loss of archaeological integrity as a
historic site, but as a catastrophic pollution event as the cargo that had been retained in the hull is
released. Under U.S. law, removing oil to prevent potential release from historic wrecks needs to
consider and attempt to avoid or mitigate any loss of the historic property.

CASE STUDIES
A handful of significant shipwrecks have undergone site assessment and pollution risk mitigation
through oil removal operations in the last few decades, but have typically been responsive to oil leaks
rather than proactive. The wrecks that still retain their bunker fuel and petroleum cargoes will leak
them into the ocean, and it is a matter of when rather than if. A major factor, therefore, is how much
cargo or fuel remains, which is determined by the amount of damage to the hull, what level of
structural integrity remains, the rate of corrosion, and how the wreck is situated on the seabed.
Several case studies speak to these efforts, here I discuss three: SS Jacob Luckenbach, USS
Mississinewa, and SS Bloody Marsh. Remediations of polluting wrecks have typically been conducted
as reactionary spill response rather than proactive remediation of retained petroleum cargos. However,
the approaches and methodologies employed on these early remediations have assisted in developing
our understanding of removal efforts and how to assess sites. The lessons learned from these

1

�remediations have informed later work and guided the various studies that have begun to standardize
approaches to pollution mitigation from shipwreck sites.
SS Jacob Luckenbach
In 1953, the 164-m C-3 freighter SS Jacob Luckenbach collided with its sister ship in the fog offshore
San Francisco when departing for Korea with full bunkers. All crew members were rescued as the
vessel sank to a depth of 53 meters (m) in less than 30 minutes. A series of mystery oil spills were
observed in the 1990s, and possibly going back as far back as the 1980s, and a group consisting of the
US Coast Guard, California’s Office of Spill Prevention and Response together with NOAA’s Office
of National Marine Sanctuaries (ONMS) searched for the source of these spills in 2001 (Symons and
Parker-Hall 2003). NOAA’s involvement as a trustee for ocean resources included the ONMS
because the wreck lies within the Greater Farallones National Marine Sanctuary protecting significant
natural and cultural resources. Leading up to this, thousands of oiled birds had washed up along
California beaches (Michel et al. 2005). Samples of the oil were chemically fingerprinted to the
bunker fuel carried on Jacob Luckenbach. A salvage operation was undertaken in May 2002 to
determine the amount of oil remaining on the wreck and remove as much as possible. Many of the
fuel tanks were found to have badly corroded piping and vents, which caused the oil to leak into cargo
tanks; the assessment identified numerous spaces on the wreck that were estimated to contain 540 tons
of heavy fuel oil (Michel et al. 2005). After 123 days on site, the operation removed 350 tons of oil
from the wreck.
The pollution remediation of the Luckenbach wreck was the first major one performed by the United
States. Its location in a sanctuary further complicated the effort due to environmental impact concerns
and mitigation. Approximately 85,000 gallons of oil were removed leaving an estimated 29,000
gallons of the oil within the wreck likely in small overhead spaces within the structure. The project
was also viewed as a restoration action that addressed the immediate threats to the marine life and
environment (Symons and Parker-Hall 2003).
USS Mississinewa
USS Mississinewa (AO-59) was a 553-ft T3-S2-A1 type auxiliary oiler launched in the spring of
1944. The oiler carried a cargo of 146,000 barrels of aviation fuel and Navy Special fuel oil (Gilbert et
al. 2003). While at anchor at Ulithi in the Federated States of Micronesia in November, the tanker was
struck by a kaiten, a Japanese human-piloted torpedo, which caused a large explosion that sprayed
fuel across the ship that set it ablaze. The aviation fuel caused a second explosion, followed by a final
one when the flames reached the ammunition magazine. The ship capsized and sank, extinguishing
most of the fires. Sixty-three sailors died in the attack. It was the first known successful use of a
kaiten (Mair 2008).
A team of adventure divers located the wreck in 2001 in the Ulithi lagoon at a depth of 38 m. Soon
after, a typhoon hit and caused the surrounding beaches to be “fouled by heavy oil leaking from the
vessel” (Gilbert et al. 2003, 175). The oil continued to leak for months causing the Governor of Yap
State to declare a state of emergency. U.S. Navy divers patched leaks in 2001, and then conducted a
more extensive oil removal operation in 2003. The bow of the tanker had been blown off during the
attack and lies at 90 degrees on its port side while the rest of the wreck is fully capsized on the seabed,
which presented the removal team access to the cargo tanks (Naval Sea Systems Command 2003).
Approximately 6,000 tons of oil was removed from the wreck and pumped onto a barge. Oil remains
on the site, but is only residual oil in the piping, likely less than 50 tons (Michel et al. 2005). The
removal operation was more straightforward than at the Luckenbach wreck due to the inverted
position of the wreck and the warmer waters, which made moving the heavy fuel oil easier and better
visibility for divers.
A similar oil removal operation was conducted by the U.S. Navy on the wreck of the German heavy
cruiser, Prinz Eugen in 2018. The vessel had been a target ship at Bikini for Operation Crossroads

2

�following its capture by the US at the end of the war. After the nuclear tests, the ship was towed to
Kwajalein Atoll, where it capsized and sank in shallow water against the reef. The removal operations
recovered nearly 230,000 gallons of oil from the wreck, which had been leaking into the waters of the
atoll (Naval Sea Systems Command 2019).
SS Bloody Marsh
Recent ocean exploration efforts located the wreck of SS Bloody Marsh in deep water off the coast of
South Carolina in 2021. The T2-SE-A1 tanker was sunk with two torpedoes by U-66 on its maiden
voyage from Texas to New York with a cargo of more than 100,000 barrels of heavy fuel oil (NOAA
2013b). After an initial attempt to find with wreck by NOAA ship Okeanos Explorer in 2019, we
were provided satellite data from colleagues in the UK who had found a series of oil slicks in the area
of the tanker’s reported sinking that had been repeating since the 1990s. A second mission with
Okeanos conducted additional multibeam mapping in the area and located a target, which when dived
on with the ship’s ROVs, was identified as the wreck of Bloody Marsh. The stern and area of the
engine room was severely damaged from the first torpedo strike, and the forward 100-feet or so of the
tanker were missing and this bow section is ostensibly somewhere nearby. The main part of the wreck
is the completely inverted hull, identified through its welded joinery and overall dimensions. The
welded seams and hull plates are fairly intact in this main section, and the leaking oil is likely
stemming from ruptured tanks near the areas of torpedo damage rather than corroding plate seams.
The wreck, however, due to its intact and inverted state, is expected to likely contains a large amount
of the oil cargo it carried.

RESOURCES
The resources available to conduct pollution risk assessments of potentially hazardous shipwrecks
typically start with desktop and historical research, followed by site inspection and then remediation,
when warranted. However, often, remediations are reactive rather than proactive and sometimes must
start with patching leaks and move to direct remediation and oil removal, as was the case with
Mississinewa. Studies like the RULET work, NOAA’s PPW study, and the International Oil Spill
Conference work by Michel and colleagues have done much to lay the groundwork for standardized
approaches to stepped assessments and informed remediations. Estimates of 20,000 PPWs convinced
Congress to appropriate $1 million for NOAA to identify and prioritize the most ecologically and
economically significant PPWs in U.S. waters for inclusion into USCG regional and area contingency
plans resulting in NOAA’s 2013 PPW study.
NOAA’s PPW study began with an assessment of nearly 20,000 historic era shipwrecks that had the
potential to pollute that lay within the territorial waters of the US Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).
Through systematic assessment and detailed historical research, as well as assessing available
archaeological data, the list was ultimately reduced to 87 shipwrecks that had the greatest potential to
pollute. However, fewer than half of the 87 wrecks identified as highest priority in the PPW study
have been found, in a large part because they were sunk away from the coast and lie in deep water.
While desktop assessments of historical accounts of petroleum cargoes and the sinking events are
essential, those only go so far. Locating and assessing the shipwreck sites themselves is imperative,
especially now that wrecks from World War II are now passing their 80th year in the marine
environment undergoing corrosion. Expanded efforts for targeted ocean exploration to find potentially
polluting wrecks is necessary to understand the scope of the pollution threat posed by these wrecks.
Since its 2013 study of PPWs, NOAA’s ONMS Maritime Heritage Program, and Ocean Exploration
assessed two of the 87 wrecks: MV Fernstream, wrecked in 1952, lies in shallow waters inside San
Francisco Bay, and SS Coast Trader, a World War 2 (1942) combat loss in the Straits of Juan de
Fuca, between the state of Washington and Canada’s Province of British Columbia. These
assessments determined that all the oil had been released when Fernstream sank, and approximately
half of the oil had been released when Coast Trader sank, but that the other half remained in the

3

�intact, and essentially non-corroded forward hull of the wreck. Bloody Marsh was the third such
assessment, this time undertaken by NOAA Ocean Exploration collaborating with the author. While
the wreck of Bloody Marsh was thankfully relatively intact and indicative of a stable hull, we also
learned that the hull was inverted and containing a substantial percentage of its cargo. It is not a
matter of if that will spill out, but when, and at what rate, either slow leaks or catastrophic.

FRAMEWORK
The research questions regarding addressing pollution concerns from shipwrecks include standardized
steps to be taken among stakeholders to best mitigate their pollution risks. While there is no consensus
on a single comprehensive approach for pollution remediation between nations who have dealt with
the issue, approach typically taken is incident specific and requires evaluation of the wreck,
environmental conditions, risk reduction, and potential for catastrophic pollutant release (Landquist et
al. 2013, 91; Etkin et al. 2009). The determination of a shipwreck as potentially polluting does not,
however, negate its significance as a historic site. While the pollution risk from wrecks can pose a
threat to ocean heritage, the potential hazard also poses a risk to the archaeological integrity of the
historic sites. NOAA’s Remediation of Underwater Legacy Environmental Threats (RULET) project
was designed to assist “in prioritizing potential threats to ecological and socio-economic resources
while at the same time assessing the historical and cultural significance of these nonrenewable
cultural resources” for shipwrecks in US waters (NOAA 2013a, 1). As a US agency, NOAA is
required to comply with federal laws that protect natural and cultural resources. Therefore, the
RULET work not only assessed which shipwrecks in U.S. waters might pose a risk of polluting, but
also whether they met the standard for listing on the National Register of Historic Places.
To narrow down the list of shipwrecks in US waters that could pose a pollution threat, the RULET
study used a series of risk factors to assess the potential structural integrity of those identified wrecks
and the oil remaining on board, and oceanographic factors that might influence removal operations.
These include the amount oil on board, if the wreck had been demolished as a risk to navigation, if a
large amount of oil was lost during the sinking, and the nature of the sinking event (NOAA 2013a,
ES-3). Responses included a variety of options from leaving shipwrecks alone and responding to leaks
or spills as they arose, to full oil removal and salvage. Intermediate options include background
research for wreck-specific response plans, site monitoring, and in situ assessments through remote
sensing and ROV documentation (NOAA 2013a, 74).
Factors affecting response options include the type and volume of oil on board, water depth and
visibility, location relative to shore, and other site factors like the wreck orientation. The study also
addresses the potential impact of remediation on shipwrecks’ historical integrity: “this vessel is of
historic significance and will require appropriate actions under the NHPA and the Sunken Military
Craft Act (SMCA) prior to any actions that could impact the integrity of the vessel” (NOAA 2013b,
6). Such assessments are important in protecting shipwrecks that are historically significant and war
graves. However, for many of the shipwrecks in the NOAA PPW study, they have yet to be located,
so the response options are high level and all encompassing.
The U.S. Coast Guard, which would lead, coordinate, and often contract for the remediation of
polluting wrecks, is required under Section 106 of the NHPA to consider adverse effects to the PPWs
that are also historic properties (Symons et al. 2014, 2024). In an emergency response situation, there
is often insufficient time to adequately comply with the NHPA, to determine if a wreck warranted
mitigation because it was listed in or was eligible for the National Register of Historic Places
(NRHP). What was needed was a proactive approach that streamlined the process. Thus, the
responsible federal agencies entered into the NHPA Section 106 Programmatic Agreement (PA) to
ensure that historic properties are considered in their planning for and conduct of the emergency
response under the National Oil and Hazardous Substances Pollution Contingency Plan (NCP).

