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                  <text>Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management </text>
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                  <text>Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas:&#13;
â€¢ In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices&#13;
â€¢ Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring&#13;
â€¢ Conservation treatment case studies&#13;
â€¢ Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials&#13;
â€¢ Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region&#13;
â€¢ Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. </text>
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                <text>This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: &#13;
â€¢	In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices &#13;
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 â€¢	Conservation treatment case studies &#13;
 â€¢	Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials &#13;
 â€¢	Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific &#13;
region &#13;
â€¢	Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. &#13;
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                  <text>Trade ceramics have usually been found together with other evidence in many ancient shipwrecks, harbours, ports, trade centers, hinterlands and burials around the world which were linked to international maritime trade routes. These were specifically Chinese, Indian, Southeast Asian, Middle East and European trade routes over a long period of history. Trade ceramics are virtually indestructible. They are also one of the most important sources of information for maritime archaeological studies concerning the dating of ceramics and shipwrecks, origins of ceramics, points of departure and destinations of ships and shipments, for instance. This session aims to provide an opportunity for specialists to contribute their knowledge on trade ceramics in multi-disciplinary approaches and foster international collaboration for ceramic studies from the shipwrecks, harbours, ports and related archaeological sites in near future. </text>
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                <text>Video interview with Session 8 chair Atthasit Sukkham.</text>
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                <text>Trade ceramics have usually been found together with other evidence in many ancient shipwrecks, harbours, ports, trade centers, hinterlands and burials around the world which were linked to international maritime trade routes. These were specifically Chinese, Indian, Southeast Asian, Middle East and European trade routes over a long period of history. Trade ceramics are virtually indestructible. They are also one of the most important sources of information for maritime archaeological studies concerning the dating of ceramics and shipwrecks, origins of ceramics, points of departure and destinations of ships and shipments, for instance. This session aims to provide an opportunity for specialists to contribute their knowledge on trade ceramics in multi-disciplinary approaches and foster international collaboration for ceramic studies from the shipwrecks, harbours, ports and related archaeological sites in near future. </text>
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                  <text>Responding to the effort to protect both natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, state and federal resource management agencies have been re-examining their cultural resource preservation mandates. New understanding of cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes is beginning to emerge. It is clear that â€œall traces of human existence that lie under water and have a cultural or historical characterâ€ (UCH) includes much more than simply shipwrecks and aircraft. The potential for these new definitions to engage local communities and associated disciplines and to address biocultural conservation needs is great, particularly for indigenous communities in Hawaii and the Pacific who are currently undertaking extraordinary efforts to plan for and protect their resources from climate change and other environmental threats. By integrating indigenous cultural landscapes and their related biocultural resources into a dynamic paradigm on underwater cultural heritage, the field looks to gain allies across stakeholder groups and develop its relevancy for younger generations, thus helping to ensure long-range traction for the preservation of all underwater heritage resources. Participants in this session will focus on policy and research issues in indigenous cultural landscapes, and the dynamic nature of cultural heritage management in Hawaiâ€˜i and across the Pacific. </text>
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                    <text>Vietnamese Ceramics
in Asian Maritime Trade between 14th and 17th centuries
Ngo The Bach
Department of Research and Collections
Thang Long - Hanoi Heritage Conservation Centre
19, Hoang Dieu St
Hanoi
Vietnam
Email: bach.ngothe@gmail.com

Abstract
Vietnam is one of many Asian countries that have a long-standing and famous tradition
of pottery production. Vietnam is also one of three countries including China, Vietnam,
and Japan which exported ceramics developed to other countries. The 14th century was
marked by the initial penetration of Vietnamese ceramics for foreign markets. The 15th
century was considered as a prosperous period for Vietnamese export ceramics with
the largest export quantity and the most abundant types thereof. The 16th century
marked as a pause in the export of Vietnamese ceramics. The 17th century was the
development period of commodity economy and the renaissance period of ports located
in the northern and central parts of Vietnam. The article reviewed the findings regarding
Vietnamese ceramics in Japan, West Asia, mainland, and insular Southeast Asia in
order to partially reconstruct the historical context and the flow of Vietnamese export
ceramics for the international maritime trade routes in the Vietnamese history of
international trades from 14th to 17th centuries. Given that, the author pointed out the
origin, chronology of the Vietnamese ceramics discovered from the relics as well as
market context thereof and the destinations of Vietnamese export ceramics.

