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                    <text>An Introduction to the Maritime Construct of Khashabat in
the Persian Gulf
Mostafa Karimi
University of Tehran
Email: karimi_282@yahoo.com
Abstract
The history of maritime routes and communications in Iran dates back to
a long time ago. In ancient times, to prevent dangers for their ships such
as water thinness and thawing near coasts, the shallow depths and
narrowness of rivers at the mouth of seas, Iranians installed a mechanical
device called khashabat or Khushab (lighthouse). This maritime device
has been made out of teak wood in the form of a catapult and imperfect
pyramid. The height of a khashabat was about 40 meters above the sea
level. Its materials were pottery and stones. The watches on a khashabat
were deployed in four-arched chambers on its top. The significance of the
khashabat was because of natural disasters, the invasion of pirates, and
expiration of their fuel. Historical resources indicate that khashabats or
lighthouses in the sea exited until the 13th century. The present study is
aimed at investigating functions and significance of khashabats in
traditional cruise and the reasons for their construction. In addition, places
where this Iranian technology and engineering were used are introduced.
Key words: Khashabat, the Persian Gulf, navigation, maritime hazards,
lighthouse.

Introduction
The history of technology is just a small part of the profile of the human
civilization in their temporal visions, but it is an important part of human
culture and civilization as well. Therefore, investigating the history of
Iranian technology is very significant. Iranian culture is very rich in terms
of maritime technology and shipbuilding. Waters of the Persian Gulf,
Oman Sea, Indian Ocean, and rivers in the southwest of Iran have been
scenes for people’s navigation since the ancient times.

�According to myths, Jamshid Jam, from the Pishdadian Dynasty, built the
first ship. He also established the first “maritime rituals” and other national
rituals for leading people toward seas and navigation. He then started
sailing and navigation in seas*** and sailed from one country to another.1
(Ferdowsi, 1966:27) According to Ferdowsi’s narration, after the transfer
of government from Pishdadian to Kianian dynasties, occurrences of
events changed from Sarandib to Hamavaran. During his travel to Iran,
Kay Kavus passed Zabol (Nimrouz) and reached Makran coasts and
decided to suddenly invade Hamavaran:
“Key Kavus ordered the army to play drums and proceeded
from Nimrouz*** Then he, the King of the world, became happy
He deployed his army toward Turan and China*** and then he
invaded Makran.2
Then the king ordered shipbuilders to build boats and ships.
The king and his army boarded and passed seas a thousand
miles until they reached a land.
Key Kavus ordered shipbuilders to build abundant ships and
boats***and then he deployed his army to invade
The people of Hamavaran were informed that*** Key Kavus
and his army were invading from the Makran Sea”.3
Sailing in Iranian waters was common in the Phoenician, Elamite,
Achaemenid, Parthian, and Sassanid times, as well as during the Islamic
era. With a glance at the sailing tradition, shipbuilding and using maritime
devices have been common in Iran since the ancient times.
Many maritime and shipping instruments were created by Iranians, and
some other instruments were used by Iranian sailors who traveled to other
lands in the ancient era. Compasses, steerages, depth finders, distance
finders, measurement tools, flyers (drawings), electric pellets, and
khashabats (marine lights) were among instruments innovated by Iranians

�(Nourbakhsh,2003:75 and 81, Raein,1976:288-289). The present study
aims to investigate the functions and applications of khashabats, as one
of the most important innovations and instruments of Iranian sailing in the
shipping industry of those periods based on historical resources.

a. What is a Khashabat?
The word “khashabat” (‫ )خشبات‬which is the plural form of “khashaba” (‫)خشبه‬
means sea minarets. They are in a place behind Abbadan (Dehkhoda,
1998:9802). A khashaba literally refers to a piece of wood. It also refers
to a ship metaphorically. But generally in resources such as Murravej ulZahab of Masoudi and other geographical resources, the term khashabat
refers to a minarets of wood established as a wooden scaffold in the sea,
and the fire was lit on the top of it in a small chamber. As a result, it led
ships toward safe passages. It in fact was equivalent to a lighthouse in the
modern shipping era. Nowadays there are some maritime guides-being lit
at night by wires and power- which are called “Bayeh”, but they are floating
in the sea (Hadi, 1992:180).

b. Navigating and trading in the Persian Gulf
The maritime routes of the Persian Gulf is the most ancient connecting
maritime routes in the world. They have been connecting Central Asia to
the Middle East since several thousand years. Since the very ancient
times, Chinese, Indonesian, and Malayan, and Indian, and African, goods
have been shipped with the efforts exerted by Iranian sailors to ports in
the Persian Gulf such as Bayan (Lian), Oboleh, Riv Ardeshir, and Forat
Mishan ports and were unloaded there from where those goods were
transferred to Palmira and Syria. Sometimes windships headed toward
their destination through the bay in the west of Iraq and stretched out to

�Al-Hirah and unloaded their goods near that city which was the dock of
caravans from Badia –al-Arab.
Since that time, the Persian Gulf, as currently known for its oil reservoirs
all over the world, has been famous for connecting trade routes in the east
to the west of the ancient and modern world (Rasaei, 1972:42).
c. Reasons for the advent and construction of khashabats
To build a light to guide ships in dangerous and difficult passages, human
beings thought of fire and light; therefore, lighting and igniting wood were
some strategies for guiding ships and fleets. Then, human beings
succeeded to use viscous black liquid, also called petroleum (from Greek:
petra: "rock" + oleum: "oil".) for igniting fires in seas. However, since this
liquid was flammable, it was poured in special containers or holes were
delved in heights and it was poured into those holes and ignited (Rasaei,
1972:40)
Indeed the geographical situation of soils in the head of the Persian Gulf
was not like the present time. In the ancient time, downstreams of the
Euphrates, Tigris, and Karun rivers were separately poured into the
Persian Gulf; as a result, salty water of the sea spread out the surrounding
lands through bays stretched out near Basra even in the Sassanid era
(Rasaei, 1972:42). In addition, the Persian Gulf is more roaring than other
seas because of its shallow depth and its rugged submarine topology. The
Persian Gulf joins the Indian Ocean (Eghtedari, 1966:10).
Thus the ancient Iranians thought of finding safer routes for facilitating
navigation, preventing damages to ships, and guiding ships toward
northern parts of the Persian Gulf. As a result, they constructed a type of
maritime guide board called “khashabat” in historical resources.
In addition, in the guidebook of Rani Kia Tan, written between 785 to 805
AD, it is mentioned that Iranians constructed special towers in the Persian
Gulf and ignited them at night for guiding ships and boats. The flammable

�materials used for igniting those towers were unknown but they could be
wood or petroleum (Hadi, 1992:170).
Professor Hadi Hassan quoted from Hiret Veracqui, the author of the book
the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries that
a ship is made out of wood and a shipmaster is a human, as there are
land mice, there are water mice as well, and there are bandits as there
are pirates. In addition, there are other hazards such as typhoons and
rocks. Therefore, there were some decorated columns in the Persian Gulf
which were ignited in order to guide ships toward true destinations” (Hadi,
1992:171).
According to Muqaddasi, in 985 AD around Basra, people constructed
chambers on palm trees and ignited fire in them in order to prevent the
crash of ships with rocks. But since it was difficult to navigate in that area,
ships sailed mostly in days in such a way that shipmasters climbed decks
and watched the horizon. Then, they transferred their commands to
helmsmen to steer ships. However, when their ships got away from coasts
and reached the sea, they had to steer their ships via the sun, the moon,
and stars (Muqaddasi, 1897:17).Those khashabats were established and
worked until the thirteenth century.
The most important reasons of constructing khashabats can be as follows:
1. Specific geographic features of the north of the Persian Gulf;
2. The sea level rise in the Persian Gulf in the bay stretching out Basra
and the shallow depth of water;
3. Prevention from big ships’ grounding in muds which the Tigris,
Euphrates, and Karun rivers carried from mountains and embedded
at the mouth of the head of the Persian Gulf;
4. Determination of the shipping routes in shallow areas of the Persian
Gulf at night; and
5. Protection of commercial goods exported from or imported to the
area.

�d. Geographic range of khashabats in the Persian Gulf
In this section, the study is to investigate in which areas of the Persian
Gulf khashabats were employed.
Distribution of khashabats in the Persian Gulf until the 13th century
Darius the Great ordered that the first lighthouse be installed at the mouth
of Indus River under the supervision of Scylax. When Nearchus,
Alexander’s Admiral, sailed into the Persian Gulf in 326 BC, he was
astonished by great lighthouses. As a result, he praised the miracles he
had observed in the area in his travelogue. According to Nearchus,
Iranians’ lighthouses were installed in different parts of the Persian Gulf
(Nourbakhsh, 2003:77). The Persian Gulf was considered as a part of the
fourth gulf of the Bahr ul-Azam Sea. In the book Hudud al-Alam, The
Persian Gulf is described as “a gulf with narrow width which stretches out
Indus River” (Sotoudeh Ed, 1960:12).
Muqaddasi writes in the book Ahsan al-Taqasim that khashabats’ origin is
thought to be from Basra. They are very shallow and dangerous. Wood
columns were installed and chambers were built on top of them. At night,
the fireplaces were lit to warn them not to approach. Muqaddasi writes
also that a captain once said that there were a lot of calamities there; his
ship grounded several times. Only one ship out of 40 ones can return from
there (Muqaddasi, 1982:18).
Nasir Khusraw who voyaged to Mahrouban Harbor via Basra in a ship in
1051 observed khashabats and attributed their constructions to ancient
kings. He narrated that when they voyaged from Basra in May 1051, firstly
they boarded a boat and voyaged for four miles to reach Abbadan
(Abadan). Abbadan was close to the sea as an island with two branches.
As they approached and anchored, they saw some towers and asked

�natives what were they? They answered them that those towers are
khasbabats (Ghobadiani, 1976:161).
Soleiman Sirafi writes in the book Sequence of Histories (Silsilat ulTwarikh) that the beginning of the Persian Gulf was the area of
khashabats of Basra. That area covered Basra, Oboleh, and Bahrain.
Then, there was Laravi Sea beside which there were khashabats of
Saymur, Subareh, Taneh, Sandan, and Konbayeh regions which were
parts of India and Indus River. The beginning of the Perisan Gulf there
was maritime rugged topologies around Basra where khashabats or
konkalas had been installed. Those khashabats were constructed out of
wood in order to be guides for sailors and helmsmen. The distance from
the beginning of the Persian Gulf to the Oman Sea is about 300 miles. In
addition, the distance from Persian coasts to Bahrain is about 300 miles
(Sirafi, 2002:160).
In his observations of the Persian Gulf from 947-956, Masoudi describes
its range as follows: “the beginning of this sea starts from Basra, Oboleh,
and Bahrian where areas of khashabats of Basra are located. Therefore,
the beginning of the Persian Gulf is from khashabats of Basra, also called
Konkala, that are signs made out of wood and installed in the sea. The
distance form this area to Oman Sea is about 300 miles” (Masoudi,
1864:147).
According to the above discussions, it can be concluded that marine lights
were mostly employed at the head of the Persian Gulf. In most historical
and geographical resources, the area of using khashabats were Basra,
Oboleh, Abbadan (Abadan), Mesopotamia4 (Hamavi,1987:239), Bahrain,
Mahrouban, Siraf, and even Masqat, and Sohar5 in Oman and at the
mouth of Indus River. All in all, it can be claimed that khashabats were
constructed and established at the mouth of big rivers ending in Persian
Gulf from where muds and sediments entered the sea and resulted in

�creating bays. In the Persian Gulf where the Tigris, Euphrates and Karun
rivers reaches each other, a relatively big bay is emerged. As a result, the
sea becomes shallow. This issue results in problems for ships. Iranians
solved this problem in the Persian Gulf using khashabats. [Fig. 1]

Fig.1: Geographic range of khashabats in the Persian Gulf.
e. The structure and features of khashabats
Nasir Khusraw who visited khashabats, describes their structures:
“[t]heir columns are four big teaks like catapults with wide bases.
Their heads are narrow. Their heights above sea level are about
four feet. On their tops, there are stones and pottery containers
fastened to each other with wood. They are called khashabats6.
Some people say that they were constructed by a merchant and
some others say they were constructed by a king. Nevertheless,
they both had intentions: to save ships from getting stuck in
sediments of that area, and secondly to warn them of pirates.
When we passed by khashabats, we saw a Nabeh without any
dome. After that, were reached Mahrouban” (Ghobadiani,
1976:163).

�Hafiz-i Abru describes khashabats as follows:
“khashabats exist near Abbadan- around Basra- where marshes
and drainage of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers poured into the
sea. The distance from Abbadan to that place is about six miles.
The depth of the body of water in that area is shallow; thus ships
may be in danger. In those locations, timbers have been raised
up as catapults. The bases of those khashabats are reinforced
with a lot of pieces of wood. There are domes of pieces of wood
for watches to ignite fires on the top of those khashabats. Those
khashabats cannot be seen in days because their distances is
very far from the coast. The mouth of the Tigris River is the border
where ships must not trespass” (Hafiz i-Abru, 1996:239).
As discussed, the structural features of khashabats can be explained as
follows:
- Each khashabat (lighthouse) had four bases made of wood7. Wood
has been used as one of the materials in Iranian buildings since the
ancient time. Wood was used in chambers of royal emirates in
Shush and Persepolis in the Achaemenid era (Farsahd, 1987:730).
- In the design of khashabats, the quadrangular bases were
underwater. As they went up, the quadrangular got smaller, that is
to say their heads were smaller than the bases. This design was
adopted for the increase in the strength and resistance against
typhoons8.
- Their heights were 40 meters above the sea level.
- On the top of them, there were dome shaped and pottery-roofed
cubicles for watches.
- In their cubicles, there were places for igniting fire.
- The distance of one khashabat with another was in such a way that
when one of them was out of sight, another appeared.
f. The function and significance of khashabats in navigation
With regard to descriptions and explanations of Muqaddasi, Nasir
Khusraw, Soleiman, and Sirafi, Hafiz i-Abru, and other historians and
geographers, it can be inferred that khashabats and lighthouses were of
two types which in spite of commonalities in goals and duties, they had

�different functions. Apparently, one type of khashabats were merely used
for watches; therefore, ignition in them seems unlikely because the fire for
guiding ships must have been very big to be seen by captains. On the top
of that type of khashabats, there were some tombs and chambers as
shelters for watches. The significance of khashabats type one is in their
determination of shallow places of a body of water and the existence of
underwater big rocks. In addition, sailors and watches in those
khashabats were responsible for transferring news about the coming of
ships to officials in ports or in case of observing pirates, they informed
military bases to fight them. Therefore, khashabats had military functions
as well. [Fig. 2]

Fig. 2: The khahsbats type one. (Artwork: Nahid koohi)

�But the khahsbats type two were lacking in chambers and tombs because
fire was ignited on the top of them. However, there were some officers
responsible for igniting fire at night. The significance of this type of
khashabats was for nights because the ignited fires were for guiding ships
in order to find their ways at night and in mists, while khashabats type I
were used in days. Nevertheless, these two types both had common
function of indicating shallow places of a body of water and guiding ships.
[Fig. 3]

Fig.3: The khahsbats type two. (Artwork: Nahid koohi)

As a result, in can be concluded from the above discussions that
khashabats were considered significant in the ancient navigation.
Ferdowsi describes khashabats in Shahnama that:

�“Come to explain you what are khashabats***a wise man has
established them in waters…
When a ship observe them from a distance***and see fires
blazing out of them...
It follows the right direction as fires show***and the shipmaster
thinks so.”
Therefore, khashabats have been very significant for maritime
transportations and the development of business and trades in the
Persian Gulf in that the economic life of people living in ports and harbors
of the Persian Gulf ranging from the eastern coasts of the Tigris River to
Makran plains and Baluchistan, and from the western bank of the Tigris
River to southern coasts of the Persian Gulf and around Arab Peninsula
as well as those who were known as Babylonian, Sumerian, Arabic, Zangi
and Yemeni having lived in other parts of the region all needed the sea
and maritime business. As a consequence, residents in the coasts of the
Persian Gulf have always intended to find routes, instruments, and
technologies for ships to navigate as rapidly and safely as possible, and
one of those technologies was khashabats.

Conclusion
According to information obtained from writings and observations of
historians and geographers, navigation has been a dangerous profession
when ships are approaching coasts of the Persian Gulf. Therefore, in the
ancient times (the Achaemenid and specially Darius the Great), Iranians
constructed constructions made of wood and ignited fires for signing the
ships and warning them of dangerous and shallow parts of the body of
water in coasts. In navigation of the previous centuries, this type of
construction has been called khashabat. Those khashabats played a
significant role in navigation of the ancient sailors in that their structure
acted as lighthouses for the current sailors and helmsmen. The distance

�of those khashabats from each other was as far as when one got out of
sight, the other appeared. The most reasons and goals of constructing
those towers were as follows:
1. To guide ships at night by igniting fires on the top of them because
when the sea level went up in shallow lands, there was a danger
that ships got stuck in sediments of that area;
2. When sailors saw lights in darkness, they could find their ways
among mists and darkness;
3. They were used for watching and determining routes for ships in
days.
As observed, lighthouses and maritime signs have been one of the
innovations of ancient Iranians; therefore it can be assured that current
advanced

lighthouses

and

maritime

sings

mixed

with

modern

technologies and completed with modern advances are rooted in Iranians’
intelligence used in the Persian Gulf.
EndNotes
1
‫گذر كرد از آن پس به كشتي بر آب *** ز كشور به كشور برآمد شتاب‬
2
- ‫ شاه گيتي فروز‬،‫بزد كوس و برداشت از نيمروز *** شده شاد دل‬
3
‫ز ايران بشد تا به توران و چين *** گذر كرد از آن پس به مكران زمين‬
‫بي اندازه كشتي و زورق بساخت *** بياراست لشكر بدو در شناخت‬
‫خبر شد بديشان كه كاوس شاه *** برآمد ز آب زره با سپاه‬
4
- An island where Abadan is in its west beside the Aravand River. It
was called Mesopotamia. “Mesopotamia means in between rivers and it
is a kind of island in lower parts of Basra of which Abadan is a part”.
5
- Iranians called it “Mazun” in the ancient times.
6
- Khashbab
7
- They were mostly made of palm trees.
8
- Its design were in the form of current towers.
Bibliography:
Dehkhoda, A. A, 1998. Persian Dictionary of Dehkhoda. M. Moein and
S. J. Shahidi (Eds.). vol. 7. University of Tehran Press, Tehran.
Eghtedari, A, 1985. Form the Persian Gulf to the sea of china. Iran
Transportation Research and Publishing Company, Tehran.

�Eghtedari, A, 1966. The Persian Gulf. Franklin Publishing House, Tehran.
Farshad, M,1987. History of engineering in Iran. Amir Kabir,Tehran.
Ferdowsi, A,1966. Shahnama. J, Mohl (Ed.). vol. 1. Franklin Publication,
Tehran.
Ghobadiani, N,1976. Nasir Khusraw’ travelogue. M. Dabir Siaghi (Ed.).
University of Tehran, Tehran.
Hafiz i-Abru, Sh,1996. Geography of Hafiz i-Abru. Vol. 1. Miras Maktoub,
Tehran.
……….1960.The whole world from the east to the west. M. Sotoudeh
(Ed.). Tehran University Press,Tehran.
Hadi, H, 1992. The story of Iran's shipping from ancient times to the
sixteenth century. O. Eghtedari &amp; A. Eghtedari (Ed.). Astan Quds Razavi
Publishing House, Tehran.
Hamavi, Y,1987. Dictionary of countries. Vol. 5. Dar al-Beirut
Publication,Beirut.
Masoudi, A, 1864. Murravaj ul-Zahab. Dominard (Ed.). vol. 1. Paris
Raein, E,1976. Iranians’ navigation Vol.1. Javidan,Tehran.
Rasaei, F,1972. 2500 years on the seas. Peik Darya, Tehran.
Sirafi, S,2002. Sequence of histories: news from China and India. Asatir,
Tehran.
Masoudi, A,1864. Murravaj ul-Zahab. A. Payandeh (Trans.). Translation
and Publishing Agency ,Tehran.
Muqaddasi, A,1982. The best divisions in the knowledge of regions
(Ahsan al-Taghasism fi Maretaf al-Aghalim). Vol. 1. Company of Authors
and Translators, Tehran.
Muqaddasi, A,1897. The best divisions in the knowledge of regions
(Ahsan al-Taghasism fi Maretaf al-Aghalim). Ranking. B. (Trans.).
Calcutta.

�Nourbakhsh, H,2003. Navigation in Iran. Institute for Cultural Research,
Tehran.
Kheir Andish, A. &amp; Tabriz Nia, M,1993. Research on the Persian Gulf
(vol. 6). First edition House of Book, . Tehran.
Biography
Mostaf Karimi holds an M.A. in history, focussing on Persian Gulf Studies.
Graduating from the University of Tehran, his dissertation title is “The
historical process of maritime culture in the Persian Gulf". He is currently
a lecturer at the University of Tehran. He is the author of "Maritime Culture
of The Persian Gulf" and Co-author of the encyclopedia of the Persian
Gulf. He has written several articles about the Persian Gulf for
international and domestic magazines.

