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                    <text>Ancient Mediterranean, Red Sea and Afro-Asia links across the Western Indian Seaboard.
Recent Underwater Discoveries in Mafia Archipelago, Central Coast of Tanzania.
Caesar Bita
Underwater Archaeologist, National Museums of Kenya (mcbita@gmail.com)
ABSTRACT
Coastal communities of the east African coast have, for millennia, traded with the Far East, the Mediterranean
Region, India and the Red Sea going back to at least the first millennium BCE or before. These trade links across the
Indian Ocean seaboard reached to lands as far as China and the Americas. The east African seaboard, popularly
referred in the ancient time as Azania, was, by the first millennium BCE, also known to the Romans who visited and
reported about this territory and its settlements. Terrestrial archaeological studies along this coast have shown
existence of trade routes connecting the coast with the hinterland of Africa where some merchandise for international
commerce was collected. Recently underwater archaeological surveys have recovered materials that indicate ancient
global maritime trade connections extending back to the Graeco-Roman period. That the east Africa coast was a
major player in the ancient international maritime trade makes it an important area for maritime archaeological
studies. This paper reports on findings from a recent underwater archaeological survey in the Mafia archipelago in
the central coast of Tanzania. The findings confirm the existence of ancient international maritime connectivity
between the East African coast and the Mediterranean region, Red Sea, India and the Far East.
Key Words: Mafia, Transoceanic, Maritime, Indian Ocean

INTRODUCTION
Tanzania is one of the east African coastal countries bordering the Western Indian Ocean (WIO). The
country has one of the longest coastlines on mainland east Africa after Somali and Mozambique. Tanzania
has three of the five largest islands of this region including Zanzibar, Pemba, and Mafia. Archaeological
studies have shown that the country’s coast has the earliest evidence of ancient links with the
Mediterranean region, Red Sea, Persia, India and south east Asia going back to the first century CE.
Initially, much of this evidence however came from terrestrial archaeology since underwater archaeology
is not developed in the country. Similarly, evidence of these earliest links has been reported in Mafia
archipelago and Rufiji areas of central Tanzanian coast.
Mafia archipelago is located in the central coast of Tanzania at S 7⁰ 37´ 8⁰ 10´, E 39⁰ 30´ 39⁰ 55´about 120
km south of Dar es Salaam city and 21 km offshore of Rufiji Delta (Fig. 1). It is the fifth largest island on
the coast of east Africa after Madagascar to the south, Zanzibar, Pemba and Lamu all to the north (Chami,
1994; Shikoni et al. 2019). It is also an archipelago composed of a number of islands including Miewe,
Chole, Juani, Jibondo, Bwejuu to the south of the main one by the same name Mafia Island. There are also
several smaller islets of Mbarakuni, Shungimbili and Nyongoro found to the north. The main Mafia Island
is elliptically shaped, lying in a NE-SW orientation; narrowing to the North east (Fig. 4). At its longest,
the island measures approximately 47 km from the Southwest end to the Northeast tip and its widest point
is 17 km (Fig. 4; Bita et al. 2023).
Mafia has always been perceived as having evidential remains associated with the ancient Western Indian
Ocean trade connections. This has largely resulted from land based archaeological findings recovered
from the archipelago and its immediate hinterland. Although the archipelago has received progressive
terrestrial archaeological research, no underwater archaeological studies were done to corroborate findings
from land archaeology. It is only recently, after locals reported of offshore submerged features in the
north-eastern side of the archipelago that subsea surveys begun.

1

�Figure 1: Tanzanian coast showing location of Mafia Islands (H. Pazza)

Tanzania and Ancient transoceanic connections
That the ancient east African coast was internationally known very early in time is no longer in doubt.
Roman records including Strabo’s Geography, Pliny’s Natural History, the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea
/ Periplus Maris Erythraei, Claudio Ptolemy’s Geography and Accounts of Cosmas Indicopleustes
mentioned and documented this coast (Casson 1989; McLaughlin 2018; Datoo 1970; Huntingford 1980;
Freeman-Grenville 1975; Berggren and Jones 2001). Graeco-Roman sailors and traders of the Roman era
from 64 BCE to 170 CE have described the geography, names of places, people, trade and other economic
activities that took place on this coast (Miller 1969; Casson 1989; Chami 2006; 2009; McLaughlin 2018).
Some of the places and people described are in the Coast of Tanzania. For instance, Periplus mentioned an
2

�island in the Azanian coast as Mafiaco, which is similar to the modern-day Mafia Island (Freeman
Grenville 1962). Periplus also described the people living in Mafiaco being recognized as Rafiji, which is
very similar to the modern-day Rufiji people who occupy the modern Rufiji area of Tanzania (Oldfather
1961; Freeman-Grenville 1962; 1975; Datoo 1970; Huntingford 1980; Casson 1989; Lacroix 1998;
McLaughlin 2018).
Archaeological studies in Mafia and Rufiji areas have recovered ancient trade items that corroborate these
Graeco-Roman records. Studies have unearthed beads some identified as having been manufactured at
Rhodes Island in the Roman Mediterranean Sea (Fig. 2 a-b). Other findings include Roman tera sigillata
ceramics (Fig. c-d; Chami 1999b; 2001; 2021; Mandela et al. 2022).

Figure 2: Ancient artifacts of foreign origin (a) Indian beads from Rufiji delta; (b) Phoenician Beads; (c and d) and Red
Roman terra Sigillata ceramics recovered in Mafia archipelago (Chami, 1999a; 2021; Mandela et al. 2020)

Underwater Archaeology of Tanzanian coast
The coastal parts of east Africa from Somali to Mozambique were part of the ancient vibrant international
trade networks across the Indian Ocean Seaboard linking India, Europe, Persian Gulf Red Sea and the Far
East. Remains recovered in this region and associated with these ancient networks include shipwrecks,
beads, ceramics and cultural traditions that continue to occur in many parts of this coast. Since the
beginning of the twentieth century, this region has witnessed increased terrestrial archaeological research
that has revealed these global transoceanic connections. However, despite the vibrancy of terrestrial
research and the huge potential in underwater archaeology, underwater archaeological research in the
region is still in its infancy.
In Tanzania, there have been very few underwater archaeological surveys. Although there are many
shipwrecks recorded in the waters of the country, except for Patience (2006) who did many commercial
salvage operations on the east African coast and documented numerous wrecks, not much surveys have
been undertaken of Tanzanian coastal waters. The few cases involved documentation of maritime practices
including folklore associated with fishing communities (Ichumbaki 2015; Lubao and Ichumbaki 2023) and
nautical infrastructure including boat landing places, jetties, lighthouses, navigational guides (Pollard
2008a; 2008b). Other studies have involved documentation of marine crafts (boats), exploitation of marine
resources and social and religious manifestations of maritime cultural traditions (Pollard and Ichumbaki
2017; Ichumbaki et al. 2022).
Although archaeological research in Mafia began at the advent of colonization (Revington 1936; Piggott
1941; Wheeler 1955; Baumann 1957; Chittick 1957; 1961; Freeman-Grenville 1962), no maritime studies
of the archipelago have been undertaken prior to this study (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023). The only study that
had a maritime component was involved in maritime history and looked at long-term history and
long-distance trade in Mafia archipelago yet no attempts were made at underwater archaeological surveys
(Wynne-Jones 2006; Crowther et al. 2014). Others looked at fishing practices to demonstrate differences
in access to maritime resources between members of different categories of the community in Juani island
(Christie 2011). As argued by Lane (2012), although these studies were not of an underwater
archaeological approach, they contributed a great deal to the understanding of maritime infrastructure and
landscape development, traditions, resource exploitation and history of long-distance trade during the first
half of the second millennium CE.
3

�The only detailed underwater archaeological survey in Tanzania prior to this, was done of the ancient port
of Kilwa, one of the most important ancient ports in South East Tanzania. The study recovered Persian and
Midde Eastern artefacts including glass jars and a stone anchor (Fig. 3; Pollard et al. 2016). Stone anchors
are known to have been in use for a long time extending to about 3,000 BC (Vosmer 1999). Their
discovery in association with imported ceramics is an indication of long international maritime
connections (Bita 2015; Tripati and Bita 2015).

Figure 3: Kilwa Kisiwani Port showing (a) scatter of artefacts underwater and (b) stone anchor (Pollard et al. 2016)

The earliest record of submerged archaeological finds in Mafia was in 1977 when locals reported brass
cannons, anchors, fragments of cannon balls and a bronze bell off Juani Island (Lane 2005; 2012).
However, there were no underwater archaeological survey efforts until 2016 when fishermen reported of
submerged wall-like features, locally referred as Makutani or Mwamba Ukuta, north of the archipelago
(Fig. 4; Bita 2019; Chami 2021). Ukuta is the local people’s Swahili word for a wall. Mwamba Ukuta
means a sturdy wall. It is after this, that sustained underwater archaeological studies in this part of
Tanzania began (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023).

4

�Figure. 4: Mafia archipelago showing Chole, Makutani and other areas mentioned in the text (Bita et al. 2023)

Methodology and findings
Underwater archaeology surveys and interviews were the main methodology used in this research.
Following interviews with local fishermen, divers surveyed the area observing, and recording archaeology
finds. Other methods employed included sub-sea probing with specially designed metal probes to
determine and record cultural heritage buried beneath the sea floor. Foreshore and intertidal
reconnaissance were conducted that entailed systematically walking over the foreshore and intertidal
zones to locate areas with higher concentration of cultural heritage. These were carried out at the reported
submerged site of Makutani to the north and Chole Bay to the south of the archipelago respectively (Fig.
4).
Submerged wall features
Underwater surveys north of Mafia were done with a purpose to confirm the reported submerged wall
features in Makutani, and whether these are ancient settlements and whether these are in sync with
findings from terrestrial surveys (Shikoni et al. 2019; Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023; Mandela and Chami
2021). Investigations noted that the feature is located about three km from the northern shore of Mafia
Island and is a spherical enclosure made of four sections which remain fully submerged with only small
sections visible during low ocean tides (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023). Some sections have been broken and
eroded creating imaginary separations. It is this phenomenon that has informed locals to give them
different names. The inner circumference is 8.17 km and has an inside area of 2.42 km². It has two
openings located west and north commonly referred to by local fishermen as gates, because these are the
only access ways at high tides through the feature (Fig. 5).

Figure 5: The submerged Makutani wall feature with the four sections (C. Bita)

Underwater surveys around the submerged feature observed linear boulders collapsed in a line indicative
of a perimeter surrounding wall. The blocks were found to be of flat surface, compact and ranged between
three m long, 2.5 m wide and 0.3 m thick (Fig. 6 a). Petrological analysis showed these are concrete, made
of cement and lime. Their composition includes lime and different grog fragments to temper the block and
as cementing material, which was a Roman technology (Delatte 2001). The analysis also confirmed that
these are made of materials not locally found in Mafia Island but brought from outside (Fig. 7). On the
base of the standing sections, feature were observed concentrations of concreted objects (Fig. 6 b) from
where some of the imported ceramics were recovered (Fig. 6 c-d).
5

�Figure 6: (a) Linear block underwater in Makutani, (b) standing Makutani wall section with concretions of pottery in the
foreground (c) Base shard of a Roman amphorae (d) Middle Eastern pottery (Bita et al. 2023)

Figure 7: Composition of analysed concrete from Makutani (Bita et al. 2023)

Local pottery of Early Iron Working (EIW) tradition and Triangular Incised Ware (TIW) were also found
in association with the imported ceramics. EIW is the local cultural tradition that spanned the dates
between fourth century B.C. to fifth century CE (Chami 1994; 1998; Mapunda 1995). Its pottery is
characterized by thick fluted / beveled rims in combination with comb-stamping or incisions and were of
upturned or open bowls (Fig. 8c-d; Chami 1994; Soper 1967, Waltz and Kwekason 2022). TIW is the
6

�cultural tradition that succeeded the EIW tradition along the eastern Africa coast and dates 100 to 500 CE
(Chami 1994-5). Triangular Incised Ware decorative elements seem to have been derived from the EIW
tradition hence showing some cultural continuity (Chami 1994; 1998). Typical decoration in TIW pottery
includes incised triangles, double lines of punctates / stamps, zigzagging double incisions, appliqués and
oblique incisions (See Fig. 8 a-b). Recovery of these local pottery traditions in associated contexts with
foreign ceramics is an indication of early external trade contacts with ancient communities of east Africa
(Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023).