4

�Following the larger contextual study, NOAA’s Maritime Heritage Program evaluated three
representative shipwrecks with a high pollution potential to determine which characteristics and
historical associations would be eligible for the NRHP, meet the definition of a historic property, and
would then be subject to Section 106 consultation should the Coast Guard move forward with
assessment and pollutant recovery activities (Symons et al. 2014, 2025). The three wrecks nominated
as tests were the WWII combat losses of SS Lancing, SS Empire Gem, and SS Coimbra. All three
were pollution risks and lie off the coast of North Carolina and New York. The results include how
they were accepted and listed in the NRHP.

RESULTS
The expected results of this combination of historical research and on-site assessments and
remediations is a greater understanding of how to efficiently and effectively mitigate pollution risks
from sunken oil tankers and other potentially polluting wrecks. Modern technology has allowed for
better access to sites in deep water and will continue to improve the process. However, not only are
there more potentially polluting wrecks that have yet to be found and assessed, there are actively
leaking wrecks in US waters and elsewhere.
Satellite detection of oil slicks, such as that which led us to the wreck of Bloody Marsh, has located
repeating slicks over areas of deep water that have yet to be explored, but likely point to the locations
of other PPW sites. However, the cost is high of bringing vessels and deep-water survey equipment to
those remote areas offshore. Additional dedicated funds and resources need to be brought to bear to
address these polluting sites. Some of these documented repeating slicks are off the eastern seaboard
of the United States along the path of the Gulf Stream and, were a catastrophic release to occur, could
oil a large area of the east coast shoreline (NOAA 2013a, 2013b).
Expanded ocean exploration, targeted efforts to find and assess potentially polluting wreck sites, and
the implementation of new technologies, such as satellite detection of oil slicks, is imperative to
addressing this problem and mitigating the environmental hazard these wrecks pose.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I’d like to thank The Ocean Foundation, Lloyd’s Register Foundation, Ole Varmer, Mark Spalding, James Delgado, and
Charlotte Jarvis for their support and assistance in preparing this manuscript.

5

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Etkin, D.S., van Rooij, H., McCay French, D., Risk assessment modeling approach for the prioritization of oil removal
operations from sunken wrecks. Effects of Oil on Wildlife. Estonia: Tallin, 2009
Gilbert, Trevor, Sefanaia Nawadra, Andy Tafileichig, Leonard Yinug, 2003. Response to an Oil Spill from a Sunken WWII
Oil Tanker in Yap State, Micronesia. International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 1, (2003): 175-182.
Landquist, H., I.-M. Hassellöv, L. Rosén, J.F. Lindgren, I. Dahllöf,. Evaluating the needs of risk assessment methods of
potentially polluting shipwrecks. Journal of Environmental Management 119 (2013): 85-92.
Mair, Michael. “Oil, Fire, and Fate: The Sinking of the USS Mississinewa AO-59.” WWII by Japan’s Secret Weapon.
Platteville, WI: SMJ Publishing, 2008.
Michel, Jacqueline, Trevor Gilbert, Jon Waldron, Charles Blocksidge, Dagmar Schmidt Etkin, Robert Urban. Potentially
Polluting Wrecks in Marine Waters, 2005 International Oil Spill Conference, IOSC 2005.
NHPA Section 106 Programmatic Agreement (PA) to ensure that historic properties are taken into account in their planning
for and conduct of the emergency response under the National Oil and Hazardous Substances Pollution Contingency Plan
(NCP) (2002, signed 1997) https://www.nrt.org/sites/2/files/Programmatic_Agreement_on_Protection_of.pdf
Naval Sea Systems Command, U.S. Navy Salvage Report, USS Mississinewa Oil Removal Operations. Naval Sea Systems
Command, S0300-B6-RPT-010, 0910-LP-102-8809, 2003.
Naval Sea Systems Command, U.S. Navy Salvage Report, Ex-USS Prinz Eugen Oil Removal Operations. Naval Sea
Systems Command, S1740-AK-RPT-010, 0910-LP-118-8301, 2019.
NOAA. Risk Assessment for Potentially Polluting Wrecks in U.S. Waters. 2013a
&lt;https://nmssanctuaries.blob.core.windows.net/sanctuariesprod/media/archive/protect/ppw/pdfs/2013_potentiallypollutingwrecks.pdf&gt;. Accessed 6 April 2022
NOAA. Screening Level Risk Assessment Package: Bloody Marsh. 2013b
&lt;https://nmssanctuaries.blob.core.windows.net/sanctuaries-prod/media/archive/protect/ppw/pdfs/bloody_marsh.pdf&gt;.
Accessed 6 April 2022.
Symons, Lisa, and Heather A. Parker-Hall. “The SS Jacob Luckenbach: Integration of NOAA Trust Issues into the
Response.” International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2003 1 (2003): 649-653.
Symons, Lisa J., James P. Delgado, Deborah Marx, and Erika Martin Seibert, A Means to Streamline Historic and Cultural
Resource Consultation and Compliance for Pollution Assessment and Recovery Activities on Shipwrecks. International Oil
Spill Conference Proceedings 2014 1 (2014): 2024–2036.

6

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                <text>The topic of this abstract fits within this session on threats to underwater cultural heritage (UCH) because of the&#13;
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are important parts of our cultural heritage, they also pose a significant threat to the marine and coastal&#13;
environment as the steel hulls containing their cargoes continue to corrode. A vital limiting factor in addressing&#13;
such pollution risks is that many of these wrecks lie in deep water and have yet to be located. Surveys to find&#13;
these wrecks, followed by assessment and management are required to prevent or minimize the adverse impacts&#13;
to our ocean heritage. Recent work using satellite detection of oil slicks has assisted in locating certain oil tanker&#13;
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                <text>Brennan, Michael L.. 2023. “Assessing Potentially Polluting Wrecks in US Waters.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Ole Varmer. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1902 </text>
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                    <text>Astilleros: the Spanish shipyards of Sorsogon
Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia
Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines
Email: mjlabolunia@yahoo.com
Abstract
When the Spanish colonizers reached Philippine soils, one of the earliest places they
occupied is the tip of southern Luzon including the San Bernardino Strait. The whole
area was known as Ambos Camarines and Albay. At present, it is the Bicol Region
comprised of six provinces. As one of the earliest Spanish-occupied areas, it was
exposed to Spanish activities like building of churches, government halls and
shipbuilding. Ancient shipyards called astilleros are found in Bicol. These were used for
construction and repair of the galleons that plied the Manila-Acapulco trade. This
present archaeological study looks into the shipyards of Sorsogon where three
shipyards were documented.

Key words: Astillero, Shipyard, Embocadero, Metal smelting, Seamanship
Introduction
The Spanish colonization of the Philippine archipelago (Scott, 1994, 1992; Arcilla 1971;
Pigafetta and Transylvanus, 1969) resulted in major changes in the lives of the peoples.
Communities lost their independence with the Spanish imposition of the plaza complex
resettling people within the government and church’s ambit (Jocano, 1998; Robles
1969). The majority of the local inhabitants were looked down by the colonizers
because of their different manner of dressing, eating and skin color while at the same
time surprised that these same people were very knowledgeable in seamanship and
metallurgy (Agoncillo, 1990; Jocano, 1998; Scott, 1994, 1992, 1977). Their knowledge
was exposed because of their ability to build different types and sizes of boats from
memory. Since the Spanish government had decided to maintain the Philippines, there
was a need to cut on cost both on the galleons and government. One measure was to
build the galleons locally through the astilleros or shipyards. Filipino involvement were
either direct through the actual construction of the shipyard, the galleons and as
seafarers, may be indirectly through metallurgy and related activities (Agoncillo, 1990;
Bolunia, 1995; Jocano, 1998; Mallari, 1999; Scott, 1981). The astilleros displaced many

1

�Filipinos because of their forcible transfer near the shipyard. Bicol experienced this. One
of its provinces, Sorsogon, was the location of several shipyards particularly in the
towns of Donsol and Pilar (Fig. 1). This present research looked into three astilleros in
Sorsogon. The objective is to find out why the Spaniards decided to establish astilleros
in this part of the archipelago and to validate what was written on documents by
archaeological evidences

.

Fig. 1. Map of Sorsogon Province. (NAMRIA)

Methodology
Library and archival research were conducted. Interviews with key cultural
consultants carried out. These were senior members of the population like Pedro
Nocido, 85 years old, resident of the astillero since he was five. Archaeological
activities included foot surveys, reconnaissance and excavations. Mapping of each
astillero was done to produce visual representation of the sites. Artifacts like metal
objects, earthenware and stoneware sherds as well as the features like furnace, ruins
of buildings were collected and drawn and included in the analysis. Laboratory tests
were conducted on some of the artifacts.
2

�The site
The Bicol Region is found at the southern tip of Luzon, with Sorsogon as its
southernmost province (Schurz, 1985; Bolunia, 1995; 1997; 1998).

It was a

favorable choice because it was directly located on the route of the galleons that
plied the Manila-Acapulco
trade. It had forests with
the

best

trees

for

shipbuilding

and

a

population

who

were

skilled in boat-building and
metal working. Sorsogon
is bounded on the north by
Albay, on the east by the
Pacific

Ocean,

on

the

south by San Bernardino
Strait, and on the west by
Ticao and Burias Passes
(Fig. 2). It has a total land
area of 2,141.4 sq. km.
The San Bernardino Strait
or the Embocadero
is the passage of all
galleons

(Malanyaon,

Fig. 2. Maps showing the location of the astilleros in the towns of

1991). Two of its towns, Donsol (above) and Pilar (below). (NAMRIA)
Donsol and Pilar, face the
South China Sea on the west.