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                  <text>The country of Iran benefits from having a long coastline. Sea spaces and coastlines were attractive settlements for humans throughout history. These extensive maritime landscapes have resulted in interactions between human and sea along the northern (Caspian Sea) and southern (Persian Gulf and Sea of Oman) coastlines of Iran.  Iranâ€™s rivers and lakes contain a great deal of evidence of human habitation and interaction. Due to the countryâ€™s long history of maritime culture, we can also observe sea effects on coastal communities in Iran. Maritime archaeological studies in Iran, however, are at a nascent stage. &#13;
&#13;
In the 1990â€™s, a small group of archaeologists from the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR) investigated in the north of Persian Gulf to decode its unknown history. In 2000, the first coherent and planned activities of that group produced the "Underwater Surveys around the shores of Siraf Port in Bushehr Province". After that, the team surveyed "Bandar-e Rig"(Rig port), Portuguese castles in Siraf port, Southern Shores of the Bushehr Peninsula in the Persian Gulf. The team has worked on sites from "Shushtarâ€™s Band-e Mizan"(Shushtar barrier), "Takht-e Suleiman" Lake, and the Amir Abad and "Zaghmarz" shipwrecks; the "TammÄ«sheh and GorgÄn" Underwater Walls, and the "Ghorogh" and "Rudsar" shipwrecks.  These projects were published in Persian by a domestic magazine. The team then prepared and distributed a booklet titled of "Iran, Underwater Cultural Heritage and It's Share in Maritime Archeological Studies" for the annual meeting of States Parties of The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2016. Next, UNESCO and ICHTO held "Training Workshop on Underwater Archaeology with a Focus on the UNESCO 2001 Convention" in Iran. These activities are continuing and we hope for some continued progress in maritime archaeological studies and international cooperation. &#13;
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                  <text>Hossien Tofighian&#13;
Research Institute of Cultural Heritage &amp; Tourism (RICHT), Iran</text>
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Higher Institute of Marlik University, Iran</text>
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                <text>An Introduction to the Maritime Construct of Khashabat in the Persian Gulf </text>
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                <text>The history of maritime routes and communications in Iran dates back to a long time ago. In ancient times, to prevent dangers for their ships such as water thinness and thawing near coasts, the shallow depths and narrowness of rivers at the mouth of seas, Iranians installed a mechanical device called khashabat or Khushab (lighthouse). This maritime device has been made out of teak wood in the form of a catapult and imperfect pyramid. The height of a khashabat was about 40 meters above the sea level. Its materials were pottery and stones. The watches on a khashabat were deployed in four-arched chambers on its top. The significance of the khashabat was because of natural disasters, the invasion of pirates, and expiration of their fuel. Historical resources indicate that khashabats or lighthouses in the sea exited until the 13th century. The present study is aimed at investigating functions and significance of khashabats in traditional cruise and the reasons for their construction. In addition, places where this Iranian technology and engineering were used are introduced. </text>
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                <text>Mostafa Karimi</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>11/24/2017</text>
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                <text>Mostafa Karimi</text>
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                    <text>An Investment for the Future – Maritime Archaeological Explorations
in the Post-War regions of the Eastern Coast of Sri Lanka

W. M. Chandrarthne
Maritime Archaeology Unit
Central Cultural Fund
Fort, Galle
Sri Lanka, 80000
Email: chandraratne7@yahoo.com

Abstract
The Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of Central Cultural Fund (CCF) is actively
involved in protecting the UCH of Sri Lanka, since it was founded in 1992. During the
last few years essential steps have been taken to develop the infrastructure and the
human resources of the unit or just use MAU. Six archaeology graduates who did a
special training under the MAU were recruited in 2011. They had gone through series of
trainings such as swimming, snorkelling, life saving, first aid and basic diving. They
were introduced to the fundamentals of underwater archaeology. They were
encouraged to start their post graduate studies and to gain their international diving
license, such as PADI or the SSI. After a year of training they were directed to carry out
an underwater archaeological investigation along the East coast of Sri Lanka, from 13th
of June to 26th of August 2012. The exploration was scheduled at a favourable moment
to test their skills and training. The trainees were under the supervision of four senior
maritime archaeologists. The north and east parts of the country were rescued after
thirty years of terrorism in 2009. More than two years were taken to secure the area
from post war hazards such as land mines. For the whole MAU team this was a new
experience and an opportunity to search this area after many years. The team
uncovered over 16 shipwreck sites and 4 underwater archaeological sites in the region.

1

�Key words: Archaeology Graduates, Maritime Archaeology, MAU, East Coast, Sri
Lanka

Research History
The beginning of maritime archaeological studies in Sri Lanka goes back to as early as
1960s, but systematic field and research activities started with the Galle harbour project
in the year 1992. Under the guidance of maritime archaeologists of Western Australian
Maritime Archaeological Museum, Australia and Amsterdam Museum of Netherlands
diving activities began with the help of the local organizations. Combining the
Archaeological Department of Sri Lanka, University of Kelaniya, Postgraduate Institute
of Archaeology (PGIAR) and Central Cultural Fund (CCF) various projects were carried
out to develop and enhance maritime archaeology in Sri Lanka. Most of the exploration
work was based inside the Galle harbour. During this exercise, steps were taken to train
a local diving team and ten archaeological graduates from various disciplines between
1995 and 1999. The training activities continued over several weeks, and after finishing
training the trainees were again sent to their usual land archaeological projects.
Accordingly, a new Maritime Archaeological Unit was created with the background of
undertaking the exploration of the Avondster Project which started in 2001 and
continued until 2004. The primary exploration was the foundation for creating MAU and
in 2001 the trainee graduates who had participated in the Avondster Project were
permanently absorbed in the MAU.
The maritime archaeologists and divers had the opportunity to work with many foreign
abroad maritime archaeologists and learn from their expertise. However, due to
circumstances caused by the Tsunami disaster, most of the data and artifacts that were
discovered in previous years were totally destroyed. After a few years, some maritime
archaeologists and conservators who had trained with the unit left and as a result in
2010 the number of divers remaining in the unit was reduced to four. The remaining
team was not sufficient to recover our history from the sea around our motherland, or to
properly manage our heritage. Therefore that team organized a number of workshops in
order to uplift the human resources in this field. Over a period of time a number of field
schools sponsored by UNESCO, ICCROM and CCF were conducted both nationally
2

�and internationally. During the workshops conducted by the MAU, graduate students of
archaeology from national universities got the opportunity to participate and work with
the maritime archaeologists. This was considered to be a valuable step in the process
of uplifting human resources for the future of the MAU.
Progression of Human Resource in the field
The dangerous terrorism over the last 30 years finally ended in May of 2009. Maritime
archaeological explorations that were previously limited to the Southern and Western
coasts of the Island could now be carried out all over the country. With this need of
excavating the post war regions, a team consisting of ten members was taken into the
unit. The main qualification for membership was that the member should have been
previously engaged in a field school. After selecting ten such candidates, they were
considered as the trainee graduates of the MAU. They were then trained in swimming,
snorkelling, life saving programmes and finally they were recommended as licensed
divers internationally by giving them international diving licenses. After completing those
stages some of the trainees were trained in conservation activities. The trainees were
then enrolled in the MSc degree in Archaeology conducted by PGIAR, and also
supported in improving their English and Tamil language skills to better communicate
with other communities within and outside Sri Lanka.
During their training period, the candidates were taught how to referring to library items,
use internet resources as well as studying the documents of the Department of
Archives. Boat handling, compressor usage, and diving gear maintenance were
practical activities that trainees had to perform. In addition surveying, photography,
shooting underwater video footage, as well as survey techniques were taught to them
using practical events on land. After that, they trained in map reading, communication
and navigation which were conducted by the College of Fisheries and Nautical
Engineering. New trainees were trained for about a year and they were guided to work
in maritime archaeological sites of the eastern coast of the Island between June 13th
and August 26th of, 2012, with explorations over 3 main districts in eastern Sri Lanka.
There they discovered new maritime archaeological sites at which time a sequence of
experiments were conducted. The trainees were able to explore the new found sunken
wrecks and they recorded another 4 archaeological sites during their excavations.
3

�Aims of the explorations
Recording data of maritime archaeological sites of the eastern coast and surrounding
areas was the basic goal of these explorations. Other goals of the project were to
protect the archaeological heritage of the explored areas and motivate the public
regarding the above idea to find out other sites which are recorded but not presently
recognized. Exploring these sites both physically and by using remote sensing
techniques was also a major aim of this project.
Referring literary and electronic sources
Before the explorations, the libraries of Galle and National Archives were used by a
number of members of the exploring team to search for primary and secondary literary
sources that discussed the various sites. The team was divided into two, one engaged
in referring to information obtained by diving at the sites and the other team engaged in
observing the archaeological facts of the surrounding areas. Using the side scan sonar
equipment graciously lent to the National Aquatic Resource Agency (NARA) team from
the donated - the artefacts of the Trincomalee seabed were discovered. Uppuveli and
Irakkandi areas which belong to Trincomalee were totally explored during the project.
During the field recording, photography, video films, sketches and site plans under sea
were done by the new explorers themselves with the guidance of senior archaeologists.
Background of the Exploration
The Maritime Archaeological explorations over the eastern province of Sri Lanka
According to the estimate of 2012, it was decided to carry out an exploration along the
eastern coast of the Island. Explorations were carried out in the district of Trincomalee,
Batticaloa and Ampara of the Eastern province region between 13th June and 26th
August 2012, adopting following 3 steps:
1. Exploration of the Trincomalee District
2. Exploration of the Batticaloa District
3. Exploration of the Ampara District
Exploration over Trincomalee Districts
The exploration related to the Area was done from the 13th of July until the 31st of July,
2012. There, archaeological sites into wrecks were located; one each from Uppuveli
4

�and Irakkandi. Additionally, the sea between Koneshwaram Hindu Temple and the
Harbour which is known Swami Rock was also explored.
The wreck HMS Diomede which was found in the Uppuveli area
Our team was able to discover the ruins of a
wreck at 140 feet depth, 3 km away from the
coast of Uppuveli, an area particularly called
Silver Beach. While the explorations were
ongoing in the area, valuable information was
discovered by our team doing library research.
Further information was found through internet
sources, according to which this wreck was
ordered on the 14th of August, 1779. It was
built by the institution of “James Martin Hill

Fig. 1 Artifact found from HMS Diomede
in Uppuweli. (W. M. Chandraratne)

House”. After finishing the construction, its first sailing was on the 18th of October,
1781. This wreck was specially built for coastline services during the American
Renaissance war period. Two missions done by this vessel have been recorded. One
was the capture of the South Carolina in 1782 and the capture of the Indian Ocean in
1794 (Clerk and Wilson, 1964: 200). Records of HMS Diomede wreck include
photography, videography, survey, and drawing sketches.

About 18 cannons were

scattered around the vessel. A large number of small cannon balls were scattered
around the site, as well as a large number of broken bottles and timber and metal parts
(Fig. 1).

The wreck found from Irrakkandi area
This wreck was discovered at a distance of 2.5 km away from Irakkandi lagoon in the
Nilaveli region known as Coral
Islands. And it was located at a
depth of 7 m. Here also the
exploration included photography
and sketch drawing. But as the
wreck

had

sunk

in

accessible

5
Fig 2 Irakkandai Shipwreck. (W. M. Chandraratne)

�shallow waters, a lot of damage occurred to the wreck. Therefore evidence which could
be used to identify the wreck was destroyed by treasure hunters, and by explosives
used to kill fish in the sea. The wreck was built using iron and it was about 90 m in
length. The bow and the stern could be identified easily, as also the propeller. Though
the hull had been broken in to some parts had been well preserved. The parts of the
engine were scattered in many places. Three anchors were identified, but no records
were found regarding the owners of the vessel (Fig 2).

Swami Rock near the Koneshwaram Hindu Temple
During the exploration over this area a huge amount of valuable evidence was
discovered. Among the evidence found were the tips of stone pillars, and polished stone
slabs. This evidence was discovered after two days of diving activities. According to the
history of this place, a religious place constructed of 1000 stone pillars was situated
here. During the Portuguese period it had been demolished by them and the ruins
dropped away from the rock into the sea.
1. Exploration over Batticaloa Districts
SS Lady McCullum
During the exploration of the Batticaloa District a small area called Kayankerni, in the
Vakare region was explored. Three kilometers away from Kayankerni coast there was
an iron wreck scattered on the seabed. A local diver named Mr. Kolabage Jagath Lal
gave the team the information regarding the wreck. According to the information
obtained from the fishermen of the area, this wreck was identified as the “SS Lady Mc
Cullum” which had sunk during the British rule in Sri Lanka, but future explorations
could change this idea. The explorations over other naval sailings discovered in this
area were explored only for 2 to 3 days. The main goals when accessing the region was
to identify the nature of wrecks scattered around the sea bed, survey the wrecks, draw
sketches, photograph and videotape the wrecks, and calculate the GPS values of the
sites. This wreck was scattered on the seabed at a depth of 17 m and many parts of the
site were totally destroyed. The saved parts were scattered over a large area, but the
bow and the stern were easily identified. The propeller and the shaft were preserved as
well. Two boilers and 3 iron anchors were found there, the anchors being from the bow,
6

�the stern and from the middle part of the wreck. From the remaining evidences it could
be calculated that the length of the wreck was about 71 m from bow to propeller, while
the width was about 13.8 m.
The British Sergeant wreck
Five km away from the Kayankerni coast of Vakare area in the Eastern province,
another wreck was found scattered at a depth of 25.5 m. By the information that came
from local villagers, it was considered that this is the wreck, the British Sergeant, sunk
during British rule, therefore during the same period as the SS Lady McCullum. This
may also change as a result of further investigation. This wreck was the most protected
wreck of all the wrecks explored in eastern province from Trincomalee to Baticaloae by
the MAU team during this project. The ship was broken in to two parts; one part was 75
m long, while the other part was 52.8 m. Its width of the stern was about 16 m. Since
the exploration was done in three to four days; only sketches, photographs and survey
plan were completed during that time. According to the fishermen in this area, the wreck
sank because of bombing attacks during the Second World War.
Other archaeological heritages around Kayankerni
Stone Bridge
This is located across the Kayankerni lagoon in the Vakare region between Baticaloe –
Tricomalee A 15 road. It was constructed from west to east and at eye level. Stone
pillars of the bridge lay scattered up to about a 200 m distance. Some pillars have fallen
down across the lagoon. The pillars have sunk below the lagoon water up to a certain
level.
Wrecks around Pasikuda
Three wrecks were identified during the exploration over Pasikuda coast line. The naval
wreck was identified at a depth of 9 m. Parts of the vessel were scattered in many
areas and many were destroyed, but the propeller and the propeller shaft were well
protected, while the bow and the stern of the vessel could be easily identified. During
the observations over the wreck another iron wreck which was somewhat larger was
discovered. From the explorations done up to now, the name of this vessel could not be
identified.
7

�Pasikuda Boiler Wreck 1
The above mentioned wreck was situated 3 km away from Pasikuda coast at about 6 m
in depth. It was built with iron and steam-powered. Among the remaining evidences of it
there were three boilers found and the propeller and propeller shaft were well protected.
Two iron anchors situated near the bow of the wreck and another anchor at the middle
of the wreck. During the excavations the team surveyed, drew sketches, photographed,
videographed and calculated the GPS value of the site.
Pasikuda Boiler wreck 2
The above mentioned wreck was located 50 m away from the previously mentioned
boiler wreck 1. Three boilers were discovered there, but one was almost destroyed. The
propeller and the propeller shaft were also present. There were four other
archaeological sites around Pasikuda. Several architectural items which belong to the
Dutch period were identified around the Pasikuda coast, among them the remains of a
jetty and the base of a warehouse. During the explorations in Kayankarni and Pasikuda
areas the fishermen of the area Misters S. Novil, Eeshwaran Prabhu and Velmurugan
Arunlath helped the archaeological team greatly.
Wrecks around Batticaloa
Batticaloa boiler wreck 1
This wreck was located in the Navaladi area of Batticaloa. This wreck was found 3 km
away from the Nawaladi lagoon, at a depth of 9 m. Of the boiler wrecks explored during
MAU explorations, this was the only wreck which was powered by five boilers. Here
also, the propeller and the propeller shaft were well preserved. The evidence of the
wreck was scattered on the sea bed protected well enough to identify the bow and
stern. The maximum length of the wreck was about 102.8m (Fig. 3).

8

�Fig. 3 Sketch plan of Baticaloe boiler wreck-1. (W. M. Chandraratne)

SS Brennus
The Nawaladi lagoon situated in the Nawaladi area of Batticaloa is very close to
Silamunei coast of the eastern province. The wreck lies at a depth of 7 m, and is 3 km
from the Nawaladi lagoon. The people in this area use the word “Sakkara Kappal” to
name this vessel. Here ‘sakkara’ means jaggery and ‘kappal’ refers to the ship
according to Tamil language. Boilers could be seen in the wreck and there is also the
propeller and the propeller shaft present.
The wrecks around Kalmune
The explorations carried from Kayankarni area of Batticaloa were taken up to Kalmune
coast of the Ampara district. From the explorations done there, four wrecks were
recorded. Two of them were in the deep sea and due to bad weather during the time
our team was unable to explore those two. However we were able to explore the other
two wrecks during that time.
Kalmune boiler wreck
This above mentioned wreck was located in the Kalmune-1 coastal area of the
Kurundedi village in Kalmune area of Ampara district. Three km away from Kalmune-1,
on the coast line facing the Kodieththam mosque. The wreck lay at a depth of 12 m.
This wreck was found in the deep sea. The remains of two propellers, a propeller shaft
and three boilers were identified. The length of the wreck was about 102.80 m and the
width was about 33.7 m.

9

�Kalmune iron wreck
This wreck was recorded at a depth of 9m and located 50 m away from the Kalmune
boiler wreck. The engine parts could be easily identified among the greatly destroyed
wreck.
1. Explorations around Potuvil area in Ampara district
As the third step of the eastern coast exploration project carried out by MAU of Galle,
the team moved to Potuvil area in Ampara from Batticaloa. From the explorations done
during the 19th to the 24th of August, 2012, facts regarding five wrecks were recorded
and archaeological evidence regarding the religious place of Potuvil Muhudu Maha
Viharaya was discovered during the exploration.
Akkareipattu boiler wreck
This is located in the Attalachchene area of Ampara district. This wreck was powered by
steam.. The wreck had sunk very close to the coast line and therefore half of the wreck
was covered with sand near the beach while the other half was covered with sea water.
Although a permanent exploration was not done there, during a snorkelling survey the
remains of the ship were identified. Several boilers were found and in the future further
exploration should be done related to this site. There the guidance of Mr. J. Yogarasha
was a great help for our activities.
Wrecks around Tirukkovila
Tirukkovila boiler wreck
This wreck was located two km away from the Tirukkovila coast in the Vinayagapuram
area of the Tirukkovila region of Ampara. It lies on the seabed at 7 m. Due to the bad
visibility of the sea water and with survey time being only relegated to one day, the
shape of the wreck was not identified but certain facts regarding this wreck were
discovered. This boiler wreck was powered with four boilers according to our initial
discoveries.
Tirukkovila iron wreck
This wreck was also identified from the Vinayagapuram area of the Tirukkovila region of
Ampara district. Certain parts of the wreck could be seen above the surface of the sea
water and those parts had been destroyed by the treasure hunters of the area. From the
10

�information collected from the villagers it was recognized this wreck had sunk in the
recent past.
Wrecks around Potuvila
Komari boiler wreck
At four km away from the Komari coast of Potuvila region in Ampara district, this wreck
lies at a depth of 8 m. The visibility was poor and as a result only three boilers were
found, but later it was observed that the propeller and the rudder were also present.
Due to the bad weather conditions we were unable to record any photographs, drawings
or surveying regarding this archaeological site.
Omari boiler wreck
In the region where the above mentioned Komari boiler wreck is situated, about five km
away from Omari coast line this wreck was found. Photography recording and drawing
sketches were done here. The bow of the wreck is located at 7 m depth, and the stern
lies at a depth of 18 m. During the exploration facts regarding the three boilers were
identified and parts of the wreck were scattered over a large area. Unfortunately many
parts were greatly destroyed.
Maritime Archaeological activities around Muhudu Maha Viharaya in Potuvila
The major objective of the exploration during the 20th to 24th of August 2012 was to
discover facts regarding the Buddhist archaeological ruins of the religious place
“Muhudu Maha Viharaya” which was considered to have sunk in the sea. There, from
folk stories related to this fact it appears that at a certain period ‘Buddha statues’ and
other architectural items could be seen above the surface of the sea. Therefore our
team was in a hurry to dive in this area. Another story of the area tells us that the great
lady “Viharamaha Devi” had landed on the island from this place. We started our
explorations in the hope of verifying the truth or falsity of these stories (Weerakatiya,
2011: 1-10).
Experimented Region
The

Experimented

Regions

were

decided by the initial diving done before
the explorations. And this region was
11
Fig. 4 Exploration team-1. (W. M. Chandraratne)