Figure 8: a-b TIW and c-d EIW pottery from the Makutani submerged site (Bita et al. 2023)

Surveys at Chole Bay
Underwater archaeology survey at Chole Bay recorded five sites with high concentrations of ceramics of
both local and foreign origin (Fig. 9). These occurred in contexts ranging from five and 12 m in depth and
included Middle Eastern, Mediterranean, Persian and Indian wares. While some were recovered under
sand, others were heavily concreted onto coral (Fig. 9 e). Other studies around Bwejuu Island and
Kisimani Mafia to the west, all closer to the Rufiji delta, have yielded ceramics from the Middle East and
Mediterranean world dating to the period of BC / CE changeover (Mandela and Chami 2021). These
recoveries corroborate the terrestrial archaeological findings that indicate very early international trade
contacts with the wider east African coast.

7

�Figure 9: (a) Chole Bay showing underwater sites; (b) far Eastern jar; (c) Middle Eastern yellow glazed rim; (d)
Mediterranean bowl with black fabric; (e) Indian pot in-situ underwater (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023)

DISCUSSION
According to Chami (2006), the EIW communities were the same people reported in ancient Roman
records (Casson 1989; 1974; Huntingford 1980; Mclaughlin 2018) and who in the ancient time occupied
the Rufiji Delta region that is adjacent to Mafia archipelago and largely the central coast of Tanzania. The
people reportedly traded with the Roman Empire during the early centuries CE with the lost city of Rhapta
reported as their capital (see Casson 1989:61; Lacroix 1998; Chami 2021; Mandela and Chami 2021; Bita
et al. 2023). Recent studies have discovered materials found to originate from various parts including
Asia, India, the Red Sea and Mediterranean regions. For instance, recovery of Roman wares confirms
ancient Roman classical records of the first century CE that mention and describe this coast. Similarly,
these records also mention transoceanic connections between the east African coast and the Indo-Pacific
region (Miller 1969; Casson 1974; Sedov 2007; McLaughlin 2018) as they did with the Red Sea region
and Persian Gulf.
Contacts between the east African coast and Persia are known to exist in antiquity (Gupta 2016; 2021;
Bita 2013a; 2013b). The Arabs are said to have dominated the East African coastal strip long before the
advent of the Roman and after the collapse of the Roman empire before the arrival of Portuguese (Hourani
1963; Mathew 1963). Recovery of Middle Eastern wares underwater in Mafia suggest contacts in the early
centuries of the CE to the fifth century CE, a period within which the EIW cultural tradition of the east
African coast is dated. These findings also lend credence to ancient Chinese records of third century CE
that allude to the existence of contacts between the east African coast and the Arabian Peninsula (Hill
2004). This is a manifestation that local communities of this coast were not passive participants but were
8

�actively connected and involved in ancient international maritime trade across the Western Indian Ocean
Seaboard (Fig. 10).

Figure 10: Regions and routes involved in ancient maritime networks with east African Coast (C. Bita)

CONCLUSION
This paper has shown that ancient communities of Mafia archipelago had regular contact with other parts
of the globe. Evidence of this contact had previously been recovered on the mainland especially along the
Rufiji River delta. However, recent research has identified an abundance of this evidence submerged
underwater in the archipelago. Previously, it was only from terrestrial studies in the archipelago that
revealed evidence of the region’s involvement in ancient global maritime trading (Chami 1999c; 2021;
Shikoni et al. 2019; Mandela and Chami 2021). Trading meant traders had to access the archipelago
through the sea (Figs. 4; 9 a). However, there had not been archaeology data from underwater in the region
to substantially link the archipelago with the vibrant ancient Indian Ocean trading of the Greco-Roman
period as described in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea and Ptolemy’s Geographia. Recent studies have
recovered a substantial amount of local and imported pottery that show existence of ancient trade
connection between the archipelago, the hinterland and the wider Indian Ocean Seaboard to as far as India,
South East Asia, Red Sea and the Mediterranean world.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author is thankful to the Recentring Afro-Asia Project for providing funds for this research. Special thanks to Prof. Chami
and Dr. Pastory Bushozi of University of Dar es Salaam for identification of the local ceramics. Thanks to Prof. Sunil Gupta at
Allhamadad Museum in India; Prof. Hakan Oniz and colleagues at Alkdeniz University, Turkey; Dr. Alexandra Ratzlaff from the
Department of Classical Studies Mendel Center for the Humanities at University of Israel; Prof. Bridget Buxton of History
Department at University of Rhode Island USA for identification of imported ceramics. Thanks to Mr. Hitson Pazza for the
cartographic work and Brian Nyambu of National Museums of Kenya for the conservation treatment of artifacts.

9

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                <text>Ancient Mediterranean, Red Sea and Afro-Asia links across the Western Indian Seaboard.&#13;
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                <text>Coastal communities of the east African coast have, for millennia, traded with the Far East, the Mediterranean&#13;
Region, India and the Red Sea going back to at least the first millennium BCE or before. These trade links across the&#13;
Indian Ocean seaboard reached to lands as far as China and the Americas. The east African seaboard, popularly&#13;
referred in the ancient time as Azania, was, by the first millennium BCE, also known to the Romans who visited and&#13;
reported about this territory and its settlements. Terrestrial archaeological studies along this coast have shown&#13;
existence of trade routes connecting the coast with the hinterland of Africa where some merchandise for international&#13;
commerce was collected. Recently underwater archaeological surveys have recovered materials that indicate ancient&#13;
global maritime trade connections extending back to the Graeco-Roman period. That the east Africa coast was a&#13;
major player in the ancient international maritime trade makes it an important area for maritime archaeological&#13;
studies. This paper reports on findings from a recent underwater archaeological survey in the Mafia archipelago in&#13;
the central coast of Tanzania. The findings confirm the existence of ancient international maritime connectivity&#13;
between the East African coast and the Mediterranean region, Red Sea, India and the Far East.&#13;
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                <text>Caesar Bita&#13;
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Bita, Caesar . 2023. “Ancient Mediterranean, Red Sea and Afro-Asia links across the Western Indian Seaboard. Recent Underwater Discoveries in Mafia Archipelago, Central Coast of Tanzania.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Brian Fahy. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1986. </text>
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                    <text>Ancient Seascape of Japan: Burial Mounds as Navigation Points
Tomo Ishimura (Tokyo National research Institute for Cultural Properties, ishimura-t6y@nich.go.jp)
ABSTRACT
Research of landscape using GIS is progressing in archaeology in recent years, and the significance of the
research of landscape from the sea or seascape is also being stressed. Seascape research has important
implications for understanding how people perceive the sea and adapt to the sea environment and may contribute
to the development of maritime archaeology. This study applies landscape research to Japanese archeology, so it
fit in the session of ‘History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia’. This paper
examines the sea scape of the Kofun period, from the third to sixth centuries, from the viewpoint of the location
of the burial mounds and shows the possibility that some burial mounds were built as navigation points. GIS
analysis and field surveys were conducted to investigate how the burial mounds located near the coast look from
the sea and indicate that the burial mounds with good visibility from the sea were located at strategic points of
marine routes, such as lagoons and straits. The survey also revealed that the most of these burial mounds were
built in the specific period from the first to third quarters in the fourth century. This paper proposes that these
burial mounds were built as navigation points to reflect the intention of the Yamato dynasty to control maritime
traffics.
List of Figures and Table:
Figure 1: Map of Research Area and Locations of the Sites
Figure 2: Photo of the Goshikizuka Burial Mound (https://www.feel-kobe.jp/); Topographic Map around
Goshikizuka; Seascape around Goshikizuka
Figure 3: Topographic Map around Yanai Chausuyama; Seascape around Yanai Chausuyama
Figure 4: Topographic Map around Shinmeiyama; Seascape around Shinmeiyama
Figure 5: Topographic Map around Amino Choshiyama; Seascape around Amino Choshiyama
Table 1: A Chronology of the Kofun Period

INTRODUCTION
The Kofun period in Japanese history, spanning from the 3rd to 6th centuries, is characterized by the
construction of tens of thousands of burial mounds throughout the Japanese archipelago. These burial
mounds, known as Kofun, were monumental structures, with the most distinctive type being the
keyhole-shaped plan view; the largest exceeds 500 meters in length. These colossal mounds served as
symbols of power and were erected to commemorate kings and chiefs.
The burial mounds were built in various locations, including hills, ridges, plains, and coasts. The
coastal burial mounds, referred to as ‘seashore type burial mounds’, are believed to have been
constructed by chiefs who were involved in maritime activities and trade (Hirose 2015). Others
suggest the burial mounds served as navigation markers for seafarers (Mori 1986). Despite their
historical significance, few studies have explored how these burial mounds appeared from a maritime
perspective (Ishimura 2017).
In this paper, GIS software is utilized to visualize the view of these burial mounds from the sea. The
research reveals that the burial mounds were strategically situated at key points along maritime routes,
such as ports and straits. Furthermore, the study indicates that these burial mounds were constructed
within a relatively specific timeframe, from the first to the third quarter of the 4th century.
The author proposes the construction of these burial mounds coincided with a historical event, namely
the expansion of political power in the Kinai region and the exertion of control over maritime traffic in
the Japanese archipelago.

1

�Method and Materials
In this study, the researchers utilized GIS software called 'Kashimir 3D®' to recreate the visual
representation of how the burial mounds appeared from the sea. This particular GIS software is
capable of generating 3D landscapes from any chosen viewpoint and altitude. To simulate the view
from the sea, the researchers set the altitude to 1 meter, taking into account the likely low height of the
viewpoint from a boat during the Kofun period.
The analysis focused on four specific sites of 'seashore type burial mounds': the Goshikizuka burial
mound in Hyogo Prefecture, the Yanai Chausuyama burial mound in Yamaguchi Prefecture, the
Shinmeiyama burial mound in Kyoto Prefecture, and the Amino Choshiyama burial mound, also
located in Kyoto Prefecture (Figure 1). The first two sites are situated near waterways, while the latter
two are near ports.

Figure 1: Map of Research Area and Locations of the Sites

In this paper, the Kofun period was divided into four distinct phases based on variations in burial
structures and diagnostic burial goods. The four phases are: the first half of the Early Kofun period
(approximately AD 250-300), the latter half of the Early Kofun period (approximately AD 300-375),
the Middle Kofun period (AD 375-475), and the Later Kofun period (AD 475-575). Table 1 likely
provides further details on the distinguishing features of each phase and the associated burial practices
and artefacts.
Table 1: A Chronology of the Kofun Period
Phase

Date

Burial facility

Diagnostic burial goods

Early KofunPeriod
(first half of)
Early KofunPeriod
(latter half of)
Middle Kofun Period

AD 250-300

Chinese bronze mirrors

Later Kofun Period

AD 475-575

Vertical stone chamber
with wooden coffin
Vertical stone chamber
with wooden coffin
Vertical stone chamber
with stone coffin
Horizontal stone
chamber with stone coffin

AD 300-375
AD 375-475

2

Variety of Japanese bronze
mirrors
Iron armors
Decorated swords

�CASE STUDY 1: Goshikizuka Burial Mound
The Goshikizuka burial mound, which has a keyhole-shaped plan view and measures 194 meters in
length (Figure 2), is believed to have been constructed during the latter half of the Early Kofun period
(around AD 300-375).