Key words: Vietnamese ceramics, Dai Viet (Great Viet), Northern Vietnam, Southeast
Asia, Maritime trade routes, Ceramic export

Introduction
Vietnam is located in Southeast Asia or Indo-China, with more than 3,000 km of long
and beautiful coastline, and is at a crossroads of the exchange routes of the East to the
West. It is considered as the free trade gateway of Southeast Asia occupying an
important role in the system of international maritime trade routes. In the 9th century,
1

�with the advent of several commercial ports and participation of Chinese and Arabian
traders, the ceramics officially involved in maritime trade system and set up "the
Ceramics Road on the Sea". Vietnam is one of many Asian countries having a longstanding and famous tradition of ceramics production. Vietnam also is one of three
countries including Vietnam, China and Japan that exported ceramics developed in
other countries. The manufacture of Vietnamese ceramics has been formed and
developed from the 1st to the 3rd centuries and strongly developed since Vietnam had
won their freedom in the early 10th century. Since Ly Dynasty (1010-1225 AD) onwards,
the production methods of Vietnamese ceramics developed constantly and made great
advances regarding the types of products, as well as decoration patterns used on
ceramics. Northern Vietnam is the place where has many well known ceramic
manufacturing centers, such as Thang Long and Bat Trang in Hanoi, Van Yen, Chu Dau
and Binh Giang in Hai Duong province as well as Tuc Mac and Con Che in Nam Dinh
province. It is noted that apart from the production of ceramics serving for the demand
of domestic market especially in the 14th century that Vietnam was officially engaged in
the ceramics export network through maritime trade route. For the later periods in Later
Le (the 15th century) and Restored Le Dynasties (the late 16th and the 17th century),
Vietnam exported a large quantity of ceramics to Southeast Asian, Northeast Asian and
Western Asian markets. In addition to a few notes scattered in the written historical
sources, the ceramic artifacts discovered through excavations in the ancient trading
ports, shipwrecks and others in Vietnam as well as in other countries are important
evidence that contributes to the knowledge of commercial activities on the maritime
trade routes. These sources seem to suggest that contact Vietnam and other countries
in Asia (both East and West) were abundant and important. The participation in the
international trades from the 14th to the 17th century is clear in the archaeological
record, which highlights the role and position of Vietnam in Asia and even in the West.

2

�Vietnamese Ceramics and Its Maritime Trade Routes in Asia during the 14th to the
17th Centuries
After King Ngo Quyen defeated the Nam Han enemy on the Bach Dang River in 938,
Vietnam entered officially the new era of independence. During the Ly Dynasty (10101225 AD), Vietnamese glazed wares industry had highly developed its technical and
artistic aspects. In Tran Dynasty (1225-1400 AD), a lot of ceramics manufacturing
centers had been set up and developed such as Thang Long (Hanoi), Bat Trang (Hanoi),
Thien Truong (Nam Dinh), Van Yen (Hai Duong) and others. A large quantity of highquality wares, such as celadon, brown glazed, brown patterned and blue and white
wares including white ceramic tiles were produced in many kilns. Archaeological
findings in Vietnam and other countries from the 14th century, seem to indicate that
ceramics made in the kilns in northern Vietnam were not only sold in the domestic
markets but also exported to the foreign markets. During archaeological excavations in
the 1980s at Dazaifu, Northern Kuyshu in Japan, Vietnamese ceramics associated with
the pieces of wood and dated in “Daitoku the 2nd Year (1330)” have been found there.
They are considered the earliest evidences on ceramics exported from Vietnam to
foreign markets. According to other documentations, the iron-brown and cobalt-blue
glazed wares were similar to ceramics discovered in Dazaifu in Japan, Juara on the
Tiumen Island, and Babal states of West Malaysia.
Many archaeological sites in East Java and South Sulawesi in Indonesia have also
yielded the same types of Vietnamese ceramics. In details, blue and white and
monochrome glazed wares produced at the kilns in northern Vietnam have been found
there (Cheng and Lammers, 1974: 5-16). The most remarkable object found in these
sites is the base of celadon tower decorated skillfully with embossed patterns which are
similar to the ones decorated on the tower of Gio Pagoda in Vinh Phuc province,
Vietnam dated to the 13th to 14th century. This object is currently preserved at the
Adam Malik Museum in Jakarta, Indonesia (Stevenson and Guy, 1997: 270, plate 180).
According to Stevenson’s and Guy’s opinions, the fragments of brownglazed jars of
Tran Dynasty have been found in Trowulan, East Java (Stevenson and Guy, 1997: 286,