�located 400 meters away from the temple to the east and 500 meters away from the
coast line in the shallow sea. The depth of the region was between five and seven
meters. The area consisted of huge rocks. The wind was blowing from east to west.
Throughout the exploration, a rough nature could be seen in the sea. This roughness
was increased in this region because of the stone pillars lying in the area.
Method
The simplest method used here was snorkelling and duck diving using the equipment
we had in the experimental region. The basic method of ‘swim- in- line’ and through that
duck diving was used. If we got any record of archaeological evidence or identified a
place for further experimentation, a buoy was attached to the area. We entered the
experimental site after swimming about 500m wearing diving equipment. The areas that
were identified by a buoy during the initial snorkelling survey, detailed exploration were
then started from that point. There the divers went throughout the site and were able to
collect some photographs and videos with ecofacts related to the site.
Results
After the explorations a few items having architectural value were identified. There was
a circular shaped place which was considered to be a man made creation was which
was highlighted by a buoy. Much evidence which could be considered as being created
by humans was identified by the basic snorkelling survey. In further conservations,
these evidences were found to show the shapes of moonstones, balustrade stones as
well as bricks which are closely related to the construction of Buddhist temples and their
architecture too matches the idea of temple items. Unfortunately, facts or evidence to
prove this idea were not found; for those questions further exploration is required.
Conclusion
The Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of Central Cultural Fund (CCF) is actively
involved in protecting the UCH of Sri Lanka, since it was founded in 1992. Last few
years essential steps have been taken to develop the infrastructure and the human
resources of the unit or just use MAU. Six archaeology graduates who did a special
training under the MAU were recruited in 2011(Fig. 4). The terrorism over the last 30
years finally ended in May of 2009. Maritime archaeological explorations that were
12

�previously limited to the Southern and Western coasts of the Island could now be
carried out all over the country. Explorations were carried out in the district of
Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara of the Eastern province region between 13th June
and 26th August 2012, adopting following 3 steps: Exploration of the Trincomalee,
Batticaloa and Ampara Districts. The well trained team uncovered over 16 shipwreck
sites, such as HMS Diomede wreck, Irrakkandi wreck, SS Lady McCullum, British

Sergeant, Pasikuda Boiler Wreck 1, Pasikuda Boiler wreck 2, Batticaloa boiler
wreck 1, SS Brennus, Kalmune boiler wreck, Kalmune iron wreck, Akkareipattu
boiler wreck, Tirukkovila boiler wreck, Tirukkovila iron wreck, Komari boiler
wreck, Omari boiler wreck and 4 underwater archaeological sites (Muhudu Maha
Viharaya in Potuvila, Kayankerni Stone Bridge and Swami Rock near the

Koneshwaram Hindu Temple) in the region.
Acknowledgement
Author is thankful to Professor Gamini Adikari, Director General, Central Cultural Fund,
Department of Culture and the Arts for encouragement and guidance and to the
excavation team of the Maritime Archaeology Unit, Galle, Sri Lanka for their support and
cooperation.
References
Clerk, A., and Wilson, M., 1964. The Treasure of the Great Reef. Harper and Row,
Publishers, New York, p. 200
Karunarathna, M., 2013. New Maritime Archaeological Discoveries in the Eastern
province of Sri Lanka. In Punkalasa - National Archaeological Symposium 2013,
Department of Archaeology, Ministry of National Heritage, Sri Lanka, Colombo: 217231.
Mahawamsha. 2004. Buddhist Cultural Centre, Dehiwala, Sri Lanka.
Panabokke, C. R., 1996. Soils and Agro-Ecological Environment of Sri Lanka. Natural
Resources, Energy, Science Authority, Colombo.
Samaraweera, N., 2013. The Reserches of the two decades of Maritime Archaeology
Unit

1992-2013.

"Samudrika"

Maritime

Archaeological

Symposium,

Archaeology Unit and Maritime Archaeology Museum, Galle: 3-5.
13

Maritime

�Silva, R., and Ariyaratne, P. A., 2007. The Natinal Atlas of Sri Lanka. Survey
Department of Sri Lanka, Colombo.
The Ceylon Observer. (September 28, 1908).
Weerakatiya, Y., 2011. Mahaurumaya (in Sinhala). Tilak Printers Ltd, Pannipitiya, Sri
Lanka: 01-10.

Biography
W. M. Chandraratne (b. 1968), working as a Research Officer of Maritime Archaeology
and Officer- in- charge of the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU), Central Cultural Fund
(CCF) of Ministry of Culture and the Arts, Galle Fort, Sri Lanka since 1994. He has
participated in several workshops and training programs on underwater archaeology
and related subjects and published over 20 research articles both in reputed local and
international journals.

14

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                  <text>Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as â€˜underwaterâ€™, â€˜marineâ€™ and â€˜nauticalâ€™ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports.&#13;
Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to â€˜Underwater Archaeologyâ€™, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature â€˜Hydro-archaeologyâ€™ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations.&#13;
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                <text>The Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of Central Cultural Fund (CCF) is actively involved in protecting the UCH of Sri Lanka, since it was founded in 1992. During the last few years essential steps have been taken to develop the infrastructure and the human resources of the unit or just use MAU. Six archaeology graduates who did a special training under the MAU were recruited in 2011. They had gone through series of trainings such as swimming, snorkelling, life saving, first aid and basic diving.  They were introduced to the fundamentals of underwater archaeology. They were encouraged to start their post graduate studies and to gain their international diving license, such as PADI or the SSI. After a year of training they were directed to carry out an underwater archaeological investigation along the East coast of Sri Lanka, from 13th of June to 26th of August 2012. The exploration was scheduled at a favourable moment to test their skills and training. The trainees were under the supervision of four senior maritime archaeologists. The north and east parts of the country were rescued after thirty years of terrorism in 2009. More than two years were taken to secure the area from post war hazards such as land mines. For the whole MAU team this was a new experience and an opportunity to search this area after many years. The team uncovered over 16 shipwreck sites and 4 underwater archaeological sites in the region.</text>
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                    <text>An overview of shipwreck explorations in Goa waters
Sila Tripati1

Abstract
Since the beginning of maritime archaeological research in Indian waters, marine records housed
in archives of India and abroad provide details of the shipwrecks and the loss of Indian ships in
foreign waters. Information on more than 200 shipwrecks in Indian waters has been gathered
from archival records and attempts made to explore in Goa, Lakshadweep and Tamil Nadu
waters. These shipwrecks are dated to the post 16th century AD. Shipwrecks were explored off
Sunchi Reef, St George’s Reef and Amee Shoals in Goa waters. Sunchi Reef and St George’s
Reef were wooden hulled sailing ships whereas Amee Shoals was a steel hulled steam engine
shipwreck. Sunchi Reef exploration led to the recovery of guns, barrels of handguns, storage jars,
Chinese ceramics, elephant tusks, hippopotamus teeth, iron anchors and other items that are
evidence of Indo-Portuguese trade and commerce in the 17th century. Exploration off St
George’s Reef uncovered timber and terracotta artefacts such as column capitals, drums, ridge
tiles, roof and floor tiles and chimney bricks The bricks and tiles have the distinct inscription of
Basel Mission Tile works 1865. Amee shoals exploration revealed the remains of a steel hulled
steam engine shipwreck in which boilers, boiler bricks, and engine parts were found. The stamps
on the flanges and the name on the firebricks suggest a British origin, dating from the 1880s or
later.

Keywords: Shipwreck, Sunchi Reef, St George’s Reef, Amee Shoals, Goa,
Portuguese, Basel Mission Company

Introduction
The geographical context of this paper lies centrally in Goa. The city is located on
the central part of the west coast of India. It has its western boundary along the
Arabian Sea and eastern border along the Western Ghats. Chandrapura
(Chandor) on the bank of river Paroda, (a tributary of the Zuari) was the oldest
port of Goa. The discovery of Roman coins and amphorae sherds from Pilar near
Gopakapatana port indicates that Roman ships were called in ports of Goa
during the Satavahana period (Costa 1997:24-30). The Shilaharas and
Kadambas were maritime powers and had trade contacts with West Asia and
East African countries (Gune 1990:117-136). The depiction of a naval battle in
the memorial stones (l2th-13th centuries) exhibited in the Archaeological
Museum, Old Goa, reflect the maritime activity of this region (Rajagopalan
1987:35; Sila Tripati 2006:88-96). During the Portuguese regime, Old Goa was
the main centre of commercial activities and garrison. The Nau Cinco Chagas,
Galeao Bom Jesus, Madre de Deus and Nau S. Joao Baptista ships were built in
the Old Goa shipyard (Mathew 1988:304).

1

National Institute of Oceanography, Council of Scientific &amp; Industrial Research, Dona Paula,
Goa 403 004 (India), Email: sila@nio.org

1

�Shipwrecks in Goa Waters
Evidence on pre-Portuguese shipwrecks in Goa waters is limited. An inscription
source mentioned Guhalladeva-I, from 980 to 1005 Anno Domini2 (AD), sailed
from Chandrapura to Somnath, Gujarat on the West coast of India (Oriente
Portugues 1938:6-18). The mast of the ship broke off and he took shelter at
Gopakapatana port. The stranded king was helped by Mohammed, the chief of
the Arab traders (Hanjamananagar) in Goa (Gune 1979:95; Moraes 1990:17172). Portuguese records held in the archive India House, Lisbon mention
Portuguese shipwrecks. A. B. Souza (1930:54-57) has compiled a list of 806
ships that sailed from Lisbon to India between 1497 and 1612, among them 20
ships ran aground, 66 were shipwrecked, 4 captured by the enemy, 6 burnt, 285
remained in India while 425 returned to Portugal. Archival records emphasise
that a majority of Portuguese ships were wrecked in the shallow waters off Goa
mainly due to hidden reefs, sandbars, severe storms and lack of proper
maintenance. However, these records do not provide exact locations of
shipwrecks the Centro Nacional de Arqueologia Nautical e Subaquatica CNANS,
Lisbon has listed the Portuguese shipwrecks along the Indian coast based on
archival and archaeological sources (Alves, et al. 2007:97-119).
The Portuguese ships wrecked in Goa waters were namely the following:
S. Cristovam wrecked in a storm on l7th August 1594 while returning to Goa; The
nau Santo Andre left Lisbon on l7th February 1607 and reached Goa in May
1608 but wrecked off Goa. The Nossa Sra Dos and Remedios sank off Goa on
28th January 1616 in a storm, people were saved but cargo was lost (Gudigar, et
al. 1995-6:45-48). Twelve Portuguese ships, en route to Calcutta (Kolkata) from
Goa sank near Aguada Bay due to an unseasonable storm in 1648 (Boxer
1960:35-54); Five Portuguese sailing ships namely Santa Helena (1654-55), Sao
Joao Evangelista (1652-53), St. Francisco and St. Thome set sail to Goa from
Portugal, but only two ships reached the coast of Goa but were wrecked in a
storm on 10th March 1651 (Esparteiro 1974:93). Findings of shipwreck
explorations off Sunchi Reef, St George’s Reef and Amee Shoals are recorded
here. The nature of the seabed floor, water current patterns, water depth and
visibility vary from site to site.

Sunchi Reef
Sunchi Reef region is shallow, full of laterite boulders and in a high-energy zone.
The shipwreck remains were located in 3 to 6 meters (m) water depth and
scattered over a large area (Figure 1). The survey identified and recovered cast
iron guns, a iron shot, a barrel of a handgun, various types of stoneware sherds
(Martaban pottery), Chinese Blue on white sherds, glass bottle bases, elephant

2

Designation used to label or number years used with the Julian and Gregorian calendars. This
calendar era is based on the year of the birth of Jesus of Nazareth, with AD counting years after
the start of this epoch.

2

�tusks and hippopotamus teeth, metal handle and dressed granite stone blocks
(Figure 2; Sila Tripati, et al. 2004:1238-1245).

Figure 1. Location of shipwreck exploration sites (Sunchi Reef, St George's Reef
&amp; Amee Shoals) off Goa waters (Tripati, et al. 2004; Tripati 2004; Tripati, et al.
2003b; Tripati, et al. 2010 respectively)3
3

The findings of Sunchi Reef such as ivory, hippo teeth, pottery, Chinese ceramics, handgun,
glass bottle bases; some bricks, tiles and other terracotta artefacts of St Georges Reef; and boiler

3

�Figure 2. Cast iron guns, elephant tusks, hippopotamus teeth, handgun, Chinese
and stone ware sherds and granite blocks found from Sunchi Reef shipwreck
(Sila Tripati, S. N. Bandodker, and Sheikh Ali Karim (2000-2006).

bricks and flanges of steam engine shipwreck of Amee Shoals have been collected and displayed
at NIO.

4

�Each cast gun is about 2 m long. Their exteriors are overgrown with
barnacles, mussels and heavily concreted. The muzzles of two guns lay
horizontally on the seabed whereas the other two were oriented towards the
seabed. The guns have swivels on both sides but do not have any lifting rings.
The iron shot found west of the guns is 1.218 grams (gm). Its surface has an
uneven-flaking nature and its shape is slightly conical at the top, flat at the base.
Cracks formed after retrieval was due to dehydration and the interior was fully
rusted. Marine water in the shot was subsequently removed in the lab. The brass
barrel of a handgun 56 centimeter (cm) long and weight 2.200 kilogram (kg) was
half buried below the granite blocks. The barrel has two notches, one is intact
and the other is broken, these are meant for fixing screws to the wooden part of
the gun. It has a screw thread at the back for attaching the firing mechanism. The
gun and other parts attached to the barrel are missing. A two fluked, long iron
anchor found on the southern side of the guns had fallen between laterite4
boulders. Similar anchors were discovered off Aguada and also resemble the
anchors kept in the Archaeological Museum at Old Goa and Goa State Museum,
Panaji (Sila Tripati, et al. 2003a: 97-106).
The exploration led to the recovery of eight elephant tusks (65 to 32 cm in
length) only partially visible in the seabed. Among them two were inscribed, one
has three Roman letters “ICM” and the other has some geometrical designs.
Nine hippopotamus teeth of different sizes have turned brownish in color. The
elephant tusks and hippopotamus teeth have turned soft, brittle, flaky and
degraded because of burial in marine water for more than 300 years.
Stoneware sherds consisting of rims with loop handles, bases, lids and
fragments buried in the sediment and crevices of laterite boulders were also
recovered. The paint and glaze coat has been washed out on some whereas a
dark brown glaze coat can be noticed on others. All these sherds belong to
storage jars. In addition to the loop handles on rims, the sherds with dark brown
glaze also have raised dots around the neck and floral designs.
Thermoluminescence dating purports the pottery is 360+40 years old. Chinese
ceramic sherds with blue on white designs were also found. A number of dark
green square and round glass bottle bases were retrieved on which marine
growth is present. In addition a number of dressed granite blocks of varied sizes
scattered randomly were noticed at the site. They were possibly used as ballast
(Sila Tripati 2004:19-29).

St George's Reef
St George's Reef is situated on the eastern side of Grande Island (Figure 1) and
the shipwreck lies in 15 m water depth. The wreck contains a collection of
terracotta building materials such as chimney bricks, roof, ridge and floor tiles,
column capital and drum (Sila Tripati, et al. 2003b: 111-120). Bricks and floor
tiles are inscribed “Basel Mission Tile Works 1865”. Bricks are made of white
clay, moulded, the obverse is inscribed and the reverse is plain (Figure 3). A
4

Clay formed by weathering of rocks in a tropical climate, composed chiefly of iron and aluminium
oxides

5

�Corinthian type of hollow capital, closed on one side, was found. All artefacts are
well burnt and made of well-levigated clay. The timber remains of the ship found
near the reef has groove marks on the upper side whereas the lower side is plain
and U-shaped. Carbon14 dating (114.3+1.5%) of the timber suggests that the
wreck is 115 years old. Anatomical analysis indicates that the timber belongs to
the Lagerstromia microcarpa syn Lagerstromia lanceolata species, whose trade
name is benteak (Sila Tripati, et al., 2005:1022-1027).

Figure 3. Terracotta artefacts and timber collected from St George's Reef
shipwreck (Sila Tripati, S. N. Bandodker, and Sheikh Ali Karim (1999-2000).

Amee Shoals
Amee Shoals lies on the south of Sunchi Reef, close to the Marmagao bay
(Figure 1), and the shoals have extended in a larger area with varied depths
(Ambre 1991:113-115). The exploration revealed a steam engine shipwreck and
boilers, boiler bricks, water tank, flanges, and copper pipes were noticed at 6 to 9

6

�m water depth. Three boilers made of wrought iron were found close to each
other, approximately 4 m in height with single riveted lap joint5. Each boiler has
three furnaces and a row of heat exchanger tubes, and stay tubes. Manholes and
safety valves of the boilers are undamaged. Among nine furnaces of three boilers
only one is intact (Sila Tripati, et al., 2010:182-189), while the other eight have
been destroyed by local divers robbing brass and copper objects (Figure 4).
Different sizes of bricks are placed in various directions in many layers inside the
furnaces then a metal flange is fixed on the opening.

Figure 4. Boilers, boiler bricks, water tank and hawser of the steam engine
shipwreck noticed off Amee Shoals, Goa (Photographs: Sila Tripati, (2006-2008).
5

The connection of edges of plates by single row of rivets.

7

�The bricks inside the furnace resist heat, provide insulation and prevent
cracking due to heat exposure. Bricks are made of clay consisting of silica and
alumina. The binding material used to join the bricks is made of equal quantities
of fireclay and finely crushed firebrick mixed with water to a make mortar. On the
obverse some bricks of Amee Shoals have the stamp mark “FURNA…”, followed
by illegible words. Below this marked “B 84”. There are no marks on the reverse.
Brick sizes vary in measurement. Numerous bricks are still in the boilers and
others are scattered nearby. A circular flange of 52 cm diameter with eight holes
probably used on the front side of the furnace boiler was found. The other flange
could be of an oil tank found near the boiler. It has two stamp marks namely
“SOUNDING” and “No. 3 TANK6”. A water tank measuring 4 x 1.65 m, probably
used for recirculation of water from the condenser (Sila Tripati 2008:1-19), lay
close to the boilers. The tank has a reinforced steel frame with plates on all four
sides. Two horizontal pipes are fitted inside and the tank is highly corroded.
Water tanks were a common feature in steam engine ships. The bow section
hawser hole of the ship has a large lip edge. The hatch door which would be part
of the steam drive system, designed for heavy duty and withstand heat, was
noticed near the boilers.

Discussion and Conclusion
Human errors in navigation, submerged rocks and inclement weather have
caused most of the shipwrecks in Goa waters. Strong currents during ebb tide
reduce visibility and affects survey work.
The shipwreck in Sunchi Reef lies in a high energy zone not conducive to
preservation of shipwreck remains. The location evidently represents that the
ships struck the submerged rocks and subsequently sank. Except pottery, guns,
shot, granite blocks no remains of the ship have been observed. The finding of
iron guns, anchor and other artefacts suggest that the Sunchi Reef shipwreck
could be a wooden-hulled cargo sailing ship not of Indian origin. The Sunchi Reef
shipwreck findings are indicative of trade and commerce between Goa and the
Portuguese empire as mentioned in the literature (Ahmed 1991:146-156). Sunchi
Reef wreck is the oldest wreck so far surveyed in Indian waters and the first
Portuguese shipwreck explored and detailed.
The discovery of St George’s Reef wreck has elucidated the history of the Basel
Mission Company and its trading activities with India. The findings suggest that
the vessel came either from Mangalore or Calicut because the mission had a
number of tile factories between Malabar and South Canara however the mission
had established the first tile factory at Jeppo, Mangalore in 1865 (Raghaviah
1990:35). The underwater exploration and metal detector survey did not reveal
any metallic anomalies at St George’s Reef. It appears that the ship could have
been a wooden hulled sailing craft. The thermoluminescence dating of pottery
6

A metal dipping rod with graduations for checking the fluid levels in the tank is often called
sounding. These were common till the introduction of gauges.

8

�(360+ 40 years) and radiocarbon dating of ivory shows an age of 740 ± 130 yrs
with a calibrated age range of 740 to 560 years Before Present (BP), in view of
these dates it is suggested that the Sunchi Reef shipwreck could be dated to the
Portuguese period (early 17th century AD), whereas the radiocarbon dating of
the timber (114.3 + 1.5%) of St George's Reef shows the wreck is more than a
century old.
The steam engine shipwreck of Amee Shoals imparts significant
information about this ship-style development and technological aspects,
because the introduction of steam ships brought to an end the sailing ships. This
is the first steam engine shipwreck that has been observed in Goa waters and
could have occurred while approaching or disembarking from Marmagao port.
One of the possible causes for shipwrecks in shallow waters off Goa could be an
inadequate knowledge of bathymetry of the region. The preliminary exploration
indicates that Amee Shoals shipwreck could be of a single ended scotch boiler,
steel hulled, triple expansion steam vessel. These boilers, manufactured during
the 1880s, are the last phase of development of fire tube boilers, later replaced
by diesel engines. The shape and size of three scotch boilers suggest the ship
could be 100 m in length and the wreck could be dated to 1880 AD or later.
Possibly, this could be a steel hull with wooden superstructure.
Explorations off Goa waters suggest that this region possesses rich
potential for shipwreck archaeology, requiring further in-depth exploration which
may bring new evidence on the maritime and shipwreck archaeology of Goa. In
the absence of such reports the artefacts described in this paper provides new
information on this aspect.