3

�Figure 2: Photo of the Goshikizuka Burial Mound (https://www.feel-kobe.jp/); Topographic Map around
Goshikizuka; Seascape around Goshikizuka

It is situated along the coastline of Honshu, the main island of Japan, overlooking the Akashi Strait
(Figure 2). The location of the Goshikizuka burial mound offers a clear view from the sea (Figure 2).
The Akashi Strait serves as the gateway to Osaka Bay and is known for its turbulent waters and swift
currents within the Seto Inland Sea. The positioning of the Goshikizuka burial mound holds significant
strategic importance along the maritime route of the Seto Inland Sea.
CASE STUDY 2: Yanai Chausuyama Burial Mound
The Yanai Chausuyama burial mound is another keyhole-shaped mound, measuring 80 meters in
length. Its construction is estimated to have taken place during the latter half of the Early Kofun period
(around AD 300-375).

4

�Figure 3: Topographic Map around Yanai Chausuyama; Seascape around Yanai Chausuyama

Situated near the entrance of a channel (Figure 3), this channel served as a shortcut for maritime
traffic, allowing vessels to avoid circumnavigating the Murotsu peninsula. The channel held great
significance as a crucial point along the maritime routes of the time. The Yanai Chausuyama burial
mound is easily visible from the sea near the entrance of the channel (Figure 3).
CASE STUDY 3: Shinmeiyama Burial Mound
The Shinmeiyama burial mound is a keyhole-shaped mound measuring 190 meters in length. It is
believed to have been constructed during the latter half of the Early Kofun period, around AD
300-375.

5

�Figure 4: Topographic Map around Shinmeiyama; Seascape around Shinmeiyama

Situated near a lagoon (Figure 4), it is speculated that this lagoon served as a natural harbor in the past.
The Shinmeiyama burial mound, being easily visible from offshore (Figure 4), is thought to have
served as a navigational landmark, indicating the position of the port.
CASE STUDY 4: Amino Choshiyama burial mound
The Amino Choshiyama burial mound is a keyhole-shaped mound measuring 201 meters in length. It
is believed to have been constructed during the latter half of the Early Kofun period, around AD
300-375.

6

�Figure 5: Topographic Map around Amino Choshiyama; Seascape around Amino Choshiyama

Situated near a lagoon (Figure 5), it is believed that this lagoon also served as a natural harbor, similar
to the Shinmeiyama mound. The Amino Choshiyama mound is easily visible from offshore (Figure 5).
This suggests that it, too, served as a navigational marker, indicating the position of the nearby port.
RESULT
Based on the four case studies presented, several outcomes can be observed. Firstly, the seashore type
burial mounds were clearly visible from the sea. Secondly, these burial mounds were located at
significant points along sea routes, including waterways, ports, and entrances to channels. Thirdly, it is
likely that these burial mounds served as navigational landmarks. Lastly, all four burial mounds were
constructed during the latter half of the Early Kofun Period (AD 300-375).
These outcomes collectively suggest the presence of a common factor behind the construction of these
seashore type burial mounds. It is plausible to consider that the construction of these burial mounds
was influenced by the political situation of the time. As monuments symbolizing the power and
authority of chiefs, these burial mounds can be seen as political products.
DISCUSSION
The period when the seashore type burial mounds were constructed coincided with significant changes
in maritime traffic, particularly the alteration of the route from the Japanese archipelago to the Korean
Peninsula. The emergence of rituals on Okinoshima during this period provides valuable insights into
these changes. Okinoshima, situated between Kyushu Island and the Korean Peninsula, was the site of
ceremonies conducted from the latter half of the 4th century to the end of the 9th century. These rituals
aimed to ensure safe voyages and involved the dedication of Chinese bronze mirrors and various
treasures to the island's rocks and rock shelters. These artifacts resemble burial goods found in tombs
and were primarily distributed in the Kinai region, the political center of that era. Based on this
evidence, it is believed that the rituals on Okinoshima were led by an elite group from the Kinai region
with the objective of establishing a new and more efficient route from the Japanese archipelago to the
Korean Peninsula. The Okinoshima route offered a shortcut, compared to the previous island-hopping
route via Iki Island and Tsushima Island.
It is postulated that the changes occurring during this period were instigated by the political powers in
7

�the Kinai region, who sought to assert control over maritime routes. The construction of the seashore
type burial mounds, as discussed in the paper, was likely undertaken by local chiefs with support from
the Kinai powers. These burial mounds served to enhance and facilitate maritime routes within the
Japanese archipelago. They not only acted as practical navigational markers but also visually
demonstrated the control exerted over maritime traffic by the powers in the Kinai region.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hirose, K. (Ed.) The Period of Seashore Type Burial Mound. Tokyo: Doseisha, 2015.
Ishimura, T. Reconstruction of Ancient Port: A Geoarchaeological Study. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 2017.
Mori, K. “Excavating Port and Lagoon.” In Ancient Japan 3: Interaction beyond the Sea, edited by T. Obayashi. Tokyo:
Chuo Koron-sha, (1986): 39-82.

8

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                <text>Research of landscape using GIS is progressing in archaeology in recent years, and the significance of the&#13;
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implications for understanding how people perceive the sea and adapt to the sea environment and may contribute&#13;
to the development of maritime archaeology. This study applies landscape research to Japanese archeology, so it&#13;
fit in the session of ‘History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia’. This paper&#13;
examines the sea scape of the Kofun period, from the third to sixth centuries, from the viewpoint of the location&#13;
of the burial mounds and shows the possibility that some burial mounds were built as navigation points. GIS&#13;
analysis and field surveys were conducted to investigate how the burial mounds located near the coast look from&#13;
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marine routes, such as lagoons and straits. The survey also revealed that the most of these burial mounds were&#13;
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                <text>Tomo Ishimura</text>
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                <text>Ishimura, Tomo. 2023. “Ancient sea scape of Japan: Burial mounds as navigation points.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Akifumi Iwabuchi, and Kotaro Yamafune. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1890 </text>
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                    <text>Anthropogenic Submersion of Terrestrial Cultural Heritage sites leads to their
Permanent Destruction and Demise
Ms. Zhang Yue (Masters’ Student, Beijing Language and Culture University, Faculty of
Foreign Studies)
ABSTRACT
As human societies continue to expand economically and socially in a divergent manner, the destruction of
cultural heritage sites becomes almost inevitable. Since modern times in China, the construction of dams and
reservoirs has led to the submersion of numerous valuable cultural relics and ancient sites, which has completely
changed their living environment and caused irreversible damage. For example, the construction of the Three
Gorges Dam resulted in the permanent submersion of the Fuling White Crane Ridge beneath the reservoir. Such
cases are not unique to China but can be found throughout the Asia-Pacific region and even globally, as
developing countries inevitably face the dilemma of prioritizing development or cultural heritage protection. If
left unchecked, more terrestrial cultural heritage sites will be submerged underwater. This paper will utilize
academic resources to focus on theoretical discussions, summarizing cases of anthropogenic submersion of
cultural heritage sites and corresponding countermeasures and protective measures. It will further consider what
types of human activities are permissible and which are ethically unacceptable when faced with both economic
development and cultural heritage protection. The paper argues that when the urgency of economic development
is questioned, we should prioritize the protection of cultural heritage and resist the practice of submerging
cultural heritage sites underwater, which leads to their permanent destruction. Furthermore, the Convention on
the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage sets a time limit for the definition of UCH—at least 100
years—raising questions about the scientific basis for this limit. This paper contends that the assessment of UCH
should not be limited to this 100-year timeframe but should involve multi-angle, interdisciplinary evaluations
based on the scientific, artistic, and cultural value of the heritage. Otherwise, heritage sites like the White Crane
Ridge, which have immense value, may not receive adequate protection if they are not promptly designated as
UCH after being submerged due to reservoir construction. Therefore, this paper will delve into the ethical issues
mentioned above and attempt to offer suggestions for the sustainable development of UCH in the Asia-Pacific
region.
Keywords: Underwater Cultural Heritage; Hydraulic Engineering; Convention on the Protection of Underwater
Cultural Heritage; Sustainable Development

INTRODUCTION
Cultural heritage protection faces significant challenges during the process of economic and social
development, especially in developing countries where irreversible damage often occurs in the pursuit
of economic growth. This paper discusses the permanent destruction and demise caused by the
anthropogenic submersion of heritage sites during the construction of dams and reservoirs and raises
questions about the Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the hopes of
offering suggestions for the sustainable development of UCH in the Asia-Pacific region.
CASE STUDIES OF HERITAGE SUBMERSION AND ITS IMPACTS
During the 1950s and 1960s, China engaged in hydraulic engineering projects, resulting in the
submersion of a large number of terrestrial cultural heritage sites underwater. The sudden submersion
of these heritage sites due to human activities drastically changed their living environment, causing
irreversible damage to the relics and ancient sites.
The three gorges dam and white crane ridge
The White Crane Ridge inscriptions are the largest and most extensive hydrological inscriptions in
existence, known as the "world's hydrological data treasury." They record local low water levels of the
Yangtze River from 764 CE to 1909 CE, as well as historical, literary, artistic, and folklore information
1

�during this period. The inscriptions serve as an essential source for the study of the hydrological
history of the upper reaches of the Yangtze River.
The White Crane Ridge inscriptions use a unique method of recording water levels based on Chinese
cultural traditions, with the stone fish as the reference point and inscriptions indicating the distance
from the reference point. The creators of this unique method transformed dry numerical records into
artistic creations rich in cultural and artistic connotations, and combined them with local folk activities
like watching the stone fish emerge from the water and predicting harvests. This not only imbues these
records with historical value but also turns recording water levels into a conscious action of local
people, giving it a lasting vitality.
Today, when discussing the White Crane Ridge, one cannot ignore the closely related human
activity—the construction of the Three Gorges Dam project. This is one of the largest power stations
in China and the world, mainly serving water resource utilization, flood control, and power generation.
After the Three Gorges Dam raised the water level to 175 meters, the water level along the Yangtze
River significantly increased, submerging the White Crane Ridge inscriptions nearly 40 meters
underwater, along with over 300 above-ground ancient sites and 400 underground ancient sites,
totaling approximately 800 sites (Huang Wei 2011).
Reservoir construction and submersion of ancient villages
Technological advancements in the 20th century promoted industrialization, providing continuous
vitality for infrastructure construction. Hydraulic engineering projects not only helped solve energy
shortages but also served multiple functions such as flood control, irrigation, navigation, and
employment, effectively addressing the slow economic and social development faced by developing
countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Thus, countries in the region began to engage in hydraulic
engineering projects to create economic value.
Vietnam began constructing the Hoa Binh Dam in 1979, which was completed and put into operation
in 1994 as the largest hydropower station in Vietnam and one of the largest reservoirs in Southeast
Asia. The Sesan River Reservoir project in Cambodia, located on one of the two main tributaries of the
Mekong River, started in 2012 and began operating in 2017. The Laos government, in cooperation
with Thailand and China, began constructing the Pak Beng hydropower station in 2017, which remains
under construction.
However, while hydraulic engineering projects bring economic benefits, they also cause irreversible
damage to the surrounding ecological environment and cultural heritage. Material cultural heritage,
such as ancient villages, temples, ancestral halls, and other relics related to local ethnic cultures, are
completely submerged with the reservoir's water storage, facing unprecedented challenges in their
living environment. Underwater, cultural relics may be affected by water flow erosion, biological
corrosion, and chemical reactions, further increasing the difficulty of protecting cultural heritage.
From the perspective of intangible cultural heritage, the construction of hydraulic facilities forces
some indigenous people to relocate. Over time, the traditional culture, lifestyle, and social structure
formed by the indigenous people based on their living environment also change with the alteration of
their living environment. This results in a significant loss of intangible cultural heritage passed down
from generation to generation, such as social practices, conceptual expressions, and knowledge and
skills. Consequently, we lose the opportunity to understand and inherit these unique cultures forever.
In addition, reservoir construction disrupts river ecosystems, and water level fluctuations cause erosive
geological changes. Water storage in reservoirs leads to sediment accumulation, downstream drought,
and worsening saltwater intrusion, all of which negatively impact biodiversity and ecological balance
and indirectly affect the preservation of local cultural heritage.