Both towns are sheltered from typhoons. Both have extensive coasts dotted by bays,
coves and major rivers that are navigable (Fig. 2). The town of Donsol is at the
eastern side of the Donsol River (Dery, 1991; Goyena del Prado, 1981; Mallari, 1990).
Its land area is approximately 156.3 square kilometers comprised of flatlands and low
3

�mountains, streams and rivers, with Donsol River (12.908 0 N and 123.5980 E) as a
major river used for transport and food source. The town of Pilar (12.9260 N and
123.6760 E) is found east of Donsol with an approximate area of 248.1313 square
kilometers of forests, hills, rivers and bays. An extensive mangrove surrounds it for a
safe haven for boat and people.
The Astilleros of Donsol and Pilar, Sorsogon
Astillero is the Spanish term for shipyard. These were established during the Spanish
Colonial Period to cut on the construction cost of the galleons that plied the ManilaAcapulco route (Schurz, 1985), the lifeline of the Spanish government. Their
seaworthiness was of primary importance for an uninterrupted trade and exchange of
European goods and silver and Chinese trade ware ceramics, silks and precious
objects. The astilleros were either established at the mouth of a river like the Donsol
astillero or on a cove like the Pilar astileros. The two astilleros of Pilar are separated
by bodies of waters. One is inland while the other is nearer the sea. Both are
adjacent to deep waters. The more inland is Binanuahan Astillero, located at the Pilar
Peninsula. Prior to road networks, this can be reached by boat through Pilar Bay. The
bay is a natural harbor and a
natural barrier. The survey of the
site yielded artifacts like slag,
corroded iron nails, Chinese,
European

and

local

ceramic

sherds. Documented were ruins
of an old stone structure (Fig. 3)
with a floor area of 288 square
meters and thick walls (Bolunia,
2006).

Provisions

for

large

Fig. 3. One of the remaining walls of the structure in

windows were also evident. A Panlatuan Astillero. (Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia).
few meters away are remains of

the palm palisade anahaw (Livistona sp.). It is approximately 100 m long with only the
top visible during low tide. Two large wooden posts with a diameter of 40-50
4

�cm were also documented.
The Panlatuan Astillero (Fig. 4) is located on a cove. Deep waters, two rivers, an
extensive mangrove made it a favorable choice for an astillero including a vast
flatland and a hill. Corroded iron nails,
chain rings, bronze sheathing nails, iron tools, a porthole window, Chinese, European
and local ceramic sherds, brick tiles and Spanish coin were recovered. A large slag
concentration was also found on the northeastern side. Remains of large wooden
posts were equidistantly buried. Ruins of watchtowers

Fig. 4. The Panlatuan Astillero showing the location of the
various features associated with the shipyard. (National
Museum, Philippines)

and a warehouse were also documented including remains of a big gate (Bolunia,
Santiago and Penalosa, 2011). Two old deep wells were still being used by the
owners. The Donsol Astillero is located on the lower reaches of the Donsol River.
This astillero was established by reclaiming part of the mangrove around the area
based on the auger-coring conducted (Bolunia, 1997, 1998). It has an approximate
5

�Fig. 5. The team members, Mssrs. Penalosa and Toling, posing
beside the 3 m long anchor from the Donsol astillero. At right
is a scientific illustration of the same anchor. (Mary Jane
Louise A. Bolunia)

area of 11,000 square meters and thickness of 1.75 m with 19,250 cubic meters of
sandy clay fill (Aguilera, 1997). Survey, test and full-blown excavations showed that
296 square meters were used for various purposes (Bolunia, 1995; 1997; 1998).
Thousands of artifacts and ecofacts were recovered and the remains of the base of a
furnace (Bolunia, 1997; 1998). Iron nails and spikes, copper sheathing nails and cut
sheets, lead objects, Chinese and European trade ware ceramic sherds, animal
bones, shells, wood, lime, stones, Spanish bronze coins, and more than 400 kg of
slag were recovered (Bolunia, 1997; 1998). Earthenware moulds showing traces of
melted copper and clay tubes or tuyeres were also recovered. A three-meter anchor
was also found (Fig. 5). Coal, coke and charcoal were the fuel types recovered. The
coke was of high quality based the analysis conducted by the Department of Energy
(Bolunia 1998). Coal and coke are major ingredients in iron smelting together with
lime and the ore. Charcoal was sourced from the mangrove (Rhizophora sp.) that
grew abundantly around. It is a very good fuel because it burns longer and produces
a high temperature. The furnace was for smelting based on the slag, lime and burnt
surface observed. Iron tools like tongs, wedge, anvil were also recovered. Large
wooden posts, approximately 30 cm were also documented in the direction of the
6

�river. Previous studies on the Manila Galleon trade usually focused on the shipwreck
and its economic importance. Studies on the shipyards where these galleons were
built and repaired are few (Dery, 1991; Schurz, 1985). These assumptions were
arrived at after reviewing the available documents. The study of the astilleros showed
that the Spaniards took advantage of the favorable landscape of Sorsogon and its
strategic location in relation to the San Bernardino Strait. The Donsol Astillero was
studied extensively because of its accessibility (Bolunia, 1995; 1997; 1998). The
knowledge of the local people was picked when a three-meter Spanish anchor was
exposed after a flood in the1950s. Mallari (1990; 1999) writes that a shipyard was
built in Donsol where an encounter with pirates occurred resulting in the
abandonment of its anchor. Pedro Nocido, mentioned of the presence of the frame of
a big ship whose keel and ribs (frame) were eventually used as fuel. Furthermore,
Nocido described that the area was flatland planted with hardwoods. Linguistically,
the people residing in the Donsol astillero spoke the dialect spoken in Pilar. They are
the only ones not speaking the Donsol dialect. They attribute this to their ancestors
from Pilar which was a part of Donsol then. Nocido also mentioned that the Spanish
mestizo owner was a friend of the Pilar astillero owners. The presence of wooden
posts near the riverbanks can be associated with a pier. These wooden posts
approximately 30 - 40 cm were deeply buried for mooring. The posts have pointed
and grooved ends that would secure them. In the Panlatuan astillero, the wooden
posts were still firmly secured even if only 30 cm can be seen during low tide. They
were arranged either parallel or perpendular to each other.
The presence of stone structures point to a single construction architecture prevalent
during the Spanish period. The use of tiles as roof was observed as well as the
construction of thick walls using riverine stones and adobe tuff. They have big window
and door frames. The deep water well used adobe tuff while the watch tower used
riverine stones. Lastly, the fence that enclosed the Panlatuan Astillero also used
broken glass on the top for added protection. Based on the artifacts recovered, the
structures documented and the accounts given by the cultural consultants, the
astilleros were established to complement each other based on the types of activities
that were carried out. The Donsol astillero was used as construction and repair site
7

�and smelting site while the Binanuahan astillero must have been the administrative
site and the Panlatuan astillero the construction site and smelting site. It is easier to
smelt ore in Donsol and Panlatuan because of the rivers that can transport the coal
from its origin. It is also easy to roll the galleon once construction or repair work is
finished. The waters nearby are also deep; favorable for rolling the ship. In the
Binanuahan astillero, the remains of the palisade can be construed as a way of
securing the place of administration. The ruins point more to a building of commerce
because of the presence of big windows, a courtyard and doors.
It has been said by many authors (Schurz, 1985; Mallari, 1990; Dery, 1991, 1996;
Legarda, 1999) that the Bicol Region was the location of shipyards because of the
forests and its skilled boatbuilders. Bicol, especially Sorsogon, is dotted with bays
and coves as well as navigable rivers and streams that serve as transport system for
humans and cargoes. Sorsogon faces the famous San Bernardino Strait or the
Embocadero, the main access route for the galleons. Bicolanos, like the other boat
builders, were capable of building big and small boats (Cuevas, Ronquillo and
Santiago, 2006; Scott, 1981, 1994). Those who worked in the astilleros were not only
skilled boat builders and mariners but also skilled in handling metals. Up to the
present, there are still blacksmiths in Sorsogon making machetes and other objects
that may be requested.
Archaeological evidences have indicated that even as early as 500 BC there were
already inhabitants in the archipelago who had knowledge of metallurgy (Beyer, 1947;
Fox, 1970; Solheim, 2002; Dizon, 1988). Dizon (1979) in his archaeological
excavation in Sorsogon was able to identify some iron tools and implements that date
to 200 BC. This knowledge is thus presumed to have persisted until the coming of the
Spaniards. It is not the domain of this paper to tackle how this knowledge was
acquired. The shipyards of Sorsogon continue to beguile those who want to know
what these bastions of Spanish colonization looked like. At present, there are no
shipyards to construct galleons but many Bicolanos, especially those from the towns
of Donsol and Pilar are still making boats either for their own use or for commerce.
They still use their skills in choosing which wood is good for the keel and which

8

�should be used for other parts of the boat. They do not use blueprints or complex
tools. When asked, their ready answer is still “because it has been done that way”.
Discussion
Previous studies on the Manila Galleon Trade usually focused on the shipwreck and
its economic importance. Studies on the shipyards where these galleons were built
and repaired are few and scanty (Dery 1991; Schurz 1985). Their locations were not
specifically pointed out while the activities were left out for the reader’s own
interpretations.

These assumptions were arrived at after reviewing the available

documents. Based on the three astilleros, the Spaniards took advantage of the
favorable landscape and strategic location of Sorsogon. The Donsol Astillero was
studied extensively because of its accessibility (Bolunia 1995; 1997; 1998). This
location became a bane because many people decided to recycle the materials. The
knowledge of the local people was alerted when a strong typhoon hit the town of
Donsol in the 1950s flooding the whole town including the astillero. After the water
receded, a 3 m Spanish anchor was exposed. Mallari (1990; 1999) wrote that there
was once a shipyard in Donsol and an encounter with pirates occurred resulting in
burning the galleon thus the anchor. My cultural consultant, Pedro Nocido, also
mentioned of the presence of the frame of a big ship whose keel and ribs (frame)
were eventually used by the locals for fuel. Had I come a earlier, I would have seen it
lying on the shore. Nobody was familiar that the wooden frame was part of a ship
although they often heard that these ships went to the alta mar or high seas.
Furthermore, Nocido described that the area was flatland planted with hardwoods.
Unfortunately, when I did my study, only coconut and fruit trees remained in the
astillero.
Linguistically, the people residing in the Donsol astillero spoke the Bicol Pilar dialect.
They are the only ones not speaking the Bicol Donsol dialect. They attribute this to
their ancestors originating from Pilar which was part of Donsol then. The Spanish
mestizo owner was a friend of the owners of the Pilar astillero according to Nocido.
The wooden posts near the riverbanks in all the three astilleros can be associated
with the presence of a pier. These huge wooden posts approximately 30-40 cm in
diameter that were deeply buried were neither for houses nor trading centers. This
9

�can be seen in the Donsol astillero where these wooden posts had pointed and
grooved ends that would secure them from being swayed. In the Panlatuan astillero,
the wooden posts were still firmly secured on the ground even if only approximately
30 cm can be seen during low tide.

