7 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/d2b1eb07309e48775bfe94f4080ea761.pdf 98a7bba5c02588eeab63501b71740fec PDF Text Text How atob came to be - the evolution of stone tidal weir in the Philippines Cynthia Neri Zayas, Ph.D. Professorial Lecturer, Center for International Studies, University of the Philippines ABSTRACT Stone tidal weirs suggest evolutionary stages of how the human-natural world interacts. From it, “commons” is reflected in the social and cultural milieus among indigenous/local communities.  In the Philippines, an atob is a stone tidal weir built on a gradually sloping reef by piling up stones as a barrier to sift sea creatures carried by the receding tide. This presentation is based on three data sets that will explain how atob came to be. The first set consists of the atob itself. The second set is composed of four related versions of the atob: (a) a simpler weir namely atob-atob 1, a fish aggregating device (FAD) of stones where fish are caught by hand, (b) panihod which is like atob-atob 1, except that fish is caught thru a basket, (c) atob-atob 2 which is not exactly a trap, but an enclosure like a pool to stock live fish for later use, and (d) the mirakolhol (miracle hole), a dug-up hole like a basin. The third set is the panapok (< pang- ‘instrumental affix’ + tapok ‘to pile up’) or pangatob, (< pang- + atob ‘to trap’) built in shallow waters that combines FAD with an encircling net dropped from the boat.  Panapok or pangatob is the missing link to the evolution of the atob. Two methods of analysis are utilized, i.e., a comparative study of material culture, and a semantic analysis of the terms used in naming and describing the weirs. In archaeology, the simplest artifact is often identified as the oldest. Could these weirs with the same features - stone structure, reliance on the tide, and an enclosure - be one and the same, differing only in the stages of their development as trappers reckon their natural world?  My data came from field research between 1990 and 2010, historical materials, and ethnography.   List of Figures Figure 1 Metemorphosis Figure 2 Etyomology and Stone Figure 3 Imitating Nature INTRODUCTION Traps such as atob are intended to lure fish like an aggregating device. The means of gathering the fish vary in many ways. Three data sets are presented here to connect them as an associated method of fishing, thus answering the possible transformation from a simple to a complex atob. The first set of data describes how the atob, in principle, can trap fish. An example of an atob with a catchment or mouth is presented. The second set includes atob-atob 1, panihod, atob-atob 2, and mirakolhol. For fish to take shelter and become stuck when the tide recedes, the atob-atob 1 waits for the tide to come in. A similar method, the panihod involves breaking up or scattering the stone pile in order to direct the fish toward a basket of the same name. Atob-atob 2, on the other hand, is a man-made pool surrounded by stone walls used to store live fish. In a similar manner, a mirakolhol is a man-made hole filled with tree branches and some coconut leaves to entice fish into seeking safety and thus, get trapped. The third set is composed of panapok or pangatob, piled-up the stones that are two fathoms below the water. Left alone for weeks, fishers return in a boat with a net after some time. A net is dropped around the pile of stones, then divers scatter the stones for the fish to swim toward the net. 1.0 Atob, stone tidal weir On progressively sloping reef tides, long stone walls known as atog or atob are constructed in the form of a horseshoe. The stone walls are breached by seawater during high tide, confining the nearby marine life as the tide recedes (Zayas 2023). The "mouth" or taun, a crucial catchment element, is located at the lowest ebb. These fish weirs were constructed along the coastline of a few islands in the Central Philippines. Designed to catch fish swimming above the pools as the tide comes in and release 1 �them as it goes out, imitating the ability of even the most primitive people to catch fish with their hands in natural pools, Nishimura described the weir as: a man‐made [sic] replica of the natural hollow found in rock or coral reef, which the ebbing tide fills with water. Copying the principle of the natural pool, in which even the most primitive [sic] people are able to catch fish by hand, piled‐up stones are used to form artificial basins and are so positioned that fish swimming above the pool at tide are caught in the weir as the tide recedes. The more complicated construction of the stone fish trap, which also relies on the ebb and flow of the tide, includes a stone wing that forces the fish to enter the catching base (Nishimura 1968, 23). There are four features of a stone tidal weir: it is dependent on the ebbing tide; it has a natural hollow or constructed basin on the reef; it has piled-up stones; and it has a wing (leader) that directs fish into the catchment (mouth). These features that can be gleaned in some of the fish traps in the following sections. Figure 1 Metemorphosis 1.1 Origins of the term atob Atol is a cognate term of atob. Atol is mentioned in 1711 CE a river fish trap in Mateo Sanchez's Vocabulario de la lengua bisaya. Francisco Alcina (2004) used a similar word, atub, to describe a large animal deadfall trap or snare roughly 60 years before Sanchez. Alcina described it as a device that forms a narrow passage with stakes and sets a trap between the stakes, adding some large stones on top for greater weight. The trap is suspended and falls by walking over or touching a smaller stick, which they refer to as gisui, catching the crocodile below and crushing it with the smaller stick. Figure 2 Etyomology and Stone 2 �1.2 Etymology of the term Atol is cognate word for atob or atog in Eastern and Western Visayan languages. The English word atoll, defined as a ring of coral rock arranged around a lagoon, is a word that has been borrowed from the Austronesian languages where Philippine languages belong. Atob, atog, antol, and its variations are characterized as a coral stone wall built along tidal flats for the purpose of collecting fish during ebb tide. The two Hispanic sources mentioned above offer an intriguing perspective on the true purpose of the trap. The atol of the sea and the atub of the marshland alludes to specific concepts about trapping technology that may provide a hint to the theory of the genesis of hunting implements among pre-Hispanic peoples. Or, possibly, they allude to anything regarding a cultural tradition of the lithic age and the connection between land-based and marine traps. This is inferred from a belief that Megalithic culture originated in Southeast Asian mountains during the Mesolithic Period. Linguistically speaking, the nautical equivalent of the megalithic civilization on land is a stone tidal weir (Zayas, 2004:560). 1.3 Atob from proto-Philippine *batúʔ ‘stone’ It has been established that the word atob comes from the proto-Philippine *batúʔ ‘stone’ which is bato in many Philippine languages (Paz 1988). It undergoes metathesis, resulting in the initial consonant b ending up in final position, i.e., bato > atob. 1 Three fundamental components of a tidal trap are revealed by analysis of names given to variants of atob, such as hubas and sada, which are also close to the definition of the atoll. These components are a stone wall, an enclosure, and an ebbing tide. This suggests, based on linguistic data, that an atob can only be made of stone and that it may be one of the earliest types of fishing equipment in the Philippines, if not the oldest (Zayas 2004, 56-57). It is noted that atob construction is very versatile. As it is small-scale, it can be modified using other materials such as nets, bamboos and/or wood. I shall describe these later. Figure 3 Imitating Nature 1.4 Atob of stone, reliance on tides, and an enclosure An atob structure is made of stone. It is also a barricade of stones, a mound of stones, and a fish corral of bamboo matting reinforced with piles of stones. Its reliance on the tide can be gleaned from the Bikol languages that refer to ebb tide, i.e., hubas ‘ebb tide’, hubasan ‘place of ebb tide’, and unasan 1 In my conversation with the linguist Yamada Yukihiro, he surmised that the metathesized form atob from bato, mentioning the word stone might have some taboo element. 3 �‘ebb tide’. Finally, as an enclosure, the terms panada, sada, sara and serada are Bikol loan words from the Spanish word cerrar ‘to close’. These terms are defined as stone barricade built on reefs near the shore for catching rockfish during the receding tide. Literally, the term means the act of fishing with the sada or reef barricade (Umali 1950, 130, 147, 151, 152). 2. Atob-atob 1, Panihod with Atob-atob 2 and Mirakolhol Along the tidal flats of Dumaguete City's renowned coastal promenade, Nisi Banay-banay's atob-atob 1 is piled high. When the tide is low, he visits these piles to collect any fish or other aquatic life that sought refuge. He scatters the stone to drive the fish out of the pile. He would later reconstruct his atob-atob after switching from one pile of stone to another. Nearby is an atob-atob owned by Antonia Teves. I learned that her catch in one pile consisted of a variety of coral fishes, native abalone, sea urchins, and a few shells. Akin to Banay-banay’s pile of stones, there is a mention of a similar method of fishing, except that a basket of the same name, panihod, is used as reported by my colleague Ms. Mary Jane Calderon-Hayhow (1994, 431, 458) on the same coast. Atob-atob and panihod are similar, but panihod harvesting requires knee-deep water and a basket. Pan-+ ihod/sahod is a Bisayan expression that means ‘to catch through the flow of anything with a container’. To guide the fish toward the container, the basket is placed between the fisherman's knees. Despite sharing the same name as atob-atob 1, atob-atob 2 is designed to store fish for later consumption or to raise undersized catch for future use. It is built of stone piles, much like an atob (Zayas 1964, 91-92). Meanwhile, mirakolhol (< miracle hole) is a term given by those who introduced the weir from a government agency. It is a hole that has been dug, lined with stones, and filled with coconut leaves and tree branches. Its purpose is to draw captive fish into the pit, where they can find protection even if the rising tide forces them to leave. Because they are not constructed on sloping tidal flats, atob-atob in Gigantes and Dumaguete are stone fish traps rather than stone tidal weirs. In addition, there are no stone walls with a horse-shoe shape there. The mirakolhol has elements of FAD incorporated in the shape of old tires and tree branches while physically resembling an atob. It also serves as a pond for stocks of live fish (Zayas 20004, 64). 3. Atob and taun, the commons, and other inhabitants A non-return valve hidden in the deepest part of the stone walls is the taun, a bamboo trap owned by Tranquilino Chavez. Chavez's atob at Tinigbas, Antique was shaped like a crescent moon and measured roughly 109 meters long and 59 meters wide. Children, mothers, and some elderly folks gathered here during low tide for their supper's side dish. Not against the law for these gleaners to enter the atob, they picked up shells, little octopuses, prawns, and seaweed with their hands or some basic tools. However, they are forbidden from touching Mr. Chavez's taun. When the catch is good, he does share these with his family and neighbors. The atob is not privately owned, but the taun is (Zayas 2011, 72-73). An atob, per se, cannot be owned by anyone. The village owns the reefs and intertidal flats as common property. The stone tidal weir's “accidental” presence does not imply ownership of the area. However, the builder can claim the catchments, known as taun, and the stones used to construct the weir as his, giving him the appearance of ownership because he can harvest from his taun and sell the stones if he so chooses. Sometimes, stones are just picked up and used again to construct a new atog. (Zayas 2009, 126). Until recently (about 2006), family members and neighbors shared the fish, shells, and other items trapped in the weir after the owner had his fill. While adults collected shells clinging to the stacked stones, children would play inside the weir. Essentially, weir construction is community-based on 4 �large or small scales. Communities’ social formation often revolves around the atob’s construction, repair, production, and distribution of catch. Ownership is not about the relationships among members of the community and the weir per se, but about customary relations among people that evolved as a result of constructing the weir and using it for their own benefit (Zayas 2011, 72-73). Sharing the goods without having access to that area suggests that nobody truly controls the sea. Users never act as owners, just as stewards. The concept of the commons for weir owners partly involves sharing fish during ritual activities with other people, as well as with sea spirits. Fishermen think spirits or other beings who are not like us also inhabit the sea. Extensive festivities are held to usher in the fishing season. In a place with humans, spirits live alongside them. CONCLUSION A stone tidal weir called an atob is used in the Philippines to screen marine creatures brought ashore by the receding tide. It is built on a reef that slopes. Simpler traps, such as a mound of stones broken up to drive out fish and catch them by hand, or a similar pile of stones but with the disaggregation aimed at a waiting basket, a pile of stones can also show how an atob works. Specifically, it has a mouth where a taun basket, where the water emerges from the barricade's lowest point, is situated. As the name suggests, atob is shown here as the stone fish tidal weir. Looking at this trap's evolution from simple to complicated reveals how local expertise has enriched its more complex form across a range of situations. It isn't implied that this is how the atob evolved; rather, it merely describes some of the ways it might have progressed as the environment required. At first, there was a heap of stones at the coast, waiting for the ebbing tide to trap aquatic life. The identical pile of stones is then spread in a different manner when the tide is knee-deep. Organisms in the trap are steered toward a basket that is positioned between the trapper's legs. The same-named trap's panihod basket serves as a description of what it is. Two examples of innovations or adaptations to the environment are: (1) dispersing stones when the water is below the knees in place of dry tidal flats; and (2) using a panihod, a basket, to catch fleeing species. In deeper water of two fathoms, panapok or pangatob, the same stone pile is repeated. However, the divers' practice of spreading the stone while enclosing the pile in a double net is novel. Eventually, a traditional stone tidal weir resembling an atob or atog is created. This trap has the same features as the earlier ones. reliance on the tide, use of a stone barricade in place of a pile to scatter fish, removal of stones from the pile to replace the panihod basket, the replacement of the surrounding net with a stone barricade intended to trap fish, and finally, the return to the fundamentals of bato becoming atob, show how trappers have imitated nature. This paper used the association of parts and functions of the weirs to show how similar fishing techniques can shed light on an ancient fish weir's origin and potential evolution. The Philippine counterparts are smaller in scale than the enormous ones found in the Penghu archipelago. It is also an individual or household-type managed fishing method, not clan- or community-based. Due to its portability, it may be modified according to the islands’ weather, wind, and vegetation. In retrospect, the Philippine islands have this type of weir, which is characterized by small-scale stone tidal weirs. Due to their size, they can easily be recycled after usage or transformed into a different type of weir using various materials. Think about how little stones (in comparison to those in Taiwan) can be combined with bamboo and a net. By adding additional power in this way, it becomes stronger. The redesigned weir can also be relocated from one spot to another based on wind or current movement. The presence or absence of mangroves has an impact on where the fish trap is placed as well. The latter is crucial since over the past few decades, mangrove habitats have been transformed into fishponds because of demands from overseas. In particular, shrimp are in high demand. When mangroves are eliminated, fish stop reproducing because they no longer have a place to hide and food to eat. In the Philippines, stone tidal weirs function as fish aggregation devices and draw varied marine creatures, encouraging biodiversity both within and beyond their boundaries. 5 �This communal fish weir embodies the notion of the "commons." To be clear, an atob per se cannot be owned by anybody; the reefs and intertidal flats belong to the village as common property. The “accidental” presence of the stone tidal weir does not suggest ownership of the territory. But since he can harvest from his taun and sell the stones if he so chooses, the builder can claim ownership of the catchments, or taun, and the stones used to build the weir give him the illusion of ownership. To build a new atob, stones are occasionally just taken up and put back together (Zayas 2009, 126). Acknowledgments Field research in Panay was undertaken with the assistance of Lilian dela Peña in 1992 and 2006. BIBLIOGRAPHY Agustin Umali, Guide to the classification of fishing gear in the Philippines. Washington, D.C.: Fish and Wildlife Service, U.S. Dept. of the Interior. Series. Research report (U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service); (1950) 17. Alcina, Ignacio Francisco. History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands 2 (Translated, edited, and annotated by C. J. Kobak and L. Gutierrez. Manila: UST Publishing House (Originally published in 1868 as Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas). 2004. Nishimura, Asahitaro. Living fossil of oldest fishing gear in Japan. In: VIIIth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Tokyo and Kyoto. 1968. Paz, Consuelo J.  Appendix: A dictionary of proto‐Philippine morpheme, in A Reconstruction of proto‐Philippine Phonemes and Morphemes, The ARCHIVE. Diliman: Department of Linguistics University of the Philippines.1988. Zayas, C. N. Importance of Stone-weir Heritage in the Arch of Instability- Japan, Taiwan, and the Philippines. Paper presented during the workshop on the project, Indigenous People, Traditional Ecological Knowledge, and Climate Change: The Iconic Underwater Cultural Heritage of Stone Tidal Weirs, June 11-17, 2023, sponsored by the National Central University, Taoyuan, Taiwan, and the Bureau of Cultural Heritage (BOCH), Government of Taiwan.2023. Zayas, C. N. Stone tidal weirs rising from the ruins: cultural scenes from the seascapes of the Pacific Islands. In Journal of Ocean & Culture 2 (2019):88-109. With minor corrections and an addendum, this present text is an updated version of the book edited by Rila Mukherjee in 2017 entitled, living with Water - People, lives, and livelihood in Asia and Beyond. Delhi: Primus Books. Zayas, C. N. Describing stewardship of the common sea among atob fishers of the Pacific Rim Islands – cases from Japan, Taiwan, and the Philippines. South Pacific Studies 31, no. 2 (2011): 71-80. Zayas, C. N. & C. Selerio “Innovation of Stationary Fishing Gear in Guimaras Island, Central Philippines". Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society 37 (2009):19-34. Zayas, C. N. 海の畑　―　ヴィサヤ諸島・澎湖 (プンフー) 諸島・流球諸島の石干見　(Umi no hatake – stone tidal weirs in the Visayas (Philippines), Pescadroes (Taiwan), and the Ryukyus (Japan)― 2009. In 海の回廊と文化の出会い。橋本　政治 (ed) 。Osaka: Kansai Univ. Press, (2009): 247-281. Zayas, C. N. Bato nga tinumpok”- Stone tidal weirs as representations of “kabilin”, knowledge heritage, and cultural landscapes. Aghamtao 18 (2009):24-33. Zayas, C. N. “Atob and bato– two sides of Philippine lithic tradition.” Studies in Philippine stone tidal weir. Pilipinas 43 (2004): 55-70. Zayas, C. N. Pangayaw and Tumandok in the Maritime World of the Visayas Islands, In The Fishers of the Visayas. The Fishers of the Visayas [Visayas Maritime Anthropological Studies I, 1991-93]. Edited by Iwao Ushijima and C. N. Zayas. Diliman: CSSP Publications Office and the U.P. Press.1994. Zayas, C. N. et. al. Maritime Anthropological Survey in Panay. Report Submitted to the Institute of Fisheries Policy and Development Studies, College of Fisheries, University of the Philippines, Miag-ao, Iloilo. Manuscript. 1993. 6 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource How atob came to be - the evolution of stone tidal weir in the Philippines Description An account of the resource Stone tidal weirs suggest evolutionary stages of how the human-natural world interacts. From it, “commons” is reflected in the social and cultural milieus among indigenous/local communities. In the Philippines, an atob is a stone tidal weir built on a gradually sloping reef by piling up stones as a barrier to sift sea creatures carried by the receding tide. This presentation is based on three data sets that will explain how atob came to be. The first set consists of the atob itself. The second set is composed of four related versions of the atob: (a) a simpler weir namely atob-atob 1, a fish aggregating device (FAD) of stones where fish are caught by hand, (b) panihod which is like atob-atob 1, except that fish is caught thru a basket, (c) atob-atob 2 which is not exactly a trap, but an enclosure like a pool to stock live fish for later use, and (d) the mirakolhol (miracle hole), a dug-up hole like a basin. The third set is the panapok (< pang- ‘instrumental affix’ + tapok ‘to pile up’) or pangatob, (< pang- + atob ‘to trap’) built in shallow waters that combines FAD with an encircling net dropped from the boat. Panapok or pangatob is the missing link to the evolution of the atob. Two methods of analysis are utilized, i.e., a comparative study of material culture, and a semantic analysis of the terms used in naming and describing the weirs. In archaeology, the simplest artifact is often identified as the oldest. Could these weirs with the same features - stone structure, reliance on the tide, and an enclosure - be one and the same, differing only in the stages of their development as trappers reckon their natural world? My data came from field research between 1990 and 2010, historical materials, and ethnography. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cynthia Neri Zayas Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Zayas, Cynthia Neri . 2023. “How atob came to be - the evolution of stone tidal weirs in the Philippines.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Paul Montgomery, and Bill Jeffrey. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2012 Asia-Pac Session 11 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/350f886b04c6a769c804e263a7084103.pdf 639150c0e38d541f16505be487aa426d PDF Text Text The Past, Present, and Future Regeneration Opportunities of Stone Tidal Weirs - The Case of Taiwan Tung Ying-Ying ABSTRACT Stone Tidal Weirs can be found all around the world and were once an important way for our predecessors to sustain their livelihood through fishing. However, in recent years, due to technological advancements, stone tidal weirs have lost their economic value and many have been left to deteriorate and collapse. Studying stone tidal weirs has become an obscure topic. Nevertheless, stone tidal weirs were an important fishing method for coastal residents in human history, and have had a significant impact on human culture in tangible and intangible ways. Although there are few surviving "live" stone tidal weirs today, as they periodically appear above sea level, they are an underwater cultural heritage that the public can see and access without diving. They are one of the best materials for advocating and promoting education on protecting underwater cultural heritage. Taiwan has many beautifully shaped and numerous stone tidal weirs around its periphery. The government has made significant efforts in subsidizing restoration, cultivating talent for building stone tidal weirs, and researching and promoting education in hopes of preserving Taiwan's precious stone tidal weirs. Local communities and organizations in Taiwan are also making efforts to combine the cultural landscape of stone tidal weirs with tourism, utilizing the unique features of local stone tidal weirs to create diverse new opportunities for reuse. By combining the efforts of local residents and tourists, the shape and good condition of stone tidal weirs can be preserved, and the beauty and fishing culture of stone tidal weirs can be passed down to future generations, allowing them to exist sustainably. Keywords: Stone tidal weirs, fishing, underwater cultural heritage, Penghu List of Figures Figure 1. 2018 International symposiums poster (left), 2023 International symposiums poster (middle), 2021 4th APCONF web site (right). Figure 2 Research results of the Stone tidal Weir investigation provided. by Professor Lee, Ming-Ju. Figure 3 Jibe Stone Tidal Weirs. Figure 4 Research project results list. Figure 5 Publication (left), Media report (right). Figure 6 Xinwu Stone Tidal Weir Story House DB (left), The "Isle. travel” Studio facebook (right). I. INTRODUCTION This article, "The Past, Present, and Future Regeneration Opportunities of Stone Tidal Weirs The Case of Taiwan," is most suitable for the 12th topic of this conference, "Sticks, Stones, & Old Fish Bones: The Role and Cultural Heritage of Fish Weir Traditions in the Asia-Pacific Region." Stone tidal weirs were built by coastal residents in the intertidal zone, where they worked together to construct embankments to trap fish using the ebb and flow of tides. This was a way for the village to share their fishing harvest and a marine life culture. Taiwan has the most stone tidal weirs in the world, with over 574 in Penghu County alone. Some stone tidal weirs can even be traced back over 300 years ago. However, with the development of technology and the introduction of new fishing equipment, such as trawling, stone tidal weirs have easily been replaced in economic value. The decline of stone tidal weirs is a problem faced by all countries around the world. Nowadays, many countries leave their stone tidal weirs abandoned and collapsed. Stone tidal weirs require collective effort to build, maintain, restore, distribute fishing harvests, and manage registrations, but modern people are reluctant to invest labor and funds. Taiwan has numerous stone tidal weirs, many of which are still "live," meaning that they can still catch 1 �fish and are operational. This article explores the decline and revitalization methods of stone tidal weirs in Taiwan, which is in line with the 12th topic of the conference. II. CASE STUDIES The case studies being examined pertain to the many well-preserved stone tidal weirs in Taiwan, which serve as a great example of how proper utilization can not only preserve them but also transform them into new cultural heritages, resulting in a win-win situation. Therefore, we are pleased to share Taiwan's methods for preserving stone tidal weirs, particularly in the face of the issues of revitalization and sustainability. This article explores Taiwan's case studies, which include: 2.1 Accepting the fact that stone tidal weirs are in decline. 2.2 Ways to revitalize stone tidal weirs - Using Taiwan's preservation of stone tidal weirs as a case study. 2.3 Transformation and regeneration of stone tidal weirs. III. RESOURCES 3.1 Data collection: historical records and research reports on the preservation of stone tidal weirs in Taiwan over the years. 3.2 Interviews: scholars who have studied stone tidal weirs in Taiwan and local historians and cultural workers involved in the reuse of stone tidal weirs. 3.3 Policy making and budget allocation: the government's initiatives towards the preservation of stone tidal weirs. IV. FRAMEWORK 4-1 Facing the decline of the stone tidal weirs 4.1.1 The fishing yield is no match for modern fishing The economic benefits of stone tidal weir fishing are poor. The catch difference between stone tidal weir fishing and modern fishing boats is too great. In the past, small fishing boats had poor safety and could not go out to sea in bad weather, so they relied heavily on stone tidal weir fishing. Nowadays, fishing boats are safer and can catch more fish, so residents naturally give up the laborious way of catching fish through stone tidal weirs. 