2

�BALANCING HYDROPOWER DEVELOPMENT AND UCH PROTECTION
From the aforementioned cases, it is evident that developing countries in Asia have continued to
construct hydropower projects in the past fifty years, with some completed and in operation, while
others still under construction. In the process of economic development, developing countries
inevitably face the dilemma of prioritizing development or cultural heritage protection. If left
unaddressed, more terrestrial cultural heritage sites may be submerged during hydropower
construction and left without adequate protection. Thus, this article will focus on theoretical
perspectives to explore how to balance social development and cultural heritage protection, as well as
how to make decisions when their interests conflict, in order to achieve sustainable development for
both.
Conflict between hydropower development and cultural heritage protection
Firstly, hydropower development, such as dams and reservoirs, often requires construction in rivers,
lakes, and other water bodies. These areas may contain sites and ancient structures of significant
historical and cultural value. During hydropower construction, these cultural heritage sites may be
submerged, preventing their values from being passed down. Moreover, hydropower development can
alter the environment, such as water flow and levels, leading to site erosion, sediment changes, and
subsequent effects on site integrity and preservation. Underwater archaeology is inherently more
challenging than terrestrial archaeology, and hydropower projects further increase the difficulty and
complexity of underwater archaeology conditions (Gribble 2013). The extent and completeness of
underwater archaeological work directly influence the protection of UCH. In developing countries,
limited economic development results in weak awareness of UCH protection among governments and
the public, leading to insufficient investigation, planning, and assessment of potentially affected
cultural heritage sites during the early stages of hydropower development. Additionally, limited
resource allocation contributes to the challenge of initiating UCH protection efforts.
Ethical considerations and UCH protection
The conflicts mentioned above force us to confront a series of serious questions. How should we
weigh the importance of hydropower development and cultural heritage protection when they conflict,
and can their conflicts be reconciled? Through case analysis, we find that most developing countries
prioritize hydropower development and seldom develop comprehensive protection plans for related
cultural heritage at the early stages of construction. This is closely related to national economic
strength and social context at the time. Following World War II, the acceleration of late modernity and
globalization processes intensified people's linear experience of the past, resulting in increased
vulnerability and uncertainty when facing crises and risks. Heritage and the past became topics of
widespread public interest and concern. The heritage explosion around the 1970s further highlighted
people's attention to heritage and its cultural core (Harrison 2013). However, this shift occurred during
the deindustrialization period, and many already constructed industrial facilities, such as the
hydropower projects mentioned in this article, had caused irreversible damage to cultural heritage.
While the damage is done and cannot be reversed, it is still essential to deeply explore and analyze the
ethical issues underlying this damage to provide theoretical insights for future cultural heritage
protection and sustainable development.
Developing countries' series of hydropower projects were initially aimed at economic growth and
development. While such infrastructure has indeed had positive impacts on societal and national
development, it is crucial to consider how to properly preserve and accommodate cultural heritage and
historical information during the construction of these projects. Otherwise, the loss of cultural heritage
and traditional customs due to human intervention is a cost that neither we nor future generations can
bear.

3

�Achieving balance between economic development and cultural heritage protection
Ethical considerations concerning the submersion of terrestrial cultural heritage by human intervention
can be summarized into two main questions: first, is the damage caused by artificially altering the
environment of cultural heritage sites justifiable? Second, has the consent of the public who value the
cultural heritage been obtained before submerging terrestrial heritage sites? When conflicts arise
between economic development and cultural heritage protection, the optimal solution should involve
achieving a balance between the two through sustainable means. The construction of the Three Gorges
Dam led to the submersion of Baiheliang, but with the growing emphasis on the cultural industry,
relevant departments have made great efforts to protect this precious cultural heritage. The underwater
protection project of Baiheliang inscriptions at their original site is the most challenging,
technologically advanced, and heavily invested cultural heritage protection project within the globally
watched Three Gorges cultural relics protection. Adopting the "pressureless container" principle and
constructing an underwater museum for in-situ protection has become the world's first successful
example of protecting similar cultural heritage, with UNESCO praising it as the world's first
underwater site museum accessible without diving (Jiang Rui 2020). In addition, the site has carried
out cultural dissemination and educational work to raise public awareness and protection
consciousness for Baiheliang inscriptions.
The successful protection of Baiheliang inscriptions demonstrates that although the construction of the
Three Gorges Dam inevitably caused damage to cultural heritage, it is an indispensable part of national
economic development. Without an economic foundation, how can cultural heritage be protected?
Therefore, this article argues that when economic development becomes an obstacle to human survival
and social progress, appropriate changes can be made to cultural heritage. At the same time, people
should always remember the contributions of cultural heritage to human progress and provide better
protection when they have the capacity. However, if the urgency of economic development is
questioned, actions that submerge terrestrial cultural heritage in water against ethical principles should
be firmly prevented. Furthermore, since heritage began involving the public domain (Lowenthal
1996), public participation has become an essential part of heritage protection and utilization.
Decisions on whether to submerge terrestrial cultural heritage in water should not rely solely on
official authorities; relevant heritage organizations should conduct thorough public surveys and listen
to the opinions of the public.
QUESTIONING AND REFLECTION ON THE 100-YEAR TIME LIMIT OF THE UCH
PROTECTION CONVENTION
This article focuses on a series of ethical issues brought about by human activities such as the
construction of water conservancy projects, which cause terrestrial cultural heritage to be submerged
underwater. In attempting to seek better protection for such damaged cultural heritage, legal and
institutional obstacles have been encountered. The "Underwater Cultural Heritage Protection
Convention" passed by UNESCO in 2001 is the first international convention on the protection of
UCH worldwide (Dromgoole 2013). The convention stipulates that UCH refers to all human remnants
with cultural, historical, or archaeological value, such as sites, buildings, artifacts, human remains,
ships, and aircraft, as well as their archaeologically valuable environments and natural environments,
which have been partially or entirely underwater for at least 100 years, periodically or continuously.
According to this provision, cultural heritage with significant historical, scientific, and artistic value,
such as Baiheliang inscriptions, is not considered UCH under the convention's definition when
submerged underwater due to human activities. Many scholars have questioned the 100-year time
limit, arguing that this rigid standard lacks scientific basis and is purely for management purposes to
exclude items of more recent origin. However, many countries' cultural heritage laws use this time
limit (Ma Mingfei 2018). To more comprehensively and objectively assess the value of UCH, it is
necessary to adopt multiple indicators rather than simply relying on the 100-year time limit. This
assessment process may involve interdisciplinary collaboration, including experts in fields such as
history, archaeology, art history, and environmental science (Forrest 2014). In fact, in some cases,
4

�more recent heritage may have more urgent protection needs, such as the risk of natural disasters or
human destruction. Otherwise, a large number of heritage sites will be excluded and not receive
effective protection.
SUGGESTIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
This article uses academic resources to focus on theoretical discussions, summarizing cases of
human-caused submersion of cultural heritage underwater and corresponding countermeasures and
protection measures, and further considering what human activities are permissible and which ones are
unethical when facing both economic development and cultural relic protection. The paper argues that
when the economic foundation threatens human survival and social development, appropriate changes
can be made to cultural heritage by fully listening to public opinion and promoting public
participation, and better protection can be provided for damaged heritage when the capacity is
available. However, when the urgency of economic development is questioned, we should prioritize
the protection of cultural heritage and resist actions that deliberately submerge cultural heritage
underwater, causing permanent damage. Furthermore, this article questions the scientific and accurate
nature of the 100-year time limit for the definition of UCH in the "Underwater Cultural Heritage
Protection Convention," as this time limit determines the future protection of UCH.
The protection of UCH faces many challenges, and seeking a balance between economic development
and cultural heritage protection is a complex and important task. We need to make efforts in various
aspects, such as improving policies and regulations, supporting scientific and technological research,
international cooperation and exchanges, and public participation and education, to better protect and
inherit these precious cultural heritages and contribute to the sustainable development of UCH in the
Asia-Pacific region and the world.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Dromgoole, S. The Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage: National Perspectives in Light of the
UNESCO Convention 2001, 2nd ed. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2006.
2.

Forrest, C. International Law and the Protection of Cultural Heritage. London; New York: Routledge, 2014.

3.

Gribble, J. “The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage 2001: An Impact
Review for the United Kingdom: Project Design.” Journal of maritime archaeology 6, no.1 (2011): 77-86.

4.

Harrison, R. Heritage: Critical Approaches. London; New York: Routledge, 2013.

5.

Lowenthal, D. Possessed by the Past: The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. New York: The Free Press,
1996.

6.

O'Keefe, P. J. Shipwrecked Heritage: a Commentary on the UNESCO Convention on Underwater Cultural
Heritage, 2nd ed. Leicester. UK: Institute of Art and Law, 2014.

7.

蒋锐. “浅析水下文化遗产保护管理措施及成效——以白鹤梁题刻为例.”自然与文化遗产研究 5, no.1(2020):
114-119.

8.

马明飞. “《保护水下文化遗产公约》在我国研究的回顾与展望.” 水下考古, (2018): 256-265.

9.

黄伟. 三峡大坝建设对奉节旅游影响研究. 重庆师范大学, 2011.

5

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                <text>As human societies continue to expand economically and socially in a divergent manner, the destruction of&#13;
cultural heritage sites becomes almost inevitable. Since modern times in China, the construction of dams and&#13;
reservoirs has led to the submersion of numerous valuable cultural relics and ancient sites, which has completely&#13;
changed their living environment and caused irreversible damage. For example, the construction of the Three&#13;
Gorges Dam resulted in the permanent submersion of the Fuling White Crane Ridge beneath the reservoir. Such&#13;
cases are not unique to China but can be found throughout the Asia-Pacific region and even globally, as&#13;
developing countries inevitably face the dilemma of prioritizing development or cultural heritage protection. If&#13;
left unchecked, more terrestrial cultural heritage sites will be submerged underwater. This paper will utilize&#13;
academic resources to focus on theoretical discussions, summarizing cases of anthropogenic submersion of&#13;
cultural heritage sites and corresponding countermeasures and protective measures. It will further consider what&#13;
types of human activities are permissible and which are ethically unacceptable when faced with both economic&#13;
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is questioned, we should prioritize the protection of cultural heritage and resist the practice of submerging&#13;
cultural heritage sites underwater, which leads to their permanent destruction. Furthermore, the Convention on&#13;
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                <text>Yue, Zhang. 2023. “Anthropogenic Submersion of Terrestrial Cultural Heritage sites leads to their Permanent Destruction and Demise.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Bishnu Pada Bose. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1975 </text>
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                    <text>Anthropology Museums and the Maritime and underwater cultural heritage of Capiz
(Placuna Placenta) artisanal dive fishery in the Philippine Archipelago
Ma. Arve B. Bañez, PhD (University of the Philippines Mindanao, mbbanez@up.edu.ph)
ABSTRACT
My paper examines the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Capiz (Placuna placenta) artisanal dive fishery.
There are three types of collections of the material culture of the Capiz dive fishery. These include the Capiz artisanal
diving fishery materials i.e., improvised diving gears and apparel; the Capiz shells and shell craft commodities classified
according to use and function and other secondary data about the Philippine Capiz shell industry, and the map showing
the distribution of Placuna beds around the Philippine archipelago. The string of agents, the socioecological practices
and the social relations likewise encompass the material life of fishing households engaged in Capiz artisanal dive
fishery. ‘Follow the thing’, a geographical approach allows me to conduct multi-sited ethnographies covering the source
communities of Trapiche and Botong, Oton, Iloilo, the natural habitat of Placuna placenta. And Banica, Roxas City,
Capiz’s shell craft manufacturer Kapis atbp. The museum visits and online capiz shell craft sellers encompass the diverse
sites to further document and describe the uses and function of the capiz. The local ecological knowledge embodies the
intangible maritime and underwater cultural heritage of Capiz artisanal dive fishery. Thus, integrating the narratives of
the development of fishing households, their labour and livelihoods. To analyze the significance of anthropology
museums in the preservation of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery maritime and underwater cultural heritage, I applied
three theories, namely: materialism, the biographies and itineraries of things, and object-oriented ontology (OOO).
Keywords: artisanal dive fishery, Capiz (Placuna placenta), anthropology museums, maritime and underwater
cultural heritage
List of Figures
Figure 1 The distribution of Placuna beds in the Philippine Archipelago author commissioned map (Talavera and
Faustino 1931).
Figure 2 Placuna placenta (Linnaeus 1758) Photograph by Ma. Arve B. Bañez, March 28, 2019.
Figure 3 The material objects of capiz artisanal dive fishery
Figure 4 Capiz (Placuna placenta) commodities and museum material objects