Acknowledgements
The author is thankful to the Director Satish Shetye and Project Leader K. H. Vora for their
encouragement. Thanks also to the my colleagues of the Marine Archaeology Centre for help in
field work; S. N. Bandodker and Sheikh Ali Karim for photographs, Ravindra Uchil and S. B.
Chitari for preparing the drawings. This is NIO’s contribution No: 5061.

Bibliography
Ahmed, A.,
1991
Alves, J. F., Blot, M., Caleja, P.,
Carvalho, P., Henriques, R., and
Rodrigues, P.,
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Ambre, N. V.,
1991

Indo-Portuguese Trade in Seventeenth
Century, Gian Publishing House, New Delhi.
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concerning Portugal and India based on
written and Archaeological sources”, in India
and the Eastern Sea, (ed.) Alok Tripathi,
Agam Kala Prakashan, New Delhi, pp. 97119.
Topography and surface sediment distribution
around Amee shoal, Mormugoa”, in Recent
Advances in Marine Archaeology, (ed.)
Shikaripur Ranganatha Rao, NIO, Goa, pp.
113 -115.
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�“The Carreira Da India 1650-1750”, in The
Mariner’s Mirror, Vol. 46, No.1, pp. 35-54.
“Archaeology: Treasure Trove”, in Goa Today,
Vol. May 1997, pp. 24-30.
Tres Seculos no Mar., Part-1, Lisbon, p. 93.
“Some important shipwrecks on Konkan
coast”, in Journal of Marine Archaeology, Vol.
5-6, pp. 45-48.
Gazetteer of the Union Territory of Goa,
Daman and Diu, District Gazetteer, Part-1,
Panaji.
“Goa's coastal and overseas trade”, In Goa
Gune, V. T.,
through the Ages-ll, (ed.) Teotonio. R. de
1990
Souza, Concept Publishing Company, New
Delhi, pp. 117-135.
History of the Portuguese Navigation in India,
Mathew, K. M.,
1988
Mittal Publications, New Delhi.
The Kadamba Kula, A History of Ancient and
Moraes, G. M.,
Mediaeval Karnataka, Asian Educational
1990
Services, New Delhi.
O Oriente Portugues, Bastora, n. 22, pp.6-18.
1938
Basel Mission Industries in Malbar and South
Raghaviah, J.,
Canara, Gian Publishing House, New Delhi.
1990
Old Goa, Archaeological Survey of India, New
Rajagopalan, S.,
1987
Delhi.
Tripati, S., Gaur, A. S., and
“Anchors from Goa waters, Central West
Sundaresh.,
Coast of India: Remains of Goa’s overseas
2003a
trade contacts with Arabian countries and
Portugal”, in Bulletin of the Australasian
Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 27, pp.
97-106.
Tripati., S., Sundaresh., Gaur, A. “Exploration of Basel Mission Company
S., Gudigar, P., and Bandodker, shipwreck remains at St George’s Reef off
S. N.,
Goa, West Coast of India: impact of the Basel
2003b
Mission Co. on society and culture”, in
International Journal of Nautical Archaeology,
Vol. 32, No.1, pp. 111-120.
Tripati, S.,Gaur, A. S.,
“Shipwreck archaeology of Goa: Evidence of
Sundaresh., and Vora, K. H.,
maritime contacts with other countries”, in
Current Science, Vol. 86, No.9, pp. 12382004
1245.
Tripati, S.,
“Exploration of Portuguese shipwreck in Goa
2004
waters of India: With special reference to
Sunchi Reef”, In Proceedings of Conference
on the Application of Recent Advances in
Underwater Detection and Survey Techniques
Boxer, C. R.,
1960
Costa, J. C.,
1997
Esparteiro, A. M., (ed.), 1974
Gudigar, P., Sila Tripati., Gaur,
A. S., and Sundaresh.,
1995-96
Gune, V. T., (ed.),
1979

10

�Tripati, S., Sujatha, M., Rao, R.
V., and Rao, K. S.,
2005
Tripati, S.,
2006
Tripati, S., 2008

Tripati, S., Gaur, A. S., and
Sundaresh.,
2010
Souza, A. B.,
1930

to Underwater Archaeology, (eds.), Tuncay
Akal, Robert D. Ballard and George F. Bass,
Ulu Burun Publishing, INA, Bodrum, pp. 1929.
“Use of timber in shipbuilding industry:
Identification and analysis of timber from
shipwrecks off Goa coast, India”, in Current
Science, Vol. 89, No.6, pp. 1022-1027.
“Ships on Hero Stones from the West Coast
of India”, in International Journal of Nautical
Archaeology, Vol. 35, No.1, pp. 88-96.
“Exploration and Excavation of
Shipwrecks in Goa and adjoining waters
2007-2008”, Technical Report No: NIO/TR1/2008, pp.1-19.
“Exploration of a steamship wreck off Amee
shoals, Goa, India: A preliminary report”, in
International Journal of Nautical Archaeology,
Vol. 39, No. 1, pp. 182-189.
Subsidios para a Historia Militar Maritima da
India, Lisbon, Vol. 1, pp. 1585-1605.

11

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                <text>An overview of shipwreck explorations in Goa waters</text>
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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>Since the beginning of maritime archaeological research in Indian waters, marine records housed in archives of India and abroad provide details of the shipwrecks and the loss of Indian ships in foreign waters. Information on more than 200 shipwrecks in Indian waters has been gathered from archival records and attempts made to explore in Goa, Lakshadweep and Tamil Nadu waters. These shipwrecks are dated to the post 16th century AD. Shipwrecks were explored off Sunchi Reef, St Georgeâ€™s Reef and Amee Shoals in Goa waters. Sunchi Reef and St Georgeâ€™s Reef were wooden hulled sailing ships whereas Amee Shoals was a steel hulled steam engine shipwreck. Sunchi Reef exploration led to the recovery of guns, barrels of handguns, storage jars, Chinese ceramics, elephant tusks, hippopotamus teeth, iron anchors and other items that are evidence of Indo-Portuguese trade and commerce in the 17th century. Exploration off St Georgeâ€™s Reef uncovered timber and terracotta artefacts such as column capitals, drums, ridge tiles, roof and floor tiles and chimney bricks The bricks and tiles have the distinct inscription of Basel Mission Tile works 1865. Amee shoals exploration revealed the remains of a steel hulled steam engine shipwreck in which boilers, boiler bricks, and engine parts were found. The stamps on the flanges and the name on the firebricks suggest a British origin, dating from the 1880s or later. </text>
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                <text>Sila Tripati</text>
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                    <text>Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection
M. S. Jessica Lally
Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama Nation
Washington 98908
USA
Email: lally.js@gmail.com

Abstract
An assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds associated with a historically recorded but
unidentified shipwreck on the north Oregon coast was analyzed to determine the age
and intended destination of the ship and its cargo. Prior to this study, only a limited
number of studies of Asian export porcelain to the New World were available, and even
fewer studies of their occurrence in the Pacific Northwest. This study provides a date
range for the manufacture of the porcelain and information on the nationality of the
Beeswax Wreck. The presence of the shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck,
has been documented through both historic sources and archaeological research.
Archaeological materials associated with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon
bound for Acapulco.
Keywords: Beeswax, Chinese porcelain, Galleon, Oregon coast

Introduction
This study details the analysis of an assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds thought be
directly associated with a historically recorded but unidentified shipwreck on the north
Oregon cost. The shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck, has been
documented through both historic sources (Franchere, 1967; Gibbs, 1993; Hult, 1968;
Lee and Frost, 1968; Marshall, 1984) and archaeological research (Williams, 2007).
Previous archaeological research indicates that the archaeological materials associated
with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon bound for Acapulco. The purpose of
this study was to analyze the assemblage of sherds in order determine the age,
nationality, and intended destination of the ship and its cargo (Lally, 2008).
Methodology
The Beeswax Wreck porcelain collection consists of 1577 porcelain sherds, with 1442
recovered through the beachcombing efforts of one individual over a period of more
than 15 years from five separate locations near Manzanita, Oregon (Lally, 2008; Lally,
1

�In Press). The majority of the sherds are from Oswald West State Park (OWSP) and
Nehalem Bay, with a small number of sherds collected from Tillamook Head, Tillamook
Bay, and Nehalem Falls (map?). Also within the collection are 127 sherds collected from
two archaeological sites, 35-TI-1 and 35-TI-4, curated at the University of Oregon
Museum of Natural and Cultural History and Tillamook County Pioneer Museum (Table
1). Analysis of chronological and stylistic attributes of decoration style, motif type, and
marks was conducted. Sherds were measured and identified to vessel element (base,
rim, body) and vessel type (open-form, closed-form, cups, vases, etc). Degree of
erosion, glaze, and cobalt tone were noted. A date range for the porcelain’s
manufacture was determined based on 15 attributes and porcelain types to suggest a
date range using South’s (2002) model of visual interpretation. Additionally, 13
attributes and types were used to establish a mean ceramic date for the collection using
South’s (2002) equation. Those attributes and types excluded from the visual
interpretation and mean ceramic date calculation were later compared to both methods
in order to confirm or refine the date generated.
Results
Porcelain attributes identified during the analysis provide data on the manufacturing
date. Examined independently, these attributes suggest a wide date range, indicating
manufacture from both the Ming (1368-1644 AD) and Qing (1644-1911 AD) Dynasties.
However, in many instances this apparently wide date range is due to the continued use
of traditional Chinese motifs through time. Considered together, though, these attributes
strongly suggest a date of manufacture for the collection between the later portion of the
Transitional Period (1620 and 1683) and Kangxi Reign (1662-1722 AD). The visual
interpretation model supports this, providing a date range between 1670 and 1700, as
did the calculated mean ceramic date of 1690. Calculation of both is discussed in detail
below. Analysis of sherd type identified six attributes and vessel types to which a date
could be assigned. Grooved-foot rims were observed exclusively on monochrome white
porcelain. This feature is particularly important in regard to the porcelain’s date of
manufacture as the grooved foot rim was only produced between 1644 (Butler, 2002;
Butler and Curtis, 2002; Curtis, 2002; Donnelly, 1967; Harrisson, 1995; Mudge, 1986)
and 1690 (Harrison, 1995). A beveled foot rim, thought to be a feature unique to the
2

�Kangxi reign (1662-1722) (Vermeer, 2005), was observed on a single sherd (Sherd
8692). In addition, six sherds were identified as klapmutsen, or wide flat rims, generally
attributed to production between 1620 and 1680 (Fischell, 1987), though possibly as
early as 1613 (van der Pijl-Ketel, 1982).
Sherds of lidded vessels, lidded cups, and lids were identified among the collection. The
sherds are similar in measurement, potting, and decoration, indicating that the lids were
likely intended for the lidded cups. Similar lidded cups were observed among the Vung
Tau cargo of 1690 (Jorg and Flecker, 2001). In addition to the cups, 19 sherds were
identified as compressed globular boxes (or lids). Two of the compressed globular box
sherds have unglazed bases, discolored slightly from exposure to kiln heat and curdled.
Donnelly (1967) noted that during the post-Transitional Period and height of the Dehua
kiln production, similar small globular boxes with unglazed, curdled bases were
produced. These unique unglazed, curdled bases are indicative of origin at the Dehua
kilns between 1675 and 1725 (Donnelly, 1967), when unglazed bases were out of
fashion for other porcelain vessels (Butler, 2002). Four monochrome white sherds
represent a variety of more unusual vessel types typical of manufacture at the Dehua
kilns between 1675 and 1725. Sherd NH386 bears a striking resemblance to Marco
Polo Censers that Donnelly (1967) dated between 1675 and 1725. Sherd NH88 is a
molded European figure. Sherd NH657 is a molded petal, possibly from a Quan Yin
figure.
Decoration Attributes and Ware types
The majority of the collection consists of porcelain sherds decorated with cobalt
underglaze-blue outline-and-wash. Cobalt attributes are highly indicative of transitional
Period (1620-1683 AD) or Kangxi Reign (1662-1722 AD) date of manufacture, being
violet to violet-blue in color and lacking classic Ming Dynasty attributes such as the
“heaped and piled” cobalt application. Ming Dynasty glaze characteristics are also
absent from the collection. Two sherds clearly appear to be Chinese Imari (Numbers
LL2/18, LL2/43), displaying gold gilt pine branches with red overglaze and underglazeblue. Chinese Imari remained popular from the late-1600s to the mid-1700s, and in
general, red overglaze on Chinese porcelain was imported to Mexico in quantity during
the late 1600s (Mudge, 1986). Two sherds in the collection (NH359 and NH532) are
3

�identified as Batavian ware, having brown slip applied to the exterior of the sherds and
interiors decorated with underglaze-blue motifs. Batavian ware was only produced
during the Kangxi Reign, specifically the late-seventeenth century to the early
eighteenth century (Donnelly, 1967; Fuchus and Howard, 2005; Mudge, 1986; Sheaf
and Kilburn, 1988). The Beeswax Wreck collection also contains monochrome white
sherds with molded ribbing, strikingly similar to Donnelly’s (1967) examples of wine
cups and Rhinoceros Horn Cups made at Dehua kilns between 1650 and 1750.
Motif Attributes
Floral themes are the most common motif and accounted for 13 percent of the
collection. A total of 39 Prunus blossom or Prunus plant motifs were identified, depicted
in underglaze-blue, incised motif, and applied decoration. Two sherds (NH029, NH334)
have Prunus blossoms depicted in white on a blue cracked-ice background (Fig. 1).
This was an exceptionally popular motif, especially on Hawthorn Jars, during the Kangxi
Reign (Frank, 1969; Kerr, 1986). Also among the Prunus motifs are several
monochrome sherds that, based on examples provided by Donnelly (1967), Mudge
(1986), and Bass (2005), appear to date between 1675 and 1710. Sherd NH392 can be
assigned a specific date range based upon the chronology provided by Donnelly: it is
decorated with a high-relief, molded
and applied Prunus plant blossom,
stem, and leaves, with a plain-centered
flower with long petals and a single vein
running

the

length

of

the

petal.

Donnelly dated this style from 1675 to
1725.
The collection also contains a number
of sherds decorated with peach and
peony

blossoms.

While

utilized
Fig. 1 Sherd NH29, Prunus blossoms depicted in

throughout the production of Chinese white on a blue cracked-ice background. (J.
porcelain, these motifs strongly support Lally)
a Shunzhi (1644-1661 AD) or Kangxi Reign (1662-1722 AD) date of manufacture (Lally,
2008; Lally, In Press) as both motifs experienced a period of increased popularity during
4

�those Reigns (Macintosh, 1977). Underglaze-blue floral scroll motifs also provide strong
indications of manufacture date. A total of 143 sherds were decorated with tiger lily
scroll, a motif Frank (1969) identifies as exclusive to Kangxi Reign export porcelain. Ten
of the tiger lily scroll sherds include a four-petal flower often associated with the tiger lily
motif (Lally, 2008; Lally, In Press) having been observed among shipwreck cargos
dating between 1690 (Jorg and Flecker, 2001: 72, figure 65) and 1735 (Chiến, 2002:
figure 156). The tiger lily four-petal flower was also observed on three sherds absent
tiger lily scroll. The tiger lily four-petal flower was depicted in similar fashion in the Vung
Tau (1690) (Jorg and Flecker) shipwreck cargos, and reference examples dating
between the late-seventeenth or early-eighteenth centuries (Harrisson, 1995: 33, figure
38; Valenstein, 1989: 224, figure 217).
Six sherds display a variation of
floral scroll, described among some
sources as lion and plant design.
Butler

(2002:18)

and

Harrison

(1995:45) provide examples of lion
and

plant

design

on

porcelain

vessels dating between 1650 and
1670.

Boneless

common

style

floral
of

scroll,

under

a

glaze

painting utilized in the Chenghua
Reign

(1464-1487)

and

also

prevalent on Kangxi imitations of
Fig. 2 Sherd NH483, hundred boys motif or the
Chenghua Reign porcelain (Frank,
scholars motif. (Jessica Lally)

1969), was identified on two sherds
(NH218 and NH351). Thirteen sherds have human figure motifs. Six sherds (NH022,
NH483, NH661, NH660, LL2/18/39a and LL2/18/39b) appear decorated with the
hundred boys motif or the scholars motif (Fig. 2). A traditional motif utilized throughout
Chinese porcelain production, the hundred boys and scholars motif were of immense
importance during the Reign of Shunzhi (1644-1661) and Kangxi Reign (1662-1722)
(Curtis, 2002: 50). Further indication of this time period is the manner in which the figure
5

�motifs are painted, being more typical of the Shunzhi Reign or Kangxi Reign, with fine
outline and violet-blue cobalt. The seven remaining human figure sherds are also
painted in Shunzhi Reign or Kangxi Reign-style and depict human figures in
combination with landscape elements and lattice fences, common motifs in both Reigns
(Curtis, 2002; Frank, 1969; Mathers et al., 1990).
Paneled motifs are present on 12 sherds. Seven paneled sherds resemble the paneled
motifs of the Vung Tau (1690) (Jorg and Flecker, 2001), the Ca Mau (1723-1735)
(Chiến, 2002) and the Geldermalsen (1752) (Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988) wrecks. Five
sherds, however, appear kraak-like, having specific attributes typical of kraak porcelain:
decorative motif; v-shaped, inward-sloping footrim; “moth-eaten” edges (areas where
the glaze is receded from the rims); and apricot colored foot rims. The quickly executed
manner of decoration on these sherds may be indicative that the vessels were made
during the height of porcelain production, post-1600. Several border motifs were
identified within the collection. Three sherds depict the zigzag border motif, utilized
during the 1640s or 1650s but used no later than 1675 (Butler, 2002). A single sherd
(NH 235) was decorated with the stonewall or cracked ice border, which Butler
attributes to the same time frame as the zigzag border. Sheaf and Kilburn (1988),
however, suggest an even narrower time frame for the stonewall border, anywhere from
1660 to 1670. “Blobby dots,” were also identified on three sherds (NH44, NH226, and
NH608). This motif was utilized as a background motif as well as a border motif and is
generally attributed to manufacture between 1645 and 1660 (Butler, 2002; Curtis, 2002:
44). The collection contained 47 rim sherds with brown dressing, a trait that did not
appear within the Chinese domestic or export market until the 1640s-1660s. It was
eventually discontinued in early Kangxi and was not utilized again until the eighteenth
century (Butler, 2002: 23).
Marks
A total of 32 sherds in the collection had hallmarks or symbol marks. Among identifiable
marks were a single Artemisia leaf mark and three swastika marks. Both were symbols
of good fortune used during the Kangxi Reign (1662-1722) in place of the nein-hao, or
reign mark (Macintosh, 1977; Mudge, 1986). Sherd NH482 contained a partial hallmark
that translated as “of (the) beautiful jade” (Penglin Wang, personal communication April
6

�17, 2008). Although utilized during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) (Butler and Curtis,
2002:108), marks containing reference to the Jade Hall were particularly fashionable
during the Shunzhi Reign (1644-1661) (Curtis, 1995; Curtis, 2002:42) and rarely used
during the Kangxi Reign (Butler and Curtis, 2002:108).
Date range determination
Attributes and ware types within the collection tend to suggest a Transitional Period
(1620-1683), Shunzhi (1644-1661), or Kangxi Reign date (1662-1722). To determine a
narrower date range, analysis of attributes and vessel types was conducted. First, a
visual interpretation of attributes and porcelain types associated with specific date
ranges were conducted, using the model provided by South (2002). Second, a set of
attributes was selected for determination of the mean ceramic date, again following
South’s model (2002). This model is designed to examine occupation periods among
sites, and unlike the visual interpretation method, takes into account the frequency of
attributes by using a weighted average. Time frames, attributes, and types were
adapted for the purposes of this study to reflect Chinese porcelain attribute dates. The
mean ceramic date and visually interpreted date range were compared to known dates
concerning the Chinese porcelain trade, the dates of two shipwrecks that Williams
(2007) suggested as likely to be the source of the porcelain, and the collection attributes
not included in the aforementioned calculations. These attributes were used to refine,
narrow, or invalidate the dates suggested. Not all attributes and types were suitable for
inclusion in the visual interpretation of attributes and mean ceramic date, and so were
omitted either for lack of definitive information or for lack of consensus among existing
porcelain literature.
Often, existing Chinese porcelain literature refers to dates by nonspecific periods such
as “late-seventeenth century” or “early 18th century.” In order to produce a mean
ceramic date as well as a visual interpretation of attribute date ranges, more precise
dates are needed. Therefore, for the purposes of this study, the most commonly agreed
upon attribute date among existing research was used. When porcelain attributes and
types were given a date range of “late,” “middle,” or “early” in the century, they were
defined in this study as follows: early - turn of the century through the 30s, middle - 40s
through the 60s, and late - 70s to the end of the century. A total of 15 dateable
7

�attributes and ware types identified among the collection were determined to have
enough documentation among resources to be included in determining a date range
(Table 2). The attributes and porcelain ware types are graphed on a timeline (Fig. 3). To
determine the date range of the attributes, South (2002) suggests that at least half of
the attributes coincide with the earliest time period marker. Similarly, at least half must
coincide with the latest time period marker. However, the latest period marker must at
least touch the beginning of the latest attribute observed. Thus, given 15 attributes and
types, it was necessary that 8 7.5 (half of 15 or