They were arranged either parallel or

perpendular to each other. The presence of structures in the three astilleros also
point to a single construction architecture that was prevalent during the Spanish
period. The use of earthenware roofing tiles, thick walls using riverine stones and
adobe tuff and lime mortar. The remains of the different structures are similar to those
other Spanish period structures that have big windows and door frames. The deep
well for water also used adobe tuff as building material. The foundation for the watch
tower also used riverine cobble stones. Lastly, the fence that enclosed the Panlatuan
Astillero did not only use cobble stones but also added imported broken glass on the
top for added protection.
Based on the artifacts recovered, the structures documented and the accounts given
by the cultural consultants, the three astilleros were established to complement each
other. This can be based on the types of activities that were carried out in the
different astilleros where there was no duplication observed. The Donsol astillero
was used as construction and repair site for galleons and smelting site too. The
Binanuahan astillero must have been the administrative site while the Panlatuan
astillero was also the construction site for galleons and smelting site for iron. It is
easier to smelt ore in Donsol and Panlatuan because of the rivers that can transport
the coal from Batan Island to the sites.

It is also easy to roll the galleon once

construction or repair work is finished and this same for the Panlatuan astillero. The
area was large and it was possible to conduct various shipbuilding activities. The
ruins of a watchtower as well as the possible warehouse and the large water wells
are testament to its size. Large amount of slag and the oily soil can still be seen at
present near the shore that would point to smelting activities before. The waters
nearby is also deep, favorable for rolling the ship once it is built or repaired. In the
Binanuahan astillero on the other hand, the remains of the palisade can be construed
as a way of securing the place of administration. The ruins of the structure point more
to a house or building of commerce rather than a storage structure because of the
10

�presence of openings for windows, a courtyard and doors. Unfortunately, it was
impossible to see the full extent of the palisade because of natural (tidal changes)
and human interventions. Interviews conducted with the locals confirmed the
impression that much of the astillero is already underwater because of the presence
of two river systems that meet nearby.
It has been said by many authors (Schurz, 1985; Mallari, 1990; Dery, 1991; Legarda,
1999) that the Bicol Region was one of the areas where shipyards were constructed
because it had some of the best forests where hardwoods can be found in addition to
its skilled boat builders. Bicol, especially Sorsogon, is dotted with bays and coves as
well as navigable rivers and streams that serve as transport system for human and
cargoes alike. Both natural and human resources made Sorsogon a good choice for
the establishment of astilleros with Sorsogon facing the famous San Bernardino Strait,
the main route of the galleons. Bicolanos, like the other boat builders in the country,
were capable of building big and small boats (Cuevas and Santiago, 2006; Scott,
1981; 1994). They were skilled boat-builders, mariners and metallurgists. At present,
there are still blacksmiths in Sorsogon making machetes. Archaeological evidences
have indicated that as early as 500 BC the inhabitants of the archipelago had
knowledge of metallurgy (Beyer, 1947; Fox, 1970; Solheim, 2002; Dizon, 1988, 1979).
This knowledge is thus presumed to have persisted until the coming of the Spaniards.
The shipyards of Sorsogon continue to beguile people. At present, there are no more
shipyards but many Bicolanos, including those from Donsol and Pilar still making
boats for their own use or for commerce. They do not have blueprints nor complex
tools. When asked, their answer is “because it has been done that way”.
Acknowledgment
I would like to acknowledge the help extended by the National Museum, Department
of Tourism-Region V, Department of Energy, Sorsogon Provincial Tourism Council,
Spanish Program for Cultural Cooperation, Drs. Francisco Datar and Meliton Ordillas,
Messrs. Rey Santiago, Melchor Aguilera, Antonio Penalosa, Alfredo Orogo and the
lot owners.

11

�References
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Donsol, Sorsogon.

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Arcilla, J. S., 1971. An Introduction to Philippine History. Ateneo de Manila University
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Outline Review of Philippine Archaeology by Islands and

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Legazpi

�Jocano, F. L., 1998. Filipino Prehistory: Rediscovering Precolonial Heritage. Punlad
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Robles, E. G., 1969. The Philippines in the Nineteenth Century. Malaya Books, Inc.,
Quezon City
Schurz, W. L., 1985. The Manila Galleon. E.P. Dutton &amp; Co., New York.
Scott, W. H., 1994.

Barangay: Sixteenth Century Philippine Culture &amp; Society.

Ateneo de Manila University Press, Quezon City.
Scott, W. H., 1992. Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino. New Day Publishers, Quezon
City.
Scott, W. H., 1977. Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History.
Revised Edition. New Day Publishers, Quezon City.
Scott, W. H., 1981. Boat Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine Society.
National Museum, Manila.
Solheim, W., 2002. The Archaeology of Central Philippines: A Study Chiefly of the Iron
Age

and

its

Relationships.

Revised

Edition,

University

of

the

Philippines,

Archaeological Studies Program, Quezon City.
Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia is the Acting Senior Museum Researcher and is
presently the Officer-in-Charge of the Archaeology Division. She earned her PhD in
Anthropology from the University of the Philippines. Her research interests include
prehistoric maritime trade and exchange. She has been working in Butuan excavating
the fourth and fifth prehistoric Butuan boats ca. 12th-13th centuries CE.

13

�</text>
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                  <text>Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region</text>
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                  <text>Introduction interview with session chair MarÃ­a Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted.&#13;
Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. </text>
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                  <text>Dr. MarÃ­a Cruz Berrocal</text>
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                <text>Astilleros: the Spanish shipyards of Sorsogon</text>
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                <text>When the Spanish colonizers reached Philippine soils, one of the earliest places they occupied is the tip of southern Luzon including the San Bernardino Strait. The whole area was known as Ambos Camarines and Albay. At present, it is the Bicol Region comprised of six provinces. As one of the earliest Spanish-occupied areas, it was exposed to Spanish activities like building of churches, government halls and shipbuilding. Ancient shipyards called astilleros are found in Bicol. These were used for construction and repair of the galleons that plied the Manila-Acapulco trade. This present archaeological study looks into the shipyards of Sorsogon where three shipyards were documented.</text>
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                <text>Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                <text>5/13/2014</text>
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                    <text>Ayutthayan Port Towns and Ceramics Trading in Southern Thailand
Atthasit Sukkham
Southeast Asian Ceramics Museum, Bangkok University, Phaholyothin Road
Pathum Thani 12120, Thailand
Email: atthasit.s@bu.ac.th
Abstract
Between 1350 and 1767 CE, the Ayutthaya Kingdom became one of the most important
trading centers in the region and a magnet for explorers, missionaries, ambassadors
and merchants from around the world, specifically from China, Japan, Southeast Asia
and Europe. Crucial to its success was the location of the capital of the Ayutthaya
Kingdom on the Chao Phraya River Basin and its territories in the northern,
northeastern, western, and especially the southern region. The southern region is
situated on the Malay Peninsula which the peninsula lies between the South China Sea
and the Indian Ocean, and has long been a vital strategic and communications link.
Archaeological evidence and historical records reveal that the important Ayutthayan port
towns in the southern region are comprised of Nakhon Si Thammarat, Chaiya, Thalang,
Songkhla and Pattani. A lot of Ayutthayan infrastructure, religious artworks and utensils,
such as temples, fortresses, town walls, Buddha images, rock art and mural paintings,
as well as trade ceramics were found there. The trade ceramics found in these five port
towns were from northern Thailand, Vietnam and China and they were used for
architectural decorations, luxury goods and kitchen utensils.
Key words: Ayutthaya, Southern Thailand, Port Town, Ceramics

Introduction
Between 1350 and 1767 CE, the Ayutthaya Kingdom became one of the most important
trading centers in the region and a magnet for explorers, missionaries, ambassadors
and merchants from Southeast Asia, India, Persia, China, Japan and Europe to make
relations and settle in the capital named Ayutthaya. Crucial to its success was the
location of Ayutthaya, which was amidst the irrigated fertile Thai heartland, set in a vital
strategic and communications link. The kingdom was ruled by the king with the royal
court in Ayutthaya and the kings were absolute monarchs with semi-sacred status that
derived from the ideologies of Hinduism and Buddhism as well as from natural
leadership (Garnier, 2004). The kingship was founded in 1350 by King Ramathibodi I
(1350-1369 AD) and lasted for over 400 years. The war between Ayutthaya and Burma
began in 1548 under the reign of King Mahachakkraphat (1548-1568 AD) and after that
1

�a combined strong force of Burmese armies invaded the northern and western
territories first, and Ayutthaya later capitulated during the reign of King Ukathat (17581767 AD) (Garnier, 2004).

A Brief History of Ayutthayan Port Towns in Southern Thailand
The Malay Peninsula is a peninsula in
Southeast

Asia.

approximately

The

land

north-south

mass
and

is

runs
the

southernmost point of the Asian mainland that
lies between the Gulf of Thailand and the
Andaman Sea.

The environment is tropical

rainforest and seasonal rains. The peninsula
also

is affected by the Southwest and

Northeast

monsoon

winds.

Ayutthaya

expanded its territory through conquests,
especially towards the south, where port towns
leading were located. Since the reign of King
Ramathibodi I (1350-1369 AD), Ayutthaya sent
troops to conquer all city-states of the southern
Fig. 1 A map of the territory of Ayutthaya
Kingdom and related archaeological sites.
(Atthasit Sukkham)

region. They became to be dependent cities
under the Ayutthaya

Kingdom, especially

Nakhon Si Thammarat. The reforms in the
reign of King Boromtrailokanath (1448-1488 AD) adopted a Mandala-style (based on
influence areas) tributary system and systematically developed new local government
organizations for all cities in the northern, northeastern, central, western territories and
especially southern territory. There were recognized to be three levels of city comprising
of “Inner Cities” (governed by the senior noblemen who were representatives of the
kings, situated close to Ayutthaya and listed to be quaternary-rank cities with lowest
level of security), “Outer or Chief Cities” (Phraya Maha Nakhon, governed by the senior
noblemen who were representatives of the kings, situated far from Ayutthaya to control
other dependent cities and listed to be primary-rank, secondary-rank and tertiary-rank
2