1. INTRODUCTION
The material life of Capiz artisanal dive fishery
'Museums are institutions devoted to the collecting, preservation, exhibition, study, and interpretation of
tangible artefacts,' according to Stocking (1985 4; see Gathercole (1989), cited in Haas 1996, 11). My
research focuses on the material culture of the Capiz (Placuna placenta) artisanal diving fishing as a subject
of maritime and underwater cultural heritage. I propose collecting, preserving, exhibiting, studying, and
interpreting material objects as well as the local ecological knowledge in the Capiz artisanal dive fishery.
Capiz shell crafts, as well as the commodities and artefacts made from shells, are part of the material culture
of the Capiz artisanal dive fishing. The evolution, transitions, and developments in modern diving methods,
as well as the narratives of fishing households about their lives and livelihoods, compose the Capiz artisanal
dive fishery's lifeworld.

1

�Figure 1 The distribution of Placuna beds in the Philippine Archipelago author
commissioned map (Talavera and Faustino 1931).

Placuna placenta (Linnaeus 1758) is a windowpane oyster, a bivalve marine mollusc with thin mica-like
translucent shells. Capiz is a marine bivalve with high economic value for the Philippine shells and shell
craft industry. (Talavera and Faustino,1931; Magsuci, Conlu, and Aypa-Moyano, 1980; Sotto and von
Cosel, 1982; Young and Serna, 1982; Rosell, 1984; Woods and Wells, 1995; Adan, 2000; Floren 2003;
Miagao, 2007; Laureta, 2008; Baňez, 2019) The common names of Placuna Placenta include window shell,
Chinese window shell, window oyster. The local names of Placuna Placenta vary across the Philippine
archipelago: in Tagalog, it is called Capiz or Kapis; Bicol, kalampinay or katipay; and lampirong in
Visayan. Talavera and Faustino. (1931, 339-344). Specifically, in Capiz province, Panay Island, it is called
pios. (Bañez 2021)
A collection of artefacts and materials used in Capiz artisanal dive fishing contains maritime and
underwater cultural heritage. The tangible objects of Placuna Placenta's maritime submerged cultural
heritage can be categorized into three interwoven collections. The first set consists of the Capiz artisanal
diving fishery material collection. These include improvised diving clothing and equipment such as diving
fins ('panyapak'), half-masks ('tempered'), gloves ('gwantes'), and diving belts ('pamato'). The recycled
2

�materials used, the design, maintenance, and repair, as well as the predicted worth or cost, are extensive
descriptions of the above. The first collection also includes the material things used to gather and harvest
Capiz, such as the compressor and the makeshift breathing apparatus- hose tube pipe, the mesh net ('sibut')
and the wicker basket ('bala-bala'), as well as the motorized boat used for the diving expedition. The
compressor's thorough description, as well as the connected hose tube pipe’s average length, the length and
dimensions of the mesh net and the wicker basket. The three varieties of dredging rakes used to collect
Capiz shells in the 1990s, causing damage to the Placuna beds, are also conserved.

Figure 2 Placuna placenta (Linnaeus 1758) Photograph by Ma. Arve B. Bañez, March 28, 2019.

The Capiz shells and shell craft commodities are classified based on their use and function. The second set
of collections includes information about international trade exports, various shells and shell craft
manufacturers, and the distribution of Placuna beds around the Philippine archipelago. These data sets were
gathered through archival research, the review of related literature, and online searches.
The material life of fishing households is entangled in their livelihoods at sea. The socio-ecological
practices, the history, shifts and changes in the diving practices, the social relations of the string of agents
or the key actors, and the narratives of fishing households about their lives and livelihoods embody the
lifeworld of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery. The third set of the collection represents the people, the social
practices and relations; their recorded voices and fishing labour portrayed in photographs and videos.
Essentially, the narratives of fishing communities that depend on the sea as a source of food and a place of
labour encompass their maritime and underwater cultural heritage.
According to Anita Herle (2016 6), the development of relational models within anthropology shifted the
focus away from objectified and fixed entities exclusively owned by individuals and institutions to a more
nuanced understanding of the dynamic links between people and things. A central premise is that entities
(both people and objects) are given substance, meaning, and value through their enmeshed relations.
[Emphasis mine] Rather than simply being seen as static items of material culture, objects can be understood
and analyzed as materializations of social relations, a dynamic process involving interweaving human
actions, beliefs, skills, and materials to create physical objects (Bell &amp; Geismar 2009).

3

�The museum comes from the Greek ‘museion’ and its original meaning derived from the Muses, the nine
sister goddesses of Greek mythology to watch over music, the arts, poetry, and the sciences. The museum
was a place dedicated to the Muses (Murray 1984; Wittlin 1970 cited in Haas 1996, 11), so it seems,
etymologically speaking. To muse also denotes thinking or studying. The material objects reproduce the
socioecological practices, and subsequently, engender the social relations in Capiz artisanal dive fishery
and vice versa. Practically, the material culture and non-material culture perpetuate the lives and livelihoods
– the lifeworld of artisanal fishing communities at present and in the future. I am musing about the Capiz
artisanal dive fishery, for the maritime and underwater cultural heritage preservation in the Philippines and
the Asia Pacific.

Figure 3 The material objects of capiz artisanal dive fishery

2. CASE STUDIES
The multi-sited ethnographic case studies for consideration focused on the coastal barangays of Trapiche
and Botong, Oton, Iloilo, Panay, Philippines. Primarily, I obtained the first set of data from my dissertation
Unod kag Panit: The narratives of the development of the artisanal lampirong (Placuna placenta) fishery
of Oton, Iloilo. The second set of data was gathered from the two source communities, namely: Oton, Iloilo
and Banica, Roxas City, Capiz. I documented the benda- porma process of Capiz shell craft making at
Kapis atbp., in the latter. From online research, I generated digital photographs of the Capiz shell craft
items sold, recording their extensive uses, monetary price, and function. My online research resulted in a
meet-up with the owner of Capiz Flowers and Antiques. They create a bouquet made of Capiz shells. The
third set of data also were collected from Oton, Iloilo where I generated information about the lives and
livelihoods of fishing households engaged in the Capiz artisanal dive fishery.
I visited two public museums at the National Museum of Philippine Maritime History and the National
Museum of Western Visayas in Iloilo City. The third museum is privately owned, the Camiña Balay na
Bato, which is open to tourists and showcases the famous bahay-na-bato built with the Capiz sliding panel
windows, dividers, chandelier, and other home furniture made from Capiz shells.
A ‘polysemy of spaces’ of the source community Oton, Iloilo, the natural habitat of Placuna placenta;
Banica, Roxas City’s Kapis atbp., the Capiz shell craft manufacturer; the public and private Museums with
Placuna placenta and Capiz shell craft curated items exhibited; and cyber communities selling online Capiz
shell crafts. These offline and online sites are platforms of the enmeshed relations of people, places, and
4

�the capiz (Placuna placenta). The marine bivalve metamorphoses into a maritime heritage cultural material
object of the Philippine archipelago.

Figure 4 Capiz (Placuna placenta) commodities and museum material objects

3. RESOURCES
The resources available to conduct the research include secondary data sources, the data collected from my
fieldwork in Oton, Iloilo and Banica, Roxas City, and online sources. The information on the distribution
map of Placuna beds across the Philippine archipelago was based on the 1931 published journal article of
Faustino and Talavera. The tables with information about the 1920s Philippine export of Capiz shells and
shell craft also were based on Faustino and Talavera’s research. The social media platform Facebook carried
the online pages of sellers of the Capiz shells and shell crafts. International Capiz shell craft industriesmaintained web pages that I accessed using the Google search engine.
4. FRAMEWORK
My study inquiries into the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery.
In particular, the maritime submerged tangible and intangible heritage of Placuna placenta and the material
culture of Capiz artisanal dive fishery as a subject of anthropology museums. What comprises the maritime
and underwater cultural heritage of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery? Why are the narratives of the
development of artisanal fishing households engaged in Capiz dive fishery included in the maritime and
underwater cultural heritage of the Philippines? What is the significance of anthropology museums in the
preservation of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery maritime and underwater cultural heritage?
To frame my analysis and interpretation, I am appropriating the materialism conceived by Marx and Engels
(1845-6), stating, “practice, activity, production and the conditions of life are all characterized as material…
real individuals, their activity and the material conditions of their life and state that by producing their
means of subsistence men are indirectly producing their material life.” (31) The socioecological practices,
the marine and coastal ecology, and the labour in capiz artisanal dive fishery reproduce not only the social
5

�relations of production but the material life in a fishing community. This conception of materialism is
integrated, and appropriate in describing and analyzing the labour and the material objects in capiz artisanal
fishery including the commodities they produce.
Moreover, Marx and Engels (1845-6, 36) treat the ‘production of ideas, of conceptions, of consciousness’,
too, as a form of societal practice. These activities are, as they put it, ‘directly interwoven with the material
activity and the material intercourse of men’. Thus, the ingenious improvisation of the diving gears and
apparel and the careful selection of recycled materials, the design, maintenance and repair of the compressor
and hose tube pipe breathing apparatus, which are conceived from local ecological knowledge constitute
the material life of capiz artisanal dive fishery.
The biographies and itineraries of objects and things frame my analysis of the Placuna placenta on display
at the National Museum in Western Visayas and the capiz shell crafts exhibited in the National Museum of
Maritime History. Essentially, to ‘follow the thing’ permits me to conduct a multi-sited ethnography. Thus,
tracing the itinerary of the submerged Placuna placenta from the seafloor to divers collecting and putting
them inside a mesh net. Then, unloading the sackful of capiz shells on the seashore, the post-diving
activities of shucking shells (panala), steaming, fermenting, and selling the seafood in the roadside sheds,
or the intricate and laborious process of capiz shell making, selling the shell craft commodities in retail
shops and online sites, export the global capiz shell craft commodities comprise the itineraries of the capiz
(Placuna placenta). The capiz sliding panel window is iconic and an architectural feature of Gabaldon
school buildings and the bahay-na-bato. The capiz farol/parol or lantern is a sought-after commodity during
the Christmas season. Using the object-oriented ontology (OOO) theory, these material objects made of
capiz shells do not only have a biography and an itinerary but possess attributes agential in character. The
capiz sliding panel window evokes nostalgia for the 19th-century Spanish colonial period in the Philippines.
The Gabaldon school buildings with capiz panel windows remind us of the public school system established
during the American colonial period in the Philippines. The capiz parol or lantern is symbolic of the festive
Christmas season in the Philippines.
To summarize, three relevant frameworks apply in my analysis and interpretation of the material culture of
capiz artisanal dive fishery, Marx and Engels’s conception of materialism, the biography and itinerary of
things, and the object-oriented ontology theory. These theories meld a meshwork of analysis and
interpretation of the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the capiz in the Philippines.
5. RESULTS
The three types of collections of the material culture of Capiz artisanal dive fishery are:
1) the Capiz artisanal diving fishery materials i.e., improvised diving gears and apparel;
2) The Capiz shells and shell craft commodities classified according to use and function and other
secondary data about the Philippine Capiz shell industry, and the map showing the distribution of
Placuna beds around the Philippine archipelago; and,
3) The third set of the collection represents the people, the socioecological practices and social
relations of fishing households engaged in Capiz artisanal dive fishery.
These material collections are shown below in photographs, tables, graphs and digital illustrations and are
curated with captions and descriptions. Analysis and discussion of these material cultures seek to answer
the following research questions:

6

�1. What comprises the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery?
2. Why are the narratives of the development of artisanal fishing households engaged in Capiz dive
fishery included in the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Philippines?
3. What is the significance of anthropology museums in the preservation of the Capiz artisanal dive
fishery maritime and underwater cultural heritage?
The analysis and discussion are framed according to the three theories, namely: materialism, the biographies
and itineraries of things, and object-oriented ontology (OOO).
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I am grateful to the fishing households in Barangay Trapiche and Botong, Oton, and Iloilo and the local government officials of
the six coastal communities that participated in the study. Cynthia N. Zayas, PhD, Takashi Tsuji, PhD, Rintaro Ono, PhD and
Rosalinda Tomas, PhD, Prof Tomasito T. Talledo and my panel at the Ateneo de Davao University for their steadfast support that
allowed me to finish my dissertation.
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University of the Philippines, 1994

8

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There are three types of collections of the material culture of the Capiz dive fishery. These include the Capiz artisanal&#13;
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according to use and function and other secondary data about the Philippine Capiz shell industry, and the map showing&#13;
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and the social relations likewise encompass the material life of fishing households engaged in Capiz artisanal dive&#13;
fishery. ‘Follow the thing’, a geographical approach allows me to conduct multi-sited ethnographies covering the source&#13;
communities of Trapiche and Botong, Oton, Iloilo, the natural habitat of Placuna placenta. And Banica, Roxas City,&#13;
Capiz’s shell craft manufacturer Kapis atbp. The museum visits and online capiz shell craftsellers encompass the diverse&#13;
sites to further document and describe the uses and function of the capiz. The local ecological knowledge embodies the&#13;
intangible maritime and underwater cultural heritage of Capiz artisanal dive fishery. Thus, integrating the narratives of&#13;
the development of fishing households, their labour and livelihoods. To analyze the significance of anthropology&#13;
museums in the preservation of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery maritime and underwater cultural heritage, I applied&#13;
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                <text>Bañez, Ma. Arve B. . 2023. “Anthropology Museums and the Maritime and underwater cultural heritage of Capiz (Placuna Placenta) artisanal dive fishery in the Philippine Archipelago.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Arjun Rao. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2033 </text>
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                    <text>Antimicrobial hydrogel patches for deacidification and conservation of waterlogged
archaeological wood
Xiaohang Suna, Junjie Chena, Xuanwei Zhangb, Qiang Chena*
a

School of Chemical Engineering and Technology, Sun Yat-sen University, Zhuhai Campus,
Zhuhai, Guangdong Province, China 519082
b

Marinetime Silk Road Museum of Guangdong, HVFF+3H3, Jiangcheng District, Yangjiang,
Guangdong Province, China, 529536
*E-mail: chenqiang3@mail.sysu.edu.cn

ABSTRACT
The Nanhai No. 1 hull, a Chinese merchant ship sank during the Southern Song dynasty and excavated from the
South China Sea, is an example of underwater cultural heritage waterlogged wood that has been preserved in
situ for centuries. Although the overall structure of the wooden artifacts is still intact they are severely degraded
and acidified. It is now urgent to explore effective approaches for its conservation, we explore the feasibility of
antimicrobial hydrogel patches. Antimicrobial hydrogel patches dispersed with antibacterial and deacidification
nanoparticles simultaneously deacidify, moisturize, and reinforce both antibacterial and mechanical aspects of
waterlogged wood. In the construction of the antimicrobial hydrogel patches, the double network hydrogel was
used to prepare the hydrogel substrate with stretch and mechanical strength. We have successfully applied the
antimicrobial hydrogel patches to the waterlogged wood from Nanhai No. 1, with the support of the Maritime
Silk Road Museum of Guangdong. We demonstrate here the advantages of hydrogel patches to protect
waterlogged wood with testing in deacidification, compression and antimicrobial.
KEYWORDS: Underwater cultural heritage waterlogged wood; Antibacterial (preserve); Nanhai No. 1;
Deacidification; Antimicrobial (preventative); Mechanical support (protect against the harsh external conditions)

INTRODUCTION
In 2007, the 800-year-old Nanhai No.1 shipwreck hull was raised from the seabed and moved to the
Marine Silk Road Museum, where it was conserved (Z. Liu et al. 2018). Early studies of the wood at
the museum showed that the structural damage of the underwater cultural heritage (henceforth UCH)
waterlogged wood, composed of softwoods, was severe to not withstand long-term spray
deacidification and moisture retention (Huang et al. 2021; R. Li et al. 2022; Z. Liu et al. 2018; Yin et
al. 2019). As the archaeological excavation continues on the Nanhai No. 1, like other conservation
efforts the severe acidification and salt deposition on the surface is an important challenge for the
protection of the UCH (Amornkitbamrung et al. 2015; Babiński et al. 2017; Baglioni and Giorgi 2006;
Cavallaro et al. 2017; Chelazzi, Giorgi, and Baglioni 2006; Dong et al. 2010; Durán et al. 2016;
Eriksen, Gregory, and Matthiesen 2017; Giorgi, Chelazzi, and Baglioni 2005; Giorgi et al. 2002; L.
Liu et al. 2019; Mahltig et al. 2008; Majka, Babiński, and Olek 2017; Piotrowska and Konieczny
2015; Poggi et al. 2016; Sandström, Fors, and Persson 2003; Sandström et al. 2002; Schofield et al.
2011; Walsh-Korb 2022; Walsh-Korbs and Avérous 2019; Y. Li et al. 2022; Zelinka 2014; Zhou,
Wang, and Hu 2021). Temperature, salinity, fungi, and bacteria are the cause of the severe cell wall
decay (Capretti et al. 2008; Colombini et al. 2009; Hoffmann and Jones 1989. To neutralize the
sulfuric acid and add antimicrobial protection for UCH waterlogged wood we prepared and applied an
antimicrobial hydrogel patch. Antimicrobial hydrogel patches dispersed with antibacterial and
deacidification nanoparticles simultaneously deacidify, moisturize, and reinforce both antibacterial
and mechanical aspects of waterlogged wood (Gong 2014; Gong et al. 2003). This antimicrobial
hydrogel patch served as mechanical support, deacidification, and antibacterial functions, during
post-excavation conservation and prior to the addition of consolidates (Bai et al. 2019). We conducted
1

�a thorough literature review of shipwreck conservation of waterlogged woods; here we demonstrate in
collaboration with the Maritime Silk Road Museum of Guangdong the advantages of antimicrobial
hydrogel patches to protect waterlogged wood on the Nanhai No. 1 hull with testing in
deacidification, compression, and antimicrobial.
EXPERIMENTS
Materials
The UCH waterlogged wood from the Nanhai No. 1 shipwreck was generously provided by the
Maritime Silk Road Museum of Guangdong with a maximum moisture content of around 529%. The
UCH waterlogged wood was stored in 0.5wt% isothiazolinone solution and washed with excess
amount of water three times prior to conservation. The following chemicals were purchased:
Acrylamide (AR, 99.0%) and sodium citrate (98%) from Aladdin; Potassium persulfate (GR, 99.9%),
potassium bicarbonate (AR, 99.5%), and N,N,N',N'-Tetramethylethylenediamine (99%) from
Macklin; N,N-methylenebisacrylamide (MBAA,98%) from Maya Reagent; Silver nitrate (99%) from
Alfa Aesar; Calcium Sulfate (97%) from Rhawn; and sodium alginate (AR, 98%) from RYON. All
chemicals were used directly without additional purification.
Method
We prepared the antimicrobial hydrogel patches and performed three tests: deacidification,
compression and antimicrobial.
Preparation of antimicrobial hydrogel patches
12.44grams (g) of acrylamide and 1.56g of sodium alginate were dissolved in deionized water to form
an acrylamide solution with a water content of 60-80 per cent by weight (wt%). After degassing the
solution for one day, we added 0.0018g and 0.0036g of silver nitrate and 0.2g sodium citrate. Then we
added 0.5g potassium persulfate, 0.0074g MBAA, 0.031g tetramethylethylenediamine and potassium
bicarbonate (KHCO3) at 1.5g, 2.5g, and 3.5g. The solution was transferred to a transparent mold and
exposed to UV light (254nanometers (nm), 8 watts (W) power output) for one hour. The resulting
hydrogel was carefully removed from the molded and immersed in calcium sulfate solution for 20-40
minutes.
Deacidification test
The Nanhai No. 1 UCH waterlogged wood was wrapped for three hours with the antimicrobial
hydrogel patch (see recipe above). The pH of the UCH waterlogged wood was measured by soaking
1g in 30g of deionized water for 30 minutes and measuring the pH of the soaking water (Mettler
Toledo, FE28). The pH meter was calibrated with a standard solution before use.
Compression test
A compression test was conducted using a universal tensile tester (Haida Instrument, HD-A513). The
displacement as a function of force was measured for the synthesized hydrogels with the KHCO3
concentration at 1.5g, 2.5g, and 3.5g and compression speed of 116 millimeters per minute (mm/min).
Antimicrobial test
The antimicrobial performance of the hydrogels was measured via disk diffusion test based on Oxford
cup method. Briefly, the prepared agar medium was sterilized at 121°C for 15 minutes, and cooled to
about 55-50°C before pouring into a petri dish to form the bottom layer of agar gel. Then, E. coli
culture grown in sterilized lysogeny broth (LB) media was applied on the surface of the agar media.
2

�After one day when the E. coli culture completely covers the agar media, the prepared hydrogel was
grinded into a flowable state and added dropwise into an Oxford cup. With 37°C and one day
incubation, the antimicrobial performance was evaluated based on the zone of inhibition around the
Oxford cup.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
In this paper, an antimicrobial hydrogel patch used in the early stages of UCH waterlogged wood
conservation was prepared using weak alkaline compounds. Fig. 1a shows a sample of the
waterlogged wood. Water was sprayed routinely to maintain the water content of the waterlogged
wood. Waterlogged wood, on the hull of Nanhai No.1 shipwreck, in some areas show heavy
precipitation and bacterial decomposition (Fig. 1b 1c and 1d).

Figure 1 waterlogged wood (a) with precipitation cleaned; (b) on the hull of Nanhai No.1 shipwreck; (c) and (d) with
severe bacterial decomposition.

Another advantage of the hydrogel deacidification material is that it is soft and easily stretches to
change shape. The tensile and compression properties were measured. Fig. 2a and 2b are photographs
of released and stretched hydrogel, respectively. More than 1000% elongation was achieved with the
polyacrylamide/alginate hydrogel with silver nanoparticles dispersed.