3

�plate 209). This is the first evidence mentioned about Vietnamese brown glazed wares
in Southeast Asia.
Apart from the ceramics found on the mainland, the Vietnamese ceramics have also
been found on the Rang Kwian shipwreck which sank in the Gulf of Thailand and has
associated material of Chinese and Thai celadon wares. Vietnamese ceramics
comprised of blue and white bowls, plates, and cups (The Fine Arts Department of
Thailand) (FAD, 1990: 82-93; Tenazas, 1981: 31-32). Pursuant to the specific
characteristics regarding the types and patterns, these types of wares are dated to the
mid 14th century.
At the end of 2000, a group of fishermen in Ca Mau province, Vietnam while
fishing off the seabed picked up a large number of Vietnamese and Chinese
ceramics. The museum staffs assumed that there was a shipwreck and designated the
site as the Ca Mau II shipwreck. The characteristics of Vietnamese ceramics are the
same with ceramics discovered in the Rang Kwian shipwreck which were considered to
have a relationship with the period. The Vietnamese blue and white wares on the Ca
Mau II shipwreck include a wide variety of bowls, plates and bottles. The associated
Chinese ceramics comprised of Jingdezhen blue and white and Longquan celadon
wares of Yuan Dynasty dated in the 14th century.
Along with the Rang Kwian shipwreck, ceramics discovered on the Ca Mau II shipwreck
contributed to brighten the picture regarding the Vietnamese export ceramics during the
second half of 14th century. Although traces of this ship has not been confirmed, this
find is nevertheless very important regarding the Vietnamese ceramics extracted from
the area, which can be dated earlier than the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck sank off the
coast of Hoi An in Quang Nam province, Vietnam which sank nearly a century later.
This is the second ship discovered in the territorial waters of Vietnam that transported
Vietnamese export ceramics.
In addition to the findings in Southeast Asia, Northern Vietnamese blue and white wares
have also been found in many important monuments in the West Asia. The fragments of
blue and white bowl with daisy pattern has been found from the excavation in Fustat,
4