15

∕2) of them corresponded with each

date range marker. As shown by Fig. 3, this provides a date range for the collection
between 1670 and 1700, indicated by the solid vertical lines. A mean ceramic date was
then calculated for the collection, providing a weighted average for attributes identified
(Table 3). The mean ceramic date was calculated using the following equation (South,
2002: 217):
Y=
where n = the number of attributes identified, Xi = the median date for each attribute,
and fi = the frequency at which it occurred in the collection.
Utilizing the documented date range, a median date was calculated for each attribute.
The median date was multiplied by the number of times the attribute occurred within the
collection. The total sum of the frequency column was then divided into the total sum of
the product column, resulting in a mean ceramic date. A total of 13 attributes and types
were used, resulting in a mean ceramic date of 1690. That date falls closer to the later
portion of the visually interpreted date range (1670-1700 AD), and supports the
shipwreck identities proposed by Williams (2007). The indication is that the majority of
features identified in the collection correspond to the later portion of the date range
suggested by the visual interpretation model. Attributes and types not included in the
mean ceramic date calculation or the visually interpreted date range support the dates
generated by the two models. These include klapmutsen-style or wide flat rims (16201680 AD) (Fischell, 1987); evidence of Dehua kiln production (1675-1725 AD)
(Donnelly, 1967; Gordon, 1977); human figure elements (1644-1722); the Prunus
blossoms with cracked-ice motif (Kangxi Reign, 1662-1722 AD) (Frank 1969), lidded
8

�cups (circa 1690) (Jorg and Flecker, 2001), an Artemisia hallmark (Kangxi Reign, 16621722) (Macintosh, 1977; Mudge, 1986), and non-kraak panel motifs (1690 - 1752) (Kerr,
1986: 65; Jorg and Flecker, 2001; Chiến, 2002; Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988).
Several attributes among the collection sherds are associated with dates earlier than
the visually interpreted date range (1670-1700). Such motifs include the peach motif
(Jiajing Reign, 1522-1566 or Shunzhi Reign, 1644-1661 AD) (Bai, 2002; LionGoldschmidt, 1978), hallmark reference to “the beautiful jade” (Shunzhi Reign) (Curtis,
2002: 42), lion and plant design-floral scroll (1650-1660) (Butler, 2002: 18, figure 3), and
boneless floral scroll (1465-1487) (Frank, 1969). Considering these attributes along with
early attributes used in both the mean ceramic date calculation and the date range
determination, it is apparent that there is also a population among the collection sherds
(approximately 5% of the total sherd population) that suggests an earlier date, possibly
during the Shunzhi Reign. The presence of earlier attributes is a relatively minor issue
as motifs were reused and older styles imitated in later reigns. Furthermore, such finds
are not uncommon among shipwrecks. Often during the excavation and analysis of
shipwreck porcelain cargoes, porcelain has been discovered that does not fit the time
period of the shipwreck, or the time period suggested by the bulk of the porcelain cargo
(Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988). They have, in large part, simply been considered anomalies.
The appearance of a few “earlier” porcelain sherds among a collection of later sherds
may, however, simply reflect a lack of information regarding export porcelain. Dates for
only a few specific attributes are known for certain, or agreed upon among the existing
literature. It is quite possible that many of the attributes considered to be early attributes
in this study coexisted with later attributes.
Discussion and Conclusion
The Beeswax Wreck collection exhibits porcelain attributes and types typical of export
types common to the markets in New Spain. The presence of monochrome porcelain,
likely from the Dehua kilns, including ribbed and molded porcelain, Marco Polo censers,
Batavian ware, and a sherd with a European face, are all indicators of European export.
More specifically, large quantities of monochrome-white porcelain, as well as the
identification of lidded cups and Middle-Eastern influences among the collection sherds,
indicate that the ship was a Spanish vessel involved in the Manila trade. This supports
9

�the finding of Williams's (2007) research that indicates that the Beeswax wreck was a
Manila galleon carrying quantities of porcelain, beeswax, and other goods from Manila
to Acapulco. After consideration of attributes and porcelain types among the collection
sherds, the visually interpreted date range (1670-1700), and the mean ceramic date
(1690), it is apparent that the majority of evidence strongly indicates that the porcelain
found on the Nehalem-Manzanita coast is from a Spanish Manila galleon that wrecked
during the Kangxi Reign, specifically between 1670 and 1700. The date of the collection
is not likely later as many late-Kangxi porcelain attributes are absent. Therefore, the
identity of the shipwreck responsible for the porcelain deposition is not likely the 1705
wreck of the San Francisco Xavier. Rather, analyses conducted in this study strongly
indicate that the Beeswax Wreck was the Santo Cristo de Burgos, lost in 1693.

Fig. 3 Visually interpreted date range for the collection porcelain attributes. (Jessica
Lally)

10

�Table 1. Number of Sherds in the Beeswax Collection by Provenience.

11

�Table 2. Attributes Used for Visual Interpretation of Date Range.

12

�Table 3. Attributes Selected for Mean Ceramic Date.

Acknowledgements
There are many who deserve thanks for their involvement and contribution to my
research: Steve Hackenberger, Pat Lubinski and Scott Williams who provided guidance
and support; Penglin Wang; Lise Zimmerman; and the Tillamook County Pioneer
13

�Museum; and Pam Endzweig and the University of Oregon Museum of Natural and
Cultural History and John Dubé.
References
Bai, Q., 2002. Inscriptions, Calligraphy, and Seals on Jingdezhen Porcelains from the
Shunzhi Era. In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign: Shunzhi
porcelain 1644-1661, Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 24-34.
Bass, G. F., (Ed.), 2005. Beneath the Seven Seas: Adventure with the Institute of
Nautical Archaeology. Thames and Hudson, New York.
Beals, H. K., and Steele, H., 1981. Chinese Porcelains from Site 35-TI-1, Netarts Sand
Spit, Tillamook County, Oregon. University of Oregon Anthropological Papers No. 23,
University of Oregon, Portland, OR.
Butler, M., 2002. Introduction. In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown
Reign: Shunzhi Porcelain 1644-1661, Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 12-23.
Butler, M., and Curtis, J. B., 2002. Catalogue. In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an
Unknown Reign: Shunzhi Porcelain 1644-1661. Art Services International, Alexandria,
VA: 82-244.
Chiến, N. D., 2002. The Ca Mau Shipwreck: 1725-1735. Há Nôi, Viet Nam: Ca Mau
Department of Culture and Information, the National Museum of Vietnamese History.
Curtis, J. B., 1995. Chinese Porcelains of the Seventeenth Century: Landscapes,
Scholars’ motifs and Narratives. China Institute Gallery, New York.
Curtis, J. B., 2002. Shunzhi styles: The decoration and iconography of porcelains from
Jingdezhen, 1644-61, In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign:
Shunzhi Porcelain 1644-1661, Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 42-55.
Donnelly, P. J., 1967. Blanc de Chine: The porcelain from Têhua in Fukien. Praeger,
New York.
Fischell, R., 1987. Blue and White China: Origins/Western Influences. In J. Esten (Ed.),
Little Brown, Boston.
Franchere, G., 1967. Adventure at Astoria, 1810-1814. In H. C. Franchere (Ed.),
University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, OK.
Frank, A., 1969. Chinese Blue and White. Walker, New York.

14

�Fuchus, R. W. II, and Howard, D. S., 2005. Made in China: Export Porcelain from the
Leo and Doris Hodroff Collection at Winterthur. University of New England, Winterthur,
DE.
Gibbs, J. A., 1993. Pacific Graveyard. (4th edition), Binford &amp; Mort, Portland, OR.
Gordon, E., 1977. Collecting Chinese export porcelain. Main Street Press, New York.
Harrisson, B., 1995. Later Ceramics in South-East Asia: Sixteen to Twentieth Centuries.
Oxford University Press, New York.
Hult, R. E., 1968. Lost Mines and Treasures of the Pacific Northwest. Binford &amp; Mort,
Portland, OR.
Jorg, C. J. A., and Flecker, M., 2001. Porcelain from the Vung Tau Wreck: The
Hallstrom Excavation. Sun Tree, Singapore.
Kerr, R., 1986. Chinese Ceramics, Porcelain of the Qing Dynasty 1644-1911. Victoria
and Albert Museum, London.
Lally, J., 2008. Analysis of the Chinese Porcelain Associated with the Beeswax Wreck,
Nehalem, Oregon. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Central Washington University.
Lally, J., In Press. Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection, HarvardYenching Institute, Oregon, USA.
Lee, D., and Frost, J., 1968. Ten Years in Oregon. Ye Galleon Press, Fairfield, WA.
Lion-Goldschmidt, D., 1978. Ming Porcelain. K. Watson (Tr.), Rizzoli International, New
York.
Macintosh, D., 1977. Chinese Blue and White Porcelain. Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle.
Marshall, D., 1984. Oregon Shipwrecks. Binford and Mort, Portland, OR.
Mathers, W. M., Parker, H. S., and Copus, K., 1990. Archaeological Report; The
recovery of the Manila Galleon Nuestra Senora de la Concepcion. Pacific Sea
Resources, Sutton, V.
Mudge, J. M., 1986. Chinese Export Porcelain in North America. Clarkson and N.
Potter, New York.
Sheaf, C., and Kilburn, R., 1988. The Hatcher Porcelain Cargoes: The Complete
Record. Phiadon, Oxford.
South, S., 2002 Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology. Percheron Press, New
York.
15

�Valenstein, S. G., 1989. A handbook of Chinese Ceramics. The Metropolitan Museum
of Art, New York.
van der Pijl-Ketel, C. L., (Ed.), 1982. The Ceramic Load of the Witte Leeuw: (1613).
Jijks Museum, Amsterdam.
Vermeer,

M.,

2005.

Glossary,

undercut.

Retrieved

August

1,

2008,

from

http://gotheborg.com/glossary/glossaryindex.htm
Wang, P., (April 17, 2008). Personal communication.
Williams, S., 2007. A Research Design to Conduct Archaeological Investigations at the
Site of the Beeswax Wreck of Nehalem Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. Unpublished
report on file at Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem, OR.
Williams, S., In Press. The Beeswax Wreck, a Manila Galleon in Oregon. HarvardYenching Institute, USA.

Biography
Jessica Lally began her analysis of the Beeswax Porcelain Collection in 2007, as a
portion of her graduate research project. Her work on the subject has continued,
documenting additional finds and associated museum collections. Since 2008, Jessica
has worked as an archaeologist for the Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama
Nation in Washington State. She specializes is regulatory compliance, documentation of
Traditional Cultural Properties, and documenting traditional lifeways of indigenous
peoples. Her professional interests are varied, including many aspects of proto-historic
and prehistoric archaeology of the Pacific Northwest.

16

�</text>
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                  <text>The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepÃ´ts that stood along the way.</text>
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                <text>Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection </text>
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                <text>An assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds associated with a historically recorded but unidentified shipwreck on the north Oregon coast was analyzed to determine the age and intended destination of the ship and its cargo. Prior to this study, only a limited number of studies of Asian export porcelain to the New World were available, and even fewer studies of their occurrence in the Pacific Northwest. This study provides a date range for the manufacture of the porcelain and information on the nationality of the Beeswax Wreck. The presence of the shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck, has been documented through both historic sources and archaeological research. Archaeological materials associated with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon bound for Acapulco.</text>
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                    <text>Analysis of UNESCO Best Practices of Underwater Cultural Heritage from the
perspective of marine sustainable development and challenges in 2022 New
Chinese UCH Regulations
Liu lina
Associate Professor in Xi’an Jiaotong University, PhD. Master's Supervisor. Research interests in
cultural heritage law, international law, IP law. Email:liulina@ xjtu.edu.cn

ABSTRACT
The topic of this paper fits best within this Session17, the 2001 Convention: from ‘constructive
ambiguities’ to ‘destructive misunderstandings’ ,because it summarizes the ways in which underwater
cultural heritage contributes to the sustainable development as a Marine resource through its own
inheritance and development, and suggests that China should change its legislative idea of underwater
cultural heritage.
The case studies under consideration are the latest 13 Best Practices of UNESCO 2001 Convention for
the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage, which are analyzed in three aspects: 1) legal
protection based on the legislative concept of marine resource law, 2) protection of cultural heritage
resources through long-term monitoring and dynamic classification, and 3) sharing the benefits of
cultural resources and environmental economic development.
The resources available to conduct the work include the list of Best Practices of UNESCO 2001
Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage and China's newly revised version of
Regulations on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2022.
The research questions are how underwater cultural heritage can contribute to the sustainable
development of the oceans through its own inheritance and development, and how China should
change its legislative idea of underwater cultural heritage. The research approaches are case review and
legal text analysis.
The results are the legal protection of underwater cultural heritage in international law with the concept
of resource law, and China’s responses.

Keywords: Underwater Cultural Heritage; Best Practices; sustainable development; UNESCO

1

�1.

INTRODUCTION

The topic of this paper fits best within this Session 17, the 2001 Convention: from
‘constructive ambiguities’ to ‘destructive misunderstandings’, because the newly revised
Chinese Regulations on the Protection and Administration of Underwater Cultural Relics is
implemented in April 2022. The protection of underwater cultural heritage (hereinafter
referred to as “UCH”) in China is facing a historical opportunity of rapid development of
environmental and resource protection. This paper proposes the rule of law that
environmental resources should be used to promote the sustainable development of
underwater cultural heritage, through the evaluation and analysis of the current UNESCO
"Best Practice of Underwater Cultural Heritage". And this paper lays out that China should
change the concept of governance of underwater cultural relics - from the protection of
cultural relics themself only to the governance of environmental resources.
2.

CASE STUDIES

The case studies under consideration are the Best Practices of UNESCO 2001
Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (hereinafter referred
to as “the 2001 UNESCO convention”).

In 2015, the Meeting of States Parties (hereinafter referred to as “MSP”), by its
Resolution 4/5MSP adopted at its fifth session, wished to strengthen cooperation
among States Parties by inviting them to submit examples of Best Practices in the
implementation of the Convention. To submit a Best Practice example to the
Conference of States Parties, heritage must1:
● i）fall within the definition of Article 1 of the 2001 Convention or is at least
100 years old, but is classified as underwater cultural heritage under national
legislation, ii) be adequately protected both legally and practically, in
particular through the implementation of the Rules concerning activities
directed at underwater cultural heritage of the Convention, iii) respect
responsible and non-intrusive access, iv) have a framework for sustainable
management.
These Best Practices are evaluated by the Scientific and Technical Advisory Body
(hereinafter referred to as “STAB”), which makes recommendations to the MSP
1

https://en.unesco.org/underwater-heritage/best-practices
2

�regarding their designation. Until May 2023, this establishes a register of 13 Best
Practices for use by all States Parties to the 2001 UNESCO Convention. After
consideration, the reasons are analyzed in three aspects.
2.1

The establishment of national legal frameworks for UCH protection

First of all, the Best Practice encourages countries to ensure their legal protection for UCH
archaeology, conservation, and management by establishment of national legal

frameworks for UCH protection. There are 6 Spain’s UCH practices2 selected into the
list of Best Practices, benefiting from a series of special laws. For example, the Historical
Heritage Act (law 16/1985 of 25 June, on Spanish Historical Heritage ) and the Andalusian
Historic

Heritage

Law

(Law

14/2007 of 26

November on

the Historical

Heritage of Andalusia). Secondly, the Best Practices encourages countries to make specific
laws that define their own underwater cultural heritage. According to the Portuguese law
"Decree No. 164/97 on underwater archaeological activities[3]", underwater heritage is
recognized on the basis of its cultural value, not on the basis of 100 years. Spanish law
believes the value of underwater heritage reflects the memory and identity of the marine
community, which is more important than age. In 2009, the National Museum of Underwater
Archaeology of Spain (ARQUA) launched The National Plan for the Protection of
Underwater Cultural Heritage (the Green Book), which aims to the adoption of a series of
specific measures for the protection, conservation and diffusion of this rich heritage in waters
to create awareness, in a coordinated way, for all the departments and public government
bodies involved in this protection.in Spain. Finally, Protection and fight against commercial
exploitation by law. One of the six Best Practice, the Nuestra Senora de las Mercedes Project,
Spain4 is an excellent example for UCH protection by effectively combating illegal
commercial salvage activities on an international level and resolving ownership issues
through judicial means. And the de las Mercedes cargo was definitively deposited in the
2

Such as “Andalusian Underwater Heritage Conservation Project,Spain”, “Cap del Vol and Cala Cativa

shipwrecks, Spain”，“Deltebre I shipwreck, Spain”, “the Bou Ferrer Shipwreck, Spain”, “the Nuestra Senora de las
Mercedes Project, Spain”, “The National Museum of Underwater Archaeology（ARQUA）,Spain”
3

UNESCO.List of National Cultural Heritage Laws,

https://en.unesco.org/cultnatlaws/list/last-update-august-2015?page=50&amp;order=title_field&amp;sort=asc
4

On May 18, 2007, the US company Odyssey Marine Exploration announced in the media that it had transported a

cargo of 500,000 gold and silver coins to the United States but did not give any information about the identity of
the wreck from which the extraction originates or the exact location of the extraction.The Spanish government, in
the face of suspicion that a Spanish ship could be treated,decides to wage a legal battle against the treasures haut
company in the courts of United States, Finally, on February 14, 2012, the US courts give the final reason to the
Spanish State to  return the cargo to Spain in 2022. More information on website:
https://www.culturaydeporte.gob.es/mnarqua/en/colecciones/yacimientos/ns-mercedes.html
3

�National Museum of Underwater Archeology in 2012.
2.2

To promote the appropriate conservation of UCH through long-term monitoring

and dynamic classification
The best practice also emphasizes long-term monitoring and dynamic protection models of
UCH. Firstly, it shows how to establish UCH databases to improve the electronic information
management. Compared with the cultural heritage on land, information of UCH is more
difficult to collect. In 2004, the government of Andalusia in Spain established the
Management and Information System of Cultural Assets of Andalusia (MOSAICO), which
systematically manages hundreds of historical shipwrecks in the region. Secondly, the daily
management of UCH requires multiple and dynamic monitoring. For example, Portugal has
formed a conventional management model with multiple departments, interdisciplinary
personnel to protect UCH in the Cascais region: the UCH management is carried out by the
Cascais City Council. Underwater archaeologists have dedicated their time and effort to locate
those sites, by drafting an archaeological map. Besides, the Directorate General of Cultural
Heritage, the National Maritime Authority, and the Cascais Port Authority, which are
responsible for different protection issues. Lastly, a dynamic and continuous model of

UCH conservation should be developed. For example, the "Underwater Cultural
Heritage in Chinchorro Bank, Mexico" was selected as Best Practice in 2019,
developed interdisciplinary studies to understand the formation and the transformation
processes of submerged archaeological contexts. The Sub-Directorate of Underwater
Archaeology of the Mexican National of Anthropology and History Institute (INAH)
has been conducting investigations and evaluations of 69 underwater sites recorded in
the region's underwater cultural resources database since 2006.
2.3

Increase public awareness, recognition and protection of heritage

Best practices encourage responsible and non-intrusive public access to underwater
cultural heritage in accordance with Articles 2.55 and 2.106 of the Convention,
because public awareness can prompt regional economic growth and protect UCH.
Several examples of Best Practices have shown that UCH protection and economic
development are mutually reinforcing. First of all, local governments can develop
5

Articles 2.5: The preservation in situ of underwater cultural heritage shall be considered as the first option before

allowing or engaging in any activities directed at this heritage.
6

Articles 2.10: Responsible non-intrusive access to observe or document in situ underwater cultural heritage shall

be encouraged to create public awareness, appreciation, and protection of the heritage except where such access is
incompatible with its protection and management. 
4

�non-intrusive and diverse UCH tourism activities which have demonstrated the
protection of cultural resources and environmental development complement each
other. For example, the “underwater archaeology Museum in Ferte de san Jose El
Alto, Mexico7” One of two locations of this Museum of Campeche is in Playa Bonita,
which strengthen the visibility of UCH and promote economic growth through
various public hands-on activities. Another example is the "the Barge Arles-Rhône 3,
France8" was taken out of the waters of the Rhône in 2011 to be restored and it thus
joined the very exclusive club of boats found complete (or almost) in excavations, and
presented in The Departmental Museum of Arles Antique in 2013. This Museum was
expanded in order to exhibit these wrecks since 2013. Hence, it is also a good
demonstration of boosting economic growth by constructing an underwater
archaeological museum, which can share and display the submerged underwater
heritage to the public.
3.