4.1.2 The technology for building stone weirs is gradually becoming lost. The construction of stone tidal weirs requires the participation of a certain number of villagers, and the repair of stone tidal weirs also requires the timing of the ebb tide. Whether under the scorching sun or in strong winds… building, repairing, and patrolling the weirs are all high-labor, outdoor work. It is not the best job option for young people nowadays, and they are unwilling to take over. The lack of inheritance of stone tidal weir construction and repair skills has resulted in a technical gap. 4.1.3 Stone tidal weir fishing cannot become a major job. The return on investment is not proportional, and it cannot become the main source of income for residents, resulting in intergenerational gaps. All declining industries in the 2 �world are due to the development of technology and changes in social lifestyles. Those engaged in the industry cannot obtain sufficient income to support their lives, and therefore turn to developing industries that can provide for their basic needs. The catch from stone tidal weirs is small, and after the investment, no one is willing to invest in the construction and repair of stone tidal weirs again. The decline of stone tidal weirs is an inevitable result of the operation of the times. 4-2 Ways to revitalize the stone tidal weirs 4.2.1 The government values the protection of stone tidal weirs. 4.2.1.1 Value the cultural status of stone tidal weirs and restoration techniques (1). Since 2006 and 2008, the Penghu County Government has successively logged the "Double Hearts Shihu"(雙心石滬 ) (2)and the "Jibe Shihu Group"(吉貝石滬群)(3) as a cultural landscape (Figure 1). In 2009, "Penhu Shihu Group" was selected by the Ministry of Culture as one of the 18 Potential World Heritage Sites in Taiwan(4). In 2010, the Ministry of Culture designated the "Penghu Marine Culture Association - Jibei Baohu Team"(石滬修造技術)(5) as a national cultural heritage preservation and technology preservation group. Since 2015, the Houlong WaiPu Stone tide Weirs group( 後龍外埔石滬群)(6) have been registered as a cultural landscape in Miaoli County. The preservation and maintenance of Stone tide weirs is an important project in the preservation of cultural heritage in Taiwan. The government actively subsidizes the restoration of stone tidal weirs throughout the country and holds local and international symposiums in 2018 and 2023 (Figure 1). In 2021, Taiwan hosted the Asia-Pacific Underwater Cultural Heritage Conference, with stone tidal weirs as the main topic (Figure 1). In recent years, the awareness of preserving underwater cultural heritage has gradually increased, and the study of stone tidal weirs has expanded to include the perspective of underwater cultural heritage. Figure 1. 2018 International symposiums poster (left), International symposiums poster (middle), 2021 4th APCONF web site (right) 4.2.1.2 Funding is being allocated to encourage scholars to research and restore Stone tidal weirs. Taiwan has a large number of scholars studying stone tidal weirs, and their research can inspire young students to participate, achieving the goal of passing down knowledge (Figure 2). The government provides funding for repairing damaged stone tidal weirs and hiring personnel for restoration work. Hosting international conferences can help understand the current status of stone tidal weir preservation in different countries, facilitate knowledge exchange, and promote the belief of protecting stone weirs among Taiwanese people. 3 �Figure 2 Research results of the Stone tidal Weir investigation provided by Professor Lee, Ming-Ju. 4.2.2 Research achievements and tourism performance establish confidence. 4.2.2.1 "Taiwan has the world's most densely distributed and beautiful stone tidal weirs. With over 600 households of stone tidal weirs, the ones in Penghu have unique shape and structures such as the fish trap houses(滬屋), which have become a popular tourist attraction due to their stunning and distinctive appearance. The public takes great pride in Taiwan's beautiful stone tidal weirs, enhancing their confidence.(Figure 3) Figure 3 Jibe Stone Tidal Weirs. 4.2.2.2 Teachers from schools located near stone tidal weirs actively participate in research. This encourages students' curiosity and awareness, as well as a culture of research. Such as Tamkangz University(淡江大學) and National Central University(國立中央大學) in northern Taiwan, and Tunghai University(東海大學) investigate Miaoli area. National Penghu University of Science and Technology(國立澎湖科技大學) conducts research on stone tidal weirs in Penghu. Through these research efforts (Figure 4), people gain a deeper understanding of the history of stone tidal weirs, community management methods, interactive approaches, and the unique characteristics of these structures. This 4 �makes stone tidal weirs a familiar and beloved part of our culture. Figure 4. Research project results list 4.2.2.3 The revitalization of stone tidal weirs brings tourism benefits. The largest quantity and most beautiful stone tidal weirs bring local characteristics and tourism benefits to the region. In order to revitalize the stone tidal weirs, young people have returned to their hometowns and combined tourism with innovative ideas to turn stone tidal weirs into new tourist attractions. This has not only created job opportunities for themselves but also brought in tourists to benefit the local community, creating a win-win situation and allowing for the preservation of the stone tidal weirs to continue. 4.2.3 Community involvement creates value for the revitalization of stone tidal weirs. 4.2.3.1 In regions of Taiwan where stone tidal weirs are alive, there is a commitment from local historians and young people to preserve them. including Tamsui(淡水), Sanzhi(三芝), Xinwu(新屋), and Houlong(後龍) in Taiwan island, as well as on the outlying island of Penghu. In addition to the 七美雙心石滬in Qimei(七美)Penghu, Jibe Village in Baisha Township(吉貝白沙鄉), Penghu boasts 116 stone tidal weirs, which are highly concentrated and beautifully shaped, earning it the title of "the land of stone tidal weirs." In these areas, young people have returned to their hometowns and, under the guidance of their elders, work diligently to learn the lost technology of building and repairing stone tidal weirs. They also bring new vitality to the stone tidal weirs through innovative marketing techniques that are unique to their generation. 4.2.3.2 The active reporting and publishing by non-governmental media and NGO are crucial for the preservation and maintenance of local cultural heritage in Taiwan. In addition to government efforts, the involvement of the private sector is the most stable force. NGOs publish various books introducing stone tidal weirs (Figure 5), and major media outlets report extensively on the history and characteristics of Taiwan's 5 �stone tidal weirs(Figure 5), making them more than just a term. Through media coverage of the history and unique features of stone tidal weirs, a strong momentum is created for the promotion of stone tidal weir preservation by the private sector. Figure 5 Publication (left), media report (right) 4.2.3.3 Active promotion of combining tourism with stone tidal weirs to create new economic value. Stone tidal weirs have become a source of pride for local people, and young people are willing to return to their hometowns to revive and operate them. By combining the preservation of stone tidal weirs with tourism, a new way of thinking about stone tidal weir tourism is created, making it possible to turn the preservation of stone tidal weirs into a viable and sustainable occupation. This approach leads to a win-win situation for the preservation of Taiwan's stone tidal weirs and the development of local tourism. 4-3 Transformation and Regeneration of Stone Tidal Weirs It is not only about reviving and preserving the technology of stone tidal weirs, but also about reviving the cultural value of stone tidal weirs that have lost their fishing value, creating new economic value, and transforming them into a sustainable industry. 4.3.1 Xinwu Stone Tidal Weir Story House(新屋石滬故事館)(7) is a converted old Police watchhouse and dormitory building by the seaside, where local cultural and historical workers introduce the history and stories of stone tidal weirs, exhibitions, and local cuisine. The locals are also invited to help restore the stone tidal weirs, which has gained their recognition. In addition, one-day tours and accommodation experiences centered around the stone tidal weirs have been developed, which are highly favored by locals and tourists alike (Figure 6). 6 �Figure 6 Xinwu Stone Tidal Weir Story House DB. (left), The "Isle. travel” Studio facebook(right) 4.3.2 Young people returning to their hometown, Penghu, establishing The "Isle. travel” Studio"(離島出走)(8) bringing an experienced local master to teach them how to build and repair stone tidal weirs while also documenting each step of the process to preserve the precious techniques of the master. Also they organize unique and exclusive stone tidal weir experiences for in-depth travel, setting themselves apart from other travel agencies. Promoting the experience of repairing stone tidal weirs, led by the local stone masters, to rediscover the craft of stonemasonry. By restoring the stone tidal weirs, it awakens people's memories and emotions towards the ocean, and helps them understand the island culture of stone tidal weirs (Figure 6). V. CONCLUSION As human civilization progresses, our way of life has undergone significant changes. With the advent of large fishing vessels, the income generated by stone tidal weirs can no longer compete with that of offshore fishing. As a result, many stone tidal weirs have been abandoned, collapsed, gradually disappearing beneath the sea. Without economic incentives, these stone tidal weirs have ceased to be popular topics of discussion, and many have quietly disappeared. However, in Taiwan, stone tidal weirs face the same challenges but are seen as important historical and cultural heritage. They were vital constructions for coastal communities hundreds of years ago, serving as important hubs for social interactions. Thanks to the efforts of scholars, government support, and active participation from the public, young people are willing to invest in the preservation and revitalization of these stone tidal weirs. They have become not only exclusive terms for seaside communities but also a unique tourist attraction where visitors can experience the traditional practices of carrying and stacking stones and fishing inside the weirs. Through innovation and regeneration, the history and features of these stone tidal weirs have spread across all walks of life, and the young people invested in their preservation have found meaning and value in them. Therefore, the regeneration of stone tidal weirs in Taiwan can be passed down from generation to generation and become a unique landscape feature that protects these historical structures. We hope that Taiwan's stone tidal weirs can become a world heritage list, and other countries can also value their preservation. Acknowledgements 7 �I appreciate the assistance provided by the consultant Rich Giomanni Wan and ChatGPT in translating. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. National Cultural Heritage Website國家文化資產網 https://nchdb.boch.gov.tw/assets/cultureOverview(Accessed 3 April 2023). https://nchdb.boch.gov.tw/assets/overview/culturalLandscape/20061027000001, National Cultural Heritage Website, "Double Hearts Shihu" logged as a cultural landscape. (Accessed 3 April 2023). https://nchdb.boch.gov.tw/assets/overview/culturalLandscape/20080602000001National Cultural Heritage Website, " Jibe Shihu Group " logged as a cultural landscape. (Accessed 5 April 2023). https://twh.boch.gov.tw/taiwan/intro.aspx?id=13&lang=zh_tw#ad-image-0, Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture Website, " Jibe Shihu Group " logged as a cultural landscape. "Penhu Shihu Group" was selected as one of the 18 Potential World Heritage Sites in Taiwan. (Accessed 5 April 2023). https://nchdb.boch.gov.tw/assets/overview/ptp/20100630000005, National Cultural Heritage Website, "Penghu Marine Culture Association - Jibei Baohu Team" designated as a national cultural heritage preservation and technology preservation group. (Accessed 8 April 2023). https://nchdb.boch.gov.tw/assets/overview/culturalLandscape/20151104000001,”Houlong Waipu Stone Tide weirs group” logged as a cultural landscape. (Accessed 16 April 2023). https://travel.tycg.gov.tw/zh-tw/travel/attraction/1607, Xinwu Stone Tidal Weir Story House Website. (Accessed 5 May 2023) https://www.facebook.com/isle.travel.TW/, "Isle. travel” Studio facebook website. (Accessed 5 May 2023). 8 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Past, Present, and Future Regeneration Opportunities of Stone Tidal Weirs - The Case of Taiwan Description An account of the resource Stone Tidal Weirs can be found all around the world and were once an important way for our predecessors to sustain their livelihood through fishing. However, in recent years, due to technological advancements, stone tidal weirs have lost their economic value and many have been left to deteriorate and collapse. Studying stone tidal weirs has become an obscure topic. Nevertheless, stone tidal weirs were an important fishing method for coastal residents in human history, and have had a significant impact on human culture in tangible and intangible ways. Although there are few surviving "live" stone tidal weirs today, as they periodically appear above sea level, they are an underwater cultural heritage that the public can see and access without diving. They are one of the best materials for advocating and promoting education on protecting underwater cultural heritage. Taiwan has many beautifully shaped and numerous stone tidal weirs around its periphery. The government has made significant efforts in subsidizing restoration, cultivating talent for building stone tidal weirs, and researching and promoting education in hopes of preserving Taiwan's precious stone tidal weirs. Local communities and organizations in Taiwan are also making efforts to combine the cultural landscape of stone tidal weirs with tourism, utilizing the unique features of local stone tidal weirs to create diverse new opportunities for reuse. By combining the efforts of local residents and tourists, the shape and good condition of stone tidal weirs can be preserved, and the beauty and fishing culture of stone tidal weirs can be passed down to future generations, allowing them to exist sustainably. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tung Ying-Ying Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Ying-Ying, Tung. 2023. “The Past, Present, and Future Regeneration Opportunities of Stone Tidal Weirs - The Case of Taiwan.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Paul Montgomery, and Bill Jeffrey. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2011 Asia-Pac Session 11 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/ca88233c6996ee19eb64ba5411c8101b.pdf 43826b11056e75b5836f820f000cf64f PDF Text Text Poket Xinwu App game for promotion of the Stone Tidal Weirs cultural heritage and collaboration with local communities in Taiwan Lai, Chen-Min（Professional Teachers from the Industries of National Central University＆Chief Operating Officer of Dream Maker） Tai, Yu-Hsin (Teacher of Dream Maker & Founder of Astro Stream Technologies Studio ) Lee, Jen-Fu（Graduate student of College of Hakka Studies, National Central University ） Cheng, Tsung-Han（Chief executive officer of Tempest Digital Co., Ltd.） ABSTRACT The topic of this abstract fits best within this Session 12 because the study aims to investigate the potential of digital technologies in promoting the cultural heritage of Stone Tidal Weirs, also known as "Stone Tidal Weirs" in Taiwan. The Stone Tidal Weirs are an integral part of Taiwan's history and culture, yet their significance is often overlooked. This study aims to address this by utilizing digital technologies to raise awareness about Stone Tidal Weirs and their cultural significance, as well as the ecological significance of the Stone Tidal Weirs in near-shore ecosystems. A mobile application, Poket Xinwu, was developed in collaboration with local communities and university groups to ensure the authenticity and accuracy of the information provided. The app features interactive content that allows users to learn about the Stone Tidal Weirs and their surroundings in an engaging and intuitive way. Additionally, the app aims to raise awareness about the environmental issues surrounding Stone Tidal Weirs and the importance of preserving the local ecosystems. The app also serves as a tourism promotion tool, encouraging visitors to explore the Stone Tidal Weirs and learn more about marine culture. The study found that the app game was successful in promoting the cultural heritage of Stone Tidal Weirs and raising awareness about their significance. The app's interactive content and the collaboration with local communities were identified as key factors in its success. The study concludes that digital technologies can be effectively utilized to promote and preserve cultural heritage and can foster collaboration and understanding between local communities and visitors. List of Figures Figure 1 Distribution of Stone Tidal Weirs in the World (Tawa, 2007) Figure 2 Schematic map of the location of the No. 1 Stone Weir in Shenzhen Figure 3 Poket Xinwu app Figure (4): Collection of fish ecology around stone weirs. INTRODUCTION The topic of this abstract fits best within this Session 12 because the study aims to investigate the potential of digital technologies in promoting the cultural heritage of Stone Tidal Weirs, also known as "Stone Tidal Weirs" in Taiwan. Dr. Asahitaro Nishimura, a maritime anthropologist and a leading authority on the study of Stone Tidal Weirs, referred to this traditional fishing equipment as a "living fossil of the oldest fishing gear," believed to be the world's oldest. (Nishimura 1969; Nishimura 1979). Fish traps are one of the most widespread and enduring features of the maritime landscape. And research also in Ireland has identified a great number of traps, most of which date from the early to late medieval periods (Montgomery, Forsythe & Breen 2015). Stone Tidal Weirs were once widely distributed in coastal areas with remarkable tidal action and coral reef areas with developed lagoons throughout the world. Figure 1 shows the areas in which Stone Tidal Weirs were distributed (Tawa 2007). 1 �Figure 1 Distribution of Stone Tidal Weirs in the World (Tawa 2007) In the latter part of the 1980s, geographers in Taiwan conducted a survey of Stone Tidal Weirs, including the author's study of those located along the northwestern coast of the main island. In the 1990s, extensive research was undertaken on Stone Tidal Weir fishing in the Penghu Archipelago, with active involvement from researchers, local school teachers, and their students (Chen 1992;1996). More recently, research has focused on a complete census of Stone Tidal Weirs, providing valuable insights into the cultural heritage of Taiwan and clarifying the use of fishing villages and grounds in the Penghu Archipelago (Hong 1999). The Stone Tidal Weir is constructed on seaward slopes or fringing reefs, and comprises a semicircular or horseshoe-shaped wall built from stones or coral lime stones. Its design is closely linked to tidal changes, with fish swimming or being swept into the weir during high tide but unable to escape during low tide. The fish are then caught in the shallow water within the weir using small push nets or dip nets. The Penghu Archipelago in the Strait of Taiwan is home to over 500 Stone Tidal Weirs, the highest concentration in the world, while the western coastal region of the main island also has a significant number of weirs, with some still in use today. In Taiwan, the Penghu Archipelago in the Strait of Taiwan is the region with the world’s largest concentration of Stone Tidal Weirs, with over 500 weirs in total. The western coastal region of the main island is another area where a large number of weirs were once distributed, with some remaining today (Tawa 2010). The Stone Tidal Weirs are an integral part of Taiwan's history and culture, yet their significance is often overlooked. This study aims to address this by utilizing digital technologies to raise awareness about Stone Tidal Weirs and their cultural significance, as well as the ecological significance of the Stone Tidal Weirs in near-shore ecosystems. The Stone Tidal Weirs form art and game exploration narratives which virtually experienced many of these traditions in indigenous community of the region. CASE STUDIES The case studies under consideration are the following. The research background of this study originates from the team's discovery of the Xinwu's Stone Tidal Weirs in 2017. The structure of the Stone Tidal Weirs and its significant role in the lives of coastal residents fascinated the team, and led to the conception of a 'coastal library'. 2 �After conducting multiple visits and interviews with local residents, the team learned that the local community has made several attempts to preserve and promote the culture of Stone Tidal Weirs. These efforts include developing environmental tours, organizing community events, and promoting extended local specialties. However, the irregular frequency of events, the need to consider tidal conditions for activities, and the natural seasonal limitations along the coast have proven to be major obstacles. Therefore, this study aims to address these limitations by focusing on Xinwu’s Stone Tidal Weirs, the largest and most well-preserved area on Taiwan's mainland, with 9 Stone Tidal Weirs completely according to the Taoyuan City Government Marine Engineering Bureau (Office of Coast Administration Construction, Taoyuan 2023). The study's objective is to promote the culture of the Stone Tidal Weirs through a digital app platform, eliminating human, environmental, and seasonal factors. Moreover, by collaborating with the local community during the production process, this study seeks to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the Stone Tidal Weir’s culture. 1. Project planning and team recruitment: Xinwu People's Association collaborated with the local enterprise Tempest Digital Co., Ltd. to plan the development of the Poket Xinwu app. A student development team was formed by recruiting interested members from National Central University's Game Creator Club. 2. Research and data collection: The main interactive teaching tool used in the Poket Xinwu app was the No. 1 stone weir (Figure 2). To better present the actual characteristics of the stone weir in the app, multiple visits and data collections were conducted with the community. The community also took the team to repair the stone weir and explained the architectural structure of the heart-shaped six-stone weir. The stone weir was built in the 13th year of the Qing Dynasty and was an arc-shaped weir with many oysters and shells attached to the stones that form a fishdragon shape. It was not listed as a national cultural heritage site until 2013 (Taoyuan City Government Cultural Affairs Bureau, 2019). Currently, the stone weir is continuously repaired and patrolled, and the local area is mainly engaged in agricultural production with fishing as a supplementary activity. 3 �Figure (2). Schematic map of the location of the No. 1 Stone Weir in Shenzhen, with a total length of 250 meters (top). (Source: 2011 Shenzhen Stone Weir Landscape Maintenance Plan). Repair work is in progress on the No. 1 Stone Weir, with association members providing guidance to a game maker on the repair process (bottom). 3. Feature extraction: To develop the Poket Xinwu app (Figure 3), the cultural features of the stone weir were extracted. After understanding the basic architecture and history, the app mainly focused on two directions as the main features: ecological features and surrounding attractions. The unique fish and ecological environment of the New House Stone Weir were locked as the ecological feature. Common fish names and photos found in the stone weir were collected through several visits to the local community and on-site inspections (Figure 4). The fishing scenes of the stone weir were restored as much as possible. Surrounding attractions were identified as another key feature. As the New House Stone Weir is a connecting point for the whole community, surrounding attractions were identified along the coastal and inland areas. Members of the New House Love Township Association were interviewed, and field visits were conducted to identify unique local attractions. 4 �Figure 3. Poket Xinwu app (Source: https://apps.apple.com/tw/app/%E6%8E%8C%E4%B8%8A%E6%96%B0%E5%B1%8B/id1555679247) Figure 4. Collection of fish ecology around stone weirs. (Source: Marine species identification manual for horizontal longline fishermen 2006. https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=2304667786405092&set=a.1116075205264362&type=3) 4. Game mechanics: The Poket Xinwu app's gameplay is based on the story of sister Jiang Mina returning to New House to assist her father's business. By managing attractions, new surrounding attractions are unlocked. Each attraction unlocks various rewards, and players progress through the game by collecting rewards and managing the business successfully. In this study, we developed an app to promote the ecology and history of stone water. Before the app's development, we did not have a complete compilation of information on the fish 5 �ecology in Stone Tidal Weirs. However, after the app's development, we successfully created a fish map of Stone Tidal Weirs. We put it into the Stone Tidal Weirs Storytelling Museum to introduce the ecology, which is an important function of the app that allows users to understand more about the ecology and history of Stone Tidal Weirs. Before the app was created, the local association used tours and excursions to protect and promote Stone Tidal Weirs. However, in the course of the app, we found that more and more people joined the app and began to describe their impressions of Stone Shanghai and their memories of the past, such as the aunt who collected sea melon seeds and vegetables and the uncle who collected driftwood for carving, which reflected the important role of the Poket Xinwu app in promoting the culture of Stone Tidal Weirs. In addition, we found that the ecocircle1 of the Stone Tidal Weirs-community is known and promoted after the production of the Poket Xinwu app. This shows that the app we developed has successfully contributed to transmitting and promoting Stone Tidal Weirs culture. The number of visitors to the experience of high school students in using the app show that the app has good experience and promotion benefits. For example, a student pointed out that the app cooperated with local merchants to launch coupons to promote tourism. In addition, the UI of the app is quite simple and easy to use, and there is no problem with cards or unpleasant operations. In addition, we noticed that some students, generally rated the app highly, saying that it was good and had an important role in promoting Stone Tidal Weirs culture. On the other hand, some students suggested that the game would be more enjoyable if it could be presented in a non-idle format to increase interactivity. In conclusion, the Stone Tidal Weirs app developed in this study has achieved positive results in promoting Stone Tidal Weirs culture and promoting Stone Tidal Weirs ecological protection and has promotional benefits and good usage experience. RESOURCES The resources available to conduct this research project include the participation of the community in the development of an interactive mobile application, the process of collaboration between the research team and the local community, Xinwu People’s Association, the marine ecology, field surveys of nearby attractions, and a wealth of community data and relevant documentary sources. The development of the interactive mobile application involved the use of Unity software, the collection of artistic materials, and the creation of a script for the storyline. In addition, a large number of interviews were conducted to align the storyline of the mobile application with the cultural significance of Xinwu People’s Association. The application called Poket Xinwu app was published on Google Play, which allowed for analysis of downloads and market feedback, giving us insights into user backgrounds and qualitative evaluations. Since its release on March 27, 2021, the Poket Xinwu app has received a total rating of 4.4 stars on Google Play as of April 5, 2023. The app has had an average distribution of downloads over time, with a total of 207 installations and 151 uninstalls. The current user retention rate is 27%. The app also features a mechanism for providing discount coupons to local shops, which some users have already redeemed. These insights into user behavior and feedback from the Google Play platform can help inform future updates and improvements to the app. The collaboration between the research team and the local community proved to be an indispensable resource in achieving a co-creation of knowledge and a deep understanding of the cultural significance of Xinwu People’s Association. Through this fruitful partnership, we 1 eco-circle: eco-circle promotes and protects traditional fish weirs through an app-based marketing approach, community engagement, and environmental conservation efforts. This creates a cycle of promotion and protection for fish weirs, resulting in positive impacts on local ecosystems and communities while achieving both environmental and economic benefits. 