�cities depending on distance from Ayutthaya and level of security to protect the rebellion)
and “Tributary City-states” (self-government but Ayutthaya still requested them to send
tributes and military assistances), as well as independent city-state. A few Ayutthaya
archives from the Early Ayutthaya period (1350-1488), contemporary Chinese, Arabian
and European archives, and 16th to 17th centuries European maps (Suarez, 1999)
have identified the most important port towns in the southern territory of the Ayutthaya
Kingdom as:
1. Nakhon Si Thammarat as the chief primary-rank city (Fig. 1)
2. Phatthalung, Chumpon, Thalang and Chaiya as the outer tertiary-rank cities as well
as dependent cities under Nakhon Si Thammarat (Fig. 1)
3. Pattani as the tributary city (Fig. 1)
4. Songkhla as the tributary city between Early (1350-1448) and Middle (1448-1630)
Ayutthaya periods and liberated to be independent city-state in Late Ayutthaya period
(1630-1767 AD) (Fig. 1) (CNAL, 1999).
Ceramics Trading and Traditions
Since the late 14th century, Ayutthaya was also regarded as the strongest power in
mainland Southeast Asia. It began its hegemony by conquering the neighboring
kingdoms like Sukhothai and the surrounding cities of Kamphaeng Phet, Si Satchanalai
and Phitsanuloke (Fig. 1) during the reign of King Boromarachathirat I (1370-1388 AD).
Meanwhile, it also established official and unofficial relations with China and Vietnam,
especially regarding trade. Hence, the ceramics were one of the important products that
they exchanged. The Chinese Yuan (1280-1368 AD), Ming (1368-1644 AD) and Qing
(1644-1911 AD) ceramics, as well as the Vietnamese Tran (1226-1400 AD) and Le
(1428-1527 AD) ceramics were exported around the regions that were believed to be
the prototypes for Thai potters who tried to copy, specifically on the Si Satchanalai, San
Kamphaeng, Wang Nua, Phayao and Boh Suak kilns of the Sukhothai and Lanna
Kingdoms (Wong-on et al., 2013) (Fig. 1). As the domestic trades, the ceramic
productions and other businesses in the neighboring kingdoms were transferred to
Ayutthaya after the conquest, specifically the Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai kilns in the
northern territory (Wong-on et al., 2013). It also operated its own ceramic productions in
the central territory at the Bang Pun kilns in Suphan Buri (FAD, 1988), the Bang Rachan
3

�(Mae Nam Noi) kilns in Sing Buri (Sukkham 2013) and Klong Sra Bua kilns in Ayutthaya
(Yukongdi, 2009) (Fig. 1) but there was no any ceramic production in the southern
territory. The Si Satchanalai ceramics are only a group of Thai ceramics that were found
in the southern territory especially in Nakhon Si Thammarat. A Middle Si Satchanalai
celadon dish with engraved lotus and classic scroll designs dated in the first half of 15th
century were found in Nakhon Si Thammarat but the provenance is unknown (FAD,
2000). The Late Si Satchanalai underglaze black and brown and white jarlets (Fig. 2)
with floral designs dated from the late 15th to mid-16th centuries were buried
surrounding the Sri Lankan style of round stupa in the Chedi Yak Temple on the north of
Nakhon Si Thammarat but they have no human remains inside (FAD, 1986: 44). Other
Late Si Satchanalai brown and white jarlet was put
inside the great stupa of the Chanthat Tharam Temple
or Khao That Stupa on the north of Nakhon Si
Thammarat but it has no human remains inside as
well (FAD, 2013). All of these were produced and
exported from the Si Satchanalai kilns in the northern
territory between the first half of 15th century and 16th
century when the kilns were already transferred to
Ayutthaya. However, the ceramics from the Bang Pun,
Sukhothai, Bang Rachan and Klong Sra Bua kilns Fig. 2 Late Si Satchanalai underglaze
were not found in Nakhon Si Thammarat or other black jarlet (top) and brown and white
jarlet (bottom), late 15th to mid-16th
century, found in the Chedi Yak
Temple. (Nakhon Si Thammarat
National Museum)

dependent cities in the southern territory.

4

�Regarding

international

trade,

very few

Vietnamese ceramics were found in Nakhon
Si Thammarat as well. The first group
comprises of a Chu Dau blue and white jarlet
with painted flower and panel designs as well
as a blue and white covered box with painted
chrysanthemum, lotus and square panel
designs. These were put inside the great
stupa

of

the

Thao

Khot

Temple

on

southwestern side of Nakhon Si Thammarat
(FAD 2000). The second group is a Chu Dau
blue and white jarlet with painted flower and
panel designs which was put inside the great Fig. 3 Le Chu Dau blue and white jarlets, 15th
stupa of the Chanthat Tharam Temple (FAD, century, found in the Chanthat Tharam
2013)

(Fig.

3).

These

ceramics

Temple. (Nakhon Si Thammarat National

were Museum and 14th Regional Office of Fine Arts

produced and exported from the Chu Dau Department)
kilns in Hai Duong, northern Vietnam in the Later Le Dynasty around the 15th century.
The third group is from other kilns as a Go Sanh brown glazed jar with four handles and
the glaze stopping at the middle of the exterior which was also put inside the great
stupa of the Chanthat Tharam Temple (FAD, 2013). This jar was produced and
exported from the Go Sanh kilns in Binh Dinh, central Vietnam dated to the 15th century.
Another international trade is Chinese porcelain. The ceramics trade between China
and Southeast Asia appeared during the Tang dynasty (618-907). Since Yuan (12801368 AD) until Qing (1644-1911 AD) Dynasties, Ayutthaya had a good relation with
China especially on ceramics trading.
The Yuan ceramics marked as the oldest Chinese ceramics found in Nakhon Si
Thammarat in the Ayutthaya period (1350-1767 AD) are of unknown provenance. They
are two Longquan celadon dishes with vertical fluted on the interior that produced and
exported from the Longquan kilns in Zhejiang from the 13th to 14th centuries (FAD,
2000) (Fig. 4). Between Middle Ming and Early Qing Dynasties around the mid-15th to
late 18th centuries, the Jingdezhen kilns in Jiangxi, the Longquan kilns in Zhejiang as
5

�well as the Dehua, Cizao and Pinghe (formerly called Zhangzhou) kilns in Fujian
exported ceramics to Ayutthaya. The white glazed, celadon, green and yellow, blue
glazed, blue and white and overglaze enameled wares were found on the east coast of
the southern territory in Nakhon Si Thammarat, Chaiya, Songkhla and Pattani, rather
than in the west territory of Thalang (Chandavij, 1994). The details of typology and
provenance are detailed in (Table 1).

Fig. 4 Yuan Longquan celadon dishes, 13th to 14th century, found in Nakhon Si Thammarat. (Nakhon Si Thammarat
National Museum)

Nakhon Si Thammarat and Chaiya where the most complex Chinese ceramics are
found and those details are mentioned in Table 1. They provide data to categorize the
chronology in four different periods:
1. From the 13th to 14th centuries: the Yuan Longquan celadon dishes were found only
in Nakhon Si Thammarat but the provenance is unknown (Fig. 4).
2. From the 15th to 16th centuries: the Middle Ming ceramics between Chengtong
(1436-1449 AD) and Hongzhi (1488-1505 AD) reigns were exported to the east coast in
middle part of the southern territory. Most of them were used for religious purposes,
being buried around and put inside the great stupas of Buddhist temples. The ceramics
were found in temples in the town of Nakhon Si Thammarat, and just only one sample
was found in Chaiya. The Chai Na Temple on southwestern side of Nakhon Si
6

�Thammarat is where the Longquan celadon dishes of Chengtong to Hongzhi reigns
were found, with foliate rim and fluted fret designs on the interior sticking on a pair of
wooden pillars in front of a Buddha image inside the Early Ayutthaya style (1350-1488
AD) the great hall Maha Ut. The interior walls of the great hall also have a mural
painting with the stories of god, goddess and animals in the forest Himmavanta. A
Jingdezhen blue and white bowl of Chengtong to Tianshun (1457-1464 AD) reigns with
false unglazed rim and peony designs both on interior and exterior was found in Nakhon
Si Thammarat. Blue glazed jarlets of Chengtong to Tianshun reigns were found in
Chaiya.
3. During the first half of 16th to early 17th centuries: Ming Zhengde (1506-1521 AD),
Jiajing (1522-1566 AD), Longqing (1567-1573 AD) and Wanli (1573-1619 AD) reigns
exported the ceramics to the east and west coasts of the southern territory. Most of
them were buried in the earth surrounding the pedestal of stupa in many temples. The
Cizao green and yellow kendis and jarlets of Jiajing to Wanli reigns with engraved
flower designs was found in the Phra Khian Temple on the west of Nakhon Si
Thammarat, as well as in the temples of Thao Khot and Chedi Yak. A couple of Pinghe
blue and white jarlets of Jiajing to Wanli reigns with underglaze flower designs were
found in the Nangtra Temple on the north of Nakhon Si Thammarat. Pinghe blue and
white jarlet of Jiajing and Wanli reigns with deer designs associated with Jingdezhen
blue and white jarlet with flower designs dated from the same period were found in the
Wiang Temple in Chaiya. The ceramics produced at the Jingdezhen and Pinghe kilns –
which comprise of white glazed kendis, overglaze enameled dishes and kendis as well
as blue and white dishes, bowls, and jars from the Zhengde to the Wanli reigns– were
also found in every city, specifically Nakhon Si Thammarat, Pattani, Thalang and
Songkhla in the areas of Sathingphra and Hua Khao Dang Mountain. Moreover, a
couple of Jingdezhen blue and white dishes or Kraak wares of Wanli reign with complex
designs such as duck, flower and eight circle panel were found on the cave ceiling of
the Singkhon Temple. They were found together with other Chinese ceramics of the
Qing Dynasty that were assumed to have been used for architectural decoration in the
later period from the mid-17th to early 18th centuries.

7

�4. From the mid-17th to early 18th centuries: Qing ceramics between Kangxi (16621722 AD) and Yongzhen (1723-1735 AD) reigns were exported only to the east coast of
southern territory. They were used for architectural decoration on several kinds of
buildings in Buddhist temples. The Phra Mahathat Temple at the center of Nakhon Si
Thammarat (UNESCO, 2012) was found various types of ceramics comprise of the
Bencharong small dishes with flower and floral designs as well as the figure of deva
those ordered by Thai to produce at Dehua kilns around Kangxi and Yongzhen reigns, a
Dehua blue glazed dish, a Jingdezhen overglaze enameled dish with Arabian alphabets
or called “Chinese Islamic magic square” design as well as the Jingdezhen blue and
white dishes with complex designs such as basket of flowers, Artemisia and Thai
designs (Fig. 6). They were used for architectural decoration on several parts of the
great stupa of the Phra Mahathat Temple, specifically four sides of the pedestal of stupa
throne called Harmika and four side miniature stupas. The stupas were believed to build
since Sukhothai period (the 13th to 15th centuries) but the ceramics were possibly
decorated onto them in Late Ayutthaya period (1630-1767 AD). Between 1990 and
1991, the 14th Regional Office of Fine Arts Department at Nakhon Si Thammarat in
association with temple clergymen restored the stupas as well as the original ceramics
decorated on them were moved for preservation and display in the temple museum.
New replicas of ceramic for decoration on the stupa were made and placed in the same
position.