RESOURCES

The resources available to conduct the work include the list of Best Practices of
UNESCO 2001 Convention9 (which have been analyzed above) and latest revised
version of Regulations of the People's Republic of China on the Protection and
Management of Underwater Cultural Relics in 202210.
In the 1980s, China began to pay attention to the importance of marine resources and
underwater cultural relics. In order to protect the marine resources, and reasonable
and effective use of water resources, the State Council has successively promulgated
Marine Environment Protection Law of the People's Republic of China and the Water.
In order to manage the protection of underwater cultural relics, the Regulations of the
People's Republic of China on the Protection and Management of Underwater
Cultural Relics”(hereinafter referred to as the "The Chinese UCH Regulation") were
promulgated in 1989. Since then, China's UCH protection has developed with laws to
follow, and China has become one of the few countries in the world to formulate
7

https://www.inah.gob.mx/red-de-museos

8

https://www.arlesantique.fr/le-musee/lhistoire-du-musee

9

Best Practices of UNESCO 2001 Convention: https://en.unesco.org/underwater-heritage/best-practices

10

Regulations on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2022 version),

https://www.doc88.com/p-41999417420347.html
5

�specialized legal regulations for UCH.
Since the implementation of 1989 Chinese UCH Regulation for 30 years, the close
relationship between UCH and other marine resources has become deeply realized by
Chinese legal experts. UCH in China (such as sunken ships and submerged towns and
villages) serve as stable and long-term habitats for marine life. The Chinese UCH
Regulation revised in 2022 is mindful of the concept of coordinated and integrated
management of UCH as an important marine resource.
4.

FRAMEWORK

The research questions are how Chinese UCH can sustainably develop as a marine
resource, through the change of Chinese legislative idea of UCH after analysis of the
UCH best practices in 2001 UNESCO Convention. The research approaches are case
review and legal text analysis of the Chinese UCH Regulation (2022 version）.
The Chinese UCH Regulation (2022 version）was implemented in April 2022.
Drawing on 13 UCH best practices of 2001 UNESCO Convention. China needs to
change the legal idea from the protection of UCH itself to the management of a kind
of marine resource along with promotion of the high-quality development of UCH.
The approach of rule of law presents 3 aspects.
Firstly, according to different types of underwater heritage, enhance the capacity
building of China UCH as marine cultural resources. For example, the duty of "other
relevant departments of governments" as the coordinating authority is clarified in the
Chinese UCH Regulation (2022 version）. It takes into account the need to consider
the development and utilization of UCH in the use of sea area, and the need to pay
attention to the protection of underwater resources in the development of fisheries and
port operations, and the need not to neglect UCH in port security and military use of
the sea area. Article 4(2)5 provides that “other relevant departments of the people’s
governments at or above the county level shall be responsible for the work concerning
the protection of underwater cultural relics within the scope of their respective scope
of responsibilities”, which clarify the responsibility of “other government
departments” as the coordinating authorities.

6

�Secondly, adhering to sustainable development of UCH, Chinese legal protection of
UCH need to formulate a dynamic and long-term management instead of only the
establishment of UCH databases. Taking protection of UCH as an example of marine
use, the Chinese UCH Regulation (2022 version）adds a consultation mechanism for
the delimitation of the protected zone of UCH. The Article 7(2) states that “for the
delimitation and adjustment of underwater cultural relics reserves, the opinions of
relevant departments and holders of rights to use water areas should be solicited,
advice of experts and the public shall be taken, and the opinions of relevant military
organs shall also be solicited where military administrative areas and military use of
seas are involved”5. Thus, it is clear that UCH, as a type of water resource, should be
consulted through the mechanism of delimitation and adjustment of UCH protection
areas, the relevant departments and the right to use the waters should be consulted.
Thirdly, UCH, as a kind of non-renewable marine cultural resource, so the the
Chinese UCH Regulation (2022 version) shall increase public awareness and
participation,

and

encourage

UCH

protection coordinated with economic

development. Art. 16 is a new article that is “the competent cultural relics
departments, cultural relics collection entities, and other entities shall, by holding
exhibitions, visits, scientific research, and other means, fully maximize the role of
underwater cultural relics, strengthen the publicity and education of Chinese excellent
traditional culture and the legal system for the protection of underwater cultural relics,
and improve the awareness of the whole society for protection of underwater cultural
relics and the enthusiasm for participating in the protection of underwater cultural
relics”5. Take the “Nanhai No.1 shipwreck11” for example, in 2007, China Central
Television（CCTV) broadcasted the entire salvage of the "NanhaiNo.1 shipwreck",
which attracted public attention. The construction of the Nanhai No. 1 shipwreck
Museum, also called “The Guangdong Maritime Silk Road Museum”. Nowadays,
Hailing Island, where the “The Guangdong Maritime Silk Road Museum '' is located,
is already Top 10 most popular islands in China, with beautiful scenery and cultural
relics accompanying it.

11

No.1 Nanhai shipwreck,a shipwreck dating back to the Song Dynasty (960 A.D.-1279 A.D.),. The excavation the

ancient shipwreck was listed by China in its top 10 archaeological discoveries for 2019. More information on
website: https://www.msrmuseum.com/Home/Enindex
7

�5.

RESULTS

The results are that from the perspective of marine sustainable development,
protection UCH under the Chinese UCH Regulation (2022 version) faced new
challenges. On the basis of a clear and complete UCH database formed, regular monitoring
and continuous dynamic management should be established for specific UCH projects.
Flexibly utilizing UCH, such as non-intrusive tours, on the other hand should be invested

in the conversation of UCH with economic growth
After analyzing the new developments of UCH legal protection in China, it becomes
obvious that isolated national UCH legal systems still face the problems in the
effective protection of the UCH. The 2001 UNESCO Convention provides for its
States Parties an effective international cooperation scheme. It is beneficial for a state,
like China, to protect its national UCH under the legal instrument of the UNESCO
2001 Convention.
BIBLIOGRAPHY

8

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                <text>Liu lina</text>
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                <text>Lina, Liu. 2023. “Analysis of UNESCO Best Practices of Underwater Cultural Heritage from the perspective of marine sustainable development and challenges in 2022 New Chinese UCH Regulations.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Mariano Azna. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1912 </text>
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                    <text>Analysis on Anchor Stones Recovered from the West and South Coasts of Korea
Park Seungmin (Researcher, Underwater Excavation Division, National Research Institute of
Maritime Cultural Heritage NRIMCH)
ABSTRACT
In this study, the types of 228 anchor stones collected from the west and south coasts in Korea were classified,
the way of connection was assumed by type and the routes and anchorages were estimated based on the location
where they were collected. Before classifying types, the weight, thickness, width and length of anchor stones
were measured and the weight, which has the biggest effect on anchors, was classified from I to V groups and
the shape of anchor stones was classified from type 1 to 6. Based on the correlation between weight and shape,
the anchor stones were classified into 17 types. The way of connection by type was classified based on the
reference value of the anchor stone collected and shape. If the anchor stone weight is 180kg or less and which
belongs to type 1 or 2, it was assumed to be the anchor that is connected to anchor stock and if the weight is
180kg and over and type belongs to 3 to 6, it was assumed to be connected to shank. In addition, the routes and
anchorages were identified based on past records and testimonies of local residents and comparison with actual
data was made. The location of route was matched with past records, but some new routes were identified near
islands or adjacent waters. For anchorage, the trend of collecting small and large anchor stones in Taean Mado
waters and Byeokpajin waters, was matched with the testimony that anchorage was done in both waters.
Key words: anchor stone, underwater archaeology, underwater excavation, anchorage
List of Figures
Figure 1 Diagram of connection method of large anchor (left) and small anchor (right) (NRIMCH 2021, 190)
Figure 2 Types of anchor stones by type (Taean Mado 1-5․ 7-10․ 12-14․ 16-17․ 21-22․ 24․ 27-29․ 31-36․ 38- 43․
45-47, Jindo 6․ 18․ 20․ 23․ 26․ 30․ 37․ 44, Taean Dangampo 11. Gunsan Sibidongpado 15,
Incheon Yeongheung 19․ 25)
Figure 3 Pattern of distribution of anchor stones by weight in waters off Mado, Taean
Figure 4 Pattern of distribution of anchor stones by weight in waters off Byeongpajin, Jindo

INTRODUCTION
An anchor stone is an accessory of a ship and used for
anchorage of a ship by connecting it to the anchor (fixing the
ship in a certain sea area by putting the anchor into the sea)
as shown in Figure 1. It performs the role of anchor shank
that induces the anchor to be placed on the floor area well
and weight control to increase the anchor weight. For this
reason, it is also called ‘stone anchor stock’ (Kim Soon-gap
2012, 17). An anchor stone comes in various shapes such as
long from side to side, wide like a plate or no specific shape.
In this study, weight, shape and aspect ratio of 228 anchor
stones collected from the western and southern sea areas1 are
examined to classify them in details and types will be
classified based on correlation between weight and shape. In Figure 1. Diagram of connection method
addition, route and anchorage will be estimated based on the of large anchor (left) and small anchor
assumption of connection method by type and location where (right) (NRIMCH 2021, 190)
anchor stones were collected. It is expected that this study will
lead to the systematic classification and assumption of
functions of anchor stones to be collected in the future and
estimation of the ship size.

1

As the depth of eastern coast is more than 70-80 m which makes diving survey impossible, underwater cultural heritage
cannot be identified in the waters.

1

�CLASSIFICATION OF ANCHOER STONES
In this chapter, anchor stones collected from the western
and southern seas are classified. It is tried to overcome
the limitations of precedent studies by setting the criteria
for anchor stone classification in more details than
precedent studies. There are three criteria for classifying
anchor stones presented in this study.
Classification by weight
The first criterion is weight. The weight of anchor is
directly related to the function of anchor and is an
important factor in estimating the weight of a ship. In this
study, weight was classified into five groups. The mean
weight of all anchor stones was 147.9 kg with the lowest
weight at 5.3 kg and highest weight at 1,086 kg. Except
for five Chinese anchor stones, the weight frequency
graph of 223 anchor stones was created and anchor stones
were divided into five groups.
Those weighted between 0 kg and 95 kg were classified
as Group I, those weighed between 95 kg to 180 kg were
classified as Group II, those weighed between 180 kg to
330 kg were classified as Group III, those weighed
between 330 kg to 495 kg were classified as Group IV
Figure 2. Types of anchor stones by type
and those weighed over 495 kg were classified as Group (Taean Mado 1-5․ 7-10․ 12-14․ 16-17․ 21-22․ 24․
V. For the number of anchor stones by weight group, the
number of stones in each group was the highest at 114 27-29․ 31-36․ 38-43․ 45-47, Jindo 6․ 18․ 20․ 23․
26․ 30․ 37․ 44, Taean Dangampo 11. Gunsan
stones (51.1 per cent) for Group I, which means more
Sibidongpado 15, Incheon Yeongheung 19․ 25)
than half of anchor stones collected belong to Group I.
In addition, 48 anchor stones (21.5 per cent) belong to
Group II followed by 29 anchor stones (13 per cent) in
Group III, 25 anchor stones (11.2 per cent) in group IV
and 7 anchor stones (3.2 per cent) in group V.
Classification by shape
The second criterion is plane shape of an anchor stone. The shape of an anchor stone influences the
use and purpose of the anchor stone. 223 anchor stones are classified into six types.
Type 1 is a stone that is not altered. Natural stones or stones with minimum processing were used. In
case of minimizing the processing, a groove was made in the middle to hang an anchor line. A total of
25 anchor stones (11.21 per cent) belong to this category. Type 2 is a stone with a long side to side
length and end of one side whether it is left or right narrows diagonally as it goes down from the top to
the bottom. A total of 29 anchor stones (13 per cent) belong to this type.
Type 3 is a half-moon shape, which is close to a flat triangle like a blade at the bottom. A total of 35
anchor stones (15.7 per cent) belong to this type. Type 4 has a shape of rhombus and mostly both ends
are sharp. A total of 35 anchor stones (15.7 per cent) belong to this type. Type 5 and 6 are square shape
and they are subdivided depending on the aspect ratio. Those with aspect ratio of 3 or higher2 belongs
to type 5, which is square type, in particular rectangle with long length and wide width. Some of them
are close to trapezoid. A total of 81 anchor stones belong to the group (36.32 per cent). Type 6 whose
aspect ratio is less than 33 is a slender rectangular type with thin and long shape. A total of 18 anchor

2
3

It has width that is close to the length from side to side.
Width is smaller than the length from side to side

2

�stones belong to this group (8.07 per cent). Third one is aspect ratio. With the aspect ratio, it is
possible to classify anchor stones with similar shape in more details. It is confirmed that the heavier
the weight, the shape was processed to control weight and make it play the role of anchor.
Classification by type
Based on the two classification criteria mentioned above, types are divided into 17 in total. Some of
the Chinese anchor stones have crescent shape in addition to the stone itself and it has more angle than
crescent type of Korean anchor stone. It has different connection method so Chinese one has different
groove where lines are held from crescent type that belongs to type 3. Group I is in combination with
type 1 to 6 and to be more specific, 4 (10.8 per cent) belong to I-1 type, 29 (13 per cent) belong to I-2
type, 18 (8.1 per cent) belong to I-3 type, 22 (9.9 per cent) belong to I-4 type, 17 (7.6 per cent) belong
to I-5 type and 4 (1.8 per cent) belong to I-6 type. Group II is combined with type 3 to 6. 8 (3.6 per
cent) belong to II-3, 13 (5.8 per cent) belong to II-4, 17 (7.6 per cent) belong to II-5 and 10 (4.5 per
cent) belong to II-6.
Group III is combined with type 3 to 6 and 7 (3.1 per cent) belong to III-3, 18 (8.1 per cent) belong to
III-5 and 4 (1.8 per cent) belong to III-6. Group IV belongs to type 3 and 5 and 2 (0.9 per cent) belong
to IV-3 and 23 (10.3 per cent) belong to IV-5. Finally, 2 types are confirmed in Group V. 1 (0.4 per
cent) belongs to V-1 and 6 (2.7 per cent) belong to V-5.
Based on the classification above, the correlation between weight and shape can be identified. Upon
examining the combination of each weight group and shape, Group I is combined with Type 1 to 6 and
Group II is combined with Type 3 to 6. In addition, Group III is combined with Type 3 to 6, Type IV is
combined with Type 3 and 5 and Group 5 is combined with Type 1 and 5. What is noted is that Type 1
and 2 are mostly found in group I. Except for one anchor stone in Group V, other weight group was
not combined with Type 1 and 2.
Type 1 of Group V is very large weighing more than one ton, which is hard to process and use by tying
it to an anchor stock so it seems that it was used by tying it to the shank. It seems to be Type 1 which
is tied to the anchor stock but as the weight is about one ton, it may be possible to do anchorage
without processing with the weight itself.
Based on the classification criteria above, anchor stones were classified as shown in Figure 2. The
drawings presented were 1-5․ 7-10․ 12-14․ 16-17․ 21-22․ 24․ 27-29․ 31-36․ 38-43․ 45-47, collected
from the sea of Taean Mado, 6․ 18․ 20․ 23․ 26․ 30․ 37․ 44, collected from Jindo Byeongpajin sea, 11
collected from Taean Dangampo sea, 15 collected from Gunsan Sibidongpado sea and 19, 25 collected
from Incheon Yeongheungdo sea.
Connection method
The method of connecting anchor stone is divided into two types as shown in Figure 1. First one is to
tie two anchor stones to the left and right side of the anchor stock and second one is to use the anchor
stone as anchor stock by tying the anchor stone to the shank. The purpose of using anchor stone is to
anchor the ship by adjusting the weight of an anchor so depending on the size of a ship, small anchor
stones were used for small ships4 and large anchor stones were for large ships. The relationship
between weight of an anchor stone and connection was estimated by referring to the paintings of old
ships that describe the way of connecting anchor stones (Shiga Museum of Art, Japan 1811; Kim Joongeun the nineteenth century).

4

The specifications of small and large ships were not divided. However, according to Gakseondobon, the scale of
Tongyeong Merchant Ship was 27 m and that of Gakeupjinjeon Ship was 19 m. If the size of ship was classified
depending on the modern ship classification, Tongyeong Merchant Ship is classified as large ship and Gageipjinjeon Ship
is classified as medium-sized ship. The dimension of small ships is not recorded but given the fact that the length of
Raphel Ship (Dangdori Ship) that Father Kim Dae-geon and Father Daveluy took is 9 m, it seems safe to regard Dangdori
Ship as the criteria for small ship according to the author’s classification based on ships whose dimension is confirmed.

3

�Ships in Gisanpungsokdocheop5 are small ships and anchor stones were tied to anchor stock. Those
ships might use small anchor stones as the weight of the ship to be held by anchor was light and they
navigated coastal areas and shallow sea. On the other hand, ships in Joseon Tongshinsado tied the
anchor stones to the shank. Tongshinsa Ship was a large ship that accommodated many people and
voyaged a long distance so they might use large anchor stones to support the heavy weight of the hull.
Previously, the relationship between the weight and shape of anchor stone was mentioned. Upon
examining the combination of the weight group and type, Type 1 to 6 were confirmed in Group I while
Type 1 and 2 were not combined with Group II to V except for one stone of Type 1 in Group V. In
these groups, only Type 3 to 6 are observed. Based on this, the group can be divided broadly into
Group I and Group II~V and it is possible to assume that these are the way of connecting the small
anchor and large anchor respectively.
Presumption of the anchorage location
In this chapter, the specific location of anchorage and size of ship are
estimated by analyzing the data of waters off Mado, Taean in Figure
3 and waters off Byeongpajin, Jindo in Figure 4 where most of the
anchor stones were collected. The anchorage is a place where ships
drop the anchors and are anchored temporarily for urgent reasons.
Waters off Mado, Taean and Byeongpajin, Jindo are considered to be
a kind of place for anchorage. These two waters did not have
facilities like warehouse and ships waited for the right time for
navigation as there were challenging route such as Gwangjangmok
Figure 3. Pattern of distribution of

and Uldolmok. These are the locations with the suitable water depth6 anchor stones by weight in waters
for anchorage as well as strong current can be blocked geologically
off Mado, Taean
as they are located inside of the inland. In addition, the location
where anchor stones were collected was colored differently
depending on five weight groups as classified earlier in order to
identify the size of the ships that entered to and left from the waters
and anchorage location more specifically. As mentioned earlier,
analysis was conducted based on weight as it was possible to estimate
the weight of the ship based on the weight of anchor stone. It should
be noted, however, that as subjected waters were reclaimed, there was
limitation to estimate the location of anchorage based on the current
water depth. In waters off Mado, Taean, it was testified that large
ships were anchored at point B and a number of small and medium Figure 4. Pattern of distribution of
sized anchor stones in Group IV or higher were collected. In anchor stones by weight in waters
off Byeongpajin, Jindo
addition, all weight groups were identified in point A with shallow
water depth but the number of anchor stones that belong to group I
and II was small. In summary, the pattern of anchor stone collection
from the two waters show that unlike the shallow area where large
ships cannot be anchored, they are the anchorage location where all
kinds of ships regardless of size could be anchored.
CONCLUSIONS

As shown above, 228 anchor stones collected were classified based on weight, type and aspect ratio,
5

6

The vessel was a two-masted Dangdori ship and according to the record of Father Daveluy, its length was 30 pied (9.74 m),
width was 13 pied (4.22 m) and depth was 8 pied (2. 59m). In this study, it was classified as small ship because it was
smaller compared to Joseon Tongshinsa ship where many people were accommodated with heavy cargo weight and long
navigation distance and Dangdori Ship (Marie Daveluy 1862, 11).
Waters off Taean Mado and Uldolmok maintain the water depth of about 10 m at high tide. Water depth of 10 m is the
depth that allows about 10-ton ships to navigate based on current standard.

4

�way of connection by type was assumed and location of anchorage was estimated based on the
locations of collecting anchor stones based on actual data. Based on weight groups, shape and aspect
ratio, they were divided into 17 types in detail. It was found that the heavier the weight of anchor stone,
the role of anchor stone was shifted from supporting anchor stock to anchoring the anchor stone itself
and if the anchor stone was light, it was connected to the anchor stock. The location of anchorage by
ship in a certain sea area was estimated based on the weight of anchor stones.
ACKNOWLDEGMENTS
Despite the lack of research, I would like to thank many researchers for reading until the end. The anchor stone, which was
the subject of my study, was a ship accessory used in Korea, Japan, Russia, China, India, and European countries. Its form
and meaning also vary depending on the country and environment. If given the opportunity, I would like to study anchor
stones from around the world to conduct more systematic research and try to share them. Finally, I would like to thank many
researchers and officials who helped me publish this paper.

Bibliography
Kim, Soon-gap. The Dictionary of Ship Navigation Terms, Dasom Publishing Co.: Seoul, 2012 (In Korean).
Daveluy, Marie-Nicolas-Antoine. The Memorandum of the History of Korean Martyrs, Paris Outer Line Church: Paris, 1862.
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Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 8. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2005 (In
Korean).
NRIMCH. Report on Underwater Excavation of Taean Mado Line 2, Series of Research Report of National Research
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Korean).
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Korean).