6 �were able to identify and prioritize research questions, and to develop a comprehensive research plan that effectively met the needs and aspirations of the local community. Direct access to the local marine management agency through government-sponsored activities provided us with crucial information on the Stone Tidal Weir’s culture and surrounding scenic spots. Additionally, we gained valuable insights into the government and local community's perspectives, goals, and plans regarding Stone Tidal Weir culture and the site's management. The local association has adopted a cautious approach that prioritizes the preservation of the local ecology, which allows for limited tourism to avoid coastal waste and damage to the stone weir. In contrast, the government supports sustainable commercial applications that aim to efficiently manage and promote the site while catering to the needs of a large number of tourists interested in understanding Stone Tidal Weir's cultural ecology. During our research process, we observed that developing an application that promotes and protects the culture of Stone Tidal Weir is in line with the positions and needs of both parties. The consensus framework2 for this proposal proved to be highly conducive to the successful promotion and preservation of Stone Tidal Weir. Our findings highlight the importance of effective collaboration between research teams and local communities, especially in preserving culture and promoting sustainable development. Xinwu People’s Association and the nearby marine ecology were important resources that provided us with a unique research opportunity. Xinwu People's Association is a local organization in Xinwu that is dedicated to the protection and promotion of Stone Tidal Weir culture, and the marine ecology in the area is diverse and complex. These resources allowed us to study the historical and ecological significance of the area and gain a deeper understanding of the cultural and natural heritage of the community. Field surveys of nearby attractions provided us with additional resources for our research. We conducted surveys of nearby tourist sites to understand their impact on Xinwu People’s Association and local communities. This allowed us to identify potential threats to the site and the community and develop recommendations for sustainable tourism practices. Finally, a wealth of community data and relevant documentary sources allowed us to stay upto-date with the latest research developments and incorporate this knowledge into our work. We collected and analyzed global articles related to Stone Tidal Weirs and integrated this information into our research, providing a broader perspective and deeper understanding of the significance of Stone Tidal Weirs. FRAMEWORK The research problem is the marketing and promotion of the stone tidal weirs is insufficient. In the past, the promotion of stone weirs was mainly through academic research and event organization. As a result, the general public's understanding of stone weirs is insufficient, and with the changing times, the number of users of stone weirs has also decreased. Therefore, to address the problem of insufficient promotion of stone weirs, this study employs game base marketing to develop an APP game to help the public learn about and virtually experience the culture of stone tidal weirs. RESULTS (expected) In the past, the promotion of stone fish weirs was mainly through academic research and physical activities. By creating an app game-based marketing, the cultural significance of stone 2 Consensus framework: A structured approach to establish agreement among individuals with different opinions, promoting collaboration and guiding decision-making. 7 �fish weirs can be easily promoted. In the future, this can be combined with LINE application for digital marketing and the establishment of a virtual world Stone Fish Weir Museum. The United Nations Environment Programmed released a report titled "War and Environment: Destruction, Pollution and Recovery" in November 2021. The report states that the destruction and damage caused by war and armed conflict to the environment and ecosystems has reached unprecedented levels, and that these damages will have long-term effects on local and global environments and human health. The report proposes solutions such as strengthening international legal frameworks, protecting cultural heritage, and supporting sustainable development. By promoting and preserving the data of stone fish weirs through an app game, we can prevent the loss of cultural information caused by destruction during war and armed conflict. CONCLUSION To conclude, the study found that the app game was successful in promoting the cultural heritage of Stone Tidal Weirs and raising awareness about their significance. The app's interactive content and the collaboration with local communities were identified as key factors in its success. The study also reveals that digital technologies can be effectively utilized to promote and preserve cultural heritage and can foster collaboration and understanding between local communities and visitors. Therefore, In the future research and development phase, further data accumulation and indepth analysis of its effectiveness can be conducted. Subsequently, it can be extended to more mature regions or countries for research and organization, such as Penghu County in Taiwan and Japan. In the future educational promotion phase, it can continue to serve as a teaching tool for communities, schools, and tourism, educating people about stone weirs and their significance to the local area. BIBLIOGRAPHY Chen, H. M. . An ecological approach to the fishing community of a coral island: Study of Niao Yu, the Penghu Islands. Geographical Research 18 (1992): 109−158. Chen, H. M. Investigation into the Stone Tidal Weirs in the Penghu Islands. Geographical Research 25 (1996): 117−140. Hong, G. H. The Stone Tidal Weirs in the Penghu islands. Penghu Hsien Culture Center, Taiwan, (1999): 257. Montgomery, P., Forsythe, W., & Breen, C. Intertidal fish traps from Ireland: some recent discoveries in Lough Swilly, Co. Donegal. Journal of Maritime Archaeology 10, (2015): 117-139. Nishimura, A.西村朝日太郎「漁具の生ける化石，石 い し ひ び干見の法的諸関係」(Legal Conditions of Ishihibi , Living Fossil of the Oldest Fishing Gear)『比較法学』5（1・2合併）(1969): 73-116。 Nishimura, A.西村朝日太郎「生きている漁具の化石―沖縄宮古群島におけるkakiの研究」(Living Fossils of Fixed Fishing Gear: Investigation into the Relics of Stone Tidal Weirs Constructed along the Coast of the Miyako Archipelago in Okinawa)『民族学研究』44 , no. 3 (1979):223-259。 Office of Coast Administration Construction, Taoyuan 新屋石滬故事館. Retrieved from https://www.tyoca.gov.tw/海洋教育/環境教育設施場所/新屋石滬故事館/(2023). Taoyuan City Government Cultural Affairs Bureau. Feasibility Evaluation of Tangible Cultural Assets Designated or Registered in Grass Lotion Sand Dunes and New House Stone Weir, Taoyuan City. Taoyuan City Government Cultural Affairs Bureau.(2019). Tawa, M. 「伝統漁石干見の過去と現在」 (A Phase of Traditional Fishing Gear Ishihibi) ，小長谷有紀・中 里亜夫・藤田佳久編『林野・草原・水域』 (In Konagaya, Y., Nakazato, T., and Fujita, Y., eds., Forests, Grasslands, and Waters), 朝倉書店 (Asakura Shoten) (2007): 194−207. Tawa, M. Stone Tidal Weirs of East Asia in Transition. 人文論究, 59, no. 4 (2010): 95-107. 8 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Poket Xinwu App game for promotion of the Stone Tidal Weirs cultural heritage and collaboration with local communities in Taiwan Description An account of the resource The topic of this abstract fits best within this Session 12 because the study aims to investigate the potential of digital technologies in promoting the cultural heritage of Stone Tidal Weirs, also known as "Stone Tidal Weirs" in Taiwan. The Stone Tidal Weirs are an integral part of Taiwan's history and culture, yet their significance is often overlooked. This study aims to address this by utilizing digital technologies to raise awareness about Stone Tidal Weirs and their cultural significance, as well as the ecological significance of the Stone Tidal Weirs in near-shore ecosystems. A mobile application, Poket Xinwu, was developed in collaboration with local communities and university groups to ensure the authenticity and accuracy of the information provided. The app features interactive content that allows users to learn about the Stone Tidal Weirs and their surroundings in an engaging and intuitive way. Additionally, the app aims to raise awareness about the environmental issues surrounding Stone Tidal Weirs and the importance of preserving the local ecosystems. The app also serves as a tourism promotion tool, encouraging visitors to explore the Stone Tidal Weirs and learn more about marine culture. The study found that the app game was successful in promoting the cultural heritage of Stone Tidal Weirs and raising awareness about their significance. The app's interactive content and the collaboration with local communities were identified as key factors in its success. The study concludes that digital technologies can be effectively utilized to promote and preserve cultural heritage and can foster collaboration and understanding between local communities and visitors. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lai, Chen-Min Tai, Yu-Hsin Lee, Jen-Fu Cheng, Tsung-Han Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Lai, Chen-Min, Tai, Yu-Hsin, Lee, Jen-Fu, and Cheng, Tsung-Han. 2023. “Poket Xinwu App game for promotion of the stone tidal weirs cultural heritage and collaboration with local communities in Taiwan.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Paul Montgomery, and Bill Jeffrey. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2010 Asia-Pac Session 11 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/c085551c63ed6f92f8329c5818c0bb72.pdf 30c4076157369abdd353d66986491ba5 PDF Text Text The Technique Record of Repairing Penghu Stone Tidal Weirs ―based on Angnata village Penghu, Taiwan― (澎湖石滬的場域修復與工法記錄) ( - 以澎湖紅羅村為例 - ) Fu-Tzu Yang (楊馥慈) 　　 Yu-Chi Tseng (曾宥輯) isle.travel (離島出走工作室) ABSTRACT Our project is based at the location “Xin Hu” in the Angnata village of Huxi township, Penghu. We invite the professional team of stone tidal weirs masters to guide the repair so that our team can practice, learn, do depth interviews, record audio dictations and systematically sort the sets of executable repair methods. Further, to develop the model of experiencing the repairmen for the public. By the experiment, we look forward to achieving the purpose of discussion of stone tidal weirs preservation, ecological preservation, and possibilities of the youth returning which leads to the targets- inherit local experience and sustainable community development. Chinese Abstract ( 摘要 ) 澎湖有90座島嶼，海洋資源豐富、季節風明顯、潮間帶廣闊，因此發展許多特殊的傳統漁法，其中最著名的為石 滬。但隨著科技的發展與社會的變遷，傳統漁村的人口逐漸外移，傳統漁法無人傳承，相關技藝漸漸瀕臨消失。 離島出走團隊發起「澎湖石滬復興計畫」，以「創新與實驗」的方式，選擇以澎湖紅羅村作為基地，並以「外港 口滬」為石滬實驗場域，進行傳統潮間帶漁法的體驗與石滬修復的實驗行動。本計畫邀請紅羅村石滬師傅組成的 工班進行指導，而離島出走團隊則透過施作學習、深度訪談、口述記錄，系統性的整理出一套具有規則可循的修 復石滬工法，並延伸發展出修復石滬的體驗模式。期望透過實際的測試行動，來探討石滬保存、生態復育與青年 返鄉的可能性，以達到在地經驗傳承、社區永續發展的目標。 Keywords: traditional fishing (傳統漁法) , depth interviews (深度訪談) , stone weir (石滬) List of Figures and Images Figure 1: Guidelines to stone weir restoration work. Figure 2: Experiential Learning for participants in the stone weirs restoration project. Figure 3: Experiential Models Designed for Different Types of Participants. 1. INTRODUCTION This study was conducted as part of the '106th-year College Student Rural Migration Second-Phase Action Plan' , under the project titled 'Experience of Tidal Fishing Method and Stone Weir Restoration Project.' The actual stone weir restoration activities took place in Hongluo Village, Huxi Township. The entire project was carried out by the 'Isle.travel' team, with Professor Mingru Li, a stone weir scholar, serving as the project advisor. Through Professor Li's recommendation, we collaborated with a master stone weir restorer from Hongluo Village for this project. Each master weir restorer possesses unique professional skills, including the handling and construction of heavy stones, with weights often reaching a hundred kilograms, as well as the ability to withstand ocean currents and trap fish. These skills represent intangible cultural assets within the context of this restoration technique and are one of the main research and documentation objectives of this study. Each stone weir is akin to a complex family ancestral home with multiple ownerships. In Penghu, a stone weir is usually collectively owned by several families. In the early days, ownership of a stone weir could even serve as a dowry for Penghu daughters, symbolizing a 'sea field.' Hence, the team encountered the first challenge at the beginning of the project. The initially designated ‘Gōa-káng-kháu Weir' in Hongluo faced opposition due to safety concerns and continued usage by a family. However, the weir owners recognized and approved of the team's intentions and offered an alternative option—the 'New Weir.' The 'New Weir' had been forgotten for a century by the residents of Hongluo and was in a severely damaged condition. After confirming with the Agriculture and Fisheries Bureau that there was no registered owner, the 'New Weir' became the team's first target for restoration. Situated in the Hongluo , the 'New Weir' is close to the shore, 1 �making it an ideal demonstration site for the team's initial stone weir restoration and methodology documentation. 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1. Stone Weirs in Penghu Penghu, an island environment surrounded by the sea, possesses abundant intertidal marine resources, which have given rise to various unique local fishing methods. Among them, stone weirs are particularly remarkable as fishing traps in the sea. For centuries, the ancestors of Penghu observed water currents, constructed stone weirs, and utilized the ebb and flow patterns of the tides, combined with the distinctive structures of stone walls, to gather scattered fish catches in one place for easier capture, thereby providing sustenance for their families. (1) Uniqueness and Importance of Stone Weirs The primary materials used in Penghu's stone weirs are basalt and coral stone. Basalt, also known as black stone, has angular shapes that allow for interlocking arrangements of each stone without the need for cement or other artificial means of fixation. Furthermore, the porous nature and crevices of stone weirs provide hiding places for fish fry, as well as support the growth of shellfish and algae, exemplifying ecological sustainability. In different regions of Penghu, tidal basins, targeted fish species, and the utilization of local materials have led to diverse methods of constructing stone weirs, making the underlying fishing culture and values worthy of exploration, investigation, and preservation. (2) Conservation Crisis Faced by Stone Weirs Since the 1960s, with the rise of mechanized vessels and new fishing techniques, coupled with environmental changes and the depletion of marine resources, traditional stone weir fishing methods, which offer lower yields but are relatively environmentally friendly, have gradually become powerless. In recent years, they have been rarely used and left unrepaired. Currently, only about 20% of stone weirs in Penghu are still in use and possess complete fishing functionality, while most other stone weirs face the risk of collapse or burial. 2.2 Challenges in Restoring Stone Weirs Penghu's geographical environment is uniquely advantageous, with intertidal zones surrounding the islands. This has led to the presence of stone weirs throughout Penghu's coastal villages. The construction techniques of stone weirs were naturally acquired and passed down as essential skills by families who owned them in earlier times. However, in the present era of change, stone weirs that no longer yield fish gradually lose maintenance, rendering the subsequent generations unfamiliar with the techniques required to maintain them. The dwindling knowledge of restoring stone weirs has become an increasingly vanishing experiential wisdom, preserved only through oral accounts passed down by the elderly. (1) Fading Techniques The restoration techniques for stone weirs vary depending on factors such as the stone material, regional environment, water flow changes, targeted fish species, and the work habits of the master craftsmen. Currently, there are only around four organized stone weir restoration teams actively involved in Penghu, based on the accounts of local elderly individuals. Among them, there are fewer than five master craftsmen with specialized skills and leadership. In other words, when the older master craftsmen retire, there will likely be a crisis in the continuity of restoration techniques within this generation, creating a gap in the transmission of this knowledge related to marine culture. (2) Exclusivity of Stone Weirs The construction of stone weirs is time-consuming and labor-intensive, requiring the involvement of not just 2 �a few individuals. It often takes several years and requires the collective efforts of an entire family, village, or even different clans. Consequently, the ownership of a stone weir is a complex matter. It is closely related to the contributions of labor and resources from each family involved in its construction. The time and location of its usage need to be discussed and coordinated among the weir owners. Outsiders or those not assigned to a particular day are not permitted to use the stone weir, and unauthorized entry may lead to disputes. The traditional system of weir ownership, deeply ingrained in the culture, has evolved into established customs. Although it has diminished, it has not completely dissolved. Most stone weirs that still possess fishing functionality have intricate ownership arrangements, making it difficult for outsiders to approach or access them. 3. RESEARCH METHODS This study utilized the opportunity provided by the '106th-year Rural Migration Second-Phase Action Plan ' of the Water Resources Agency to investigate and document the "Experience of Tidal Fishing Method and Stone Weir Restoration." During the research process, collaboration was established with Master Hong Zhenkun and his stone weir restoration team from Hongluo Village in Huxi Township, Penghu. The research was conducted at the site of the "New Weir" in Hongluo Village, integrating traditional techniques with innovative experiential program design. The goals of the research included local knowledge transfer and community sustainable development, with the incorporation of an experiential operational model. Seven rounds of experiential activities were organized from July to August of the 106th year to assess the impact and benefits of the experimental operational model. The research project spanned from March of the 106th year to October of the 107th year and consisted of two phases: 3.1 Participant Observation The participant observation method involved the research team actively participating in the stone weir restoration operations. By becoming members of the observed group, the team played the role of both participant and observer. This method allowed for data collection through participation in group activities and provided direct and authentic information due to the team being seen as part of the group and eliciting natural responses from the observed group (Huang 2000). In this project, the team actively engaged in the restoration of stone weirs and experienced a twenty-day restoration project alongside the master craftsmen. The team both learned the techniques through participation and observed and recorded the process. 3.2 In-depth Interviewing The in-depth interview method is a qualitative research approach that involves face-to-face interviews. It emphasizes the collaborative construction of meaning between the interviewer and the interviewee to reveal explanations or data related to a specific question. Generally, it can be categorized into structured, unstructured, and semi-structured interviews (Guan 2010). This project utilized a semi-structured in-depth interview approach. Prior to interviewing the master craftsmen, data was compiled, and a set of predetermined questions was prepared to guide the craftsmen in providing more in-depth descriptions of stone weir restoration techniques. 4. RESULTS The stone weir that was restored in this project is located in Hongluo Village, Huxi Township, Penghu County, known as the "New Weir." According to local residents' oral accounts, the stone weir had collapsed over 40 to 50 years ago, with no identifiable weir owners or related historical records. Subsequently, through site inspections with Master Hong Zhenkun and his stone weir restoration team from Hongluo Village, it was found that the base stones of the stone weir were scattered but still showed signs of the original layout. Master Hong Zhenkun determined that the stone weir could be restored and initiated the restoration work. The restoration project lasted approximately three months and included the restoration of the weir structure, the pool ,dike and the weir tail. Although the restoration was not yet complete, during the restoration process, it was observed that each master craftsman had their own expertise and responsibilities in specific restoration 3 �areas and techniques. Therefore, the techniques, tools, target stones, and optimal tidal times for operation were recorded and documented based on the craftsmen's oral memories, and a systematic compilation of stone weir restoration techniques was created. This compilation became a concise and easily understandable set of guidelines, incorporating easy-to-follow steps. 4.1 Stone Weir Restoration Technique Guidelines Database Throughout this project, active participation in the stone weir restoration work was undertaken, employing participant observation and in-depth interviews. The documentation focused on Master Hong Zhenkun and his team from Hongluo Village, Penghu County, as the subjects of the record. However, the documentation had to proceed in sync with the restoration work, and the current database represents only the initial stage of the project. The guidelines are presented in a simple and understandable manner as an initial integration of the information gathered. There are plans to continue the documentation and expand the results obtained in the current stage in the future. Figure 1: Guidelines to stone weir restoration work. In addition to serving as a reference for research on stone weir techniques, the guidelines can also provide a basic understanding for individuals or participants who are interested in the topic of stone weirs but lack prior knowledge. In the past, the lack of systematically organized samples often led to difficulties in explanations provided by the master craftsmen and resulted in misconceptions. It also failed to demonstrate the various variations and complexities of stone weir techniques. With the establishment of the guidelines database, it can serve as a support tool for the development of subsequent experiential models, training materials for stone weir restoration teams, and even promotional materials or cultural products. Through these means, stone weir techniques can be promoted, and awareness on marine conservation and ecological environment issues can be raised. 4.2 Experiential Model for Stone Weir Restoration Under the existing fisheries management plans of the Agriculture and Fisheries Bureau, the operation of stone weirs still requires the weir owners to submit applications every five years. As a result, stone weirs are conceptually classified as private properties with exclusivity. Weir owners may have concerns about the potential damage to the weirs and the depletion of fishery resources. This requires coordination and communication with individual weir owners. In practical terms, it may be challenging to enter and 4 �experience the stone weir sites due to the presence of weir owners or restrictions on access. Taking all these factors into consideration, this project prioritizes sustainable management. It first sought out stone weirs that had long been in a state of disrepair and had no identifiable owners to assess their restoration feasibility. Subsequently, restoration work was initiated. Once the restoration is completed, an application will be submitted to the Agriculture and Fisheries Bureau to certify the restored stone weir as a registered fishery, and it will be jointly owned and maintained by the community. If successful, this case can serve as a model that other areas in Penghu can follow, creating a replicable pattern implemented in different regions. By cultivating community talents through experiential programs and creating a mutually beneficial feedback loop, the government should also take a supportive stance in encouraging the preservation of local culture by providing relevant guidance and subsidies. (1) Experiential Content Figure 2: Experiential Learning for participants in the stone weirs restoration project. The techniques for restoring stone weirs vary depending on the local conditions and the expertise accumulated by the master craftsmen over the years. The techniques involve specific skills and challenges. Therefore, in order to develop an experiential program, the initial focus is on areas with lower technical requirements. In this project, the main experiential activities revolve around the techniques of "delivery", "knotting" and "stuffing" as outlined in the methodology guidelines. "Delivery" and "knotting" both allow participants to experience the difference in difficulty between ancient and modern methods of moving stones and gain an understanding of the immense time and manpower required to construct a stone weir. "Filling" primarily aims to familiarize participants with the internal and external structure of the stone weir and the impact of ocean currents on the weir. Unlike the Double-Heart Stone Weir in Qimei, which mainly serves as a tourist attraction, actively involving participants in the stone weir site allows them to directly experience the function and composition of stone weirs and gain a deeper understanding and record of the restoration techniques. 5 �Figure 3: Experiential Models Designed for Different Types of Participants 5. CONCLUSION The restoration of stone weirs is not solely about reviving their functional aspects but primarily aims to preserve a cultural heritage that is on the verge of extinction and promote its significance. However, during the two-month restoration period of this project, with the collective efforts of the master craftsmen, the Isle.travel team, and the experiential participants, fishing yields gradually appeared from August 5th, demonstrating the original fish aggregating function of the stone weir. In light of this, the project initiated the development of a preliminary sustainable management model, allocating a portion of the fees collected from the experiential activities as a sustainable fund for stone weir restoration. It is hoped that through this process, the active involvement and attention of local residents can be successfully stimulated. Subsequently, by utilizing the recorded data and systematically organizing and visualizing it through research methods, the project contributes to the preservation of the historical and cultural significance of Penghu stone weirs. It also facilitates coordination with weir owners and communities to establish a symbiotic model and provides a reference for the restoration of other dilapidated stone weirs in different areas of Penghu. The restoration and transformation project of stone weirs not only holds experimental significance in the development of experiential tourism related to stone weir restoration, but also contributes to the win-win strategy of enhancing the visibility of in-depth tourism in the Hongluo community. BIBLIOGRAPHY Hong, K. H. Stone Weirs of Penghu. Penghu: Penghu County Cultural Center. (1999). Lin, W. Z. The Past and Present of Stone Weirs. Proceedings of the 5th Academic Conference on Penghu Studies. Penghu: Penghu County Cultural Affairs Bureau. (2005). Chen, C. Z. Research on Indigenous Stonemasonry Techniques in Penghu. Proceedings of the 5th Academic Conference on Penghu Studies. (2005). Lee, M. R. The Origin and Distribution of Fish Trap Culture: An International Perspective. Penghu: Penghu County Cultural Affairs Bureau. (2009). Huang, K. Y. Dictionary of Education. National Academy for Educational Research. Wenjing Publishing. (2000). Guan, X. S. Research Methods in Design: 3rd Edition. Global Publishing Co., Ltd. (2010). 