�Cairo, Egypt, whose style is the same with the one contained on the Rang Kwian and
Ca Mau II shipwrecks, and the Turiang shipwreck which contains a lot of Vietnamese
underglaze iron-decorated ceramics (Sten 2002). This confirms the presence of
Vietnamese ceramics in the West Asian market in the same context with the Southeast
Asian market. The obvious increasing quantity of the 15th century Vietnamese ceramics
in oversea relics showed that there was a significant development on Vietnamese
ceramics export sector for the foreign markets during this period. The discovery of the
fragments of the 15th century Chu Dau blue and white wares from the commercial port
of Hormuz along the coast of Persian Gulf is considered as evidence regarding the
Vietnamese ceramics exporting to the West Asia by maritime routes (John Guy, 1984).
The most valuable evidence of Vietnamese ceramics exported to the West Asian
market is a famous Vietnamese vase which has currently being displayed in the
Topkapi Sarayi Museum in Istanbul, Turkey, also known as the "Topkapi vase". This is
the beautiful and well-known blue and white vase, on which the information regarding
the date and place of production was recorded, such as artisan surname is Bui in Nam
Sach, made in the Dai Hoa VIII (1450) (recently called Nam Sach district, Hai Duong
province in today).
According to the report of Seiki Kin, there are eight sites in the Ryukyu (recently Japan)
discovered Vietnamese ceramics especially in Nakijin and Shuri sites. In consideration
on the shape and decoration, these ceramics were from the kilns in northern Vietnam
dated between the 14th and 15th century (Kin Seiki, 1999). According to the research
by Professor Yoji Aoyagi in 1991, Vietnamese ceramics have also been found in 32
sites in Southeast Asia including Indonesia (11 sites), Philippines (10 sites), Malaysia (9
sites) and Brunei (2 sites) (Yoji Aoyagi, 1991: 78-82). Although the findings from this
research did not reflect the update thereof and the quantity of relics of Vietnamese
ceramics to be found is much less than the ones found in reality, it is enough to show
that Southeast Asia is the most important market of the Vietnamese trade ceramics.
A notable discovery is the 1995 excavation of the Pandanan shipwreck sank near the
Pandanan Island off the southern tip of Palawan Island in the Philippines. The
excavation discovered more than 4,000 ceramics in total, of which the Vietnamese
5

�ceramics occupy 70 percent. Most of them were mainly produced at Binh Dinh province
in Vietnam, but a few were ceramics produced at Hai Duong province in Vietnam.
Based on the report by Eusebio Dizon (1998), it is assumed that this shipwreck sank in
the mid-15th century. Other excavation is the Balanakan or Blanakan shipwreck in Ujung
Karawang, West Java, Indonesia there has excavated in 1998 and has also been found
Vietnam ceramics, especially blue and white wares made at Hai Duong province, as
well as it dated to the 15th to the 16th century (Bui Minh Tri 2001; 2002).
The 1997-2000 excavation of the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck sank off the coast of Quang
Nam in Vietnam has recovered more than 240,000 objects and most of them are
Vietnamese ceramics dated in the 15th century that demonstrated the Vietnamese
ceramics were also supplied on the maritime trade routes. According to historical record,
we know that the trade network in Southeast Asia was expanded from Malacca to the
northern coast of Java especially in the 15th century together with the sharing of Muslim
traders. The Vietnamese historical record also confirmed that Southeast Asian
merchant ships were used to make the landfall to the ports in northern Vietnam for
trading and exchange of eucalyptus, pearls, and aromas during the 14th to the 15th
century.
Although, these notes did not mention about ceramics but they were considered that the
quantity of ceramics have been found as many in the trading ports of Vietnam, such as
Van Don in Quang Ninh province, Lach Truong in Thanh Hoa province and Hoi Thong
in Nghe An province, and have confirmed Vietnamese ceramics were exported during
this period. Currently, there is no strong evidence to confirm whether or not this was the
case, but there appears to be a continued export on Vietnamese ceramics in the 16th
century.
The investigation in Japan has found Vietnamese ceramics dated to the second half of
the 16th century especially in Keichou period (1595-1615) (Shinichiro 1999). This
evidence showed that the maritime trade between Vietnam and Japan was flourishing.
In details, the Vietnamese ceramics found in Japanese town were from Hoi An in Quang
Nam province and possibly arrived to Japan before the reign of Tokugawa Shogun had
applied the closed-door policy in 1639. The results of archaeological research in Hai
6