5

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                <text>Analysis on Anchor Stones Recovered from the West and South Coasts of Korea</text>
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                <text>In this study, the types of 228 anchor stones collected from the west and south coasts in Korea were classified,&#13;
the way of connection was assumed by type and the routes and anchorages were estimated based on the location&#13;
where they were collected. Before classifying types, the weight, thickness, width and length of anchor stones&#13;
were measured and the weight, which has the biggest effect on anchors, was classified from I to V groups and&#13;
the shape of anchor stones was classified from type 1 to 6. Based on the correlation between weight and shape,&#13;
the anchor stones were classified into 17 types. The way of connection by type was classified based on the&#13;
reference value of the anchor stone collected and shape. If the anchor stone weight is 180kg or less and which&#13;
belongs to type 1 or 2, it was assumed to be the anchor that is connected to anchor stock and if the weight is&#13;
180kg and over and type belongs to 3 to 6, it was assumed to be connected to shank. In addition, the routes and&#13;
anchorages were identified based on past records and testimonies of local residents and comparison with actual&#13;
data was made. The location of route was matched with past records, but some new routes were identified near&#13;
islands or adjacent waters. For anchorage, the trend of collecting small and large anchor stones in Taean Mado&#13;
waters and Byeokpajin waters, was matched with the testimony that anchorage was done in both waters.&#13;
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            <name>Creator</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="6179">
                <text>Park Seungmin</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6180">
                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>2023</text>
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                <text>Park, Seungmin. 2023. “Analysis on Anchor Stones Recovered from Western and Southern Coasts of Korea.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1926 </text>
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                    <text>Ancient Afro-Asia Links:
New Evidence from a Maritime Perspective
Caesar Bita

Abstract
Historical records have shown that the East African coast was connected to ancient global trade
st
networks. These early overseas contacts are evidenced by references to trading voyages in the early 1
th
th
millennium AD and in the 11 to 14 century AD. During these periods, exports to India, China and the
Persian Gulf included skins, horns, ivory and gold, whilst pottery, glass, textiles and beads were imported.
Maritime archaeological studies have produced pottery, beads and shipwrecks that have showed links
between East Africa and the Middle East, Indian sub-continent and China. Furthermore, historic Kenyan
coastal settlements such as Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu were important port towns of call for merchant
shipping, as they were strategically sited along busy sea-lanes. This paper examines this historical
connection between ancient Kenyan coastal towns and the Asian continent. It explores results of previous
and ongoing underwater archaeological research in Malindi and Lamu archipelago that has produced
evidence of Asian cultural heritage.

Keywords
East Africa; Kenya; Maritime; Swahili; Mombasa; Lamu; Pate, Malindi; Ngomeni

Introduction
Kenya is one of the East African countries that border the Indian Ocean. The East
African coast littoral of the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) is referred to as the "Swahili
coast" and its coastline extends for 3000 km from 1° North in Somali to 25° south to the
mouth of Limpopo (Morgan 1973; Sanseverino 1983; Kusimba 1999). The dimensions
of this coast cover the coastal littoral and the off-shore islands of Lamu, Pemba,
Zanzibar and the Comoros (Chami 1998:199-218; Horton 1984; Sutton 1990). However,
its width varied historically depending on the rate of interactions. For example, between
11th and 15th century AD, this coast extended from 50 – 300 kilometers (km) to the
interior, while between 7th to 9th century AD and after 17th century AD, the width was
100 km (White 1983; Chami 2006). The coast is characterized by alternating beaches,
rocky outcrops, coral reefs, large estuarine areas, wetlands, lagoons and inter-tidal flats
(Ase 1987:276–295). On its part, the Kenya coast extends over 600 km in length
bordering Somali in the north (at Kiunga) and Tanzania in the south at Vanga (see
Figure 1). It has an almost continuous fringing of coral reef shelf running parallel to the
coastline and extending 0.5 – 20 km offshore (Obura 2001:1264-1278). Over the years
the adjacent continental shelf has been subjected to marine activity thereby leading to
creation of new coastlines through fresh deposition of sand dunes and formation of
coral rocks (Ase 1987:276–295). In other cases adjacent lands have been eroded away
or have been sunk (Obura 2001:1264-1278). There is evidence that oceanic wave
turbulences as well as human activities have, through the years, caused wreckage to a
number of ships and canoes with cultural materials in them (Patience 2006).
Communities who settled along the Swahili coast have had a history of long and
continuous interaction with not only the hinterland communities but also across the
Indian Ocean seaboard. This Ocean has permitted a close network of sailing routes
between its surrounding continents based on regular and predictable monsoon winds
(Hall 1996). These winds allowed the Kenyan coast, being part of the WIO, to be visited

�by seafarers from distant lands: Greece as early as 2000 Before Present1 (BP)
(Coupland 1938; Inghams 1962:1-2; Freeman-Grenville 1975:1-4, 14-24, 50-112;
Hourani 1963), China and Persia in the 900 – 1400 AD (Boxer 1960; Chittick 1979:273277; Sutton 1990). These visitors left material remains such as ceramics and
shipwrecks that are reported in the seabed of Kenya. Local fishermen have reported
features on the seabed along many parts of this coast and collected and handed to the
National Museums of Kenya pottery, stone anchors, cannons and canon balls (Bita and
Wanyama 2007; Bita 2008; 2009a). Recent archaeological and non-archaeological
expeditions have yielded significant materials that are confirming this historical AFROSINO-ARABO connection (Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2008; 2009a; 2011a).

Figure 1. The Kenya coast showing location of some of the sites mentioned in the text
(Bita 2010).

Historical links
Historical records reported by travelers as well as chronicles have showed that for
centuries, the people who lived along the east African coast had developed international
trade links (Boxer 1960; Freeman-Grenville 1975: 1 - 4, 14 - 24; Chittick 1976;
Huntingford 1980; Smith and Wright 1988; 115 - 145; Casson 1989; 117 - 134; Sutton
1990; Hall 1996; Chami 1999: 237 - 241; 2001: 7 – 20; Mbida, et al 2000: 151 - 162).
However, the scale of this trade seems to have been limited and there is a marked
hiatus in trading activity at most sites from the fourth to the eighth / ninth century AD
(Forsythe, et al. 2003:133-138). Thus, it is at the latter date that the dynamic
commercialization in the WIO truly begins. During this period, the Swahili coast was a
busy highway for international traders and travelers some of whom recorded
observations of the areas they visited (Hollingsworth 1951; Mathew 1963:94-114; Datoo
1970:65-77; Freeman-Grenville 1975:1-4, 14-24; Huntingford 1980; Kirwan 1986:99114; Casson 1989; Chami 1999:237-241). Even before the arrival of the Europeans,
Africans had connections with people from the India-subcontinent. According to Martin
1

used to indicate a date before the present era, commonly 1950 is the chosen date of reference because
this is when the radiocarbon dating method was first invented.

�(1973), Indian traders had been visiting the East African coast from at least the early
centuries of the first millennium AD with some settling in the region. Today, Indiandescendants' enterprise and business acumen has introduced and currently runs most
of the cloth shops in the coastal towns (Martin 1973; Bita 2005; 2008).
When one walks the streets the notable Indian heritage includes the architectural
styles of storey buildings with penthouses and outer wooden stairways, a style that has
remained unique in some infrastructure found in the region. Interestingly, other
assortments of artifacts of Asian origin have been adopted as cultural heritage of the
local people. These include for instance, Indian grinding stones and wooden pestles for
making noodles (Bita 2005; Bita 2008). Other forms of heritage resulting from the Asian
contact are the introduction of Hori (type of canoe) and Ngalawa (boat with outriggers)
both of which are still in use in the region (Martin 1973; Bita 2005; Bita 2009a; Bita
2009b).
During the Ming dynasty the Chinese launched various missions to the African
continent. Two of these voyages made between 1417-1419 AD and 1421-1422 AD
have descriptions of the African territories visited, such as Maqdishu (Mogadishu),
Brava, Juba and Muâ-lién / Mo-lin (Inghams 1962:5; Kirkman 1964:86-89). These areas
have been identified as East African coastal towns with, Mua-lien as the town of Malindi
on the Kenyan Coast and Maqdishu as Mogadishu in Somali (Inghams 1962: 1 - 3;
Freeman-Grenville 1975: 7).The descriptions of these territories have been preserved in
the Ming Shih, the official history of the Ming dynasty (Inghams 1962:5). The same
record has also been preserved in the Hsing- ch’a sheng- lan which is a record of the
lands visited by Fei Hsin who sailed as a junior officer on some of the voyages
(Inghams 1962:5; Freeman-Grenville 1975:7; Kirkman 1964:86-89).
The fifth Chinese expedition was between 1417-1419 (Inghams 1962:5) to
Malindi and was a reaction to a gift of a giraffe sent to the Chinese Emperor by the King
of Bengal Saif-ud-Din, as a gift from the Sultan of Malindi (Kirkman 1964:86-89). The
gift included a ‘celestial stag’ or Oryx, and a ‘celestial horse’ or Zebra. The arrival of an
African giraffe in China was made possible by the established seafaring networks
between the Kenyan coast and countries bordering the Indian Ocean.
The legendary Chinese explorer Zheng He is said to have visited Malindi several
times during the Ming dynasty, when maritime trade grew unabated (Inghams 1962:1-5;
Kirkman 1964:88-89). In Zheng He's travel he would have been privy to this
commercialization, the most obvious signs of which include a wide range of imported
ceramics, beads, glassware and metal artifacts imported from the Persian Gulf, the Red
Sea, India, Southeast Asia and China. Artifacts of these types have been found in most
archaeological excavations along the Kenyan coast (Wilson 1982; Abungu 1994; Chami
2006; Kusimba 1999; Breen and Lane 2003; Bita 2011b). China was known for its
porcelain production. Coming from China, the porcelain was traded on the Swahili
Coast in exchange for mangrove poles, ambergris2, leopard skins, slaves, ivory, gums,
rhinoceros horns, and tortoise shells (Chittick 1979:273-277; Whitehouse 2001:411-424;
Forsythe, et al. 2003:133-138).
The ancient Afro-Asiatic trade connections are said to have existed for several
centuries in the Swahili Coast before the arrival of Europeans. This historical link is
today evident by, the suspected shipwreck of Zheng He and the associated
descendants of his shipwreck survivors in the Lamu archipelago (Bita and Wanyama
2007; Bita 2009a). During one of Zheng He's voyages to East Africa, around 1458 AD,
one of his ships is said to have capsized near Pate in the Lamu archipelago (see Figure

2

A gray waxy substance secreted from the intestines of the sperm whale consisting mainly of cholesterol.
It is found floating in tropical waters or on beaches and was an important export commodity to the Far
East and Middle East mainly for perfume-making.

�1). After the Chinese the next well-documented foreign arrivals to the Kenyan coast
were the Portuguese, eighty years later (Bita 2005; Bita 2008).

Previous research
Previous archaeological research has revealed that the Kenyan coast has had long
contacts with Far Eastern countries. An underwater excavation of the Portuguese
shipwreck Santo Antonio de Tanna recovered a lot of pottery identified as manufactured
in the Far East (Figure 2) including India, China, Thailand and Burma (Piercy 1977:331347; Piercy 1978:301-319; Sassoon 1980; Lynch 1999). In Malindi, fishermen have
been collecting Chinese porcelain in the sea (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a).

Figure 2. Jars from Thailand and Burma (Courtesy: Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa)

Present work
Current maritime research is concentrating in Malindi and the Lamu archipelago, areas
known for their historical global trade links. Malindi, located 120 km northeast of
Mombasa and about 250 km south of Lamu, among the towns that have shaped the
history of the East African coast. The town appears in Chinese records of the 9th
century AD (Freeman-Grenville 1975:7; Kirkman 1964:86-89) and was visited and
described by Arabs and Portuguese visitors in the 12th - 15th centuries AD (FreemanGrenville 1975:1-4; Inghams 1962:5-15; Ross 1995; Hall 1996; Sassoon 1980). By the
15th century AD for instance, the Chinese explorer Zheng He is said to have visited the
town where he was given a giraffe as a present by the Malindi ruler (Kirkman 1964:8689). By then it was a thriving town an attribute that led the Portuguese on their arrival to
make it their headquarters for international trade links between Europe and the Indian
sub-continent (Boxer 1960; Freeman-Grenville 1975:50-75; Kirkman 1964:89-95;
Kirkman 1974; Hourani 1963; Martin 1973; Martin 1975; Martin and Martin 1978; Sutton
1990; Bita 2011b).
In trading areas, shipwrecks would be closer to certain shipping hazards such as
reefs and projecting headlands. In Malindi, maritime investigations are confined in the
areas of Ras Ngomeni and Leopard Bay. Ngomeni is located near a headland whereas
Leopard Bay is in a navigation channel between two reefs. In the two areas many ships
are suspected to have sunk and locals have been collecting Chinese and Persian
ceramics from underwater (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a; MS, Malindi).
Recent maritime surveys in Leopard Bay have identified a ship engine block,
Chinese porcelain of the 14th century and Indian wares (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a). There
are several Portuguese shipwrecks in Malindi whose locations have not been found

�(Bita 2008), including one allegedly discovered by local fishermen containing Indian and
Chinese pottery (Patience 2006; TA, Malindi).
Ngomeni village, about 50 km north of Malindi town, stands on an arm of land
jutting towards the sea (Ras Ngomeni), which offers a protected shallow harbour
formerly used as a gateway for all seafarers from Lamu to Malindi (Wilson 1982:210219; Bita 2008; Bita 2011a). The area was known for mangrove growing which was
exported to, and used in house-roof construction in, cities around the Gulf (Wilson
1982:210-219; Whitehouse 2001:416). Recent maritime archaeological studies in the
area have discovered a 14th century AD wooden shipwreck about 40 m long at a depth
of between 7 – 10 m partially covered in sand (Plate 1). On-going studies seek to
establish the origin of this shipwreck (Bita 2011a).

Plate 1. Bottom plank of a shipwreck in Ngomeni, Malindi (Bita 2011a).
Other artifacts recovered, which confirm the trade links between Malindi and the
Far East, include a complete Far Eastern pot, white-glazed plate from Thailand (Figure
3), Islamic green glazed pottery, bronze mortar, copper plates and bowls (Bita 2008;
Bita 2011a).

Figure 3. Glazed pot, Ming Dynasty pot with Dragon and Thailand plate (Courtesy: Fort
Jesus Museum, Mombasa)

�Lamu archipelago is composed of several islets but the main inhabited islands
include Lamu, Manda, Pate, Ndau and Kiwayu, all with ancient towns by the same
names. The archipelago and its settlements are important landmarks in the history of
the East Coast of Africa. This archipelago was the most important centre of the northern
Swahili world with Manda and Pate revealing evidence of early occupation (Chittick
1984; Horton 1987b:290-322). The Island of Pate borders Manda Island to the south
and the Indian Ocean to the east. The island’s main town of Pate is significant because
it was among the earliest sites founded upon the East African coast (Wilson and Omar
1997:31-76; Kusimba 1999). Previous research has indicated that Pate fully participated
in the development of the Swahili culture from these beginnings and grew to be one of
the most politically influential and economically prosperous communities on the Swahili
coast (Wilson and Omar 1996:453-554; Wilson and Omar 1997:31-76).
Pate Island for many years served as the gateway to Lamu for sea travelers. Up
to the present locals refer to its eastern shores as mlango wa Lamu (gateway to Lamu).
The Portuguese used this route for decades controlling the WIO trade (FreemanGreenville 1975:50-112; Kirkman 1964:86–117). The Arabs dominated the coastal strip
long before the Portuguese and used the same route for hundreds of years in trade with
the Persian Gulf (Chittick 1979:273-277; Chittick 1984; Hall 1996).
A narrow creek divides Pate Island into two halves. In the past the creek was
deep allowing sailing ships to anchor for the loading of copra, tamarind, dates,
mangroves, leather products, furniture and other Swahili crafts; and off-loading products
from various markets (Chittick 1967:37-67; Chittick 1979:273-277; Whitehouse
2001:411-424). The eastern side of this creek has silted heavily allowing mangrove
forests to grow hence they cover the entire original anchorage. Pate Bay has several
long reefs and many rock outcrops such as Pazzali, Mwamba Hassani and Mwamba
Hanawi. The lack of nautical charts for this area caused many early seafarer casualties
on these coral rocks when sailing through this bay.
Over the years, fishermen in the Lamu archipelago have been recovering
archaeological pottery at various sites along the reefs and channels (Bita and Wanyama
2007; Bita 2009a). A distinct find was a pot with a dragon emblem (see figure 3),
believed to be of the China Ming Dynasty period. In one of the Chinese Ming Dynasty
missions to East Africa one of Zheng He's ships is said to have wrecked in Pate bay,
around 1458 AD, where survivors went to stay with, and later intermarried with, the local
population (Bita 2009a). The union led to a generation of locals who claim direct
decadency of the Chinese shipwreck survivors (SK, Pate; AS, Lamu; SM, Lamu; HK,
Mombasa). Their physical features and DNA analyses (SM, Lamu; BS, Pate) attest to
this and locally they are referred to as Wa- China (local for Chinese people). The clan
name of these people is Wa- Shanga (people from Shanga) which local people claim is
an abbreviation of Shanghai (meaning the ship wreckers may have originated from
modern day Shanghai, China).

Recent Evidence
The Zheng He phenomenon in Pate and the prolonged recovery of Chinese cultural
materials in Lamu has prompted further underwater archaeological research. Recent
maritime and underwater archaeological surveys have recovered data that further
supports ancient trade connections between Kenya and Asian countries (Bita and
Wanyama 2007; Bita 2009a; Bita 2011a). Seabed survey identified scatters of Far
Eastern and Chinese pottery and several copper ingots. Several underwater sites were
identified, although yet to be confirmed, indicate presence of historic shipwrecks (Bita
2011a).
The studies have also established existence of a strong tradition and a
generation of locals who claim ancestry from the Zheng He shipwreck in Pate (SL, Pate;

�AS, Lamu; SM, Lamu; SK, Pate; SM, Pate; BS, Pate; Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita
2009a). In relation to the shipwreck survivors there are also two graveyards: one with
elaborate tombs and the other, thought to belong to the Chinese, has simple graves
with headstones that Chinese informants from Xinhua News Agency identified as
Chinese tombstones (HK, Mombasa). In the nearby villages of Pate, Faza and Siyu,
there are a lot of Chinese porcelain of the 14th century, used in decoration of niches of
tombs and houses (Horton 1987b: 290-322; Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2009a).

Conclusion
This paper has considered multiple sources in the research to define the extent of the
significance of the Swahili Coast in past Indian Ocean maritime activities. The Periplus
3
documents refer to east Africa’s coast as early as 2000 BP. Chinese sources mention
presence of a cattle economy at Berbera coast, Somali by late 800s AD, as well as their
involvement in trade with foreigners from the Far East. Historical records by Arab
travelers and geographers in mid 900s AD mention thriving maritime communities along
the east African coast. These records are correlated with data coming from terrestrial
archaeological investigations at many sites on the Swahili Coast.
Maritime archaeological studies which are producing evidence in forms of
shipwrecks lend support to these ancient trade links. Additionally, the probable
presence of the Zheng He shipwreck(s) in Pate; and cultural materials of Chinese,
Indian, Thai and Burmese in underwater archaeological sites signify that communities of
the Kenya coast were in continuous interaction with the Asian continent. Accordingly,
that the Kenyan coast was (and still is) a highway for international maritime travelers,
and has had historical trade connectivity with regions surrounding the Indian Ocean,
makes it an important area for maritime studies as traces of these connections could be
lying on the seabed.

Oral Sources
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

Twalib Ahmed, Village Mayungu, Malindi, 12 January 2011, cited as TA, Malindi.
Baraka Shee, Village Siyu, Pate, 17 June 2009, cited as BS, Pate.
Shariff Lali, Shanga Village, Pate, 16 June, 2009, cited as SL, Pate.
Salim Bwana Kheri, Village, Siyu, Pate, 7 June 2009, cited as SK, Pate.
Ali Suo, Shella, Village Lamu, 3 October 2007, cited as AS, Lamu.
Safina Mohamed, Village Shella, Lamu, 4 October 2007, cited as SM, Lamu.
Herman Kiriama, Mombasa, 23 April 2005, cited as HK, Mombasa.
Mwalimu Shali, Village, Ngomeni, Malindi, 26 October 2008, cited as MS, Malindi

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The East African Coast: Selected documents from the first to earliest
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                <text>Historical records have shown that the East African coast was connected to ancient global trade networks. These early overseas contacts are evidenced by references to trading voyages in the early 1st millennium AD and in the 11th to 14th century AD. During these periods, exports to India, China and the Persian Gulf included skins, horns, ivory and gold, whilst pottery, glass, textiles and beads were imported. Maritime archaeological studies have produced pottery, beads and shipwrecks that have showed links between East Africa and the Middle East, Indian sub-continent and China. Furthermore, historic Kenyan coastal settlements such as Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu were important port towns of call for merchant shipping, as they were strategically sited along busy sea-lanes. This paper examines this historical connection between ancient Kenyan coastal towns and the Asian continent. It explores results of previous and ongoing underwater archaeological research in Malindi and Lamu archipelago that has produced evidence of Asian cultural heritage. </text>
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                    <text>Ancient and Medieval ports of the Gulf of Mannar Coast, East coast India and
their Maritime Connections across Indian Ocean Countries

N. Athiyaman
Department of Maritime History and Marine Archaeology, Tamil University
Thanjavur 613010, India
Email: rajachidam@gmail.com

Abstract
The Gulf of Mannar lies in the south-eastern corner of India, bordered by Sri Lanka on
the south east. It covers the coast of Tamil Nadu from the island of Rameswaram to
Kanniyakumari. This region witnessed extensive long distance maritime activities from
the Early Historic period; from 500 BCE to 500 CE. Like other ports of this region,
Korkai was part of the Indo-Roman trade activities and literally mentioned in Greek
sources. Evidence of Roman contact has been found at the ports of Korkai and
Alagankulam. In the Medieval period, Kayal and Periyapattinam were important ports of
this region, which is also rich in underwater marine resources and famous for their coral
reefs. Stone anchors have been found in this region during surveys by the author. This
region has one of the important marine resources venerated by Indians from the ancient
period: Turbinella Pyrum. Pearl harvesting was very active in this region for several
centuries. It was commercially exploited and exported to many regions in India and
beyond. The proposed paper seeks to study the marine archaeological evidence and
their importance from the Early Historic period to the medieval period; from 500 BCE to
1600 CE.