6 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Technique Record of Repairing Penghu Stone Tidal Weirs ―based on Angnata village Penghu, Taiwan― Description An account of the resource Our project is based at the location “Xin Hu” in the Angnata village of Huxi township, Penghu. We invite the professional team of stone tidal weirs masters to guide the repair so that our team can practice, learn, do depth interviews, record audio dictations and systematically sort the sets of executable repair methods. Further, to develop the model of experiencing the repairmen for the public. By the experiment, we look forward to achieving the purpose of discussion of stone tidal weirs preservation, ecological preservation, and possibilities of the youth returning which leads to the targets- inherit local experience and sustainable community development. 澎湖有90座島嶼，海洋資源豐富、季節風明顯、潮間帶廣闊，因此發展許多特殊的傳統漁法，其中最著名的為石 滬。但隨著科技的發展與社會的變遷，傳統漁村的人口逐漸外移，傳統漁法無人傳承，相關技藝漸漸瀕臨消失。 離島出走團隊發起「澎湖石滬復興計畫」，以「創新與實驗」的方式，選擇以澎湖紅羅村作為基地，並以「外港 口滬」為石滬實驗場域，進行傳統潮間帶漁法的體驗與石滬修復的實驗行動。本計畫邀請紅羅村石滬師傅組成的 工班進行指導，而離島出走團隊則透過施作學習、深度訪談、口述記錄，系統性的整理出一套具有規則可循的修 復石滬工法，並延伸發展出修復石滬的體驗模式。期望透過實際的測試行動，來探討石滬保存、生態復育與青年 返鄉的可能性，以達到在地經驗傳承、社區永續發展的目標。 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Fu-Tzu Yang Yu-Chi Tseng Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Fu-Tzu Yang; Yu-Chi Tseng. 2023. “The Technique Record of Repairing Penghu Stone Tidal Weirs Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurl Knoerl, Paul Montgomery and Bill Jeffrey. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2009 Asia-Pac Session 11 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/dab36d5761458b4aef132ab88a8fbc49.pdf 64a8abfbd7fc88468d4e1235312e633e PDF Text Text The Barragup Mungah – A site so well known that there's nothing left to learn? Kevin Edwards1 and Ian McCann2 1 PhD researcher at Flinder University; 2 Independent researcher ABSTRACT The Barragup mungah, is situated on Gnaala Karla Boojas land, it is a well-researched site and oral history from both traditional owners and settler communities. Traditional owners and Western academics emphasise the importance of the site to indigenous people for fishing, social and ceremonial activities. Survey maps from the early nineteenth century of the region, and photographs that may be of the mungah, indicate the general location of the mungah. Despite all this information and research, the mungahs exact location on the Waangaamaap Bilya or Serpentine River is still in doubt. Ethnohistorical data which include indigenous and Western oral history, newly digitised early maps of the region and extensive fieldwork, may have relocated the mungah. In addition, it has raised the intriguing possibility of there being more than one mungah at Barragup.   With low visibility and thick mud in parts of the river, side scan sonar was used as a screening tool to help identify potential locations. The sonar also indicated possible site formation processes that may prove useful in detecting fish traps in riverine environments. Future work will be directed by the Gnaala Karla Booja people. INTRODUCTION Mungah or fish traps were an important method of catching food for indigenous people living near water and were used throughout Western Australia. While some river sites are yet to be relocated such as the Como and Guildford mungahs in the Derbarl Yerrigan (Swan) River, others such as the Kalganup (Kalgan) River mungahs are well recorded (Dix and Meagher 1976:183). The Barragup and Como mungahs were being used by traditional owners during the early colonial period. Fish were traded or sold from Barragup (Hammond 1933, 46) while the Como fish trap was being worked by one indigenous family and the fish sold to settlers in Perth (Kelvin Garlett pers comm 03/09/22). The Barragup mungah is situated somewhere on the lower reaches of the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River, approximately 2.5 km from the Djilba (Peel) Estuary. Gibbs states that his mungah was used to trap marine fish that moved up the river as the salinity increased during the summer and then left the river systems when the first rains of autumn fell, and the salinity decreased (Gibbs 2011, 6). This cycle of fish movement is disputed by Weaver who states the movement of the fish has more to do with the mullet spawning (Weaver 1997, 91). When the traditional owners noticed the fish moving along the river, they would first rebuild parts of the mungah as it was sometimes partly dismantled after a seasons use and sometimes was damaged by seasonal rains (Gibbs 2011, 8; Hammond 1933, 46). Indigenous people from the surrounding areas were invited to the site to take part in this annual event. It is suggested that up to 300 people may have camped at the site in mias or huts (Gibbs 2011, 9). Hammond wrote: “To make this trap they chose the narrow neck of the river, at Barragup on the Serpentine, where the water was up to about four feet in depth. A wicker fence was built across the stream, completely closing it from bank to bank, except in the centre, where a small opening was left. Through this opening a race was constructed by driving two rows of parallel stakes in the riverbed. The bottom of the race was filled with bushes, until there was only about eight inches of clear water above the bushes for the fish to swim through. On either side of this race was built a platform, about two feet six 1 �inches below the top of the water. On these platforms the natives stood to catch the fish as they swam through the race.” (Hammond 1933, 46). Hammond also drew, from memory, a plan of the weir (Figure 1). Figure 1. Barragup Mungah Serpentine River (Hammond 1933:47) There are also two photographs taken at around 1900 and both are described as showing a mungah on the Murray River (Figure 2). Gibbs suggests that Figure 2 (right) may portray the Barragup mungah. Figure 2. Left, fish trap on the Murray River, c. 1900, Western Australian Museum (Dortch 1997, 29 plate 5). Right, Aboriginal fish trap, Murray River, c.1900, Western Australian Museum, Anthropology Department collection (Gibbs 2011, 8). Indigenous Oral History The Gnaala Karla Booja people have several recorded stories relating to the Barragup mungah. Collard and Palmer have captured some of this information and included them in The Gcayut Research and Training Project. This document contains input from eight elders and knowledge holders of the region. Within this document are descriptions of the construction of the mungah, how it was used and the fish that were caught. There are details of ceremonies and songs performed at the site and the implements and goods that were made to trade with the other tribes who were invited to 2 �Barragup to share the trapped fish. Collard and Palmer mention that the elders: “… obtained a Ngoonjook… interwoven wire grass used as a 'net', also used in the construction of the weirs” (Collard and Palmer 1996, 21). Another fish trap is also mentioned: “The narrow creek joining Goegrup Lake to the smaller south-eastern lake was blocked by a Mungah or fish trap” (Collard and Palmer 1996, 26). In a video called Barragup Yarns George Walley describes a: “… fish trap as being made of sticks” (Lyons, Barragup Yarns 2104) And: “… small trees, skinny ones placed vertically into the mud. And from there, there's horizontal pieces of wood that’s tied up and you can make the small ropes from what we call Wagyls whiskers, from the reeds that grow along the waterways” (Our Knowledge Our Land 2016) The website Our Knowledge Our Land Ngalang Kaadadjan, Ngalang Boodja includes a page on the Barragup mungah that contains a piece of information regarding the mungahs consteuction: “… the stones that once formed the base of the fish mungah on the bottom of the riverbed are not visible from the surface.” (Our Knowledge Our Land 2015/6) On the same website it locates the mungah: “… where the Serpentine River forks in two directions, is Mungah on Serpentine”. Bilya cultural trail (Our Knowledge Our Land 2015/11) Harry Nannup, in an interview transcribed from Stretch Festival Mandjar Dreaming Audio recording states: “I don’t think a lot of people know… where the real fish trap was. Just there on the Serpentine River, by the bridge there, in Barragup” (Stretch River Festival Mandjar Dreaming 2015), Frank Nannup has also recorded interviews in July 1995 with the Winjan Aboriginal Centre about his early life living around the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River. Though not directly mentioning the Barragup mungah his interview provides an insight into how local indigenous people caught fish in the river (Our Knowledge Our Land 1995). When at school he sometimes played with a local, Charles Norton, and they would talk about the fish trap and its location (Charles Norton pers comm 13/06/21). In 2020 when discussing the use of fish traps on the Swan coastal plain, an individual who only wants to be identified as a Wadjuk Noongar person, mentioned that there was a method of trapping fish using two fish traps. The first weir would have an access point for the fish and would be upstream of a second continuous barrier. Once sufficient fish had entered through the first weir it would be blocked leaving the fish trapped in a small area where they could be kept alive and only removed when they were to be eaten. This technique has been recorded being used throughout Eastern Australia (Kelly 2014, 18; Kreij et al 2018, 149; Martin et al 2022, 108; Rowland et al 2011, 3). This possibility should therefore be considered when assessing potential fish trap sites. These accounts build a picture of a site that is of great importance to the traditional owners. They describe aspects of its construction, general location and state that the mungah is part of a larger system of trapping fish. This includes another mungah north of the Barragup site at Goegrup Lake. Hammonds description of the munga matches the traditional owners oral histories, but the traditional owners add three additional pieces of information. First, that stones were placed at the base of the munga, second, that ‘small ropes’ were used to tie parts of the fish trap together and third that woven 3 �nets were used to assist trapping the fish. Gibbs cites Stranger from a 1972 letter to the West Australian Museum stating that nets were used to catch fish that were strung across a six-foot gap that was made in the mungah. This was to allow boats to pass (Gibbs 2011, 13). It’s not known if this is the use of nets that traditional owners mention. Modern Oral Histories The authors contacted a local, Charles (Charlie) Norton, after discovering he had first-hand information about the Barragup mungah. Charlie was born on the 20th of July 1940 and lived on his family's 500-acre farm situated on the north side of the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River. Charles recalls seeing some of the fish trap wooden stakes still in situ in the mid 1950’s. His father told him about the fish trap and how the indigenous people used it and it was made from casuarina sticks that were pushed into the riverbed at random angles. Charlie took one of the authors to the location of where the sticks were seen. Charlie revealed that the riverbanks have lost around 4 metres from each bank due to erosion. The river at this location is now 36 metres wide so it was approximately 28 metres when Charlie first saw the sticks. Modern Netting At Nortons mungah location are two drill rods that have been driven into the south side of the riverbed. They are set at 90 degrees to the riverbank and angled at approximately 60 degrees towards the riverbank. These may have been used as anchor points for setting nets across the river. The removal of the wooden stakes that Norton reported seeing in the 1950’s may have been removed modern as they could have snagged modern nets set off the drill rods. Early Maps Early colonial maps that include the Barragup area were produced in the 1840’s, the accuracy of which can be seen when compared to a modern map (Figure 3, Left). Browne’s copy of a Watson map from 1841is of particular interest (Figure 3, right. SRO 3844-250). The cartographer’s notation on this map reads ‘Barragup fishing ground’, underlined in red by the authors. Both maps show little change in the river course over the past 183 years. Brownes map has locations added by the authors marked by numbers from one to six. Position one on Brownes map is where some traditional owners indicate the mungah was (Our Knowledge Our Land 2015/11). Position two, the approximate position as the State Heritage office place number 09017 and the Department of Planning, Lands and Heritage site 3314. Positions three and four is where the authors suspect the fish traps are. Both Browne and Creerys maps show limited access for a boat trying to navigate the small branch of the river at position five. The unnavigable small creeks, position six, are still visible today. An 1840 map by Creery of the Geerginup estate, (SRO 3869-018), also matches the river course shown in Brownes map. It can be said with some confidence that since the 1840’s the main river channel is where the Barragup Fishing Ground is noted on Brownes map. This is likely to be the place where the Barragup fish trap was positioned as it would restrict boat access, and this is the reason given for it to be repeatedly damaged and finally removed in 1937 CE (Collard and Palmer 1996, 29; Gibbs 2011,13). If the mungah was at location one, there would be no reason to remove it as maps from the period clearly show this branch of the river is a dead end and not navigable for boats. Charlie Norton 4 �mentioned that he had widened the ‘dead end’ at position five to increase waterflow, but this was well after the fish trap was removed. Figure 3. Left, Google Maps accessed 20/03/23. Right, Browne after Watson. 1841 SRO 3844-250 This is not discounting the possibility that there was once another mungah at location one. The river and lake system may have formed as early as the Late Pleistocene (Gibbs 2011,13) and over the millennia the river would have changed course many times. Any oral history locating the mungah elsewhere may be a reference to an earlier mungah. First Site Visit Barragup was first shown to McCann by David Austin, Michael McGee and Nicholas Reynolds from the Mandurah Museum Maritime Museum. The first trip to the area was aboard one of the tunnel boats that the group had restored. These boats have an inboard engine with a propeller that is recessed into the hull allowing the boat to navigate the shallow waters of the river. Subsequent Surveys Due to the shallow nature of the waterways, the initial visual surveys were conducted using canoes. Over 34 kilometres of river and lake banks were inspected with particular attention taken of any narrow sections of the waterways as well as any evidence of wooden structures. The only wooden structures found were fence lines that extended into the lakes made up of closely spaced, split timber posts. The Dortch Stake The only physical evidence said to be from the Barragup mungah is a short wooden steel cut stake found by Charlie Dortch when diving in the area in the late 80’s (Email Charlie Dortch 17/02/2020 and O’Connor et al. 1989, 14) and reported in the West Australian newspaper on the 18/02/89. Over the past three years McCann has found seven wooden stakes within the surveyed area and all are of a similar size and shape to the one found by Dortch. They have been found along the riverbanks of 5 �the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River and one in the Djilba (Peel) Estuary 1800 metres south of the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River mouth. All were steel cut, had a rough point at one end and the other end was cut flat. They were between 450mm to 550mm long and between 40mm to 70mm in diameter. The stake from the Estuary was driven vertically into the inlet bank. Unfortunately, the authors have been unable to inspect the Dortch stake, which is currently held by the West Australian Museum Boola Bardip who have not yet provided access. These wooden stakes may have been used as land anchors for recreational and commercial netting of fish. The commercial set, haul and boat netting of fish in this region started around the third quarter of the nineteenth century (Worsley et al 2012, 334) and was one of the largest estuarine fisheries in Australia (McComb and Lukatelich 1995, 5). McCann has used this technique of a land anchor when assisting commercial fishers in Western Australia. This method of using land anchors for netting has been used for millennia, a mosaic from the Roman villa of La Vega Baja de Toledo, third-fourth centuries BCE, show a net set onshore and a fishing boat deploying the net it in a curve (Lopez 2010, 167 Figure 1). Interviewing the retired commercial fishers who operated in the Djilba (Peel) Estuary may well help confirm if wooden stakes were used in this fashion. Side Scan Sonar On later surveys the authors used a Lowrance HDS Carbon 9 with a Totalscan transducer to scan the river and lake beds. This unit has a transducer that is bolted to a boat's hull and was chosen as the river has numerous obstacles, particularly sunken trees, that could snag a towed side scan transducer. Over a period of four years, thirty-three kilometres of side scan sonar survey lines were recorded. These were from the Waangaamaap Bilyas (Serpentine) River junction with the Djilba (Peel) Estuary and upriver for 8500 metres. Scanning was conducted during different seasons as the rainy season allowed the boat to access shallower parts of the river. There are limitations to using a side scan in shallow water as the effective range of the sonar is quite short, often requiring multiple runs to scan a small area. Also, any remnant wooden stakes or stones from the mungah would be in a line at 90 degrees to the transducer meaning the return signal would show multiple objects as one signal (Blondel 2009, 15 and 37-38). Targets are illuminated from the side, consequently only the surfaces facing the sonar will be seen. Interpretation of the side scan images can be difficult and requires practice. Basically, soft objects, mud, sand and wood, return a weak or dull signal and hard targets, such as rock, a strong or bright signal (Blondel 2009, 78). The side scan sonar picked up two sections of the riverbed where a bank had formed across the river (Figure 4, A, B and C) In the same areas rocks could be seen at the topmost part of the bank, these are circled in red. These are the only sections of the riverbed where a bank forms across the river. The side scan screenshots (Figure 4, B and C) are taken at the same location but different times of the year. Note the difference in the signal from the rocks, in B only one rock is visible, in C, three. The position of these rocks were confirmed by wading across the river and seven rocks, in two lines, set at 90 degrees to the riverbank, were detected. The rocks vary in size from approximately 300mm to 800mm in diameter. These banks and stones seem to fit the description of where the traditional owners say the mungah should be, a narrow section of the river, a shallow bank with a deeper central channel and rocks in a line on the riverbed. The two banks and two lines of rock may indicate two mungahs. 6 �Figure 4. Screen shots of cross riverbanks and lines of stones (circled in red). CONCLUSIONS Through a combination of investigative methods, the authors may have relocated the position of the Barragup mungah and suggest that a second mungah may be in the same area. The side scan sonar data clearly show two sand and mud banks that cross the river from bank to bank. These are the only locations on the lower Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River where this occurs. Each of the banks have stones set in a line on top of the bank, a feature of the mungah mentioned by traditional owners. These banks and stones were located prior to meeting Charlie Norton. This discovery was not mentioned to Charlie until he indicated where he last saw the mungah sticks. This proved to be in the same spot as one of the banks and line of stones that is at position 3, as shown on Brownes map (Figure 3, right). The use of side scan sonar may be a viable screening tool for locating wooden or stone barrier fish traps in limited visibility environments. If in position for a long time they can change the deposition of sediment thus altering the topography of a lake or riverbed. This will be evidenced by sedimentation along the length of the structure (Van Denderen et al. 2022, 2), such as the two sandbanks found by the authors. There is still plenty of research that needs to be done before we can definitively say that the mungah has been relocated. Some of the mungah wooden stakes may have snapped off and could still be implanted under the mud on the riverbed. These could be found with a non-invasive fingertip survey by divers. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Thanks to the Gnaala Karla Boojas people who allowed us to research their mungah (fish trap) on their land. 7 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Blondel, Philippe. The handbook of sidescan sonar. Springer Science & Business Media, 2010. Collard, L, and D. Palmer. "Gcalyut Research and Training Project." Unpublished, (1996): 1-107. Dix, W. C., and S. J. Meagher. "Fish traps in the south-west of Western Australia." Records of the Western Australian Museum 4, no. 2 (1976): 171-187. Dortch, C. E. "New perceptions of the chronology and development of Aboriginal fishing in South‐Western Australia." World Archaeology 29, no. 1 (1997): 15-35. Gibbs, Martin. "An Aboriginal fish trap on the Swan Coastal Plain: the Barragup mungah [Paper in:'Fire and Hearth'Forty Years on: Essays in Honour of Sylvia J. Hallam. Bird, Caroline and Webb, R. Esmee (eds).]." Records of the Western Australian Museum 79 (2011): 4-15. Hammond, Jesse E., and Paul Hasluck. "Winjan's people: the story of the South-West Australian Aborigines." (No Title) (1933). Kelly, Damian. "Archaeology of Aboriginal Fish traps in the Murray–Darling Basin, Australia." Charles Sturt University, Sydney (2014). Kreij, Anna, Jason Scriffignano, Daniel Rosendahl, and Sean Ulm. "Aboriginal stone-walled intertidal fishtrap morphology, function and chronology investigated with high-resolution close-range Unmanned Aerial Vehicle photogrammetry." Journal of Archaeological Science 96 (2018): 148-161. López Monteagudo, Guadalupe. "Nets and fishing gear in Roman mosaics from Spain." Nets and fishing gear in Roman mosaics from Spain (2010): 161-185. Lyons, Karen 2014. Barragup Yarns https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7U4fWs3n71E last accessed 20/03/23 Martin, Sarah, Hubert Chanson, Badger Bates, Duncan Keenan‐Jones, and Michael C. Westaway. "Indigenous fish traps and fish weirs on the Darling (Baaka) River, south‐eastern Australia, and their influence on the ecology and morphology of the river and floodplains." Archaeology in Oceania (2022). McComb, A. J., and R. J. Lukatelich. "The Peel-Harvey estuarine system, Western Australia." CRC Press, 1995. Nannup, H. https://soundcloud.com/user-427497721/mandjar-dreaming/s-6DhqH 2015. 2015 Last accessed 15/04/23 O'Connor, Rory Pearse, Corrie Bodney, and Gary Quartermaine. Report on an investigation into Aboriginal significance of wetlands and rivers in the Perth-Bunbury region. Western Australian Water Resources Council, 1989. Our Knowledge Our Land. 1995. Our Stories. https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/story/frank-nannup/ last accessed 01/04/23 Our Knowledge Our Land. 2015/6. Mungah on the Serpentine. https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/mapitem/12-barragup-fish-mungah/ Our Knowledge Our Land. 2015/11 Bilya Cultural trail Mungah https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/mungah.pdf location last accessed 18/01/23 Our Knowledge Our Land. 2016. Mungah on the Serpentine https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/experience/walking-in-history/bilya-country-story-trail-map/ Last accessed 06/03/23 Rowland, Michael J., and Sean Ulm. "Indigenous fish traps and weirs of Queensland." Queensland Archaeological Research 14 (2011): 1-58. Van Denderen, R. Pepijn, Emiel Kater, Luc H. Jans, and Ralph MJ Schielen. "Disentangling changes in the river bed profile: The morphological impact of river interventions in a managed river." Geomorphology 408 (2022): 108244. Weaver, Paul R. "An ethnohistorical study of the Swan-Canning fishery in Western Australia, 1697-1837." (1991). Worsley, J. P, Worsley, Green, J. "Capes of Sunset: Western Australia’s Maritime Heritage between Peel Inlet and Flinders Bay." (2012). 8 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Barragup Mungah – A site so well known that there's nothing left to learn? Description An account of the resource The Barragup mungah, is situated on Gnaala Karla Boojas land, it is a well-researched site and oral history from both traditional owners and settler communities. Traditional owners and Western academics emphasise the importance of the site to indigenous people for fishing, social and ceremonial activities. Survey maps from the early nineteenth century of the region, and photographs that may be of the mungah, indicate the general location of the mungah. Despite all this information and research, the mungahs exact location on the Waangaamaap Bilya or Serpentine River is still in doubt. Ethnohistorical data which include indigenous and Western oral history, newly digitised early maps of the region and extensive fieldwork, may have relocated the mungah. In addition, it has raised the intriguing possibility of there being more than one mungah at Barragup. With low visibility and thick mud in parts of the river, side scan sonar was used as a screening tool to help identify potential locations. The sonar also indicated possible site formation processes that may prove useful in detecting fish traps in riverine environments. Future work will be directed by the Gnaala Karla Booja people. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kevin Edwards Ian McCann Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. McCann, Ian and Kevin Edwards. 2023. “The Barragup Munga – A site so well known that there's nothing left to learn? Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Paul Montgomery, and Bill Jeffrey. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2008 Asia-Pac Session 11 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/98ec433002f47a8ecca2eb29ba2fae28.pdf 06d3ef484b0c0c978884a05e24d9df3b PDF Text Text Fishing Weirs and Galo Mythologies from the foothills of the Eastern Himalayas Bina Gandhi Deori (Deputy Director - Research, SAARC, Cultural Centre, Colombo-7) binagandhideori@gmail.com ABSTRACT Traditional hunting and gathering ways of life have existed as the main mode of subsistence for humans since long and continue to be with some indigenous communities despite the onslaught of urbanization. Arunachal Pradesh, the North-easternmost state of India that shares international borders with the Republic of China, Bhutan and Myanmar is home to a large number of indigenous communities who still continue to live in traditional ways of life despite the changes brought by modernization. Traditional and community fishing is still practiced by them and the use of various types of weirs is still common. The weirs come in various shapes and sizes and are made by the community people themselves using bamboo splits and rattan. The making of the fishing weirs needs special skill as some take a longer period for the processing of the raw materials while some are made on the spot at the time of need, in both cases active participation to learn and develop the skill is necessary. What makes these fishing weirs special is the mythology behind it. The Galo indigenous community people hold these fishing weirs with utmost respect because of its importance in their mythology. The folk stories mention how the fishing weirs came to the human and the role played by the weirs in sustaining human life on this Earth. However, as the younger generation do not have much time to spent with their village/community elders, this tradition of making fishing weirs is not easily known to many and the myths behind it. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the different kinds of the fishing weirs and to bring out the importance of the related mythologies associated with them. Key words: fishing weirs, myths, indigenous communities, Himalayas INTRODUCTION Arunachal Pradesh located in the foothills of the Eastern Himalayas is home to a number of indigenous people who still practice traditional mode of subsistence. As the land is gifted with numerous rivers and natural freshwater streams, the natives still do fishing on a regular basis using traditional fishing techniques. The data presented here are from a preliminary ethnographic study carried out between 2017-2019 on the subsistence mode of the Galos, one of the well-known ethnic communities mostly inhabiting the Leparada District of Arunachal Pradesh. The principal objective of the research was to provide a database documenting the traditional fishing weirs of the Galos and to explore the associated fishing myths or legends. The research also aims to understand the significance of these traditional weirs in the context of modern fishing equipment readily available in the market. The importance of fish in a Galo society cannot be ignored. As most of the villages are located near a river or stream, fishing is a very important economic activity and fish is an important source of food for them. Fish is not only important as a source of protein but also an important food item in any feast or ritual to entertain the guests. Sharing of fish is important socially and communally. Fish are exchanged during marriage, also offered as gifts when visiting distant relatives. Certain species of fish are only exchanged during marriage, others such as Amblyceps sp. (Tammii), Chaanna punctata (Talo), Pterokryptes afgana (tayek), botia sp. (Ribo-Ringum) etc. are not consumed or offered during weddings for consumption nor for gifting. And during the taboo period also, certain species of fish are not consumed for a stipulated time period. 1 �Galos still practice community fishing when all the community people gather on an appointment day to fish together. Fishing is not only a medium of food supply but it also brings the members of the clan together and through such exercise it binds the community further. For them fishing is not just an economic activity but also an important part of the learning process through which the young ones gain an understanding of the technique of using the fishing gears and learn about the fish behavior from the village elders. Through such on-spot training, the traditional knowledge is being passed on to the successive generations. Community fishing is a part of the cultural heritage of the Galos and it is still practiced by the community members. It is interesting to note that in many of the Galo folklores the mention of rivers, fish and the water world is invariably there. The tales of Jai Bonnw, Anyi-Kari-Karnya, Vmv lama Yo Vmv feature special mention of the water world and different techniques of fishing. It is in the folklore of Jai Bonnw that the first mention of herbal fishing occurs. Religious rites and other marks of respect are integral to the practice of fishing. Galos believe in the sacredness of nature and in the guardian spirits who are in charge of the mountains, hills, sky, streams, rivers, streams etc therefore before any large scale fishing mission or hunting, the shaman performed a ritual called ambin hunam. However, in the present day, this tradition is not strictly followed. In community fishing, men, women, young and even children take part. On the appointed day many families come together with their assorted indigenous fishing gear and whole day fishing is done. Meal is cooked by the river bank with the freshly caught fish and all the community members have their meal together. At the end of the day, the catch is divided among the participants who then either steam the fish in a bamboo receptacle or dry it over fire for preservation and future consumption. Fishing is done mainly during the winter season when there is abundance of fish in the rivers. The Galos are good fishermen and they can travel to far off places on foot, for days together and stay near the river in the forest for fishing. The most common fish consumed by them are Ngoru (Garra annandalei), Riibo (Schistura rupecula), Riingum (Nemacheilus devdevi), Orse (Semiplotus semiplotus) Ngopi (Labeo gonius) etc. (Bagra 2010). Due to the importance of fish amongst them many indigenous techniques have been developed. Some popular traditional methods of fishing are hand-gathering, trapping, stationary enclosures, indigenous basket-shaped wicker traps, bamboo weirs and use of stupefying aids to catch fish. These indigenous techniques are locally called qou nunam (ubnam), `lwwruu ubnam, tahum-kunam, ta`kom `gaanam, w`dwr`gaanam, `riigoo goonam, `higo `tonam, `hwl `monam, `lwwpum `pumnam, `paakam karnam, hi`bok pvnam. Though many new methods and machineries are available in the market, the age-old traditional methods are still used as specific fishing methods are very effective to catch particular species of fish. The indigenous gears used for fishing are made of perishable locally available material, bamboo, wood and cane. The indigenous traps are designed in such a way to make the entry easy and the exit difficult; once the fish enters inside it cannot escape. Traps are culturally almost universal. They make traps with various forms: conical, cylindrical and basket type. Some of the traps are used exclusively by the women and some by the men only. Traps can be either fixed or mobile. However, a number of techniques with various kinds of traps and weirs which can be operated by a single person are also practiced. A Glimpse into various Fishing methods ● Tahum /Tasum Kunam 2 �In this fishing method a conical shaped basket with narrow end and broad mouth, `raajuu is used to catch small fish in the rivers and streams. This gear is made of cane and bamboo. It is used by the womenfolk to fish. `Raajuu is put down in the water and fixed in between two legs, and slowly with both hands the bottom of the stones are searched. Because of the disturbance caused, fish come out of their hideouts and enter the `raajuu. The `raajuu is then lifted up and the catch is put in a small bamboo basket called `ginci, which is tucked under the waist for carrying the catch. The mouth of the basket is covered with ferns and leaves to prevent the fish from coming out of the basket. ● `Riigoo goonam This method is also practiced by womenfolk. In this technique the (cylindrical gear with wide mouth and narrow end) are fixed in the river in a straight line in such a way that the whole width of the river from one bank to the other bank is covered and the corners are sufficiently covered with ferns and other shrubs, so that no space is left for the fish to escape. From a distance of about 10 metres ahead, standing facing the mouth of the `raajuu, women start moving the stones vigorously with the hands or with the help of a stick etc. so that the fish come out of its hideouts and make an escape towards the side where the `raajuu are already fixed. Gradually the fish are herded towards the mouth of the `raajuu. Once the fish enter the `raajuu, they are immediately lifted out of the water and the fish caught in the individual `raajuu are taken. (Fig. 1) Figure 1.`Riigoo goonam ● Ta`kom `gaanam A traditional gear locally called ta`kom which is a hand-woven long funnel shaped wicker, is placed against the water current with some leaves inside it. A simple ta`kom can also be made of split bamboo. It can be kept overnight. As it is fixed against the water current, fish that enters a ta`kom could not turn around to get out. 3 �● W`dwr`gaanam It is a traditional basket weir fish trap about two meters long consisting of two wicker cones, one inside the other which is made in such a way that it is easy for the fish to get inside and hard to get out. It can be set as well as mobile. To catch fish, the trap is buried halfway in shallow water. Sometimes to lure the fish, baits are used. This is the most common gear used by men as it does not require guarding. It can be fixed in the evening or night and can be checked the next morning. Figure 2. `Lwwpum ● `Lwwpum `pumnam It is another traditional method of fishing where flat stones are piled underwater. This is done during the cold months when fish like to remain in holes. Choosing an appropriate site to pile the stones is the most important issue. A site with shallow water, medium current and sufficient sunlight is the most appropriate selection. Big flat stones are piled underwater in such a way that there is sufficient space inside for easy movement of fish. These piled stones are called `lwwpum (Fig.2). These piled stones are left undisturbed for 2-3 months, after which the fish gathered in the `lwwpum are harvested. A circular bamboo screen locally called cwergoo is used to cordon the `lwwpum. It is tightly fixed at the bottom so that fish cannot escape. From a small hole in the bamboo screen, w`dwr is fixed. Gradually, the piled stones are removed. It is practiced mainly from the month of October to February. The Galos also use different types of weirs for fishing. The large fishing weir structure is constructed from wooden posts, wattle fences and with stones at times. The wooden stakes are woven together to create a barrier or temporary dam that traps fish while letting water pass through. All the openings are blocked with traps, baskets or net traps. These are buried halfway in shallow water. In stone weirs, stones are arranged into rectangular walls on the 4 �edge of rivers. At regular intervals the wall is opened. Then the fisherman would wade into the walled trap and seize their catch. Today the government prohibits such massive trapping techniques during the fish breeding season. Herbal poisoning The use of fish stupefying plants is an old practice in the history of humankind all over the globe. Indigenous people using various fish poisons to catch fish are common among many tribes of North-East India. Fish poisons are extracted from several plant species and these are mixed with water which makes the fish numb. Even Galo ethnic community tribes of Arunachal Pradesh, due to their close contact with nature for a long period of time have acquired the knowledge of usefulness of certain plants to be used as fish poisons. The use of fish stupefying plants has historically been used by many hunter-gatherer societies to stun fish, so that the fish become easy to collect by hand. These stupefied fish can be eaten by humans without any adverse reaction. Mostly the plant species used as fish poison by the tribal are harvested exclusively in the wild. Use of herbs as fish stupefying agent (Hi`bok Pvnam) In this technique of fishing, all community members participate. It is performed in a festive mood. This technique requires group involvement where the male group constructs a barrier or a temporary blockage across a river using reeds, tree branches and stones which results in a drop in the water level downstream. For stupefying fish through usage of fish poisons, the selection of a suitable water body is very important. Poisoning or intoxication is generally done in shallow water bodies, slow flowing or stagnant water so that the concentrated poison can be more effective. When the flow of the water reduces, the leaves, roots, seeds or the bark of the plant which is to be used as poison is crushed into a pulpy mass and scattered in and around the base of rocks and into holes where fish might hide. A small opening is made in the blockade to let the water mix with the crushed material or it is simply thrown in the water so that it can thoroughly mix with the poison which starts affecting the fish right after 10 minutes and soon thereafter the fish starts floating belly upwards. The Galos use varieties of stupefying agents. Tamo is the common term for all the poisoned herbs. The use of these poisonous plants does not remain the same throughout the season as their effectiveness also changes. Oxor, `Diik-tamo are mostly used in winter whereas Rwpwk, `Talik, Taataa `puraa, Tanwr, `Rugdwk are used throughout the year. In the case of`Diik-tamo bundles of this bush are laid on stones thereafter pounded and crushed and the juice is mixed well with the water which is done only by men. Women and tabooed people (like people bitten by snakes or who carried a dead body and have not completed a stipulated time period etc.) are strictly restricted from touching such items. It is believed that if such people touch the herbal poison, the poisoning capacity gets reduced. Two to three people beat the plant upstream and the rest of them who are not engaged in beating and mixing the plants gather downstream with `raajuu or even with bare hands to catch the floating fish that succumb to the poison. Thus, the fish poison makes the fish float in a dazed state and come to the surface of water from where they can be captured easily. As the juice of the plant mingles with water the bio-active components present in the plant act on the fish and their activity slowly gets paralyzed. The fish become stupefied and they rise to the bank or the surface of the river, where they are caught with bare hands and thrown on to the bank or put inside a container which is tagged along the waist. The effect of the poison does not last for more than 20 or so minutes. Therefore, the stunned fish are collected immediately and any fish that were washed out of the pools or overlooked in the gathering 5 �would recover and swim away, since the toxins merely stupefied the fish rather than killing them outright. The poison does not adversely change the taste and quality of fish. These stupefied fish can be eaten by humans without any adverse reaction (Fig.3. and Fig.4.). Figure 3. Herbal Poisoning Figure 4. Hi`bok Pvnam The government prohibits such massive trapping techniques during the fish breeding season. Indigenous techniques are eco-friendly and non-destructive at all other aquatic life forms. These traditional methods of fishing do not deplete the stock of fish in the river. The modern 6 �indiscriminate poisoning of creeks and ponds, however, has caused a decline in fish stocks. Presently, modern equipment and techniques like chemical poisoning, blasting and electro fishing for catching fish are also used. Fish are killed by blasting dynamites in the river and then skimmed from the surface and from the bottom. These are responsible not only for fast depletion of the freshwater fish but also causes water pollution, therefore, the state government has very strict regulations regarding fishing. Recording and study of the traditional fishing techniques lead to conclude that all the materials used in fishing are highly perishable. In most of the cases the ecological factors are manipulated or molded to the advantage of the fishermen. In both cases, there is hardly any chance of leaving any trace of any kind. Therefore, the study of the ethnographic data can help us to get an insight into the archaeological gap of the traditional fishing practices of the indigenous community. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bagra, K., Kadu, K., Sharma, K. N., Laskar, B. A., Sarkar. U. K., Das, D. N. Ichthyologic Survey and review of the checklist of fish Fauna of Arunachal Pradesh, India, Checklist 5, no. 2 (2009): 330-350. Dutta, R., Bhattacharja, B. K. An Indigenous community Fishing Practice of Tirap Dist, Arunachal Pradesh, Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge 7, no. 4 (2008): 624-626. Gurumayum, S.D. and Choudhury, M. Fishing methods in the rivers of North -East India, Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge 8, no. 2 (2009): 237-24. Watters, I. Some Observations on the Material Culture of Aboriginal fishing in the Moreton Bay Area: Implications for Archaeology, Queensland Archaeological Research 2 (1985): 50-57. 7 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fishing Weirs and Galo Mythologies from the foothills of the Eastern Himalayas Description An account of the resource Traditional hunting and gathering ways of life have existed as the main mode of subsistence for humans since long and continue to be with some indigenous communities despite the onslaught of urbanization. Arunachal Pradesh, the North-easternmost state of India that shares international borders with the Republic of China, Bhutan and Myanmar is home to a large number of indigenous communities who still continue to live in traditional ways of life despite the changes brought by modernization. Traditional and community fishing is still practiced by them and the use of various types of weirs is still common. The weirs come in various shapes and sizes and are made by the community people themselves using bamboo splits and rattan. The making of the fishing weirs needs special skill as some take a longer period for the processing of the raw materials while some are made on the spot at the time of need, in both cases active participation to learn and develop the skill is necessary. What makes these fishing weirs special is the mythology behind it. The Galo indigenous community people hold these fishing weirs with utmost respect because of its importance in their mythology. The folk stories mention how the fishing weirs came to the human and the role played by the weirs in sustaining human life on this Earth. However, as the younger generation do not have much time to spent with their village/community elders, this tradition of making fishing weirs is not easily known to many and the myths behind it. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the different kinds of the fishing weirs and to bring out the importance of the related mythologies associated with them. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bina Gandhi Deori Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Deori, Bina Gandhi. 2023. “Fishing Weirs and Galo Mythologies from the foothills of the Eastern Himalayas.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Paul Montgomery, and Bill Jeffrey. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2007 Asia-Pac Session 11 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/0a1c7897fd6217d79d7f781987e9fb1b.pdf 08910e429db9ef6fa044c51d36d31139 PDF Text Text In-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage in Taiwan and related issues TSANG Cheng-Hwa and HUANG Han-chang (National Tsing Hua University) ABSTRACT The preservation of underwater cultural heritage is a nascent matter in Taiwan, and it is necessary to accumulate experience from trial and error in order to establish appropriate and feasible practice. As far as the in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage is concerned, in accordance with the ‘UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage’, the domestic ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act’ stipulates that ‘underwater cultural heritage should be preserved in-situ as a principle’, and thus the competent authority imposes strict restrictions on the practices of preservation and excavation of underwater cultural heritage. But such actions have caused debates, such as: ‘Is in-situ preservation reasonable in theory or feasible in practice?’ In Taiwan, since 2006, the underwater archeology team of Academia Sinica commissioned by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture has officially launched the archaeological investigation of underwater cultural heritage. It has so far collected more than 700 pieces of documentary records of shipwrecks and underwater cultural relics in the surrounding waters of Taiwan, and 500 of them have been preliminarily investigated and verified as significant underwater targets. Among the 500 targets, 97 were confirmed as the remains of shipwrecks and cultural relics, and 6 of them have already been listed by the competent authority as special underwater cultural heritage in accordance with the ‘Act’ by now. Many more underwater cultural heritages are being prepared for listing. The problem currently arising is that are all listed underwater cultural assets required to be preserved in situ? How can we appropriately preserve them in-situ? Undoubtedly, this is a subject that needs to be carefully evaluated and planned. Keywords：underwater cultural heritage, in-situ preservation, underwater archaeology, protection zone of underwater cultural heritage THE DEVELOPMENT OF UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY IN TAIWAN Taiwan has a vast sea area. Due to the factors of human history and natural environment, there are rich and diverse underwater cultural heritage, including the remains of human activities in the Paleolithic Age more than 10,000 years ago, the submerged coastal settlement sites, as well as various material remains of human navigation activities from the Neolithic Age to modern times, are an extremely important historical and cultural treasure trove, which not only contains scientific research materials and evidence, but also precious cultural heritage. Underwater archaeological investigations are certainly needed. In the past, the National Museum of History firstly conducted archaeological investigations on the ancient shipwreck of the ‘Jiangjun No. 1’ in the waters of Penghu in 1996, 1999, and 2001 (Luo Shengzong 2011). However, after the completion of this work, the underwater archaeological work in Taiwan died down, and there was no further development. It was not until the end of 1995 when the Council for Cultural Affairs entrusted the underwater archaeological team of Academia Sinica to carry out a research project on ‘the Investigation and Excavation of Ancient Shipwrecks in Magong Port, Penghu, and the Talents Cultivation Program for Underwater Cultural Heritage and Conservation Science ‘, and underwater archeology in Taiwan has sprouted again since then. Afterwards, the work of underwater archaeology, including carrying out general underwater archaeological surveys and doing research on ancient documents, archives and oral history relevant to underwater cultural heritage have been persisting until now. The Underwater Archeology Team has so far collected more than 700 pieces of information about shipwrecks and underwater cultural relics in the surrounding waters of Taiwan, and about 500 of them have been preliminarily investigated and confirmed as underwater targets with significance. Currently, 97 of these underwater targets have been verified as cultural relics and 20 of them have been identified as historical shipwrecks. Currently, the competent authority has listed 6 shipwrecks as special underwater cultural heritage for management in accordance with the ‘ Underwater Cultural Heritage 1 �Protection Act’ (hereafter as ‘Act’) (Cheng-hwa Tsang 2003, (Cheng-hwa Tsang et al 2012, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2018, 2019, 2020). LEGISLATIONS AND MANAGEMENT SYSTEMS FOR THE PROTECTION OF UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE IN TAIWAN The ‘ Act ‘ is the main law for the protection of underwater cultural heritage in my country. Article 1 of the ‘Act’ states that ‘In order to preserve, protect and manage underwater cultural heritage, to establish the link between nationals and history, to promote the characteristics of this ocean Nation, and to value the spirit of the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage of the United Nations and relevant international agreements, this Act is hereby enacted.’ The competent authority of the ‘Act’ is the Ministry of Culture. Following the coming into effect of the ‘Act ‘ in 2015, 13 sub-laws or regulations related to the preservation of underwater cultural heritage have promulgated one after another. The most important ones among them are: 1. ‘Rules for the Implementation of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act’ (2016), 2. ‘Regulations for Notification and Management of Activities Involving Seabed or Subsoil ‘(2016), 3. ‘Regulations for the Investigation and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage before the Development and Utilization of waters’ (2016), ‘Regulations for Cultivating Professionals of Underwater Cultural Heritage’ (2016), 4. ‘Regulations for the Administration of Activities directed at Underwater Cultural Heritage’ (2016), 5. ‘Regulations for the Designation and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage Protection Zones’ (2016), and 6. ‘Guidance on the Operations of Underwater Cultural Heritage Survey and the Technology of Instrument Detection ‘(2017). Therefore, the legal system concerning the protection of underwater cultural heritage in Taiwan covers most of the relevant aspects of protection and management. It seems to be quite complete, and should be able to provide a good foundation for the implementation and development of underwater archaeology. However, after many years of implementation, there are still some problems in the practice and enforceability with these regulations. In the following, I will focus my discussion on three practical issues of preservation in-situ. PRACTICAL ISSUES ARISING FROM IN-SITU PRESERVATION OF UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE IN TAIWAN As mentioned above, there are a large number of sunken ships in the waters around Taiwan, and currently 6 of them have been listed by the competent authority as special underwater cultural heritage in accordance with the ‘Act’. Many more underwater cultural heritages are being prepared for listing. The problem currently arising is that are all listed underwater cultural assets required to be preserved in situ? How can we appropriately preserve them in-situ? Undoubtedly, this is a subject that needs to 2 �be carefully evaluated and planned. As far as the current situation is concerned, at least three relevant issues are worthy of discussion: (1) The issue of taking cultural relics out of water. (2) Problems in the supervision and protection of listed shipwrecks. (3) The dilemma of establishing protection zones for underwater cultural heritage. 1. The issue of taking cultural relics out of the water Article 2, paragraph 5, of the UNESCO UCH Convention: ‘ The preservation in situ of underwater cultural heritage shall be considered as the first option before allowing or engaging in any activities directed at this heritage.’ This has become one of the most important provisions of this Convention. Correspondingly, my country's ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act’ has a similar provision. Article 27 stipulates that The preservation in-situ of underwater cultural heritage shall be the first option before allowing or engaging in any activities directed at this heritage. The proper means for in situ preservation referred to in the preceding paragraph may include recordation management, protection zone, or other proper preservation measures. Therefore, preservation in-situ is one of the most important criteria for the preservation of underwater cultural heritage in Taiwan. Its legislative intention is probably even stronger than that of the Convention. Therefore, the fifth chapter of the ‘Act’ has a special chapter on ‘Excavating Out of the Water’, in which there are very strict regulations for the excavation of underwater cultural heritage: ‘Underwater cultural heritage shall not be excavated out of the water except for the following situations: 1. the underwater cultural heritage related to historical status or recognition of the nation. 2. The absence of such underwater cultural heritage could be detrimental to a full understanding of human history. 3. The underwater cultural heritage is of substantial commercial value that cannot be protected without excavating it out of the water. 4. Excavation is necessary for the investigation and research of underwater cultural heritage. 5. The underwater cultural heritage cannot be sufficiently preserved, protected or managed without excavating it out of the water due to an emergency or the change of the existing environment. 6. Other situations in which the competent authority deems necessary to excavate out of the water. Based on these provisions, the competent authority has become very cautious about the underwater cultural heritage being taken out of the water. Even for approved underwater archaeological investigations, any action of taking underwater cultural relics must be reported for approval in advance. Even if there is an urgency for research or even maintenance, it must first be reported to the competent authority for deliberation and approval. This administrative rule that sticks to the law may 3 �not be appropriate. Not only may it hinder the research needs and understanding of underwater cultural heritage, but also increases the risk of underwater cultural heritage preservation. This is because cultural relics preserved in water may not be absolutely safe, and they are often destroyed or vanished due to various human or natural factors. Therefore, whether cultural relics should be or not should be out of the water should be based on whether the measures of in-situ preservation can be better protected and maximize their benefits. And it should be evaluated and judged based on professional knowledge, not just a rigid legal clause. 