3

�Figure 2 polyacrylamide/alginate hydrogel (a) at rest; (b) tensioned and elongated; (c) graph of compression with
different KHCO3 concentrations.

The hydrogels with 0.5% and 2.5% KHCO3 are close in Young’s modulus, while the hydrogel with
2.5% KHCO3 has higher Young’s modulus (Fig 2c), which might be caused by the difference in ionic
crosslinking of silver and potassium ions. The hydrogel with potassium percarbonate was used to
wrap the waterlogged wood (Fig. 3a-c). The weak alkaline KHCO3 neutralized the sulfuric acid in the
waterlogged wood, which resulted in a pH increase from 4.0 to 7.2 (Fig 3d). It was also confirmed
that above 0.5% KHCO3 concentration, the increase in KHCO3 did not contribute to the pH increase
remarkably. Gentle adhesion of the hydrogel to the wood neutralization occurs immediately, which
lead to fast and significant pH increase. We suspect this is due to the large water content of the
hydrogel, while also performing the adhesion underwater, is homogeneous.

Figure 3 antimicrobial hydrogel (a) patch (b) patch and waterlogged wood (c) wrapped around waterlogged wood;
(d) bar graph of pH test with different KHCO3 concentrations.

The results of hydrogel antibacterial experiments proved it can protect waterlogged wood from
bacterial degradation. When 30 μg/mL silver nitrate in the hydrogel was converted to silver
nanoparticles, the antimicrobial properties of the hydrogels became sufficient to prevent bacterial
degradation. Comparing Fig 4b and 4c, we see the increase of the silver nanoparticles from 30 μg/mL
4

�silver nitrate converted to silver nanoparticles to 60 μg/mL silver nitrate converted to silver
nanoparticles had less effect on the increase in antimicrobial properties.

Figure 4 antimicrobial hydrogel with silver nitrate converted to silver nanoparticles (a) control sample without;(b)
zones of inhibition caused by 30 μg/mL; (c) zones of inhibition caused by 60 μg/mL.

CONCLUSIONS
In this paper, we explore the feasibility of using antimicrobial hydrogel patches with excellent
mechanical strength for conservation of waterlogged wood. We focused our testing on antimicrobial
hydrogels deacidification and antibacterial properties. We noted the prepared hydrogel patches match
well with weak alkaline and high water content properties to carry out ion exchange to reduce the
acidity. Double network polymer structure was utilized to increase the stretch of the hydrogel, which
provides mechanical support to the highly decayed softwood. These antimicrobial hydrogel patches
can perform targeted restoration and preservation as indicated by our research and testing of UCH
waterlogged wood from Nanhai No.1 with the help of the Maritime Silk Road Museum of
Guangdong.
AUTHOR INFORMATION
Mailing address: School of Chemical Engineering and Technology, Sun Yat-sen University Zhuhai, Guangdong Province
519082 China; Email: chenqiang3@mail.sysu.edu.cn
Xiaohang Sun, Junjie Chen, Xuanwei Zhang, Qiang Chen* contributed equally to this work. All authors have given approval
to the final version of the manuscript.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT
This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (51972264).

5

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6

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7

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antimicrobial hydrogel patches. Antimicrobial hydrogel patches dispersed with antibacterial and deacidification&#13;
nanoparticles simultaneously deacidify, moisturize, and reinforce both antibacterial and mechanical aspects of&#13;
waterlogged wood. In the construction of the antimicrobial hydrogel patches, the double network hydrogel was&#13;
used to prepare the hydrogel substrate with stretch and mechanical strength. We have successfully applied the&#13;
antimicrobial hydrogel patches to the waterlogged wood from Nanhai No. 1, with the support of the Maritime&#13;
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                    <text>Antiquities Homecoming：An Experience of Rescue Team
of Cultural Relics
Tsai, Cheng Chung
ZhongKai University of Agriculture and Engineering
aaa_maxwell@hotmail.com
Shuhan Guo
ZhongKai University of Agriculture and Engineering
tinakashu@gmail.com
Yuping Zhang
ZhongKai University of Agriculture and Engineering
1239633011@qq.com
Abstract
Through five thousand years of Chinese culture, thereare as many
ancient cultural relics as there are stars in the night sky. Much like stars,
these artefacts are scattered all over the world. For this reason, we
established a small antiquity public welfare organization. In this article, we
will introduce some details around working in this department and explore
our user experience. Some of these activites include; looking for ancient
cultural relics, finding ancient cultural relics, identifying ancient cultural
relics, and contacting a descendant of ancient cultural relics, and
negotiating with the sellers;with the ultimate goal of sending the antiquities
back to their home. We felt the sacred sense of mission by bringing
antiquities home. We also began to realize the public welfare and the
value of the historical relics are common to people all over the world.
At present, the problem of the antiquities coming home is emerging in the
various rescue operations once again. In particular, as the
nation becomes generally wealthier, there is an increase in the number of
transactions to acquire ancient cultural relics to obtain profits. In addition,
historically, overseas organizations and foreign funding agencies
have been acquiring Chinese ancient cultural relics strategically. Because
of this, bringing the ancient cultural relics back to their hometown or
museum, or returning them to their descendants has become even more
difficult. Therefore, our team has decided to create and manage the
ancient cultural relic’s rescue and homecoming project. Through which,
we will advocate that the ancient cultural relic’s protection and public

�welfare for ancient cultural relics is paramount. We will do our best to
return these ancient cultural relics back to their hometown, and let the
ancient cultural relics engage and influence the public.

Key words: Cultural relics, homecoming, descendant, collections,
cultural and creative industry

The experience of Germany how they dispose "gray antiquities"
1.1Chippindall Law
British archaeologist Christopher Chippindall and Dawid Geere began an
unprecedented investigation in 2000, using 7 international collections of
cultural relics in the collection system to verify the reliability of their source.
Officials have the collection directory with those cultural relics, which
clearly record every piece of the source.
However, of the 1396 items catalogued, up to 75% of these cultural relics
lack the source of written documents. They also found that there were
more than 500 pieces of relics lack any historical transaction record and
has been proved that no one knows why this group of cultural relics made
its debut on display in the museum. That means these exhibits illegally
posess potentially tomb-raided stolen goods. They have a startling
discovery after compared with the same marked when the exhibits on
display in different provenance. Generally, those first exhibited marked
"unknown sources" cultural relics appeared again with a clear source tag,
suggesting that these cultural relics may be a fake story. Their research
result is called Chippindall Law.
1.2 Museum admitted "gray cultural relics"
There is a hidden rule which allows cultural relics with no transparent
background in the marker. A clear experience relic which we call white

�cultural relic not only can check all previous possessors and where it came
out of that therefore it should be legal. On the other hand, an unclear
experienced cultural relic which we call black cultural relic usually came
out of the grave or was stolen out of the museum or from private collectors.
Actually, most traded relics in the market are gray cultural relics which we
do not know where they came out but still could pull wool over some
possessors’ eyes. However, archaeologists deem that gray cultural relics
are equal to the black cultural relics. In the early 1960s, the British
museum with a rich collection of relic objects bought from the market. In
1970, UNESCO issued a convention against cultural products illegally
traded, but Germany didn't become signatories until 2007. Although
Germany signed, but there were still many excuses to reject the
convention, and not to return those illegal cultural relics. Germany started
to implement a legislative correction as to ensure the innocence of its
collections. It stipulated that acquisitions in the museum should be white
relics. Baden state museum curator Eckart Cohen said "museum curator's
affection and greed of collection tend to cause them to become
accessories of illegal trade." he said "It is not innocent cultural relics
derived from an anonymous Swiss collector".
2 Antiquities Homecoming
People always marvel at the beauty of an ancient cultural relic when they
see it. However, does everyone know where it comes from or who its
owner is? Is this a clear origin of cultural relics? As we know the cases in
Germany and UK. There are many cultural relics with unclear origins. So,
a program came out .This is a program to return relics that belonged to
certain families or estates. And there is an overwhelming feeling by the
members of our organization that this is the right and just thing to do. We
plan to return objects, may they be relics to certain descendants or

�surviving families or organizations who manage familial assets we trust.
There are many reasons as to why relic objects may be in disarray or
disregarded. Our goal as a group is to preserve the legacy and spirit of
the relic objects. In doing so, we have to secure adequate funding to
purchase relic objects in existing markets that to offer prices to said
objects. We plan to setup a process by which we will discern the
appropriate prices and appraised value that we deem fair for purchase.
We will employ a mechanism that is equitable for all parties involved. We
will standard governing practices to regulate the process to ensure

�stability. An issue that will be addressed in the future is the question of
funding. We will establish a funding process for this project.

Fig. 1: Funding Process Flowchart.
3 Antiquities homecoming evaluation criteria
There are three indispensable standards for relic objects if they could be
sent back home. The first step is to ensure the antiquity has a clear and

�certain name. Or it has been recorded from other historical documents.
Second, it could be traced to a certain dynasty. The last one is to make
sure that we could find its surviving generations of the cultural relics,
family ancestral hall, museum etc. According to former experiences
certain relic objects such as famous calligraphy, paintings, manuscripts,
imperial mandate etc. could be easily up to the three standards.
After members of the project found unmistakable name on the relic object
and could know its dynasty and background, and antiquary work, they
may start searching whether there are descendants of the owner of
cultural relic have the intention to collect the family relic from their
predecessor. It could be returned to surviving consanguinity of the
owners, family ancestral hall, local museums and other related parties.
Project team members note the cultural relics "without surviving families"
if the descendants could not be found. Then the project team members
would start the next steps to find whether there are relevant museums,
temples on behalf of the ancestral temple and local administration of
cultural heritage that can collect it.

4 The circulation channels of cultural relic objects
General, people purchase cultural relics and works of art mainly as private
collections, investment of innovation company, decorations and so on. It
is important to purchase cultural relics from formal circulation channels for
antiquarians. There are three circulation channels to transaction relic
objects beyond the seas:
 Auction companies: The auction companies are considered as the
secondary transaction market. It focusses on the arts trade, as they

�have sensitive professional marketing orientation, and pay more
attention on the objects with high benefit in a short-term.
 Galleries: In the art market galleries are deemed as the primary
market. The agents would sign contracts with artists strictly, and they
have responsibility to the find, nurture and promote potential artists
and their works. One risk of investment of arts in the galleries is the
difficulty in evaluating the appreciation due to the agents would
promote on its own preferences rather than market orientation.
 Private procurement: The term of "private procurement" is relative to
the “auction companies". Though it is often misunderstood as lack of
professional evaluation, slight influence on art market and low
exchange price, so far, top six paintings with astronomical price were
unveiled from this channel for the low risks, fewer bidders, efficiency
and privacy of transaction, personalized customer services have made
it a big draw of investors.
Transaction of arts and paintings in western countries compare that in
China mainland, the program members could search relic objects in
channels below.

Fig. 2: Top six paintings with astronomical price.

� Network: In the information age, the Internet takes over a large part of
one's daily life so that cultural relics can be obtained from the Internet,
as well as the historical background of cultural relics which help us
understanding. It also became convenient sources of obtaining
information of the relic objects. The following chat integrated the
Internet purchasing channel for the project members to search.

Fig. 3: Antique markets in the Internet.

� Commercial market operations for cultural relics: This is for people
who prefer to play with, understand the cultural relics in the antiquities
market. Here are some famous commercial markets for cultural relics.

Fig. 4: Cultural relics market in China.
 Enthusiastic people informed the members: it is distinct between
private contact and warm-hearted people contact report that mainly
depend on the interpersonal connections of the team, like the posterity,
ancestral hall, temple museum which the team service before. They
will tell the project team members they inadvertently discovered the
ancient cultural relics in the market, let us work together. In general,
the project team members will be released out of the most important
introduction of "mysterious ancient cultural relics” through the
interpersonal relationships of museums, the community or union of
institutions of higher learning like the ancient cultural relics and director
of the famous temple ancestral temple. There are numerous
propaganda ways to improve the enthusiasm of the alliance like
through the network to seek the aid of enthusiasts, clubs or
organizations, or through the "human flesh search", "price set".