�Duong province showed that Vietnam had decreased ceramic productions in the
beginning of the 16th century, and several types of 15th century trade ceramics were
not produced anymore and this phase seems to be focused on the domestic market
mainly (Bui Minh Tri 1995).
In the 17th century, many evidences – especially historical record – clearly confirm that
Vietnamese ceramics were exported to foreign markets. A possible reason for this is the
international trade policy under the Trinh Lords and Nguyen Lords of the Dai Viet feudal
state (Great Viet - Vietnam today). Another possible reason could be the establishment
and development of international shipping companies in the early 17th century,
especially the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, VOC).
Merchant ships of this company were making long trips to the East to find the local
markets, set up trading locations and expand their sales in other countries, especially in
Asia (Bui Minh Tri, 2008).
In that context, many trading ports with economic structure as the town were
established along the coast of Vietnam during this period, specifically trading ports of
Thanh Ha in Hue province, Hoi An in Quang Nam province, Nuoc Man in Binh Dinh
province, Pho Hien in Hung Yen province, Kinh Ky-Ke Cho in Thang Long, Hanoi.
These were the gateways for trading for the Dai Viet (Vietnam) with both Asia and
Europe. At these trading ports, many kinds of goods were purchased and exchanged,
including agricultural products, handicrafts and ceramics (Bui Minh Tri 1994, Do Bang
1996).
In this period, the trades between Dai Viet and Japan were developing strongly
especially in the first three decades of the 17th century or called Shuisen (the red seal
ships) that Japanese historian called. The numbers of licensed Japanese ships traded
in Dai Viet from 1604 to 1635 have 124 ships in total, including 37 boats in northern
Vietnam and 87 ships in central Vietnam (Seiichi 1941). Generally, the Japanese
shipped commodities, specifically silver, copper, and weapons, to Dai Viet and then
they purchased mainly silk, spices, sugar and ceramics back to their country. Even after
the Bakufu Shogun had issued the order of “Sakoku” to limit the foreign trades in 1636,

7

�Japan still continued to trade with Dai Viet merchant ships through China and the
Netherlands (Bui Minh Tri and Pham Quoc Quan 1994: 34-51).
It is worth mentioning that the Trinh Lords and Nguyen Lords did not allow Chinese and
Japanese traders to reside in trading ports, but they allowed Western traders to open
their trading stores. Particularly, Nguyen Lords allowed the Dutch to open their trading
stores in Hoi An, Quang Namprovince in 1636. A year later, Trinh Lords also allowed
the Dutch to open their trading store in Pho Hien, Hung Yen province and then open a
second trading store in Thang Long (recently Hanoi) in 1645. Such events were good
opportunities for trade in the developing regions.
The VOC sponsored by the Dutch government had many priority rights including the
exclusive trading right in the region East of Cape of Good Hope. For Dai Viet, after
having set up trading stores in Pho Hien (Hung Yen) and Thang Long (Hanoi), the
business of VOC had prospered because they enjoyed preferential treatment from the
Trinh Lords. During this time, many kilns in northern Vietnam had competed to produce
ceramics to export to foreign markets and also competed with Chinese and Japanese
ceramics trade. The evidence of this can be seen through the abundant quantity of the
17th century Vietnamese ceramics found on many archaeological sites in Japan and
insular Southeast Asia as well as the documentation of the VOC Company (Volker, T.
1971).
In Southeast Asia, Vietnamese ceramics have been found in Pukissutosanion in
Malaysia, and some in Indonesia, specifically Trowulan on East Java, Banten Girang
and Banten Lama on West Java, Selayar on South Sulawesi, Warloka on Flores and
Bengkulu on Sumatra (Naniek, H.W 1993). Very few of them have been found in Banten
Girang and Banten Lama which were famous trading ports operated by Banten Sultan
during the 16th to the 17th century. They material can be dated to the same dates as
the Hizen ceramics from Japan dated in the late 17th century (Koji Ohashi and Takashi
Sakai 1999).
By comparative study, I assumed that the Vietnamese ceramics exported to foreign
markets during this period were mainly made at the kilns in Hai Duong province on
8