Key words: Ancient ports, Gulf of Mannar, Korkai, Alagankulam, Pearl fishery, Trade
network

1

�Introduction
Even before the Christian era, a vibrant trade network between Southeast Asia and
Mediterranean region was present in the Indian subcontinent as a transit marketplace.
The Indian subcontinent, rich in resources, played a major commercial role between its
double-sided counterparts of Southeast Asia and the Red Sea region. More studies are
being attempted to view the trade dynamics of these regions from a holistic perspective
as maritime contacts cross both cultural and political boundaries. This paper is an
attempt to view the active role played by the Southeast Indian coast, a part of the
maritime gateway extending between Cape Comorin and Rameswaram Island.
Studying this 300 km stretch of land could be useful for understanding the maritime
importance of this region (Fig. 1).

Sources
To understand the maritime trade process of this region for the study period, ancient
Tamil Literature, specifically the two Sangam
Epics, Silapatikaram and Manimekalai, foreign
accounts

and

sporadic

archaeological

excavations carried out form the basic sources
of the study. The temple inscriptions and
foreigners' accounts of the medieval period are
used for the later periods. Sources available
from Southeast Asia and the Red Sea region
Fig. 1 Map showing the Early Historic are also taken in to account. Marine
and Medieval Ports of the study Area. archaeological studies by the author around
(Athiyaman, 2014)

the Rameswaram region as well as previous
studies made by the author on pearl fishing

were also used as sources for this article.
The Hinterland and the resources for Maritime relations
The inland region of the study area is a dry plain region shadowed by the Western
Ghats of the subcontinent in the west. This region has many rivers; the Vaigai in the
2

�north and the Gundar, Vaippar and Tamraparani in the south. The main source of water
flow in these rivers comes from the Southwest monsoon and to a lesser extent during
the Northeast monsoon. All of these rivers except the Vaigai are not perennial. However
the deltaic area is not as vast as compared to the river Kaveri which flows in central
Tamil Nadu. Except for the regions near the river banks, all the regions are semi-arid in
nature. Archaeological sites found in this region are few compared to sites found in the
northern parts of Tamil Nadu. Those that are found are located along the river course
(Rajan, 2011). As these regions were ruled by the Pandiya Kings, spices and forest
products available in the Western Ghats could be traded through the ports of Bacare
and Nelkynda situated south of Muziri on the west coast, a famous emporium. Only the
pearl and Conch shells were the only local resources from this region contributing to
trade. However, being situated centrally between the east and west, this coast played a
lead role in trade activities.

Ports
The presence of ports indicates the maritime activities of the particular region and their
possible connections with the hinterland. At the very least, resources should be
available the region for ships to come and replenish their food stocks and water. Usually
the river mouths were used as anchorages for the large boats and ships in the east
coast of India. The available evidence suggests that no permanent port structure
existed in the early historic period of the Tamizhakam. However, small boats were used
to carry the goods from the ships to shore and vice versa. In the present study area the
ports or the coastal habitations of considerable importance could be culled out from the
foreigners’ accounts, literature and the inscriptions. During the early historic period, from
the south, the Cape Comorin, the Korkai at the confluence of River Tamraparani and
Alagankulam at the mouth of River Vaigai played a major role in maritime activities.
During the early medieval period and medieval period the newly formed ports of Kayal
and Periyapattinam played a significant role in the maritime activities. Smaller coastal
settlements also were active during this period. The ports of the early historic and
medieval period from the south to the north are briefly discussed here.
Early Historic Ports
3

�Comorin
This is the southernmost tip of the subcontinent which is the meeting point of three
seas; the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Mannar. As the wave travels
along these three seas in different seasons, for the most part the weather in this region
could be rough. The possibility of the existence of a port for maritime trade is remote,
since the place for anchorage and cargo transfer is not conducive. However, in
foreigner accounts, one finds mention of this place invariably as it was considered a
holy place well before the Christian era. Ptolemy mentions this place as Komaria, a
cape and town (McCrindle, 1927). Periplus accounts for it as a cape and harbour and
also mentions that “(T)here come those men who wish to consecrate themselves for the
rest of their lives, and bathe and dwell in celibacy; and women also do the same; for it is
told that a goddess once dwelt here and bathed” (Schoff, 1912). So far, no
archaeological study around this region has been made.
Korkai
Korkai, now 6 km east of the coast, where the sea has receded, was one of the
important emporia of the Pandiyan Kingdom during Christian era. It lies on the bank of
the river Tamraparani. Adichanallur was another contemporary important early historic
settlement lying 15 km west of Korkai. Adichanallur was excavated by Rea and ASI
(Rea, 1915; Nambirajan et al., 2009). Ancient Tamil literature alludes to Korkai as the
place of a fishing community that also dived for pearls and conch shells. One of the
anthologies, akanaanuuRu (130:11), refers to it as a coastal town. Periplus (59)
mentions, "from Comari toward the south this region extends to Colchi, where the pearlfisheries are; (they are worked by condemned criminals); and it belongs to the Pandian
Kingdom..." (Schoff, 1912). Ptolemy accounts 'Kolkhoi' as an emporium (Renou, 1925).
Korkai was famous for pearl fishing until very recently. The pearls obtained from this
place acquired great trade
importance. The importance
of

the

pearl

fishery

is

discussed elsewhere in this
paper.

4
Fig. 2 Anchor salvaged off Rameswaram, Gulf of
Mannar. (Athiyaman, 2001)

�During the 1870's, Caldwell made an exploration and sporadic excavations at Korkai
and Kayal (east of Korkai) and published an article in Indian Antiquary. He made a
thorough survey and found only the pearl oysters and conch shells on the surface and
beneath the soil (Caldwell, 1982). He also came across two Buddha images, two
Singhalese coins and sepulchral urns. He discussed in detail about the sea receding to
the east and the formation of a new port called Kayal during the medieval period. Based
on the literary evidence, the State Department of Archaeology of Tamil Nadu excavated
Korkai in the 1969 and found evidence for the cultural sequence of three periods
ranging from the 3rd century BCE–4th centuries CE, the 4th–10th centuries CE and
between the 10th–14th centuries CE (Sridhar, 2004). The excavations revealed
indigenous pottery with early Tamil scripts, sawed conch shells, bangle pieces, and
semi-precious stones of the early historic period. A brick
structure was also found along with the ring well. The
excavation revealed the uninterrupted activity of this place.
Alagankulam
This site is situated near the river mouth of Vaigai at the
extreme north of the present study area. The place
mentioned in Periplus as 'Argaru' could be identified with
present Alagankulam rather than Uraiyur which is far inland
as proposed by the scholars (Sastri, 1972; Athiyaman, 2013).
As this port was situated in Palk Bay the transfer of cargo
from ships coming from the south was made through a land
crossing about twenty kilometres north. This site was
excavated by the State Department of Archaeology of Tamil
Nadu during 1990's in five seasons (Sridhar, 2005). It yielded
a cultural sequence of four periods ranging from 500 BCE to
1200 CE after which the site lost its importance probably due
to the emergence of the port Periyapattinam during this
period. The site has yielded indigenous as well as western
wares, particularly roulette wares. The site has yielded
Terracotta dice, spindle whorls, and measuring weights. A
Fig. 3 Anchor Salvaged
at

Gulf

of

Mannar.

(Athiyaman, 2001)

5

�remarkable piece of Red Roulette ware dated to 1st-2nd centuries CE was unearthed
with the symbol of ships with oars identified as the depiction of a Roman vessel by
Lionel Casson (Sridhar, 2005). The Roman coins of 4th-5th centuries CE were also
unearthed in this place. This signifies the active role of this port during early historic and
early medieval period.
Medieval Ports
Kayal
As the sea receded along the Gulf of Mannar, Korkai lost its importance around the 10th
century. Another port settlement near the sea at the mouth of the River Tamraparani
was established. This is due to the importance of the pearl and conch shell fishery and
their related activities. This place was also explored by Caldwell during the 1870's. He
reported Chinese porcelain wares of many varieties, broken pieces of Arabian ware and
Arabian gold coins of 13th century implying the east-west contact in this region
(Caldwell, 1982).The Chinese wares of the 13th century found during the exploration at
old Kayal and the absence of them in later periods suggest that another settlement
south of this place established in the later period since the Chinese ware found south of
Kayal, at a site called Punnaikayal, yielded the wares of later periods (Karashima et al.,
2004). So far no excavations have been made in this region. However, the Colonial
records provide ample information regarding this place which implies that the area was
busy with maritime activities.
Periyapattinam
Periyapattinam, one of the late medieval ports, lies in the Gulf of Mannar region 15 km
south of Alagankulam. During excavations conducted by Tamil University with Noboru
Karashima in 1987, many Chinese wares have been unearthed and studied for their
provenance and possible dating (Karashima et al., 2004). It flourished during 13-14th
century CE. It has been mentioned in a Chinese source as 'Dabadan' and Ibn Battuta
described it as 'Fattan' (Karashima, 1989; Karashima, 2004).

Other minor settlements and ports

6

�During the early historic period Ptolemy mentions some other places which were on the
south east coast: Sosikourai, on the Mouth of the River Solen and Kory, also called
Kalligikon (McCrindle, 1927). Of these, Kory could be identified with Rameswaram with
some certainty. Other places are not as clearly understood. During the Medieval period
Kulsekarapattinam, Virapandianpattinam were situated south of Kayal and Kilakkarai
(alias Ninaithathumudittan pattinam), west of Periyapattinam has also been identified
from the Tamil Inscriptions (Jayakumar, 2001). These places must also have played a
considerable role in maritime trade.
Marine Archaeological Studies
Offshore and onshore explorations conducted in the Gulf of Mannar region of India, by
the Centre for Underwater Archaeology of Tamil University have yielded two grapnel
type (Indo-Arabian) stone anchors under the shallow waters in the Gulf of Mannar (Figs.
2 and 3). From the region where these two anchors were collected, two more were also
found onshore, one a grapnel type and another trapezoidal type. These three grapneltype anchors are now exhibited in the Tamil University museum. Apart from this, a
mooring stone, presumably a grapnel type anchor has also been noticed near Tuticorin
coast, which even now is used for mooring the fishing boats (Athiyaman, 2001). Though
they were dated to between 13th and 14th centuries CE a petrographic analysis may
push the date further into the Christian era. Surveys conducted by National Institute of
Oceanography around Manapad area, north of Kayalpattinam revealed single holed
stone anchors indicating the continuance of indigenous navigation technology
(Sundaresh, 2013).
Ships and boats of this region
The Tamil literature clearly suggests that several varieties of crafts were in use during
the early historic Tamizhakam, which proves the extensive nature of its maritime
activities. The crafts ambi, mithavai, naavaay, pahri, punai, thimil and toni were medium
or small sized crafts. Thimil may have been well-designed since it served as a fishing
craft. The crafts naavaay, vangkam and kalam were deep ocean vessels. Not a single
clue into the shape of these crafts could be found. Pahri and toni were coastal crafts
that plied between the big vessels anchored offshore and were also used in the
lagoons. It can be inferred that all the crafts mentioned in the literature except kalam,
7

�which is associated with the Yavanas, were indigenous (Athiyaman, 2011a). Since
references to the ship builders are also available, it is clear that the various crafts were
built by local craftsmen. The author of Periplus mentions ships named sangara which
travelled up to Malacca (Schoff, 1912). This could be the vangkam mentioned in the
Tamil text. Archaeological excavations conducted at port towns of Alagankulam
(Sridhar, 2005), Korkai (Sridhar, 2004) and Periyapattinam (Karashima et al., 2004) in
Tamizhakam prove beyond doubt that busy trade activities were undertaken in ancient
Tamizhakam. The volume of trade carried out with the Red Sea region was so huge
(Selvakumar, 2011), that for the exchange of various commodities there was need to
build various crafts. The early historic Tamizhakam had indigenous knowledge on
navigation and shipbuilding. Although this idea is based on the literary evidence, the
terms of crafts must be studied in comparison with Greek, Sanskrit and other languages
of Southeast Asia. The crafts in the literature of the early historic period were scantily
referred to up to the medieval period and lost their names over the course of history.
The study clearly highlights that several categories of watercrafts were used for different
purposes and the indigenous crafts too had an active role in the long distance trading
(Athiyaman, 2011b).
Pearl and conch shell fishery
Rich in pearl oysters and conch shells the Gulf of Mannar was an attraction not only to
traders but too many writers as well. A great deal of importance was given to the pearl
and chank fishery and references to this industry off Korkai and Kayal are many.
Throughout history, the Gulf of Mannar enjoyed busy trade activities due to the pearl
industry (Table. 1). Besides conch shell diving also had its importance each year. A
detailed study of this Industry has already been documented by scholars (Arunachalam,
2011; Stephen, 1998; Athiyaman, 2000; Decla, 2008).
Table 1. Account of Pearl and Chank Fishery on Indian Coast of Gulf of Mannar
Account of

Period

Reference

Megasthenes

3rd century CE

McCrindle, 2008

Strabo

21 CE

McCrindle, 1979

8

�Periplus

60 CE

Schoff, 1912

Pliny

77 CE

McCrindle, 1979

Pan Kou

end of the first century Sastri 1972
CE

Cosmos

6th Century CE

McCrindle, 1979

Ma Twan Lin

550 - 600 CE

Sastri, 1972

Yuan Chwang

645 CE

Sastri, 1972

Chau Ju-Kua

1225 CE

Hirth and Rockhill, 1966

Marco Polo

1260 -1300 CE

Yule and Cordier, 1993

Account

of

embassies 1279-1292 CE

Sastri, 1972

between China and India
John of Montecorvino

1292-1293 CE

Sastri, 1972

Wang Ta Yuan

1330 CE

Rockhill 1915

Friar Jordanus

1323-1330 CE

Sastri, 1972

Ibn Battuta

1333-1345 CE

Sastri, 1972

Duarte Barbosa

1516-1517 CE

Dames, 1967

Caesar Frederic

1563-1581 CE

Caldwell, 1982

Perdro Teixeira

1568 CE

Sinclair

and

Ferguson,

1967
Van Linschoten

1576-1592 CE

9

Arunachalam, 2011

�This industry was worked by the local fishing
community,

namely

Paratavar,

from

time

immemorial as the conch shell collection is carried
out even today by them without any intervention
(Athiyaman, 2000). This industry around Korkai and
then Kayal region has attracted many traders from
east and west and this enhanced its influence in the
socio-political environment of the inland region
(Arunachalam, 2011; Stephen, 1998).
Horse Trade
Arabian horses were traded along the West and
East Coast of South India in the early historic
period. The horses making voyages along the
Arabian Sea reached the South east coast of Tamil Fig.

4

Mosaic

of

Nadu and were much sought after up to the Thiruppudaimarudur painting of
Vijayanagar period. The inscriptions recounting Horse Trade. (Athiyaman and
horse trading and the sculptures and paintings on Rajavelu, 2011)
maritime activities depicted in the medieval temples
of Tamil Nadu are striking examples. The Nayak period painting depicting an Arab ship
arrival with horses was found at Thiruppudaimarudur Temple, Thirunelveli District and
sculptural representation of Arab merchants landing in a ship at Thirukkurungudi temple
provide authentic evidence regarding the maritime activities of this region (Deloche,
2011; Athiyaman, 2011, Figs. 4-5). This trade was mainly carried out by the Arab
merchants as the inscriptions and the art representations suggest (Jayakumar, 2001;
Athiyaman, 2011; Rajavelu, 2011).
Maritime Trade with Southeast Asia and China
Since Sri Lanka is nearest the study region, the maritime trade contact was very
frequent and almost uninterrupted from 3rd century BCE. The evidence of the existence
of early contacts is covered in recently edited volumes (Manguin et al., 2011). The
earliest Tamil inscription is found at Khuan Luk Pat of Thailand, a touch stone belonging
to the goldsmith of the third century CE (Chaisuwan, 2011). Medieval Tamil Inscriptions
10

�at various places of Southeast Asia prove beyond doubt that the contact between Gulf

Fig. 5 Sculptural representation of Horse Trade (Thirukkurungudi). (Athiyaman, 2011)

of Mannar region and Southeast Asia was prolific (Subbarayalu, 1998; Karashima,
2002). It continued as one could glean from the accounts of pearl fishing in the Gulf of
Mannar even during the Colonial period.
Maritime Trade with Western world
Many studies have been made by scholars on the Indo-Roman trade after Warmington
(1974). The ports of India, trade goods, shipping and navigation have been studied in
the light of the foreign accounts, archaeological excavations conducted at Indian ports
of Pattanam, Pumpuhar, Arikamedu, Alagankulam and Korkai, pottery inscriptional
evidences and the Vienna Papyrus as well. It is beyond the scope of this present paper.
However, the western trade with this region was continued, without break and this
region played an active role in it (Young, 2001; De Romanis, 2012).
Potential region for Marine Archaeological Studies
The Gulf of Mannar has more marine archaeological potential than the northern coast of
Tamil Nadu of India. The Marine Archaeological studies carried out at various places of
the Northern Tamil Coast like Pumpuhar, Arikamedu and Mamallapuram did not yield
much evidence except for the 18th century shipwreck explored by CSIR-NIO, Goa, off
Pumpuhar (Sila Tripati et al., 1996; and Sila Tripati et al., 2003). The excavation
conducted by the Archaeological Survey of India, also did not yield any concrete
11

�evidence due to the nature of seabed. In northern Tamil Nadu a lot of sediments are
carried by the rivers throughout the year and they are deposited in the littoral and
shallow water region. The clay formation is so high that a fairly good marine
archaeological exploration is not at all possible. However, the Gulf of Mannar is
protected by Sri Lanka from the onslaught of huge waves and cyclones. Hence the
shipwrecks and lost anchors could be found with more convenience. The sea is
relatively calm for long periods. Moreover, the stone anchors found off Rameswaram
can be taken as a precursor for marine archaeological studies. The busy trade activity
throughout history allows one to presume that this region should be probed intensively
in future.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank Dr. M. Thirumalai, Vice-Chancellor, Tamil University for
his constant support in research and giving permission to contribute the paper at the
Asia Pacific Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Hawaii. Acknowledgement is
also due to Drs. S. Rajavelu and V. Selvakumar of Tamil University for their suggestions
in improving the paper.
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Biography

N. Athiyaman working as a Professor in the Department of Maritime History and Marine
Archaeology of Tamil University, Thanjavur, India has about 30 years of service in
research organisations at various levels. He has participated in marine archaeological
investigation off Pumpuhar, in collaboration with National Institute of Ocean Technology,
Chennai. He has salvaged four stone anchors and two metal anchors of medieval
period in Gulf of Mannar. He has participated in excavations of early historic settlement
sites conducted by Tamil University. He has authored four books and edited 13 volumes
on Archaeology, History and Maritime History. He is the life member of Indian History
congress, Society for Marine Archaeology and Tamil Nadu Archaeological Society.

15

�</text>
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                  <text>Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as â€˜underwaterâ€™, â€˜marineâ€™ and â€˜nauticalâ€™ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports.&#13;
Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to â€˜Underwater Archaeologyâ€™, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature â€˜Hydro-archaeologyâ€™ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations.&#13;
Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. </text>
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                  <text>Dr. Sila Tripati</text>
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                <text>Ancient and Medieval ports of the Gulf of Mannar Coast, East coast India and their Maritime Connections across Indian Ocean Countries </text>
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                <text>The Gulf of Mannar lies in the south-eastern corner of India, bordered by Sri Lanka on the south east. It covers the coast of Tamil Nadu from the island of Rameswaram to Kanniyakumari. This region witnessed extensive long distance maritime activities from the Early Historic period; from 500 BCE to 500 CE. Like other ports of this region, Korkai was part of the Indo-Roman trade activities and literally mentioned in Greek sources. Evidence of Roman contact has been found at the ports of Korkai and Alagankulam. In the Medieval period, Kayal and Periyapattinam were important ports of this region, which is also rich in underwater marine resources and famous for their coral reefs. Stone anchors have been found in this region during surveys by the author. This region has one of the important marine resources venerated by Indians from the ancient period: Turbinella Pyrum. Pearl harvesting was very active in this region for several centuries. It was commercially exploited and exported to many regions in India and beyond. The proposed paper seeks to study the marine archaeological evidence and their importance from the Early Historic period to the medieval period; from 500 BCE to 1600 CE. </text>
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                <text>1</text>
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    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="16">
        <name>Japan</name>
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    </tagContainer>
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</itemContainer>