�Occasionally the team holds the club, in the form of a salon, lectures
to promote communication relationship between members.

5 A homecoming case of Guo Rong’s handwritten manuscript
Team members in late 2016 found a handwritten manuscript written by
Guo Rong who could be dated back to Qing dynasty, named "Confucius
in Hsiang-tang”, listing on the internet priced at 1500 Yuan by a relic
collector from Hebei province.
According to the historical recordation manifests that his family members
were very famous and many of his relatives were Jinshi(official position in
ancient China) ,and he was a Juren (official position )at that time in Henan
province. Lest the scenario of other buyers and speculators from outside
purchase this handwritten manuscript once the news of rescue and valve
of this relic object has been filtered out occurred. After the agreement of
buying this relic first by all the members, rescue plan of this handwritten
manuscript initiated. By using all sorts of medium to contact Guo Rong’s
descendants with a hope of getting this relic back to where it used to
belong, members found an article on the Internet about the big honorable
family and its members; released on the newspaper by Mr.Lu Meisong a
former director of Research Institute of Culture and History in Fuzhou City.
Through whom members found Guo rong’s great-grandson Mr. Guo Zhen,
then immediately informed Mr. Guo Zhen of his great-father’s relic object
and asked whether they have the intention to purchase the cultural relics,
Mr. Guo Zhen first told members: “because it’s hard to know the
authenticity of this undeclared cultural relic, together with many of his
family cultural relics have been removed to Lin Zexu Memorial Museum,
so there was no willingness to purchase it as a private collection... ”then

�members tried to contact other parties of the family collections of intent,
please refer to the contact members shown in the chart below.

Table 1: Willingness to retrieve Guo Rong’s relic
Name

Identity

Willingness

Guo Zhen

great-grandson

of NO

Guo Rong
Guo Yongmei

Guo

Baiyin’s NO

descendant
Sina

Blogger Guo

of”Guo’s

Baiyin’s NO

descendant

descendants”
Lu Meisong

former curator of NO
Research Institute
of

Culture

and

History in Fuzhou
city
Chen Jiyong

Lin

Zexu’s NO

memorial museum

6 Why relic objects may be in disarray or disregarded
There is an interesting phenomenon in cultural relics market that people
would buy other people's cultural relics in the commercial market rather
than collect the relics of their fathers. And descendants may sell or destroy
the inherited collections of cultural relics for various reasons leading to the

�cultural relics ending up with vicious circle of disappear or disregarded.
The ultimate purpose of establishing homecoming project by the members
is to resolve the scenario of never-ending speculation by contacting the
museum that could collect and display the relics, other public sectors, and
conservation of cultural studies, ancestral hall and surviving generations.
Project team members would try their best to preserve the legacy and spirt
of the cultural relics.
From what have been discussed about the Guo Rong’s case, it could now
be speculated that the descendants may or may take the excuse of
lacking the financial ability to afford the price. And to some extend this is
also attributed to lacking a sense of recall of their old generations due to
the functions of modern core families are not tightly connected as it was
in hundreds years ago. At that time ancestors were highly respected and
earned widely worships by their descendants. Another reason may the
owner was a traitor in history, the family members might break off all
relations with owner in order to evade from the punishments or outside
criticism about this family. So if the descendants receive the relic object
belonged to a traitor predecessor, they will bear pretty much stress form
the public. The third reason may lay in the distrust the appraisal of cultural
relics, as in this profit-driven society, everything could be faked let alone
these cultural relics with sophisticated procedure of appraisal its value, all
sorts of suspicious attitudes reflect today’s descendants pay more
attention to its physical valve rather than its old glories and the meaning
of educating and reminding their roots.

7 The indispensable explanation of using the fund-raising as the
management costs of the non-profit organizations

�All the governments in the world are making great efforts to encourage
more public-interest activities and services, and also put their endeavor to
develop the explicit rules and stipulations to make the charitable work
more efficient and use their funds more smartly to against corruption.
Taking the comparison of the two laws for example, the newly launched
Charity Law of the people’s republic of China in May, 2016（
http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2016-03/19/content_5055467.htm) and the
regulations of charitable organizations initiated in Taiwan province May,
2006
(http://law.moj.gov.tw/Eng/LawClass/LawAll.aspx?PCode=D0050138)
about utilizing fund-raising in managing the charitable organizations and
pay the labor costs through charitable activities and other necessary
expenditures. Please look at the chart below.
Table 2: Comparison of purpose and amount of charitable assets
utilization in China mainland and Taiwan (province)
The charity Law of the People’s Charity Donations Destined
Republic of China
For Social Welfare Funds
Implementation
Regulations(Taiwan)
Chapter 6 Charitable Assets
Article 5 Fund raising groups
Article 51. The financial assets of as referred to by these
charitable organizations include:
regulations are described as
(1)Founding capital from fund-raising; below:
(2)Assets collected from fund-raising; (a)
Public
schools.
(3)Other legal assets.
(b)
Incorporated
…
Administration.
Article 60.Charitable organizations (c) Corporation who has
shall carry out charitable activities Social welfare character.
actively, use charitable assets fully (d)
Corporate
bodies.
and efficiently, apply the most Based on considerations for
necessary
principles
regarding social
welfare,
all
management fees, practice frugality, agencies/levels
of

�and cut unnecessary expenditures.
Annual expenditures for charity
activities by foundations with the
qualifications for public fund-raising
shall be no less than 70% of the
average revenue of the past three
years and the annual management
fees cannot meet the previous
regulations
due
to
special
circumstances, the foundation shall
file with which it registered and
explain the situation publicly.
Standards for annual expenditures
and the management fees of
charitable activities by charitable
organizations other than foundations
with public fund-raising qualifications
are regulated by the civil affairs
departments of the State Council
together with the treasury and tax
departments of the State Council
according to the principles stipulated
in the last paragraph.
If the expenditure and management
costs of an individual charitable
donation activity are specified in the
donation agreement, then the
agreement should be followed.

government
shall
be
permitted to accept financial
funds and gifts donations,
bestowed
by
concerned
person[s]; however, such
donations are not permitted to
be
initiated
by
such
governmental
agencies.
Exempted from this ruling, are
incidents of major disaster
[force
majeure]
and
international rescue missions.
…
Article 8 All financial funds
and gifts collected through
donations, can and must be
used only for the purposes as
listed
below:
(a) For Social Welfare
Activities.
(b) For educational &amp; cultural
affairs.
(c) For social charity affairs.
(d) For international humanity
rescue
affairs.
(e) Other relevant affairs
recognized
by
central
governmental agencies.。
…
Article
11
If
relevant
documentations provided, for
the
application
of
governmental permission for
charity donations, contents
therein were to be found to be
falsified, then previously

�granted permission is to be
annulled immediately.
…
Article 17 All necessary
administrative fees/charges
occurred
during
the
conducting
of
charity
donations activities, shall
following the tabulation limits
as
described
below:
(a) Total solicited donation
amount
under
NT$10,000,000.00:
15%.
(b) Total solicited donation
amount
between
NT$10,000,000.00
NT$100,000,000.00:
Basic
toll of NT$1,500,000.00 + 8%
of remaining amount over 10
million
NTDollars.
(c) Total solicited donation
amount
over
NT$100,000,000.00:
Basic
toll of NT$8,700,000.00 + 1%
of remaining amount over 1
Billion
NTDollars.
If solicited charity donations
are physical items [instead of
cash funds], then relevant
tabulation should be based on
the "then" current market
prices of the items concerned.

We will standard governing practices to regulate the process to ensure
stability. An issue that will be addressed in the future is the question of

�funding. We will establish a funding process for this project. Introducing
the club membership system might be a suitable way of adjusting to this
circumstance mentioned above in its future development: one has to
register a membership of the relic home returning organization and then
provide the historical information of their predecessors. Doing by this at
least shows their willingness to buy their own relics. All the information
provided will be recorded in our file system. Members have the priority
when we scrutinizing thousands of relics in this huge relics market and
then match to their owners. When undergo the scrutiny in the selecting
procession a series of reduplicative and automatic works in matching and
confirming relics and their owners and time waiting for their willingness of
buying their dispersed relics can be saved by this targeted combing
progress.
Reference
Gray, B., 1964. The export of Chinese porcelain to India.Transactions of
the Oriental Ceramic Society, Vol. 36: 21-37.
Tsai, Cheng Chung，2012. Compare present situation and analysis the
development of charitable trust in the social among British，America and
Japan，social Welfare（The theory of version），12-21
Yuan Yuan. Germany attaches great importance to the source of
legitimacy of cultural relics to say no "gray cultural relic",. Xinhuanet
http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2015-01/22/c_127407612.htm
Zong he. Gauguin painting "when will you get married" $300
million,http://epaper.bjnews.com.cn/html/201502/09/content_561752.htm?div=-1
Beijing newspaper,
The phenomenon of "hyping art works
http://finance.qq.com/a/20150413/005044.htm
Biography

in

the

market

"

�Tsai, Cheng Chung (1975-): Taiwan Kaohsiung, Zhongkai University of
Agricultural Engineering Department of social work department, the
People's Republic of China Ministry of civil society social work research
center special researcher, expert committee member of Guangdong
Provincial Civil Affairs Department social work professional team
construction, master Mentor, doctor of law, psychological counselor.
The main research direction: medical social work.
Tel: 13640211648.
Shuhan Guo (1995- ): Hunan, China. Graduate student of Zhongkai
University of agriculture and engineering, bachelor’s degree, President of
Social Work Association in ZhongKai University of Agriculture and
Engineering.
The main research direction: non-government organization management
and social work
Tel: 18813754680,

Yu-ping Zhang (1996- ), Xingning. Guangdong, China Zhongkai
University of Agriculture and Engineering, Guangzhou, Guangdong
,China.
Job: Project Team Responsible Person. The Assistant Head of the
Department of Social Work and Social Policy. The first Vice President of
Social Work in association in ZhongKai University of Agriculture and
Engineering.
The main research direction: Medical social workers and Charity
management.Tel:188-19493890, wetchat: yp1239633011,

�</text>
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                <text>Through five thousand years of Chinese culture, thereare  as many ancient cultural relics as there are stars in the night sky. Much like stars, these artefacts are scattered all over the world. For this reason, we established a small antiquity public welfare organization. In this article, we will introduce some details around working in this department and explore our user experience. Some of these activites include; looking for ancient cultural relics, finding ancient cultural relics, identifying ancient cultural relics, and contacting a descendant of ancient cultural relics, and negotiating with the sellers;with the ultimate goal of sending the antiquities back to their home. We felt the sacred sense of mission by bringing antiquities home. We also began to realize the public welfare and the value of the historical relics are common to people all over the world.   At present, the problem of the antiquities coming home is emerging in the various rescue operations once again. In particular, as the nation becomes generally wealthier, there is an increase in the number of transactions to acquire ancient cultural relics to obtain profits. In addition, historically, overseas organizations and foreign funding agencies have been acquiring Chinese ancient cultural relics strategically. Because of this, bringing the ancient cultural relics back to their hometown or museum, or returning them to their descendants has become even more difficult. Therefore, our team has decided to create and manage the ancient cultural relicâ€™s rescue and homecoming project. Through which, we will advocate that the ancient cultural relicâ€™s protection and public &#13;
welfare for ancient cultural relics is paramount. We will do our best to return these ancient cultural relics back to their hometown, and let the ancient cultural relics engage and influence the public. </text>
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