�northern Vietnam. These ceramics were exported and transported by merchant ships of
Chinese traders and VOC for consumption in Southeast Asia and Japan from 1625 to
1689 (Bui Minh Tri 2001).
The findings of the Vietnamese ceramics in Japan, West Asia, mainland and insular
Southeast Asia partly assisted us to deconstruct the historical contexts and analyze
export flows of Vietnamese ceramics through international maritime trade routes.
Noticeably, Vietnamese ceramics have often been found together with Chinese and
Thai ceramics in many sites, which showed that they were shared and exported in the
same trade flow.
Conclusion
Based on historical record and archaeological evidences of the trade ceramics, it
appeared that the 14th century was the period for the penetration of Vietnamese
ceramics into the Asian market. The 15th century was the flourishing period of
Vietnamese export ceramics with the largest shipments and most complexity of export
ceramics. The 16th century was marked by a pause in the export of Vietnamese
ceramics. The 17th century was the development period of commodity and a
prosperous period of trading ports in northern and central Vietnam. The international
maritime trades by Vietnam had expanded around Asia with great opportunities to
establish foreign relations with other countries in the region as well as Western
countries that were based in the East. The impact of international trade had also
expanded and developed on other ceramics production centers that were prospering
proportionality to that of Vietnam and shared of the same Asian maritime trade routes.
During the late 17th century to the early 18th century, the gradual decline of the Dai
Viet’s economy associated with the decline of foreign trading stores in Thang Long in
Hanoi, Pho Hien in Hung Yen province, affected the foreign economic system of the
Dai Viet. The decline of Dai Viet’s trading port system originated from different causes
but it was affected directly by the general downturn of Asia and the world trade system.
It appears to indicate that the 17th century was experienced a return to prosperity and

9

�development on the international maritime trades, but afterward Vietnamese ceramics
production stopped even to supply international maritime trade routes.

th

Fig. 1. Bottle, cobalt glazed ceramic, 15 ceramics,
in Topkapi Saray Museum, Istanbul

th

Fig.3. Incense burner, blue and white ceramic, 15
century, from Treasures from the Hoi An Hoard (Cu
Lao Cham shipwreck, Quang Nam, Vietnam)

Fig.2. Status of an aristocratic lady, blue and white ceramic,
th
15 century, from Treasures from the Hoi An Hoard (Cu Lao
Cham shipwreck, Quang Nam, Vietnam)

th

Fig.4. Bowls with high feet, iron black ceramic, 15 century,
at Puerto Galera (Philippines)

10

�th

th

Fig. 5. Jar, iron black ceramic, 16 -17 centuries, in the
Kyushu Ceramics Museum (Japan)

Fig.6. A covered jar with applied dragon
embossment and painting in underglaze
cobalt. In the possession of the Ozawa family,
17th century (Kyoto National Museum)

Fig.7. A large dish painted with VOC trademark, Hizen
th
ware, 17 century. Found in Dejima port (Nagasaki,
Japan)

Fig.8. Types and designs of Vietnamese ceramics trade
th
ware to Japan in the 17 century

11

�References
Aoyagi Yoji 1991. Vietnamese ceramics excavated on the islands of Southeast Asia. (In
Vietnamese). Vietnam Archaeology. No 4: 78-82.
Bui Minh Tri 1994. Thanh Ha commercial port. Hue, past and present (In Vietnamese).
No số 4: 84-93.
Bui Minh Tri 1995. Investigation Report of ceramics relics at the Cam Binh district, Hai
Duong Province (In Vietnamese). Documentation of Vietnam Institute of Archaeology.
Bui Minh Tri 2001. Hop Le ceramics in composition of Le Dynasty’s ceramics (In
Vietnamese). Ph.D Dissertation. Documentation of Vietnam Institute of Archaeology.
Bui Minh Tri 2002. Vietnamese ceramics: The date and origin (In Vietnamese). A
century of Vietnam archaeology, Hanoi 2002.
Bui Minh Tri 2008. Vietnamese ceramics in the Asia sea-route trade in the seventeenth
century (In Vietnamese). Vietnam Archaeology. No 6: 67-82.
Bui Minh Tri, Phạm Quốc Quân 1994. Hizen Ceramics (Japan) found at some Vietnam
archaeological sites (In Vietnamese). Vietnam Archaeology. No 4: 34-51.
Cheng Lammers and Abu Ridho 1974. Annamese Ceramics in the Museums Pusat
Jakarta, Himpunan Keramik Indonesia, Jakarta.
Dizon