2. Issues on the supervision and protection of underwater cultural heritage Article 27(2) of the ‘ Act ‘ stipulates that The proper means for in situ preservation referred to in the preceding paragraph may include recordation management, protection zone, or other proper preservation measures. In my country, there is so far no underwater cultural heritage protection zone that has yet been established so far. The only way to protect the 6 listed special underwater cultural heritage is recordation management, which consists of monitoring and recording. The monitoring work is an attempt to observe the preservation state of the shipwrecks and to observe any change caused by either natural or human factors. The recording work aims to collect basic environmental data related to the preservation of the shipwrecks, mainly including: (1) sea area hydrology: current velocity, flow direction, tide, water temperature. (2) sea water quality: salinity, pH value. (3) sea organisms: planktons and benthic organisms. (4) sediment and topography of the sea bed: sediment morphology, water depth, seabed topography, and slope. Based on years of experience, it seems that there are still some deficiencies that need to be improved in the future. For example, in-situ preservation is not only necessary to avoid intrusion and interference by human and natural factors, but more importantly, to conserve the underwater cultural heritage on site. Professional understanding of the state of the in-situ preserved underwater cultural heritage, such as the decaying condition of the wooden relics, the degree of corrosion and decomposition of the metal objects, etc., will provide valuable information for taking appropriate maintenance measures. This kind of work is undoubtedly a very important part of in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage. Every underwater archaeological operation should be joined by professionally trained conservation personnel. It can assist underwater archaeologists to take immediate protection measures and provide suggestions for further actions to improve them. However, there is a complete shortage of personnel in this area and there is an urgent need to train them in my country. 3. The dilemma of establishing protected area for underwater cultural heritage Article 28 of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Protection Act stipulates that When the review committees make a decision that it is necessary to designate a specific underwater cultural heritage protection zone, the competent authority should consult with relevant authorities to designate and publicize an underwater cultural heritage protection zone within such a water area to preserve the underwater heritage in situ. In order to implement the establishment of Underwater Cultural Heritage Protection Zones, the ‘Regulations for the Designation and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage Protection Zones’ (hereafter as’ Protection Zones’ coming into effect in 2016. Article 2 of this regulations stipulates that The criteria for designating underwater cultural heritage protection zones are as follows: （1） It has important historical, cultural, archaeological, artistic or scientific value and must be preserved on site in the form of a protected area. 4 �（2） The texture of the underwater cultural heritage is fragile and prone to man-made or natural damage. In order to ensure the safety of the underwater cultural heritages, they must be preserved on site in the form of protected areas. （3） The remains of underwater cultural heritage are widely distributed or are closely related to the surrounding environment. It is not enough to present a complete context unless preserved underwater, and must be preserved on site in the form of protected areas. （4）Other needs for the preservation, protection or management of underwater cultural heritage. Although the government has established comprehensive regulations for the establishment of underwater cultural heritage protection zones, no protection zone has been able to achieve so far due to many difficulties. According to Article 14 of the’ Protection Zones’, the competent authorities may designate protection zones and make public announcements in accordance with the provisions of Article 28 (1), of the ‘Act’. In addition, according to Article 30 of the ‘Act’, after the announcement of the protection zone, the competent authority should formulate to set up a management and protection plan, and may designate the following zones as appropriate: 1. core zone; 2. buffer zone. However, these provisions seem to be over idealized. I herewith just mention three cases which show the difficulties of establishing a protection zone. Case 1: The Green Island No. 1 was an important mid-19th century European trading vessel, the wreck of which is located in the water near the southeast coast of the offshore Island of Green Island in Southeastern Taiwan, and it is necessary indeed to designate it as a protection zone because of its underwater cultural heritage value. However, since its location is near the main port of Green Island and close to a recreational diving spot, it has immediately encountered resistance from local residents and tourism operators when a protection zone is proposed to set up there. Case 2: The British steamship SS Sobraon wrecked near the northern coast of the Dongyin Island of the Mazu archipelago in 1901, the site of which is located in the military artillery shooting range. Although it can produce the effect of protecting underwater cultural heritage if a protection zone is set up there, the security of national defense must also be taken into consideration. Because Article 31 of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act states: Activity undertaken for the needs of national security or emergency may not be subject to the restrictions……, Any activity undertaken thereafter should be reported to the competent authority, except that a military or national defense secret involved. Case 3: The underwater archaeological team has discovered a large number of sunken ships within and surrounding Dongsha Atoll in the South China Sea. This atoll is located in the South China Sea and is a very isolated island group, which seems to be a very ideal place for being designated as an underwater cultural heritage protection zone. But, it is exactly due to its remote and isolated geographical location, which makes supervision and management extremely difficult. Even if the protection zone is designated, it is difficult to achieve the effect of protection. Even today, fishermen from different countries sometimes come here to dismantle iron shipwrecks and salvage underwater cultural relics. It is clear that the designation of an underwater cultural heritage protection zone requires consideration of many factors and is not an easy task. As Article 13(2) of the ‘ Protection Zone’ states: When deliberating the management and protection plan of the protection zone, the review committee may consider whether it will have a major impact on the rights and interests of stakeholders as well as underwater cultural heritage and their 5 �context, including economic activities, research, education, tourism, leisure and entertainment that rely on the area, activities and other related rights and interests, fishery rights, aboriginal culture, ceremonies, or self-use behaviors that conform to sustainable use. In 2021, Chapter 5 of the ‘Regulations for the Designation and Management of Underwater Cultural Asset Protection Areas’ was amended to include new regulations on access to underwater cultural heritage protection zones for tourism diving, including the requirements for qualifications for underwater tour guides. For the purpose of enhancing this provision, the competent authority has recently conducted training programs for underwater cultural heritage tour guides and hope to make preparations for opening some of the underwater cultural heritage protection zones in the future. However, If the establishment of the protection zones can finally be realized, sufficient planning must be completed before it is opened for diving tourists, especially for those who want to go underwater for guiding tours, the requirements for professional qualifications and knowledge training must be strengthened. Otherwise, it will be difficult to avoid irreparable harm to underwater cultural heritage. CONCLUDING REMARKS Although the investigation of underwater cultural heritage in my country has not been developed for a long time. A large number of underwater cultural heritage sites have been discovered, and it has aroused the general attention of the state and the people. Finally, the ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act’ was promulgated in 2015, but since its implementation is still a new matter, it still needs to accumulate experience from trial and error in order to establish appropriate and feasible ethics and norms. Among the many issues currently facing, the implementation of in-situ preservation is the most controversial. This may be due to the fact that the competent authority has been misled by the principle that ‘ The in- situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage should be considered as the first and preferred option before allowing or engaging in any activities directed at this heritage.’ stated in the ‘Convention’. On the other hand, it may be due to the lack of understanding of the actual immediate hazards faced by underwater cultural heritage and the environment in which they are located. As a result, many strict restrictions have been set for subsequent excavations and removal of cultural relics from the water. Although the current situation has gradually improved after continuous communication between underwater archaeologists and the competent authority. But, the issues of the supervision and protection of the listed shipwrecks and other underwater cultural relics as well as the difficulties faced in designating protection zones for underwater cultural heritage are still important issues to discuss and find solutions. 6 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Luo, Sheng-tzung, “The Story of General No. 1” in “Scientific Development” February, Issue 458, 2011 National Historical Museum, “Report on the Survey of General No. 1 Excavation of the Ancient Shipwreck in Penghu Sea Area”. Taipei: National Historical Museum, 1997 National Historical Museum, “Report on Excavation of the Ancient Shipwreck General No. 1 in the Penghu Sea Area”. Taipei: National Historical Museum, 1999 Tsang, Chen-hwa, Huang Han-chang, et al. “General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Seas Near Taiwan Report Series: The Third Phase Report (3),” Published by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture. 2019. “General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Seas Near Taiwan Report Series: The Third Phase Report (2),” Published by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture. 2019. “General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Seas Near Taiwan Report Series (1): The Third Phase Report”, Published by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture. 2019 “General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Seas Near Taiwan: Phase II Report (3)”, Published by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture.2018 “General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Seas Near Taiwan: Phase II Report (2)”, Published by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture.2018 “General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Seas Near Taiwan: Phase II Report (1)”, Published by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture.2018 “Report of the General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Seas Near Taiwan: The First Phase Report”, Published by the Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture.2016 7 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 26: General session Subject The topic of the resource Session 26 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 26 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource In-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage in Taiwan and related issues Description An account of the resource The preservation of underwater cultural heritage is a nascent matter in Taiwan, and it is necessary to accumulate experience from trial and error in order to establish appropriate and feasible practice. As far as the in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage is concerned, in accordance with the ‘UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage’, the domestic ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act’ stipulates that ‘underwater cultural heritage should be preserved in-situ as a principle’, and thus the competent authority imposes strict restrictions on the practices of preservation and excavation of underwater cultural heritage. But such actions have caused debates, such as: ‘Is in-situ preservation reasonable in theory or feasible in practice?’ In Taiwan, since 2006, the underwater archeology team of Academia Sinica commissioned by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture has officially launched the archaeological investigation of underwater cultural heritage. It has so far collected more than 700 pieces of documentary records of shipwrecks and underwater cultural relics in the surrounding waters of Taiwan, and 500 of them have been preliminarily investigated and verified as significant underwater targets. Among the 500 targets, 97 were confirmed as the remains of shipwrecks and cultural relics, and 6 of them have already been listed by the competent authority as special underwater cultural heritage in accordance with the ‘Act’ by now. Many more underwater cultural heritages are being prepared for listing. The problem currently arising is that are all listed underwater cultural assets required to be preserved in situ? How can we appropriately preserve them in-situ? Undoubtedly, this is a subject that needs to be carefully evaluated and planned. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tsang Cheng-Hwa Huang Han-chang Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Tsang, Cheng-hwa and Han-chang Huang. 2023. “In-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage in Taiwan and related issues.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Elena Pérez Álvaro. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2006 Asia-Pac Session 26 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/292b6ac489ef5a56d541f8b989d40fcc.pdf 3e2766957882237c92ff326ae8a7165e PDF Text Text Early Coins from Kerala: Situating the trade networks with special reference to Pattanam Hari Sankar B (Research Scholar, Tamil University) Dinesh Krishnan (Research Officer, Kerala Council for Historical Research) ABSTRACT The paper is intended for session 26, titled "Early Coins from Kerala: Situating the trade networks with special reference to Pattanam.” The research problem of the paper is to understand the distribution of coins and their role in understanding the trade network. The study would be based on the catalogue of coins from Kerala. Kerala, being known for its spices from ancient times, was not a secret to the world. Merchants from different parts of Europe, Arab countries, and Pacific regions came here for commercial activities, which resulted in exchanges of ideologies and material culture. Pattanam, an early historic port site on Kerala's coast close to the Arabian Sea, has produced evidence of commercial activities with foreign countries, indicated by the presence of ceramics and other material remains in large volume. According to early literary evidence, the Cheras controlled the region, and the presence of their coins from Pattanam also supports this. Apart from these Chera coins, the surrounding regions of the Pattanam site have been reported with Roman Gold and Silver coins and early Indian silver punch-marked coins in hoards. Interestingly, these coins were found in the sites connecting the Pattanam region to the neighbouring early historic sites like Kodumanal, Keeladi, and Azhagankulam. Hence, these sites can be considered part of the hinterland trade networks that connect the region with other early historic port towns in southern India. This paper tries to discuss the hinterland trade network of the Pattanam site and how these coins can be used to trace the early economic condition of the region and its monetary exchanges. Keywords: Coins, Trade, Hinterland, burials List of Figures Figure 1 Chera coins from Pattanam excavations Figure 2 Location of coins Figure 3 The coin hoard sites along with burials 1. INTRODUCTION The passages connecting the settlements, territories, and landscapes are the pathways that are known as trade routes, and they have been an important landscape feature in cultural interactions. Polities and states were keen on developing and controlling trade routes or highways to improve connectivity and interactions for their advantage (Selvakumar 2018, 3). South India emerged as a prominent trade and exchange centre during the Early historical period, evident by the literary evidence and material remains. The geographical location, long stretching sea coast, backwaters and rivers, and various spices were the main reasons for developing trade and ports in Kerala. Ports like Nelcynda, Bacare, Naura, Eli, and Muziris are mentioned in the Greco-Roman records. As part of the trade, monetary exchanges became an inevitable factor. Pattanam was such a port that became prominent during the Early historical period because of the overall favourable conditions. This can be ascertained from the rich cultural deposits at the site, which include ceramics. 2. BACKGROUND Pattanam is an archaeological site (N 10°09.434' E 76°12.587') in Vadakkekara village in Chittatukara Panchayat in the Ernakulam district of Kerala. Archaeological investigations at the site revealed an enormous amount of material and structural remains which are indicators of past economy and other culture-related activities. The site, which is close to the Arabian Sea, falls within the Periyar river delta, which provides an insight into the early history of Kerala, its economy, and its maritime activities. The Arabian Sea is about 4 km west of the site; in between the sea and the western 1 �boundary of the site is located the Tattapally River or Munambam backwaters that run parallel to the Arabian Sea (Cherian et al. 2015, 11-12). The port was under the control of Cheras during the early historic period. Roman Empire and Kerala had commercial links established through literary evidence of Pliny and Ptolemy and artefacts such as ceramics and coins. Pattanam had the presence of Roman Amphora, Arretine ware, Rouletted ware, which are Roman potteries, and other material remains, including cameos, intaglios, and gaming pieces. There was no evidence of Roman coins from the site but had the presence of Chera coins. The periplus and other literary evidence clearly showed that the spice trade, mainly pepper, was considered a precious spice. The seven and a half kg black pepper found in the famous Early Historic port town of Berenike in Egypt in an Indian storage jar with first-century CE context (Tomber 2008, 76-77) attests to the pepper trade from the region. It is stated that the western ships arrived in India comparatively light in weight and that a substantial bulk of Indian commodities were exchanged for Roman coins (Romanis 2020, 138). This indicates how large the pepper trade was. The presence of beryl beads from the site indicated the internal trade. Beryl mines are found in the Kodumanal region, which is the closest source of raw material. All these factors indicate the internal and external trade networks of Pattanam. The present study focuses on identifying and understanding the trade routes by locating the coins. The study also looks at the hinterland sites which could be present along the routes leading to other contemporary sites of Pattanam, such as Kodumanal, Keezhadi, and Azhagankulam. 3. THE COINS Coins are part of the source material for historical studies, which helps explain the economic, social, and political factors of the past formations. In Kerala, coins belonging to various dynasties from early historic to modern times were found in various places. Their presence can be inferred as part of the monetary exchange resulting from internal and external trade. 3.1 Chera coins The earliest coins of the Sangam period are the Chera, small square copper coins with symbols like an arched hill, elephant, trees, umbrella, river with fishes, swastika, sun, srivatsa, wheel (chakra), garland and bull on the obverse, and bow and arrow, the dynastic symbol of the Cheras on the reverse. These coins are die-struck. The Cheras in the Sangam age also issued silver coins with the symbols like the Sun, square tank, caduceus, and sadacharachakra on the obverse and the dynastic symbol 'bow and arrow' on both sides (Vijayaraghavan 2000, 28-31). Three coins were reported from Alangad near North Paravur in the Ernakulam district of Kerala. These were found in an earthen pot unearthed during digging for agricultural purposes—two of the coins found were semicircular, and one with a square shape. The coins bear a bow and arrow symbol on the obverse and an elephant figure on the obverse (Sreekumar 1999, 162). Copper Chera coins were found from Pattanam during excavations lasting nine seasons from 2007, with a clear legend, bow, and arrow on the obverse and elephant on the reverse. These coins are also found in Tamil Nadu in Coimbatore, Karur, Perur, Vellalur, and Kodumanal. 2 �Figure 1. Chera coins from Pattanam excavations (Courtesy: KCHR coin collection) 3.2 Roman Coins The Roman coins were found in various places within Kerala and outside, mainly in the form of hoards. The Roman coin hoard was first found in Nellore in Andhra Pradesh in 1786, with around 40 gold coins (Berghaus 1996, 8). A die made of bronze from emperor Hadrian was reported from Karur in Tamil Nadu, which shows the demand for Roman coins in exchange for goods (Krishnamurthy 1996, 43-48). These coins are found buried in many sites in Kerala, like Kottayam (Aurei of Augustus Nero), Eyyal, and Poonjar (Aurei of Augustus) (Gupta 1965, 47). Eyyal - Eyyal was the first Roman coin hoard discovered in Kerala in 1945. Located about 15 km southeast of Kunnamkulam in Tallappalli taluk of Thrissur district in Kerala, the site is located on the Highway between the ancient emporium of Tyndis and Muziris. The hoard contains about 117 coins, of these, 71 were Gold, 12 were silver, and the rest of the 34 were punch marked coins. The coins of this hoard cover a period of about 123 BCE to 117 CE. This hoard has Denarii of Octavian, Claudius, and Tiberius found in highly worn condition and Aurei of Tiberius, Claudius Nero, and Trajan in a well-preserved condition (Gupta 1965, 48). Valluvally- The site is Located 6 km south of North Paravur in the Ernakulam district of Kerala. The hoard was discovered by local people while digging for agricultural purposes in 1983. The hoard contained thousands of coins, but only 252 were recovered by the local police (Sathyamurty 2011, 14). Most coins were in good condition with inscriptions. Nedumkandam- Nedumkandam is located in Udumbanchola Taluk of Idukki district in Kerala. The site is located near the Ghat route to Tamil Nadu. Over 50 silver coins were discovered from this hoard in 1992, but the reported coins are few (Berghaus 1996, 31). Poonjar- Poonjar is located along the Ghat route in the Kottayam district of Kerala, and the hoard had about 5 Aurei (Sathyamurthy 1965, 4). Idamaruku- Coins of the early Julio-Claudian period have been discovered at Idamaruku in the Kottayam district of Kerala. Idamaruku is a place close to Poonjar (Turner 1989, 74). Niranam- Another finding has been at Niranam near Tiruvalla in the Pathanamthitta district of Kerala (Turner 1989, 74). Puthankavu- About 50 aurei have been reported from Puthenkavu, located near Chengannur Taluk in Alappuzha District. The exact number of coins is unavailable (Champakalakshmi 1996, 265). Kumbalam- The Kumbalam hoard in Ernakulam district of Kerala has nine aurei (Berghaus 1993, 29-42). 3 �Figure 2. Location of coins (Roman in yellow, pmc in red, Chera in green) (Created with Google Earth) Kothamangalam- The Roman coin from the eighth to tenth centuries was reported from Kothamangalam in Ernakulam District of Kerala (Valath 1991, 68). There are a few other stray finds in the Alappuzha district, Kilaloor in the Kannur district, and Kadakavur in the Trivandrum district. However, the details regarding the coins are not available. 3.3 Punch-Marked coins Punch-marked coins are the earliest coinage of India, and most scholars consider them of indigenous origin. Punch-marked coins are generally known in silver and rarely in copper, with various sizes and weights. The size of the coins varies according to shape and weight. These are made of silver and copper and rectangular or square and sometimes irregular in shape. The term punch-marked comes from the technique used for preparing coins where the symbols are stamped on them with punches. They were in vogue when writing was not current in India and were rarely used (Goyal 1995, 79). Symbols are one most conspicuous features of these coins and do not bear any legend or inscription. Various forms of representations, like hills, birds, trees, animals, human figures, and floral and geometrical patterns, appear on them. However, the exact importance still needs to be clarified and remains as mysterious as ever (Vanaja 1983, 5). Several silver punch-marked coins have been discovered in different parts of Kerala. Three hoards of punch-marked coins were found from the region, which includes the Elikulamkara hoard in the Kottayam district, the Eyyal hoard in Thrissur district and the Kodusserry hoard from Angamali in the Ernakulam district (Department of Archaeology, Administrative Reports 1971-72, 75-76). The coin's origin is considered to be of something other than Kerala origin. However, an interesting fact is the discovery of punch-marked die from Karur, which can be used to mint coins (Murthy 1994, 51-56). A total of 218 silver punch-marked coins were discovered from the first two hoards, Elikulamkara, and Eyyal, in 1946. Of these, 184 coins were unearthed from Kottayam, and only 162 coins have been classified. Rests of the 34 coins were reported from Eyyal (Gupta 1965, 5). Kodussery- Kodussery is located near Angamaly in the Ernakulam district of Kerala. The coins were found inside an earthen jar discovered while digging the foundation of a house. The hoard containing 4 �783 silver punch-marked coins is now kept in the Numismatics Study Center, State Department of Archaeology, Nedumangad, Thiruvananthapuram (Satyamurthy 1994, 45). 4. TRACING THE HINTERLAND SITES AND TRADE ROUTES The three varieties of coins from the early historic period were found in various places over Kerala. Their distribution pattern will be traced to understand the trade routes and hinterland sites. The Pattanam site has Chera coins, but Roman and punch-marked coins are absent. These coins are found in large numbers outside the site. Foremost, the location of these coins and theIron age- early historic sites can be combined to get further information about hinterland trade and networks. The interesting fact regarding combining the iron age-early historic site data and of the coin hoards is that there is no evidence of well-recognised settlements identified, or even large mounds which are found in many parts of India in the region except at Pattanam and a few sites like Anakkara and Nachivayal. However, megalithic burials are found all over the area. (Krishnan 2017, 111). An important point highlighted here is that a burial cannot exist without the settlements. So naturally, nearby the burial sites, settlements must have existed. However, the issue is that we cannot recognise them because of the topographic features, continuous habitation, landscape modification, habitation remains, and the environmental conditions of Kerala, mainly seasonal floods. Therefore, we can assume that each burial site refers to a habitation. However, people definitely lived nearby since the vast material culture represented in the burials cannot come from nowhere.  