Fig. 5 Kraak ware dishes, early 17th century, sticking on the cave ceiling of the Singkhon Temple. (Atthasit
Sukkham)

The Singkhon Temple on the northwest of Nakhon Si Thammarat is other temple that
used Chinese ceramics for architectural decoration. Qing ceramics of Kangxi and
8

�Yongzhen reigns were found there, specifically the Jingdezhen and Dehua blue and
white dishes, as well as the Jingdezhen overglaze enameled dishes. However, they are
also associated with the above mentioned couple of Kraak wares, possibly used for
decorating the cave at the same time. All of them are still stuck on the stuccos and rock
surfaces of the cave ceiling. The stuccos on the cave ceiling are assumed to be Late
Ayutthaya designs (1630-1767 AD), but some archaeologists suggest the ceramics
were stuck in the cave temple in the Late Ayutthaya period (1630-1767 AD) as well
(Srisuchat, 1991) (Fig. 5). The square stupa called Phra That in Thai was built at the
mouth of the cave temple has similar characteristics to the Phra Borommathat Temple
in Chaiya and both were assumed to be from the Late Ayutthaya style (1488-1630 AD).
This square stupa also used ceramics from the Qing dynasty and the Republic,
specifically the Dehua blue and white stem dishes of Tongzhi (1862-1874 AD) to
Xuantong (1909-1911 AD) reigns with foliate rim and underglaze Shiitake mushroom
designs as well as the Jingdezhen overglaze enameled rids of Xianfeng (1851-1861 AD)
to Xuantong reigns with flower scroll and shiitake mushroom designs. Although the
square stupa was built in Late Ayutthaya period (1488-1630 AD), these Late Qing
(1736-1911 AD) and Republic (1916-recent) ceramics contemporary with the Early
Rattanakosin period (1782 to the recent period) suggests that the ceramics may have
been used in the restoration of the square stupa around the mid 19th to early 20th
centuries (Chandavij, 1994; Sukkham et al., 2012). All Chinese ceramics found in the
towns and temples around the southern territory mentioned above are mirrored in many
shipwreck assemblages in the Gulf of Thailand and the South China Sea, such as:

The late 14th to early 15th centuries shipwrecks: comprised of the Rang Kwien, Song
Doc, Turiang, Si Chang II, Maranei and Bakau. The mid-15th to late 15th century
shipwrecks comprised of the Nanyang, Khram, Longquan, Royal Nanhai, Pandanan,
Phu Quoc II, Belanakan, Brunei and Santa Cruz. The early 16th to early 17th centuries
shipwrecks comprised of the Hoi An, Samui, Si Chang III, Si Chang I, Singtai, Xuande
and Wanli. The mid 17th to late 19th centuries shipwrecks especially the Ca Mau and
Desaru (Flecker, 2001; Brown and Sjostrand, 2001; Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007;
Sotheby’s Amsterdam, 2007; Brown, 2009).
9

�Fig. 6 Qing Jingdezhen blue and white dish (left), Qing Jindezhen overglaze enameled dish with “Chinese Islamic
magic square” design (center) and Qing Dehua blue glazed dish (right), late 17th to early 18th century. (Phra
Mahathat Temple Museum)

Conclusion
The port towns in the southern territory of the Ayutthaya Kingdom located on the coastal
area of the Malay Peninsula connected the Southeast Asian, Chinese, Arabian and
even European maritime trade routes in the Gulf of Thailand on the east and the
Andaman Sea on the west. These port cities started their expansion from the late 14th
century onwards. In history, India, Persia, China, Vietnam, Japan, Portugal, Netherlands,
Britain and France established official and unofficial relations focused on trade with
Ayutthaya and its dependent cities. They also got permission to settle and open trading
stations in Ayutthaya as well as their branches in the port towns on the southern
territory. The most important port towns recorded in the Ayutthaya archives and
European maps since the reign of King Boromtrailokanath (1448-1488 AD) comprised
of Nakhon Si Thammarat as the chief primary-rank city, Thalang and Chaiya as outer
tertiary-rank city and dependent cities under Nakhon Si Thammarat, Pattani as the
tributary city and Songkhla as the tributary city in Early (1350-1448 AD) and Middle
(1448-1630 AD) Ayutthaya periods then after that it was later liberated to be
independent city-states in Late Ayutthaya period (1630-1767 AD).
The dependent cities, foreign relations and trade benefited from Ayutthaya through
agriculture products, forest supplies, ore mines and ceramic productions supplied for
domestic usages and monopoly trade, receiving some cultural influences including
tributes and military assistances and controlling travel and transportation between the
South China Sea and the Indian Ocean on the middle part of the peninsula. All port
10

�towns in the southern territory have yielded Thai, Vietnamese and Chinese trade
ceramics following Middle Si Satchanalai celadon (the first half of 15th century), Late Si
Satchanalai underglaze black and brown and white (the late 15th to mid 16th centuries),
Le Chu Dau blue and white (the 15th century), Go Sanh brown glazed

(the 15th

century), Yuan (1280-1368 AD) and Ming (1368-1644 AD) Longquan celadon, Ming
Cizao green and yellow (1368-1644 AD), Ming (1368-1644 AD) and Qing (1644-1911
AD) Jingdezhen white glazed, blue glazed, blue and white and overglaze enameled,
Ming Pinghe (formerly called Zhangzhou) white glazed, blue and white and overglaze
enameled (1368-1644 AD) and Qing Dehua white glazed and blue glazed wares. These
ceramics indicate the port towns in the southern territory specifically Nakhon Si
Thammarat, Chaiya, Songkhla, Pattani and Thalang connected with Si Satchanalai kilns
in the northern territory by the port of Ayutthaya, Chu Dau and Go Sanh kilns by the
ports of Ha Long, Van Don and Hoi An in Vietnam as well as Longquan, Cizao,
Jingdezhen, Pinghe (formerly called Zhangzhou) and Dehua kilns by the ports of
Fuzhou and Quanzhou in China. Nakhon Si Thammarat was possibly a dependent city
used to control the travel and transportation on the middle part of the peninsula to
Ayutthaya since of the complexity of the ceramics assemblages suggests this port to be
the first gate for international trading ships, especially the arrival of Chinese junks.
These ceramics were used for several purposes and can be categorized in four different
periods:
1. From the 13th to 14th century, imported luxury or utilitarian products.
2. From the 15th to 17th century, ceramics were buried surrounding the pedestal of
great stupa in a few Buddhist temples but no human remains inside them. They were
used for religious purposes. In additions, some ceramics were used for architectural
decoration but this did not become a tradition in the Early Ayutthaya period (1350-1488
AD).
3. From the mid 17th to early 18th centuries, ceramics were used as architectural
decorations in a few Buddhist temples. By the number of ceramics, they seemed to
indicate a decrease for other port towns in the southern territory in the period.
The ceramics found in land sites appear to be mirrored in ceramic assemblages
recovered from 14th to 19th centuries shipwrecks that sank in the Gulf of Thailand and
11

�the South China Sea. This confirms that the ceramics were shipped on maritime trade
routes by Southeast Asian or Chinese ships (Green, 2013) to points of destination in the
southern territory and other points of destination in Southeast Asia, India and Far East
Asia.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Dr. Pariwat Thammapreechakorn, Director of the Southeast Asian
Ceramics Museum, Bangkok University, for his comments. I especially would like to
thank the Organizing committee of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Conference on Underwater
Cultural Heritage, for publishing this paper and travel stipend assistance to attend the
conference.
References
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in Malaysia. Department of Museum and Antiquities, Kuala Lumpur.
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Identities and Knowledge of the Southern Thailand. Bangkok: Royal Thai Government.
Available at http://www.m-culture.go.th/knowledge-province.php?sub_id=529. (In Thai)
Flecker, M., 2001. The Bakau Wreck: An Early Example of Chinese Shipping in
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Fine Arts Department (FAD), 1988. Ban Bang Pun Kilns. Fine Arts Department of
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Fine Arts Department (FAD), 1986. The Guide to Nakhon Si Thammarat National
Museum. Fine Arts Department of Thailand, Bangkok, (In Thai).
Fine Arts Department (FAD), 2000. The Guide to Nakhon Si Thammarat National
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12

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�Garnier, D., 2004. Ayutthaya: Venice of the East. River Books Press, Bangkok.
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East Asia, the Question of Bulkheads. In The Museum of Underwater Archaeology
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Sotheby’s Amsterdam, 2007. Made in Imperial China: 76,000 Pieces of Chinese Export
Porcelain from the Ca Mau Shipwreck, Circa 1725. Sotheby’s, Amsterdam.
Srisuchat, A., 1991. Rock Art of the Historic Period in Thailand, Part I (Central and
Southern Thailand), Fine Arts Department of Thailand, Bangkok.
Suarez, T., 1999. Early Mapping of Southeast Asia. Periplus Publishing Group,
Singapore.
Sukkham, A., 2013. Variability in Ceramics of the Bang Rachan (Mae Nam Noi) Kilns. In
SEAMEO SPAFA, Proceeding of the First SEAMEO SPAFA International Conference
on Southeast Asian Archaeology at Burapha University, May 7-10, 2013 (DVD).
Sukkham, A., Sittrit, C., and Chalawsuntisakul, S., 2012. Ceramic Decoration on the
Buddhist Edifices in Surat Thani and Nakhonsithammarat Provinces. Muang Boran
Journal. Vol. 38 (2): 151-164.
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Wong-on, T., Thammapreechakorn, P., and Rooney D. F., 2013. Sukhothai and Si
Satchanalai Ceramics: Inspiration and Realization. Bangkok Printing, Bangkok.
Yukongdi, P., 2009. Development of ceramics production in Ayutthaya. Publishing PhD
Thesis in Historical Archaeology, Silpakorn University, Bangkok.
Biography
Atthasit Sukkham completed his Master of Arts in archaeology from Silpakorn
University, Bangkok and received an archaeology field research scholarship from
Southern Methodist University, New Mexico in 2010. He is currently Assistant Curator of
the Southeast Asian Ceramics Museum at Bangkok University, Rangsit Campus,
Pathum Thani.
13

�Table 1. List of the typologies and provenances of Chinese ceramics found in the southern territory of the
Ayutthaya Kingdom.

14

�</text>
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                  <text>Trade ceramics have usually been found together with other evidence in many ancient shipwrecks, harbours, ports, trade centers, hinterlands and burials around the world which were linked to international maritime trade routes. These were specifically Chinese, Indian, Southeast Asian, Middle East and European trade routes over a long period of history. Trade ceramics are virtually indestructible. They are also one of the most important sources of information for maritime archaeological studies concerning the dating of ceramics and shipwrecks, origins of ceramics, points of departure and destinations of ships and shipments, for instance. This session aims to provide an opportunity for specialists to contribute their knowledge on trade ceramics in multi-disciplinary approaches and foster international collaboration for ceramic studies from the shipwrecks, harbours, ports and related archaeological sites in near future. </text>
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                <text>Between 1350 and 1767 CE, the Ayutthaya Kingdom became one of the most important trading centers in the region and a magnet for explorers, missionaries, ambassadors and merchants from around the world, specifically from China, Japan, Southeast Asia and Europe. Crucial to its success was the location of the capital of the Ayutthaya Kingdom on the Chao Phraya River Basin and its territories in the northern, northeastern, western, and especially the southern region. The southern region is situated on the Malay Peninsula which the peninsula lies between the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean, and has long been a vital strategic and communications link. Archaeological evidence and historical records reveal that the important Ayutthayan port towns in the southern region are comprised of Nakhon Si Thammarat, Chaiya, Thalang, Songkhla and Pattani. A lot of Ayutthayan infrastructure, religious artworks and utensils, such as temples, fortresses, town walls, Buddha images, rock art and mural paintings, as well as trade ceramics were found there. The trade ceramics found in these five port towns were from northern Thailand, Vietnam and China and they were used for architectural decorations, luxury goods and kitchen utensils.</text>
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                    <text>Back from Oblivion: Deep Water Wrecks of World War II, Commemoration and
Protection
1

Blair Atcheson (Naval History and Heritage Command, Underwater Archaeology Branch
Program Manager)
2
Frank Thompson (Naval History and Heritage Command, Deputy Director of Collection
Management Division)

ABSTRACT
The paper as part of Session 4, Underwater Cultural Heritage of World War II in the Asia-Pacific Region:
Discoveries, Opportunities &amp; Challenges, provides an overview of some of the recent high-profile, deep-water
World War II shipwreck discoveries in the Pacific and how studying the data collected supports the Naval
History and Heritage Command’s long-term management strategies, approaches to policy and protection, and
commemorations. The case studies under consideration are the Battle of Midway Japanese aircraft carriers, USS
Juneau, and USS Indianapolis. The resources available to conduct the work include the data from surveys
conducted by Vulcan LLC and reviewed by the U.S. Navy’s cultural resource managers for sunken military
craft. The data set provides a unique opportunity for research and scientific analysis of deep-water wrecks that
are remarkably well-preserved and raises questions on how to address, through policy or practice, the new
challenges facing submerged cultural resource managers. The results provide an overview of the information
learned from reviewing the ROV footage of the wreck sites and how that informs the management approach for
other and future deep water U.S. Navy wreck discoveries by third-party researchers.

ABBREVIATIONS
AUV – Autonomous Underwater Vehicle
DON – Department of the Navy
NHHC – Naval History and Heritage Command
ROV – Remotely Operated Vehicle
UA – Underwater Archaeology Branch
U.S. – United States of America

FIGURES
Figure 1. Aerial photograph of the Midway Atoll, 24 November 1941. (Credit: U.S. Navy, 80-G-451086)
Figure 2. Image of one of the eight 8inch guns on the wreck of the Japanese carrier Kaga. (Credit: Vulcan LLC)
Figure 3. USS Indianapolis, 10 July 1945, with inset wreck images. (Credit: U.S. Navy, Vulcan LLC)
Figure 4. A comparison between the ship plan for USS Juneau and the wreck. (Credit: NHHC, Vulcan LLC)

1

�INTRODUCTION
In recent decades, the rapid advance and increased accessibility of ocean exploration technology have
made public ship wreck discoveries, particularly in deep water environments, more common. One of
the more successful groups was the ocean exploration team of Vulcan LLC, founded by Microsoft cofounder Paul Allen to locate and identify World War II ship wrecks. From 2015 to 2020, the team
discovered some of the United States (U.S.) Navy’s most iconic ships, such as USS Indianapolis (CA35) and USS Lexington (CV-2). The Vulcan exploration team was forthcoming, cooperative, and
responsible in their approach to locating WWII shipwrecks and provided the survey data to the
responsible government agency or museum. For U.S. Navy wrecks, the data was provided to the
Naval History and Heritage Command’s (NHHC) Underwater Archaeology Branch (UA) as the
managers of the U.S. Navy’s sunken military craft.
The mission of the NHHC UA is to manage, interpret, preserve, and protect the Department of the
Navy’s (DON) sunken and terrestrial military craft, which includes over 3,000 shipwrecks and 15,000
aircraft wrecks located world-wide and which date from the American Revolution through to the
Nuclear Age. In accordance with customary international policy and practice, the United States retains
right, title, and interest in and to any U.S. sunken state vessel regardless of location or the passage of
time. The U.S. government passed the Sunken Military Craft Act in 2004 to codify into law these
existing principles and, primarily, to preserve and protect from unauthorized disturbance all sunken
military craft that are owned by the United States, as well as foreign sunken military craft that lie
within U.S. waters. U.S. Navy policy recognizes these wreck sites as fit and final resting places for its
service members and, as such, prefers non-intrusive, in situ research on sunken military craft.
However, the Navy recognizes that disturbance and/or artifact recovery may be justified or become
necessary for archaeological, historical, or educational purposes. Therefore, the NHHC established a
permitting program to allow for controlled site disturbance.
Researchers are not required to obtain a permit from NHHC for non-intrusive, remote-sensing data
collection, but are encouraged to coordinate such activities with NHHC. With such a large, global
collection of submerged cultural resources, the NHHC is reliant on responsible divers and third-party
researchers to provide invaluable information on these wreck sites. The data is closely reviewed to
confirm the identity of a wreck, to document the state of preservation of a site, and/or to enhance our
understanding and tell the story of the ship and its crew. The search and data reviews of the Japanese
wrecks at Midway, USS Indianapolis, and USS Juneau have expanded our understanding of each site
and continue to inform NHHC’s submerged resource management approach.
MIDWAY
In the remote reaches of the western Hawaiian Archipelago sits a small atoll consisting of two islands
and a lagoon. The atoll gets its name, Midway, from its location roughly equidistant from North
America and Asia. Given its central location, the atoll was an important U.S. Navy base for aircraft
and ships traversing the Pacific, and would become the spot of one of the most important
confrontations between the Imperial Japanese Navy and the United States Navy - the Battle of
Midway.

2

�Figure 1. Aerial photograph, looking just south of west across the southern side of Midway atoll, 24 November 1941.
Eastern Island, the site of Midway's airfield, is in the foreground. Sand Island, location of most other base facilities, is
across the entrance channel. Official U.S. Navy Photograph, now in the collections of the U.S. National Archives. (US
Navy Photograph #80-G-451086).

In 1941, the Imperial Japanese Navy wielded one of the most awesome instruments of warfare the
world had ever seen, the Kido Butai - a strike force made up of six aircraft carriers and their air
groups supported by escorts of battleships, cruisers, and destroyers. Under the command Vice
Admiral Chuichi Nagumo, the Kido Butai swept all enemies aside as it conducted operations across
the Pacific and Indian Oceans (Fuchida and Okumiya 1955). Until 4 June 1942, when the Kido Butai,
downed two carriers damaged at the Battle of the Coral Sea, faced an American force of three carriers
and their escorts, plus land-based aircraft operating from Midway. By the end of the day, the U.S.
Navy had won a major victory; all four of the Kido Butai’s aircraft carriers and their air groups were
destroyed against the loss of one U.S. carrier and a destroyer. With this victory, the U.S. began to turn
the tide of war in the Pacific. To the U.S. Navy, the Battle of Midway remains a pivotal moment in its
history and is the subject of yearly commemorations.
Only one carrier wreck, USS Yorktown (CV-5), had previously been located from the battle, alongside
possible debris from the Japanese carrier Kaga (Ballard 1999). In 2019, Vulcan launched a survey to
locate the Japanese wrecks of Kaga, Akagi, Soryu, and Hiryu. The expedition cast off on 31 August
2019 from Honolulu Harbor aboard the R/V Petrel, a 3400-ton vessel measuring 76.45 meters (m) in
length with a 15 meter beam. Petrel deployed with a crew of twenty and ten project team members,
which included a subject matter expert from the NHHC. The vessel embarked with an autonomous
underwater vehicle (AUV), a REMUS 6000, and a custom built remotely operated vehicle (ROV), an
ARGUS Bathysaurus XL79 equipped with two high-resolution forward-facing cameras and a
forward-mounted Kongsberg MS 1171 scanning sonar unit to aid navigation. Both vehicles were rated
for 6000 m.

3

�With records collected from years of archival research and study of secondary sources, the expedition
team decided to concentrate the search on Akagi, Kaga, and Soryu. As they were disabled at the same
time during the battle, it was possible that their wrecks would be close to each other. Here, the book
“Shattered Sword” proved invaluable (Parshall and Tulley 2005). The authors provided accounts from
surviving crewmen on each carrier during and after the air attacks. Soryu, the smallest carrier in the
Kido Butai, was heavily hit by three bombs and left a drifting wreck. Kaga, the largest of the carriers,
was hit by five bombs which destroyed the flight deck and hangars. However, there was evidence that
the propulsion plan was able to maintain steam up to a speed of about four knots. Furthermore, the
war patrol report from the submarine USS Nautilus (SS-168), which fired a torpedo at Kaga after the
dive bombing attack, provided a location reference that was used to plot the search area (DON 1942).
Akagi, the flagship, suffered one direct hit and a near miss that disabled the steering gear. The direct
hit destroyed the carrier’s primary firefighting system, preventing her crew from quenching the
growing conflagration in her hangars and flight deck. Later in the morning, the ship’s engines came
back on, leaving the ship steaming in circles. Taking all of these factors into account, the search began
on 7 September 2019.

Figure 2. Video image of one of the eight inch guns on the wreck of the Japanese carrier Kaga. (Credit: Vulcan LLC).

The AUV was programed to run a series of five tracks over 13 hours. Unfortunately, a software glitch
created a vibration in the AUV that caused some distortion in the data readout. Despite updates from
the manufacturer, the problem was never fully resolved, but the data remained decipherable.
However, the seafloor ensonification proved deceptive. Instead of presenting a clear debris trail, the
contacts in the data did not point in any one direction to follow (Paul Mayer pers comm 2023). On 13
September, after running a search of over 600 nautical square miles (nm2), a promising contact was
noted on the bottom at about 5,500 m. A high resolution side-scan pass revealed the impression of a
carrier. The dimensions of the contact eliminated Soryu as a candidate. The tethered ROV was
deployed to investigate the target starting on the aft starboard side quarter of the wreck. The wreck
had plowed into the bottom and buried itself up to the degaussing cable. One of the first noticeable
features was the barrel of an eight-inch gun. That image confirmed that the wreck was either Akagi or
Kaga. According to the ship’s data, Akagi had six such guns, mounted three on each side. Kaga,
slightly larger, had 10 total, five on each side (Skwiot and Jarski 2015). Three eight-inch guns or
associated empty barbette were noted on each side, which originally suggested the site was Akagi.
However, what the video did not show, the side-scan sonar did; debris covered a couple of the mounts
4