Secondly, the traded materials, mainly pepper, can also be used in this context to understand the hinterland sites. As noted in Sangam and Classical texts, black pepper was one of the important products shipped out in vast quantities. It is possible to produce such a large amount of pepper only in the high ranges as it requires vast areas for cultivation, geographical conditions, trade, and communication for such large-scale trade. The Tamil inscription of Rajendra Chola found on a megalithic menhir stone near Rajakumari in the upper Periyar valley indicates spice production centres and the trade route passed through the region in the later periods also (Kumar 2017, 78-85). In modern days this region is also known for spice cultivating, especially pepper. Considering this, production of the resources must have taken place in the hinterland settlements and neighbouring regions and then transported to Pattanam for external trade. Furthermore, the port town Azhagankulam on the northern bank of river Vaigai in Tamil Nadu must have trade relations with Pattanam. Both these sites might have connected through the highland area of the Western Ghats and Madurai. Mainly there are two routes connecting these regions, one through the Bodinayakanur pass via Kothamangalam, Adimali, Munnar, Rajakkad, Theni, and Madurai. The second is through Cumbum pass via Kothamangalam, Idukki, Kumly, Cumbum, Theni, and Madurai. The Roman coin hoard found from the Nedumkandam and Poonjar is located in the same region, which indicates that trade and transport prevailed in the region. Another critical aspect being considered here is that in certain burials, there is the presence of carnelian beads where the raw materials are not locally available. Their presence in these burials is a big question unless there is a great trade network or communication. The literature says that the products from South India reached the Ganges. They also mention that export items such as products of semi-precious stones might have come from the Kongu region of Tamil Nadu. The region is known for the mines of stones and production centres of various stone objects. The semi-precious stones raw materials, such as carnelian, chalcedony, agate, and beryl from Pattanam, might have come from these regions (Krishnan 2017, 252). 5 �Figure 3. Coin hoard sites along with burials and modern road ways (coins in yellow, burials in red), (created with Google Earth) The Eyyal hoard of coins with Roman and punch-marked coins is also found along the route to Kodumanal in Tamil Nadu, an early historic site with Roman contacts glimpsed from the excavations. The Palakkad gap is a natural pass leading to the Coimbatore region and then to Kodumanal, famous for beryl mines. Roman coins from Coimbatore and Palakkad and the beryl beads and raw materials from Pattanam indicate trade and transportation between the sites and Eyyal being on the route. The Roman coin hoards are found in various places of Tamizhakam, such as Pollachi, Karur, Vellalur, Kalayamuttur, Madurai, Coimbatore, Yesvantpur, Pudukkottai, Eyyal, Kottayam, Valluvalli, Panangadu, and Puthenchira indicates the commercial contacts from region to region (Krishnan 2017, 190). 5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION The Roman coin hoards, the Chera coins, and punch-marked coins belonging to the Early historic period were recovered from various places in Kerala. The discovery of coins, a medium of exchange, means there were internal and external trade contacts. The material from Pattanam also supports this statement. Many artefacts belonging to the Romans, such as different varieties of pottery and beads, were found at the site. No Roman or punch-marked coins have been recovered from the site, which is a matter of question as they were found in surrounding places. The Chera coins were found at the site and from a nearby site, indicating internal trading activities. The Roman coins were found on the route to other contemporary sites in Tamil Nadu, such as Kodumanal, Karur, Azagankulam, and Keeladi. All these sites, along with intermediate sites, have the presence of Roman coins indicating the trade networks. It is clear that the development of the Pattanam site as an urban centre is based on maritime contacts with foreign countries as well as local interactions and development. The Iron Age people, who lived in the interior areas, supported the development of the port town of Pattanam. The commodities exported from the Pattanam site might have come from these interior locations where the local people cultivated or collected them. The coins might be part of this exchange system for goods found in several places. 6 �Considering the factors mentioned above, it can be assumed that the coins were found on the trade routes or nearby hinterland settlements/ burials which supported the port town of Pattanam. The coins came as part of the trade network and communication between these sites and Pattanam. However, the monetary value of the coins cannot be traced with limited literary evidence. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors thank KCHR for providing coins for the study. We also express our gratitude to Dr Selvakumar V of Tanjavur University and Sarath Chandrababu for their suggestions and kind support. BIBLIOGRAPHY Berghaus, Peter. “Roman Aurei from Kumbalam, Ernakulam District, Kerala”. in Studies in South Indian Coins 3. Edited by Narasimha Murthy. (1994): 29–42. Madras, India: New Era publication. Berghaus, Peter. “Roman coins from south India”. in Studies in South Indian Coins. Edited by Narasimha Murthy. Vol. 6. 7–14. Madras, India: New Era publication, 1996. Champakalakshmi, Radha. Trade, Ideology, and Urbanization: South India 300 BC to AD 1300. Oxford University Press, USA, 1996. Chedambath, Rajan. An Investigation into the Megalithic and Early HistoricPeriod of the Periyar and Ponnani River Basins of Kerala, Unpublished PhD. Dissertation, Pune: Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Institute, 1998. De Romanis, Federico. The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus. Oxford University Press, USA, 2020. Goyala, S. The Coinage of Ancient India. Jodhpur, India: Kusumanjali Prakashan, 1994. Gupta, Parmeshwari Lal. The Early Coins from Kerala. Thiruvananthapuram, India: Department of Archaeology, Government of Kerala., 1965. Krishnamurthy, R. “A Roman coin die from Karur, Tamilnadu”. in Studies in South Indian Coins. Edited by Narasimha Murthy. Vol. 6. 43-48. Madras, India: New Era publication, 1996. Menon, A. Sreedhara. A Survey of Kerala History. D C Books, 2007. Sathyamurthy, T. Catalogue of Roman Gold Coins. 2nd ed. Department of Archaeology, Thiruvananthapuram, 2011. Sathyamurthy, T. “Nedumkandam hoard of Roman Dinarii”. in Studies in South Indian Coins. Edited by Narasimha Murthy. Vol. 6. 31-42. Madras, India: New Era publication, 1996. Sathyamurthy, T. “Angamali hoard of silver punch marked coins”. in Studies in South Indian Coins. Edited by Narasimha Murthy. Vol. 4. 45-50. Madras, India: New Era publication, 1995. Sathyamurthy, T. Catalogue of Roman Gold Coins in the Collections of Department of Archaeology, Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram, India: Department of Archaeology, Government of Kerala,1992. Satyamurthy, T. Angamali Hoard of Silver punch-marked coins in Studies on South Indian Coins IV (1994): 45-50, Selvakumar, V. “Ancient trade routes and inscriptions of Tamizhagam” in Epigraphical society of India-XLIII Annual session ( 2018): 3-39. Kozhikode, Kerala. Sidebotham, Steven E., and Willeke Wendrich. Berenike 1999/2000: Report on the Excavations at Berenike, Including Excavations in Wadi Kalalat and Siket, and the Survey of the Mons Smaragdus Region. ISD LLC, 2007. Sreekumar, K.S. Travancore Archaeological Series Vol. 5. Thiruvananthapuram: Department of Cultural Publications, Government of Kerala, 1999. Turner, Paula J. Roman Coins from India. Routledge, 2016. Vanaja, R. Indian Coinage. New Delhi: National Museum, 1983. 7 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 26: General session Subject The topic of the resource Session 26 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 26 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Early Coins from Kerala: Situating the trade networks with special reference to Pattanam Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hari Sankar B Dinesh Krishnan Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Krishnan, Dineesh and Hari Sankar B . 2023. “Early coins from Kerala: Situating the trade networks with special reference to Pattanam.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Elena Pérez Álvaro. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2005 Asia-Pac Session 26 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/3a67a2822e1acc9e0d3c395f6bf90098.pdf 48eaaaf4477d1ce744ca0757ca144287 PDF Text Text A Non-State Party’s Experience Implementing the UCH Convention: Taiwan’s Perspective Pei-Fu Wu1 (Adjunct Assistant Professor, Graduate Institute of Marine Affairs, National Sun Yat-sen University (NSYSU), Taiwan (R.O.C.), and Post-doctoral Research Fellow, The Center for Marine Policy Studies, NSYSU) ABSTRACT This paper pertains to Session 26 and aims to provide an account of regime complex concerning underwater cultural heritage protection beyond the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. The study involves some case studies, including Taiwan’s incorporation of the Convention, surveys of shipwrecks in Taiwan’s waters, and the author’s research findings. Given that Taiwan is not a State Party to the Convention, this investigation seeks to determine whether non-States Parties can engage in pragmatic collaborations with adjacent or other States to enhance UCH protection. The author proposes that a regime complex comprising different international regimes with overlapping objectives, anchored by the Convention as the core instrument and complemented by various international, regional, and bilateral instruments, mechanisms, and arrangements, could be employed to strengthen UCH protection in conjunction with the Convention. Moreover, diverse stakeholders, including States, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, institutions, and individuals, may have a significant role to play in facilitating international cooperation to safeguard UCH. Keywords: Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, international regime, regime complex, underwater cultural heritage, Taiwan List of figures Figure 1. The international regime complex for UCH protection 1. INTRODUCTION This paper is most appropriately categorized within Session 26 (General session), as it aims to introduce the intellectual developments on international cooperation for the protection of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) in Taiwan from the perspective of regime complex. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH Convention) is widely recognized as the core legally binding international convention for UCH governance. Its expressed norms on international cooperation, encompassing diverse areas, including the Coordinating State mechanism, sanctions, protection of State vessels and aircraft, training, and bilateral, regional, or multilateral agreements (UNESCO, accessed 25 Dec. 2022). Its Preamble explicitly emphasizes the crucial role of cooperation among States, international organizations, scientific institutions, professional organizations, archaeologists, divers, other stakeholders, and the general public (UNESCO, accessed 25 Dec. 2022). Despite the significant contribution of the UCH Convention, certain intrinsic and extrinsic factors limit its efficacy. Notably, the precondition of UCH being under water for 100 years, a limited number of States Parties, and persistent challenges in ocean governance may compromise the Convention’s influence. While efforts should be made to reinforce the UCH Convention, exploring alternative regimes that are widely recognized and endorsed beyond it may offer a more flexible approach to safeguarding UCH. In scenarios where sunken ships originating from States Parties sink in non-States Parties’ waters, or 1 Since 2005, Dr. Wu has participated in the incorporation of the 2001 UCH Convention into Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act (UCHPA) as well as its nine subordinate regulations. He had served as a legal consultant to the Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture. This paper is founded on research commissioned by the National Science and Technology Council (NSTC) entitled “A National Ocean Governance Geared towards International Regimes.” 1 �sunken ships originating from non-States Parties sink in States Parties’ waters, the application of the UCH Convention may not be straightforward. Thus, the identification of supplementary policy or legal instruments beyond could serve to bridge these gaps and complement the UCH Convention. Non-States Parties to the UCH Convention are not bound by its provisions. Nevertheless, they may serve as resource States, transit States, or market States in the trade of looted UCH. Hence, it is significant to identify alternative policy or legal tools to complement the UCH Convention in combating transboundary crimes. In recent decades, some States of origin have claimed sovereign immunity over their military vessels that sank in coastal States’ waters by entering into bilateral agreements, even if some of them are not States Parties to the UCH Convention. The engagement of a wide range of stakeholders is paramount to safeguarding UCH against both natural and anthropogenic disturbances. While UCH is often vulnerable to these threats, it can also provide valuable information on marine scientific research (MSR), such as climate change. UCH may pose a threat to the marine environment and navigational safety. Thus, the identification of stakeholders and tools beyond the UCH Convention is necessary to address these protection gaps. Despite not being a State Party to the UCH Convention, Taiwan’s role in UCH protection in East Asia should not be overlooked. Numerous shipwrecks of foreign origin, including those of the United States, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands, have been discovered or suggested in Taiwan’s waters or located on land (BOCH, accessed 10 Nov. 2022). This shared heritage presents opportunities for mutual interests to be pursued. Nevertheless, with the exception of Cambodia and Micronesia, no other East Asian countries have ratified, accepted, approved or acceded to the UCH Convention (UNESCO, accessed 20 Apr. 2023), leaving the rich legacy of UCH in the region vulnerable to clandestine excavation, looting, or trafficking. The objective of this paper is to discern alternative policy and legal mechanisms, as well as stakeholders beyond the purview of the UCH Convention, to complement the existing legal framework and enhance the protection of UCH. 2. CASE STUDIES In the context of underwater archaeological surveys, the Taiwanese government has commissioned Professor Cheng-hwa Tsang to conduct UCH surveys in the surrounding waters for an extended period. A considerable number of sites or shipwrecks have been discovered or are yet to be discovered. Notable among these are the S.S. Bokhara and Sobraon from the UK, SS President Hoover from the US, Warship Guang Bing, Yamafuji Maru, Nanshin Maru 23, Gotsugetsu Maru, Asaka Maru, and Mansei Maru from Japan (BOCH, accessed 10 Nov. 2022). Of particular significance is the fact that some of the States of origin, such as Japan and the United States, are not States Parties to the UCH Convention, which underscores the need for international cooperation beyond the framework of that Convention. With regards to domestic legislation, UCH was initially subject to the Cultural Heritage Preservation Act (CHPA). Due to its limitations, Taiwan incorporated the UCH Convention into domestic law through the enactment of the 2015 Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act (UCHPA). The author of this article has been extensively involved in the research, drafting, and consultation pertaining to the UCHPA over the last decade. The incorporation was motivated by Taiwan’s commitment to fulfill its international responsibility in safeguarding UCH, particularly in light of the rich legacy of UCH in the surrounding waters of Taiwan. As such, Taiwan is the first non-State Party to incorporate the UCH Convention into domestic legislation in the region. 2 �3. RESOURCES The resources utilized in this study were mainly obtained from a four-year research project commissioned by the National Science and Technology Council (NSTC) of Taiwan. The author conducted a preliminary examination of international regimes concerning UCH protection beyond the UCH Convention. This study represents part of the intellectual efforts in Taiwan. 4. FRAMEWORK The research question addressed is whether there exist international regimes concerning UCH protection beyond the UCH Convention that can be implemented alongside it. Raustiala and Victor (2004, 279) introduced the concept of regime complex as “an array of partially overlapping and nonhierarchical institutions governing a particular issue-area.” Generally, the primary features of a regime complex are as follows: first, the overlapping aspects of regimes can be diverse, covering various aspects such as scope, subjects, and targets. Second, there is no clear hierarchical relationship among the regimes involved. Third, the regimes may include formal and informal, as well as legally and non-legally binding mechanisms. Fourth, functional overlapping is addressed in addition to the names of these regimes. Finally, diverse public or private entities should also be considered (Gehring & Faude 2013, 471-498; Orsini 2013, 35-42; Green & Auld 2017, 259-284). In brief, the regime complex concerning UCH beyond the UCH Convention can be characterized including but not limited to cultural heritage, ocean governance, and human rights. Figure 1. The international regime complex for UCH protection (1) Soft laws concerning UCH protection Prior to the adoption of the UCH Convention, the 1956 Recommendation on International Principles Applicable to Archaeological Excavations and the 1978 Recommendation for the Protection of Movable Cultural Property adopted by the UNESCO encompass cultural heritage under water. Thus, the pertinent components of the two Recommendations could be employed as complementary tools for UCH protection. 3 �(2) The World Heritage Convention (WHC) Although the definition of sites in the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (WHC) does not explicitly refer to UCH, UCH is implied in the WHC because the Preamble of the UCH Convention refers to the WHC. Furthermore, four of the fifty Marine World Heritage Sites on the World Heritage List on UNESCO's website are mixed cultural and natural World Heritage sites. The General Assembly of the UCH Convention adopted a resolution to encourage States to apply the Rules of the Annex of the UCH Convention as best practice for any activities directed at submerged parts of World Heritage. A joint mission group consisting of experts of the Scientific and Technical Advisory Body (STAB) of the UCH Convention and the ICOMOS visited Bulgaria to examine the conservation of Nessebar and its underwater remains. The World Heritage Committee also recommends the inclusion of UCH in many of its reviews of proposals or projects pertaining to UCH (UNESCO, accessed 30 Dec. 2022). Overall, the WHC encompasses UCH both normatively and practically. (3) Cultural heritage crimes and protection in peacetime and in the event of armed conflict The UCH Convention does not provide explicit provisions for protecting UCH in the context of armed conflicts. The 1970 Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property (1970 Convention) does not regulate UCH explicitly. Nonetheless, these norms do not preclude UCH protection. Mr. Alejandro Palma Cerna (UNESCO, 2016), President of the Conference of the States Parties to the UCH Convention, has addressed that “conflict, political turmoil, adverse geopolitical and economic situations, and rapid and unsustainable urban development in coastal areas, damage underwater cultural heritage...[e]choing the call to encourage the exchange of information and synergies among the Culture Conventions,...called for greater cooperation and monitoring to prevent the pillaging and illicit trafficking of underwater cultural heritage.” The STAB of the UCH Convention (UNESCO, 2018) has recommended that the States Parties monitor the involvement of their nationals or vessels in plundering shipwrecks that originated from non-States Parties and has called for cooperation with the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL). The INTERPOL (INTERPOL, accessed 3 Jan. 2023) has expressed concerns about such crimes and cooperates with UNESCO to discuss best practices in response to such issues. Therefore, the instruments referred to by the aforementioned developments can be interpreted to implied to UCH protection, including the 1995 International Institute for the Unification of Private Law Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects, the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, the United Nations Convention against Corruption, and the Declaration concerning the Intentional Destruction of Cultural Heritage. Furthermore, the Sixth General Assembly of the States Parties to the UCH Convention (UNESCO 2017) lists UCH in emergency situations as one of its themes and found that such emergency situations include conflicts and natural or human-made disasters. The Assembly determined that the Strategy for Reinforcing UNESCO’s Action for the Protection of Culture and the Promotion of Cultural Diversity in Armed Conflict should be incorporated into the implementation of the UCH Convention. UNESCO (UNESCO 2015) suggested that the large-scale, systematic destruction and plundering of cultural heritage is an indicator of the strong links between the cultural, humanitarian, and security dimensions of conflict and terrorism and that an attack on cultural heritage constitutes an attack on people’s race, rights, and security. The destruction of cultural heritage is considered a war crime. The Policy on Cultural Heritage issued by the International Criminal Court states that the policy area of the instrument includes UCH such as shipwrecks and underwater archaeological sites (ICC 2021). Therefore, any unlawful destruction of cultural heritage, including UCH, may constitute a war crime in accordance with Article 8 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Meanwhile, the UNESCO (UNESCO 2015) suggested that new and more effective measures be developed, in particular under the framework of the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict (1954 Hague Convention) and the 1970 Convention. 4 �The 1954 Hague Convention provides a definition of cultural property that applies to both terrestrial and underwater environments. If a warship is conducting a mission in water, any UCH must be identified. If anti-submarine warfare is conducted close to UCH and torpedoes are used, precautions must be taken, such as managing the torpedo depth. In the event of armed conflict, the occupying party must prohibit, avoid, or take measures to prevent the theft, depredation, or destruction of any UCH in the occupied area (O’Keefe et al. 2016, 35, 40, 55-56). These instruments all complement the UCH Convention. (4) Ocean governance: UNCLOS-centered international cooperation Articles 149 and 303 of the UNCLOS explicitly mention UCH. This suggests that UCH protection is no longer a matter of cultural heritage but also a concern of marine affairs. This differs from the protection of terrestrial cultural heritage, which is typically undertaken within national jurisdiction. International regimes for ocean governance may be partially or fully applicable to UCH protection. Distinct approaches can be considered in this regard. Natural disturbance on UCH Marine environment protection regimes may be applied to UCH protection. Particularly Sensitive Sea Areas (PSSAs) designated by the International Maritime Organization (IMO, accessed 30 December 2022) include some cultural and natural heritage sites in marine environments. Article 4(d) of the 1995 Protocol concerning Specially Protected Areas and Biological Diversity in the Mediterranean reads that “[t]he objective of specially protected areas is: ...(d) to safeguard sites of particular importance because of their scientific, aesthetic, cultural or educational interest.” Human disturbance on UCH: activities directed at UCH Such activities may warrant the application of marine environment regimes, as they could disturb UCH and its surrounding environment. The UNESCO (UNESCO, accessed 23 Oct. 2022) is currently working with the Ocean Decade Heritage Network under the framework of the UN Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development (2021–2030) initiative to promote the integration and coordination of archaeology, cultural heritage management, and marine science and to strengthen communication among diverse stakeholders. Human disturbance on UCH: activities incidentally affecting UCH To address such impacts, international regimes governing these activities may be invoked for the protection of UCH. A prospector or contractor shall immediately notify the Secretary-General of the International Seabed Authority (ISA) regarding any archaeological or historical artifacts and their locations, and the Secretary-General in turn shall transmit such information to the Director-General of the UNESCO in accordance with ISA regulations (ISA, 2002). Such requirements indicate that international instruments that do not pertain to UCH may still be applicable to UCH protection under certain circumstances. Human disturbance on UCH: looting or commercial exploitation of UCH The activities are deemed as having a detrimental impact on UCH, endanger navigational safety, and constitute marine crimes that infringe upon the maritime jurisdiction of coastal States. Diverse legal claims can be employed. For instance, the right of hot pursuit stipulated in the UNCLOS can be invoked. International information exchange regarding maritime domain awareness (MDA) can be utilized to protect UCH. 5 �UCH disturbance on the marine environment and/or human beings In the context of sunken military crafts from World War II, unexploded ordnances or leaking oil can pose a significant threat to the environment and human safety. Certain regimes, such as the Nairobi International Convention on the Removal of Wrecks, may be applicable to UCH protection. In conclusion, UCH protection can be achieved through various ocean governance regimes beyond the UCH Convention, such as marine environmental protection, marine spatial planning (MSP), marine scientific research, blue economy, navigation safety, and the exploration, exploitation, conservation, and management of living and non-living natural resources. Multiple stakeholders can be involved in this effort, such as the IMO, the ISA, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, the UN Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea (ICOMOS, accessed 1 Jan. 2023), the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission (IOC) (UNESCO 2019), the International Hydrographic Organization (IHO), and the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) (UNESCO 2019). (5) Human rights Right to work and property right The principles of archaeology are not explicitly addressed in international human rights instruments. Nevertheless, those principles influence archaeological work, especially with respect to property rights and cultural rights. Take the Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples for example, O’Keefe (1999, 190) suggested that archaeology affects the property rights of indigenous peoples, such as the rights over sacred sites, native land, and native artifacts and the restitution of cultural, intellectual, religious, and spiritual property. Activities directed at UCH are usually subject to the discretion of cultural authorities. The decisions may impact the work of underwater archaeologists, divers, and those involved in tourism. Governments must also weigh the protection of UCH against the rights of those who inadvertently impact it, including their right to work and property. In such instances, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) can aid in the interpretation and implementation of the UCH Convention. Cultural right The resolution of the United Nations Human Rights Council (OHCHR, 2016) states that “...damage to cultural heritage, ...of any people constitutes damage to the cultural heritage of humanity as a whole...the destruction of or damage to cultural heritage may have a detrimental and irreversible impact on the enjoyment of cultural rights, in particular the right of everyone to take part in cultural life, including the ability to access and enjoy cultural heritage.” It is suggested that Article 27(1) of the UDHR is the basis for the cultural right and “States should recognize the right of everyone to...