�bringing the total guns to eight. The site was confirmed as the wreck of Kaga. Reviewing the plot, the
team noted that Kaga was 16 kilometers (km) from the initial calculated search position. The
condition of the site and battle damage, including the collapsed flight deck and superstructure,
corroborated the survivor accounts published in “Shattered Sword” (Parshall and Tulley 2005).
The search for Akagi and Soryu continued, but the survey was dogged by troubles with the AUV,
while AUV missions that were successfully launched kept concluding without result. Finally, on 20
October, a large debris field lit the data screen at a depth of about 5,500 m. Unfortunately, the cable
system on the ROV had failed and so no video data could be collected. However, the high resolution
side-scan clearly indicated a carrier wreck and the dimensions matched the Kido Butai flagship,
Akagi. The expedition ended before locating the wrecks of the Soryu and Hiryu. The atoll, now under
the jurisdiction of the U.S. Department of the Interior, is slowly being restored to its pre-human
habitation environment. While little will remain of the land side of the Midway battle, the wrecks of
the American and Japanese carriers will stand in testament to the mighty clash of these two naval
forces and as memorials to the service and sacrifice of the servicemen of both nations.
INDIANAPOLIS
Shortly after midnight on 30 July 1945, an explosion severed the bow of the heavy cruiser USS
Indianapolis (CA-35). Seconds later, another explosion rocked the starboard side of the ship and
engulfed the superstructure in flames. The ship had been hit by two torpedoes from Japanese
submarine I-58. The damage was catastrophic to ship and crew. In less than 15 minutes, the decorated
warship would come to rest 3.5 miles (5,500 m) at the bottom of the Philippine Sea. The loss of
Indianapolis would not be reported for another four days when the first of the survivors were spotted
and pulled from the sea. An estimated 900 men of a crew of 1,195 went in to the water, but only 316
survived. The ship had a commendable record before and during WWII, but ‘the proud legacy of the
ship would forever be marred by the controversial circumstances of her loss, the Navy’s failure to
rescue her stranded crew in a timely manner, and the treatment of her skipper’ (Hulver and Atcheson
2019, 13).
The wreck of Indianapolis was located by the Vulcan exploration team aboard R/V Petrel on 19
August 2017 utilizing their AUV and ROV systems. The side-scan sonar of the wreck site revealed
the bow, broken and separated from the main hull by nearly 2 km. The speed at which the ship sank
and landed keel-first on the seafloor is evidenced by the impact crater left in the sediment; a
remarkable sight given the 72 years that had passed since its sinking. After the torpedo strikes, one
engine kept running so the ship circled to port while going down at the bow with an increasing
starboard list. At 12 minutes from impact, the ship almost completely capsized before going vertical
and disappearing under the waves. The side-scan image of the wreck and the arrangement of the
debris field confirmed the sinking event transpired just as described by survivors in the Navy’s 1945
report (DON 1945).
Damage from the second torpedo is marked by a large hole in the shell plating on the starboard side at
the top of the first platform; an exit blast is evident on the deck of the communication platform behind
the barbette of Turret Two. The visible damage seems modest in comparison to survivor accounts of
ruptured decks with flames coming through and scorching hot walls and floors that burned hands and
feet. However, the 1945 report believed that the heavy longitudinal bulkhead likely deflected the force
of the torpedo detonation upward into the crew’s spaces, something confirmed by the exit blast on the
communication platform. The most striking feature of the wreck site is its remarkable preservation,
highlighted through the clear paint and stenciling from the hull number 35 on the bow, a lone box in
the debris field labelled “USS INDIANAPOLIS, PARTS AND TOOLS”, the 2-tone grey paint on the
hull with the intact teak decking, or the bureau number visible on the tail of a Curtiss SC-1 Seahawk.

5

�Figure 3. Indianapolis off Mare Island, California, 10 July 1945, after her final overhaul and repair of combat
damage, Bureau of Ships Collection, National Archives #19-N-86911. Inset images: 1) shell damage from the second
torpedo hit, 2) exit blast damage on the deck of the communication platform, 3) bow hull number. (Credit: U.S. Navy,
Vulcan LLC)

The upright positioning of the wreck, and pristine condition of the site, allowed the Navy to
reinvestigate the sinking and corroborate the historical records with the actual wreckage. In general,
the Navy’s 1945 report on the loss (DON 1945), was remarkably accurate given the chaotic nature of
Indianapolis’s last moments and trials of the survivors at sea. One of the more surprising results from
each site reviewed thus far is the accuracy of survivor accounts, with a few discrepancies, which
highlights the importance of collecting oral histories.
JUNEAU
USS Juneau (CL-52), a 6,000-ton Atlanta-class light cruiser commissioned on 14 February 1942 had
a short, but notable career largely conducting carrier escort duty in the Pacific theater until the Naval
Battle of Guadalcanal. During an unexpected close-quarters engagement between an Allied task force
and Japanese bombardment fleet shortly after midnight on 13 November 1942, Juneau was hit in the
port forward fire room by a torpedo from a Japanese destroyer. The impact caused significant damage
and Juneau withdrew from the skirmish to conduct emergency repairs. In the morning, the injured
cruiser joined with the remainder of the Allied task force. At 11:01, Juneau was hit by a torpedo from
the Japanese submarine I-26. The torpedo struck just forward of amidships on the port side very near
the torpedo hit from the earlier night battle causing a catastrophic explosion that sank the ship in a
minute. Eyewitnesses did not believe any of the crew survived the violent explosion or rapid sinking.
However, an estimated 115 sailors of a crew of 693 survived the initial sinking only to endure seven
days at sea. Only 14 of Juneau’s crew would ultimately survive. While loss of Juneau itself is
haunting, the ship is most remembered for the death of the five Sullivan brothers; the story of service
and sacrifice of one family resonated deeply with the Navy and the nation, then as it does today.
Using positions from the war diaries of two ships near Juneau at the time of the sinking, the Vulcan
research team aboard R/V Petrel developed a search grid and deployed their AUV to scan the seafloor
for anomalies in March 2018. A high frequency side-scan target revealed a large hull-shaped object
and a concentrated debris field. An ROV investigation confirmed the wreck as the remains of Juneau.
Once the data was received, NHHC (2018) archaeologists conducted a close review of survivor
6

�accounts, official Navy records, and secondary sources to determine any lingering questions from the
historical record. For Juneau, historical accounts of the sinking were generally consistent.
The wreck of Juneau lies at a depth of over 4,000 m in the waters of the Solomon Sea southwest of
the island of San Cristobal. The site is broken up in two sections: the intact main hull and a debris
field which includes a portion of the bow and stern. The main hull section is approximately half of the
542 ft (165 m) long ship and is sitting proud on seafloor buried in sediment up to the bilge keel.
Approximately 600 m to the southeast is the main debris field which includes, rather perplexingly, a
portion of the bow resting on its port side with a portion of the stern (fantail) on top of the bow. The
name plate on the stern with the letters “uneau” are visible confirming the wreck’s identity.
The entire wreck site bears witness to the cataclysmic explosion that rocked the ship on the morning
of 13 November 1942. The degree of destruction made it a challenge to grasp how much of the ship
remained. Although the video was not collected systematically, NHHC archaeologists experimented
with processing the video through photogrammetric software. While imperfect, the three-dimensional
model that was produced provided significant insights into understanding the site. The scene is that of
great violence. Half of the ship essentially evaporated upon impact; what little remains is because it
was immersed so quickly that it did not have time to explode or burn.

Figure 4. A comparison between the ship plan profile for USS Juneau and remaining wreckage. The 3D model,
developed from Vulcan’s video data, shows the most intact portion of the main hull from the aft stack to the
propellers, portside. (Credit: NHHC, Vulcan LLC)

In the debris field, the detached rudder was the first indication of a possible second torpedo hit in the
stern. Returning to the historical records, one survivor and one witness from a nearby ship believed a
second torpedo from I-26 struck in the fantail (O’Neill 1942). The distinct shockwave damage on the
rudder provides some credence to an adjacent external explosion, likely near the vessel’s propellers.
While further, systematic, documentation of the wreck site, particularly near the rudder and stern,
would help to interpret the damage, the level of destruction is so severe that even with further
documentation it is unlikely that a conclusive determination could be made about the possible second
torpedo strike. However, the ship’s official record has now been amended to indicate that Juneau was
likely struck by three torpedoes in all, one during the night battle and two later the following morning.

7

�CONCLUSION
The many discoveries by Vulcan LLC provide the Navy with a unique opportunity to study multiple
well-preserved and undisturbed wreck sites of a similar age, type, and environment. While the data
was not collected systematically nor with archaeological research in mind, NHHC has extracted
substantial information from the data reviews, allowing archaeologists to compare historical records
with the extant wrecks, providing baseline documentation for resource management purposes,
informing future site visits and research questions, and supporting NHHC’s mission to preserve and
present an accurate history of the U.S. Navy.
Prior to the twenty-first century, the deep ocean, much like outer space, was explored mostly by
governments and academia. There is now an ever-increasing interest in deep-water shipwreck
visitation, spanning from the privately-funded researcher to individuals wishing to merely explore the
seafloor with private submersibles. Based on the knowledge gained from analyzing the site data
provided by Vulcan LLC and other partners, NHHC has been in a better position to develop policies
to address deep-water wreck site visits, in particular those involving the use of submersibles. As
wrecks continue to be found and depth becomes less of a protecting factor, the more knowledge
gained on each site that is responsibly studied, the better positioned NHHC and other submerged
cultural resource managers are to create best practices and policies that preserve these untouched
resources and honor those lost onboard.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The NHHC Underwater Archaeology Branch is grateful to Vulcan LLC for many years of dedicated and responsible
surveying and documenting of WWII shipwrecks and for subsequently providing this key data to the appropriate cultural
resource managers. We anticipate the information will continue to produce significant findings as data analysis continues
and be used to protect and commemorate these wreck sites for many decades. The authors would like to thank all the Navy
researchers that contributed to the analysis of the wrecks sites addressed in this paper: Heather Brown, Ken Nahshon,
Richard Hulver, Jason Griffin, and George Huss.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ballard, Robert D., Archbold, Rick. Return to Midway. Washington DC: National Geographic/Madison Press Books, 1999.
Department of the Navy [DON]. Loss of USS Indianapolis, 2 October 1945, RG 19, Entry P1, Boxes 30-32, National
Archives and Records Administration [NARA] II, College Park, MD.
Department of the Navy [DON]. USS Nautilus First War Patrol Report, 1942, RG 19, NARA II, College Park, MD.
Fuchida, Mitsuo and Okumiya, Masatake, Midway: The Battle that Doomed Japan, The Japanese Navy’s Story. Naval
Institute Press, 1955
Hulver, Richard A. and Atcheson, Blair. “USS Indianapolis Discovered! Now What? – Analysis of a Wrecksite”
Proceedings of Preserving U.S. Military Heritage: World War II to the Cold War, Fredericksburg, Texas, June 4-6, 2019.
Naval History and Heritage Command [NHHC]. “Juneau I (CL-52).” United States: Dictionary of American Naval Fighting
Ships. Accessed December 12, 2018. https://www.history.navy.mil/research/histories/ship-histories/danfs/j/juneau-i.html
O’Neill, Rodger MC-V(G), U.S. Navy Reserve. Report of USS Juneau Activity from November 11 to 13, 1942, inclusive.
PacFlt Conf. Ltr. 24CL-42. Textual Reference Branch, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD.
Paul Mayer, Personal communication with Frank Thompson, NHHC, April 21, 2023.
Parshall, Jonathan B., and Tully, Anthony P. Shattered Sword: The Untold Story of the Battle of Midway. United States:
Potomac Books, 2005.
Skwiot, Miroslaw and Jarski, Adam. Kaga 1920-1942: The Japanese Aircraft Carrier. Poland: Kagero, 2015.

8

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