[t]he right to participate in cultural life” in accordance with Article 15 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and that cultural life is “to benefit from the cultural heritage.” (O’Keefe 1999, 187-188) Hence, it is imperative to include UCH within the norm of cultural heritage. Cultural rights regimes can provide guidance in the interpretation and application of the UCH Convention. 5. RESULTS UNESCO is actively promoting global ratification and engagement of the UCH Convention. Despite the significant contribution of the Convention, certain intrinsic and extrinsic factors limit its efficacy. It is pragmatic to identify diverse regimes indirectly contributing to UCH protection beyond the UCH Convention, as well as the roles diverse stakeholders can play. 6 �This article advocates for the adoption of a regime complex perspective to examine Taiwan’s recent observations. The approach posits that multiple regimes with overlapping objectives exist simultaneously, forming a complex network of policy/legal frameworks that complement and reinforce one another. The UCH Convention serves as the core instrument, while other regimes addressing issues can contribute to UCH protection indirectly. Meanwhile, diverse stakeholders, such as States, international organizations, NGOs, multinational corporations, institutions, and individuals within and beyond the UCH Convention can be identified and play significant roles respectively in the international cooperation of UCH protection. Bibliography Bureau of Cultural Heritage. “Underwater Cultural Heritage Network”. Underwater Cultural Heritage Network. https://uch.boch.gov.tw/Eng/Sitemap (accessed Nov. 10, 2022). Gehring, Thomas, & Faude, Benjamin. “A theory of emerging order within institutional complexes: How competition among regulatory international institutions leads to institutional adaptation and division of labor.” The Review of International Organizations, 9 (2014), 471-498. Green, Jessica F., & Auld, Graeme. “Unbundling the Regime Complex: The Effects of Private Authority.” Transnational Environmental Law, 6:2 (2017), 259-284. International Criminal Court. “Policy on Cultural Heritage.” https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/itemsDocuments/20210614-otp-policy-cultural-heritage-eng.pdf (accessed Dec. 20, 2022). International Criminal Police Organization. “The issues-cultural property.” https://www.interpol.int/Crimes/Cultural-heritage-crime/The-issues-cultural-property (accessed Jan. 3, 2023). --. “How we fight cultural heritage crime.” https://www.interpol.int/Crimes/Cultural-heritage-crime/How-we-fight-cultural-heritage-crime (accessed Jan. 3, 2023). International Seabed Authority. Report of the Secretary-General of the International Seabed Authority under article 166, paragraph 4, of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, ISBA/8/A/5 (5-16 August 2002). --. Regulation 8 and 34 of the ISA Regulations on Prospecting and Exploration for Polymetallic Nodules in the Area. Orsini, Amandine. “Multi-Forum Non-State Actors: Navigating the Regime Complexes for Forestry and Genetic Resources.” Global Environmental Politics, 13:3 (August 2013), 35-42. O’Keefe, Patrick. “Archaeology and human rights.” Public Archaeology, 1, (1999): 181-194. Raustiala, Kal, & Victor, David G. “The Regime Complex for Plant Genetic Resources.” International Organization 58 (2): 277–310. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. “UNESCO’s Culture Conventions are more important than ever.” https://whc.unesco.org/en/news/1562 (accessed Dec. 15, 2022). --. “Summary of the Second Meeting of the Chairpersons of the Committees of UNESCO Culture Convention (Paris, UNESCO Headquarters, 26 September 2016, 10:30-12:30).” https://whc.unesco.org/en/news/1562 (accessed Dec. 30, 2022). --. Res. 8/STAB 9, in UCH/18/9.STAB/10 adopted on 24 April 2018 in the Ninth Meeting of the Scientific and Technical Advisory Body of the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. --. Res. 8/MSP6 in UCH/17/6.MSP/12REV, adopted in the Sixth Session of the Meeting of States Parties of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage 30-31 May 2017. --. “Strategy for Reinforcing UNESCO’s Action for the Protection of Culture and the Promotion of Cultural Pluralism in the Event of Armed Conflict.” https://en.unesco.org/heritage-at-risk/strategy-culture-armed-conflict (accessed Jan. 1, 2023). --. Res. 4/MSP7, in UCH/19/7.MSP/14, Seventh Session of the Meeting of States Parties to the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, 20-21 June 2019. United Nations General Assembly. A/RES/55/25, adopted on 15 November 2000. United Nations Human Rights Council. A/HRC/RES/33/20, adopted on 30 September 2016. 7 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 26: General session Subject The topic of the resource Session 26 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 26 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Non-State Party’s Experience Implementing the UCH Convention: Taiwan’s Perspective Description An account of the resource This paper pertains to Session 26 and aims to provide an account of regime complex concerning underwater cultural heritage protection beyond the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. The study involves some case studies, including Taiwan’s incorporation of the Convention, surveys of shipwrecks in Taiwan’s waters, and the author’s research findings. Given that Taiwan is not a State Party to the Convention, this investigation seeks to determine whether non-States Parties can engage in pragmatic collaborations with adjacent or other States to enhance UCH protection. The author proposes that a regime complex comprising different international regimes with overlapping objectives, anchored by the Convention as the core instrument and complemented by various international, regional, and bilateral instruments, mechanisms, and arrangements, could be employed to strengthen UCH protection in conjunction with the Convention. Moreover, diverse stakeholders, including States, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, institutions, and individuals, may have a significant role to play in facilitating international cooperation to safeguard UCH. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pei-Fu Wu Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Wu, Pei-Fu. 2023. “Non-Party State’s Experience Implementing the UCH Convention: Taiwan’s Perspective.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Elena Pérez Álvaro. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2004 Asia-Pac Session 26 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/6ca29b345c19fb6b2c405fb0045bccf3.pdf c12878d3b2ff2a87af139cad8fbd175b PDF Text Text Religion, Trade and Polity: River Ganga on the Gateway of Bengal Eshan Harit, PhD Research Scholar, Senior Research Fellow (UGC) Department of Humanities and Social Sciences IIT, Guwahati Assam, India Sukanya Sharma, Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences IIT, Guwahati Assam, India ABSTRACT The essay will shed light on River Ganga in the Kahalgaon- Sahibganj region. In the Historic Period (c.600 BCE- 400 CE) the banks and rocky islands of the river was a liminal space on the border of state societies ideal for ascetics. The riverscape as a mystical and sacred space has been testified by the writings of Xuan Zang in the 7th Century CE. This tradition continued in the following century as evidenced by the establishment of the Vikramashila Mahavihara. The riverscape is marred by rocky outcrops of the Rajmahal and Chotanagpur hills which were a source of minerals like iron, precious stones like agate, timber and fine alluvial soil for terracotta material. The presence of these raw minerals within the riverscape allowed for a robust trade. Evidence of such exchange could be found through a study of inland ports. The 6th Century CE was a period of state formation in Bengal. In the concurrent centuries Bengal emerged as a dominant political and cultural zone in the eastern part of South Asia. Ganga was the boundary between the ancient settlements of Champa (Bhagalpur) and the early medieval (c.600 CE- 1200CE) political centre at Pundravardhana (MaldaDinajpur). The river became a contested boundary and a crucial link between Bengal and northern India. The river and its surrounding landscape have lived through these multiple narratives in/of time and space. It was a liminal space, a site of production and exchange and a site of conflict and control. The riverscape is littered with evidence of these activities from the past. Archaeological evidence of religious activities can be seen etched on the walls and excavated cave sites on the rocky islands of Kahalgaon and the port site of Bateshwar (literally, god of travellers). Evidence of trade too can be found on the ports and in the surrounding landscape with evidence of iron smelting in settlements near the port. Fortifications on the hills besides the river at sites like Teliagarhi and Sakrigali present evidence of political history of the river in this region. INTRODUCTION This paper is concerned with the development of a riverscape. In one of its pockets, river Ganga flows along the Rajmahal Plateau. The silt deposition in the region has led to formation of alluvial tracts in the last five thousand years. The area gradually developed into a preferred site of human settlement. The site evolved from a liminal space in the Early Historic period to a well developed trading center and cultural zone by the early medieval period. The shared perception of the river Ganga is that it is a uniform body with emanates from a signified spot (Gangotri), converges with its tributaries in the upper and the middle valley (Devprayāg & Prayāgraj), descents towards the lower valley creating deltaic formation and eventually merging into the sea. In essence the river is a complex and dynamic body eroding hilly terrains and forming new geological zones. The speed and depth of the river also depends on the terrain, nearby drainages, rainfall and a plethora of varied factors. In the context of the Gangetic basin this leads to a heterogeneity of the riverscapes formed in different pockets throughout the river system. One such riverscape is the area where the river Ganga enters Bengal. The Rajmahal hills along with river ganga forms the boundary between the cultural zone of Bengali and Hindi speaking populace. This cultural phenomenon is a product of the geological formations. The western boundary of the distinct riverscape begins at Kahalgaon. Kahalgaon is a sub-division of Bhagalpur district located approximately 50 km east of the district headquarters. Kahalgaon has a series of small hillocks. The voluminous river Ganga at the mouth of its lower plains collides with the Kahalgaon hills. A few of the rocky outcrops of the hills get submerged into the river. The collision diverts the movement of the river. From its origin river Ganga has a south-eastern trajectory however the collision at Kahalgaon leads to the river flowing in the north-western direction. The main stream leaps in the north-western direction bound by the ranges of the Patharghata hills. At Bateshwar, on the edge of the southern hills, river ganga receives the voluminous discharge of one of its largest tributaries, river Kosi, often referred as the sorrow of Bihar. Charged with the waters of east-central Himalayas and terai, the river returns to its south-eastward trajectory. 1 �The silt collected by river Kosi on its path from Himalayas creates a new alluvial landform all along the area north of the hills. The few river channels from the Rajmahal and its allied ranges also deposit silt in this region. These depositions date to the Holocene period between 7000-5000 years ago. The areas of the Diara formation in the northernmost part of the landform is characterized as a “soft unconsolidated sediments mostly inundated in the rainy season, bank erosion and deposition” by the Geological survey. This described the dynamic nature of this landform which has formed and continues to form in the last few seven thousand years. The transforming landform was home to the Gharials (Gavialis gangeticus) an endemic species of fish-eating crocodile in the Indian subcontinent. The Gharials thrived in this region along with the river dolphins. This stretch of the river is declared as the ‘Vikramshila Gangetic Dolphin Sanctuary’ by the government. The marshy and silty terrain of the region, while ideal for wildlife, was by no means the most ideal space for human settlement. The dynamic river too disrupted the region through annual floods. The area was probably marshy in the early historic period and only gradually did the region experience dense human settlement. The archaeological record suggests that the earliest settlements evolved in the region along the hilly outcrops at sites like Kahalgaon and Bateshwar. Settlement and agriculture in the newly forming alluvial zone probably started by the early medieval period. This paper will study the development of the three sites, Kahalgaon, Bateshwar and Vikramshila along with their hinterland from the early historic period till modern times. These settlements began as liminal space, outposts and a small port town in the early historic period. It was a sacred liminal space outside the purview of the Nagara, an urban center. Some trade could have occurred along the Kahalgaon-Bateshawer bank, however archaeological evidence of the trade is scanty. Trial excavations could shed further light on the issue. The area primarily seems to be a sacred-liminal space as suggested by literary records. By the early medieval period the terrain surrounding these settlements became habitable and the area experienced a spur of architectural development. The period also saw the establishment of the Vikramshila Mahavihara. Vikramshila was established around the eastern border of the river bank site of Bateshwar, which had a monastery and cave dwellings from the Gupta period (end of early historic period). The dynamic relationship between these three sites will be at the core of this paper. The architectural spur is coupled with evidence of Iron production and other raw material trade in this region. Its political significance as the doorway to Bengal was aided by the emergence of state formation in Bengal. The settlements experienced the expansion of Buddhism primarily patronized by the Pala rulers of Bengal. The production of minerals including iron, kaolinite, lime coupled with agriculture in the newly formed riverine tracts evolved a sustainable settlement in the region. While the Buddhist influence in the region declined, these areas continued to expand. Trade in Iron and other objects continued to thrive. Medieval sites present evidence of fine Kaolin ware, otherwise found in royal centers in Delhi or Gaud (Verma 2011). The area became politically much more significant with the formation of the Bengal Sultanate. The area acted as a borderland between two kingdoms as a key strategic zone. The area also experienced various conflicts often mentioned in medieval records. The modern period experienced depopulation in this area. By 1812 CE when Buchanan surveyed the area, iron production had greatly reduced. He had to traverse inland to observe iron production, while the banks too had earlier evidence of iron production. The author feels that a large portion of land was wasted in the region, devoid of agriculture. The British developed large indigo farms in a plantation type zamindari settlement in the area. The marshy terrain provided for the required humidity in the soil for the cultivation of this cash crop in the nineteenth century. Archaeological evidence of English settlers along with infrastructure required for indigo production and shipment survive as remnants. The dynamic riverscape, settled beside the Rajmahal hills and its surrounding plateau has a complex history of settlement formation and destruction. Different phases experienced varied events which contributed to changes within the landscape. These changes were aided by natural factors coupled with other historical factors. These changes have been studied through the archaeological record from these sites. This essay will discuss these three sites in some detail before concluding with a discussion on the relationship between these sites. 2 �Figure 1 Kahalgaon (25°15'52.74"N, 87°13'57.12"E) Kahalgaon is settled on the rocky outcrop of the Rajmahal Plateau. Descending in the south-eastern direction, the river collides with the plateau. A small portion of the plateau gets submerged under the voluminous river Ganga in its lower valley. Hilly rivers from the Rajmahal hills also drain into the river right before the settlement of Kahalgaon, charging the river hydrological system near Kahalgaon. Charged with the seasonal waters from River Koa, the river is quite deep around Kahalgaon. The depth is also aided by the undulating rocky terrain which has created uneven depth within the stream. The terrain is not suitable for silt deposition and hence the bank of the river has been the same since the area experienced human settlements. The terrain does not allow the city to flood, despite being at the bank of this mighty river. In the seventh century of the common era, Buddhist traveler Xuan Zang crossed the riverine islands at Kahalgaon on his route from Champa to Kajangala.1 On visiting these riverine islands he writes “On top of a peak is a deva temple, where a deity often gives spiritual responses to prayers. Caves are excavated in the cliffs and water flows into ponds. There are flowery woods and exotic trees. With its huge rocks and perilous peaks this islet is the abode of wise and benign dwellers. It is so attractive that visitors sometimes forget to go home.” (Li 1990). The rock-cut Deva temple still survives to this day and is protected by the Archaeological Survey of India. Xuan Zang’s encounter with the site presents it to be a mystical space in contrast from the larger urbanized settlements he had crossed earlier. He also mentions “there are thousands of wild elephants and other fierce animals roaming about in packs in the mountains and jungles in the southern region of the country.” This means Kahalgaon’s hinterland is still sparsely populated and under the cover of wilderness. The reference paints a picture of the site as a liminal space, wooded and beyond the purview of civilization in the seventh century of the common era. His record also mentions the wilderness which amongst other things was a great source of timber, an item of economic significance in all of human history. Figure 2 Rock cut Deva temple at Islet in Kahalgaon 1 Champa was located in modern day Bhagalpur and Kajangala in the Rajmahal Region 3 �Xuan Zang refers to the presence of Deva temple, probably referring to a temple of Surya or Vishnu. He does not refer to the presence of Buddhism in the area. In the centuries after his travels, Kahalgaon developed a Buddhist influence in its settlements. This is evident from the iconographic finds from the top of the Kahalgaon hill in the SSB college campus. The college has many idols kept safely in a shed within the campus. The sculptures include two Avlokiteshwara images along with architectural members with pillar motifs. Buddhist sculptures also include large Votive stupa sculptures. These are, in all probability, the remains of a Chaitya on the hill top. Broken pedestal of a large Surya sculpture is also present on the site. Another hilltop located further inland at Kahalgaon has remains of an early structure. The bricks visible on the surface of the destroyed mounds can be dated to the early medieval period. Two parallel walls of the surviving base structure survive. This site requires urgent care to survive. Figure 3: Sculptures at SSB College, Surya Pedestal and Avlokiteshwara Figure 4: Two Parallel Walls of a buried structure;Stone and brick base of the structure The liminal space of the early historic period became a bustling market and center of trade during the early medieval period. The survey of the town hints towards a denser settlement in the core areas of the settlement. Artifacts suggesting a growth of the settlement, are littered all throughout the settlement area presented on the map. These artifacts include sculptural artifacts and archaeological mounds. Along with timber the region might have also traded in Iron. The city was the juncture of trade with the Koa river valley. In the south of the main settlement of Kahalgaon, river Koa merges with river Ganga. River Koa in its lower valley deposits large quantities of silt. This creates a fertile zone fit for human settlement. The early medieval phase in this region was also one of political intervention. The region between Kahalgaon and Sahibganj was often a contested space between the rulers of North India and the Rulers of Bengal. The influence of the Pala rulers is visible in this area. This region was the staging point of various battles between the rulers of Delhi and those of Bengal. The most famous of such incidents is the encampment of Humayun at Kahalgaon in his campaigns in the east against Sher Shah Suri. The boundary of the pre-modern settlement of Kahalgaon and its hinterland can be identified by the congregated tombs of warriors fakirs. The graveyard was probably in the eastern part of the settlement in the medieval period. The city of Kahalgaon continued to be a market center even during the modern period. In 1866, the main line connecting Howrah-Delhi passed through Kahalgaon. The region lost its significance with the gradual integration of Bengal into as a province in India during the colonial rule. 4 �Bateshwar (25°19’28.7” N 87°16’06.5 E) Bateshwar-sthan is a port site around 10 kilometers north of Kahalgaon. A Gupta period monastery and cave site survives on the bank of the river here. A few of the ornate caves at the site survive under the protection of the Archaeological Survey of India. The cave structure has Gupta period sculptures carved into the rocks. Their carvings are dated to Gupta, post-Gupta period. Two of the four carvings could be identified as being influenced by the Vaishnava group. The first carving represents the beheading of Rahu and Ketu, the two demigods by Vishnu sitting on Garuda. The second carving depicts the scene of Krishna holding up the Govardhana hill on his little finger. The third carving depicts a Malla Yudda, or a fight between two wrestlers. The story behind the fourth carving is yet to be deciphered. Figure 5: Vaishnava carvings on the wall of the caves of Bateshwar Hill (2 top); Carving of a wrestling match between two people (left bottom) and a person sitting in a court setting (right bottom) Bateshwar and Oriup are strewn with Saiva, Vaishnava and Buddhist sculptures belonging to the early medieval period. During this period, this was also a site of sculpture production. This can be argued with the help of an incomplete sculpture of Avlokiteshwara, a Buddhist deity with chisel marks. The site of Oriup beside Bateshwar has presented evidence of settlement dating to the Early Historic and even the Chalcolithic period. Along with Kahalgaon, Bateshwar too is an old port site which had survived from the early historic period. The significance of the hill continued in the medieval period as it became a significant Saiva site. Influence of tantric worship continues on the site. An annual fair is held in this region on the full moon nights in the month of February. The Bateshwar hill has vast quantities of Kaolinite deposits. This has been in use historically on the site. During the British Raj, the site was quarried. The Bateshwar hill has tunnels from one its sides. Figure 6: Chisel Market Sculpture 5 �Figure 7 Vikramshila (25°19'26.20"N, 87°17'4.25"E) Vikramshila was constructed besides the settlement of Oriup in the eighth century. The monastery was constructed under the patronage of Pala ruler Dharmapala. The monastery was constructed on the edge of the Rajmahal plateau. One advantage of this location was the minimal chance of flooding. The alluvial tracts to the north of the site provided the agrarian surplus required for the functioning of the monastery. The riverine tracts to the North of the monastery has presented evidence of multiple settlements dating back to the early medieval period. Settlements continued in the medieval phase as well. A dominant activity visible in the red soil plateau region of the study area was the smelting of Iron. The Patharghata and Gangeldai hill rocks were used to extract Iron from magnetite ores. The soil in the villages south of the monastery is littered with slag along with chunks of burned furnace. While a lot of this activity might have occurred in the late medieval phase, further research including excavations and the carbon dating of slag might aid in the research on trade in the early medieval period in this region. It can be suggested that the monastery would have been involved in agrarian as well as trading activity in the region. The comparison between the market site of Kahalgaon and the monastic site in the Bateshwar-Vikramshila region. Both the clusters of sites present different types of activity. It is quite visible that Vikramshila emerged in the early medieval period, probably to cater to the demands of the market for iron products. Kahalgaon was an older market settlement. The monastery might have played a greater role in the expansion of the trade economy in the region. BIBLIOGRAPHY Archaeology, I., A Review (IAR). 1966–67, Excavation at Chaṃpā, District Bhagalpur. Delhi, Archaeological Survey of India. Li, R., 1996. The Great Tang Dynasty Record of the Western Regions. Oldham, C.E.A.W., 1930. Journal of Francis Buchanan Kept During the Survey of the District of Bhagalpur in 1810-1811. Verma, B.S., 2011. Antichak Excavations-2: 1971-1981. Archaeological Survey of India. 6 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 26: General session Subject The topic of the resource Session 26 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 26 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Religion, Trade and Polity: River Ganga on the Gateway of Bengal Description An account of the resource The essay will shed light on River Ganga in the Kahalgaon- Sahibganj region. In the Historic Period (c.600 BCE- 400 CE) the banks and rocky islands of the river was a liminal space on the border of state societies ideal for ascetics. The riverscape as a mystical and sacred space has been testified by the writings of Xuan Zang in the 7th Century CE. This tradition continued in the following century as evidenced by the establishment of the Vikramashila Mahavihara. The riverscape is marred by rocky outcrops of the Rajmahal and Chotanagpur hills which were a source of minerals like iron, precious stones like agate, timber and fine alluvial soil for terracotta material. The presence of these raw minerals within the riverscape allowed for a robust trade. Evidence of such exchange could be found through a study of inland ports. The 6th Century CE was a period of state formation in Bengal. In the concurrent centuries Bengal emerged as a dominant political and cultural zone in the eastern part of South Asia. Ganga was the boundary between the ancient settlements of Champa (Bhagalpur) and the early medieval (c.600 CE- 1200CE) political centre at Pundravardhana (MaldaDinajpur). The river became a contested boundary and a crucial link between Bengal and northern India. The river and its surrounding landscape have lived through these multiple narratives in/of time and space. It was a liminal space, a site of production and exchange and a site of conflict and control. The riverscape is littered with evidence of these activities from the past. Archaeological evidence of religious activities can be seen etched on the walls and excavated cave sites on the rocky islands of Kahalgaon and the port site of Bateshwar (literally, god of travellers). Evidence of trade too can be found on the ports and in the surrounding landscape with evidence of iron smelting in settlements near the port. Fortifications on the hills besides the river at sites like Teliagarhi and Sakrigali present evidence of political history of the river in this region. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Eshan Harit Sukanya Sharma Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Hari, Eshan . 2023. “Religion, Trade and Polity: River Ganga on the Gateway of Benga.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Carlota Pérez Reverte. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2003 Asia-Pac Session 26 2023