Eusebio Z., 1998. Underwater archaeology of Pandanan wreck: A mid- 15

century AD. Vessel, Southern Palawan, Philippines, International Conference in Berlin,
from 31 Aug- 4 Sept.
Do Bang 1996. The port city of Thuan Quang (In Vietnamese). Hue city 1996.
Guy, J. 1984. Oriental Trade Ceramics in Southeast Asia: 9th to 16th Century.
University of Melbourne Press: Melbourne.
Iwao Seiichi 1941. Studies of the Japantowns of the South Seas.
John Stevenson and John Guy 1997. Vietnamese Ceramics: A separate tradition. Art
Media Resources, Chicago.
Kin Seiki, 1999. Trade with Southeast Asia by the Kingdom of Ryukyu and Vietnamese
Ceramics Discovered in Okinawa. (In Vietnamese) International conference on
Vietnam-Japan relations: Hanoi
12

�Naniek, H.W., 1993. Vietnamese ceramics from archaeological site in Indonesia. The
Journal of Sophia Asian Studies, No. 11.
Ohashi Koji and Sakai Takashi 1999. Ceramics from the site of Banten in Indonesia.
Bullentin of the National Museum of Japanese History. Vol. 82
Rosa Tenazas 1981. Status reports: Underwater Archaeological Investigation of the
Rang Kwien Shipwreck, SPAPA Digest, Vol. II, No. 2: 31-33
Sten Sjostrand 2002. Turiang: a 14th century Chinese shipwreck, upsetting Southeast
Asian ceramic history. Southeast Asia - China Interactions which was published by the
Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in 2002.
The Fine Arts Department of Thailand (FAD) 1990. Sumaphan Published Co., Ltd.,
Tsuzyki Shinichiro 1999. Vietnam ceramics excavated from Sakai site. The summary
record of International Conference in Hanoi, December 1999.
Volker, T., 1971. Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company. Leiden, E. J. Brill.

13

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                  <text>Trade ceramics have usually been found together with other evidence in many ancient shipwrecks, harbours, ports, trade centers, hinterlands and burials around the world which were linked to international maritime trade routes. These were specifically Chinese, Indian, Southeast Asian, Middle East and European trade routes over a long period of history. Trade ceramics are virtually indestructible. They are also one of the most important sources of information for maritime archaeological studies concerning the dating of ceramics and shipwrecks, origins of ceramics, points of departure and destinations of ships and shipments, for instance. This session aims to provide an opportunity for specialists to contribute their knowledge on trade ceramics in multi-disciplinary approaches and foster international collaboration for ceramic studies from the shipwrecks, harbours, ports and related archaeological sites in near future. </text>
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                <text>Vietnam is one of many Asian countries that have a long-standing and famous tradition of pottery production. Vietnam is also one of three countries including China, Vietnam, and Japan which exported ceramics developed to other countries. The 14th century was marked by the initial penetration of Vietnamese ceramics for foreign markets. The 15th century was considered as a prosperous period for Vietnamese export ceramics with the largest export quantity and the most abundant types thereof. The 16th century marked as a pause in the export of Vietnamese ceramics. The 17th century was the development period of commodity economy and the renaissance period of ports located in the northern and central parts of Vietnam. The article reviewed the findings regarding Vietnamese ceramics in Japan, West Asia, mainland, and insular Southeast Asia in order to partially reconstruct the historical context and the flow of Vietnamese export ceramics for the international maritime trade routes in the Vietnamese history of international trades from 14th to 17th centuries. Given that, the author pointed out the origin, chronology of the Vietnamese ceramics discovered from the relics as well as market context thereof and the destinations of Vietnamese export ceramics. </text>
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                  <text>2021 Session 7: Submerged War Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region</text>
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                  <text>Abstract                                                                                                                     &#13;
&#13;
While evidence of conflict in the Asia-Pacific Region dates back thousands of years, World War II brought more people into contact with the seas of the Asia-Pacific region than ever before and left a correspondingly large archaeological signature. Today, the ship and plane wrecks, maritime infrastructure and underwater dumping sites from WWII present an archaeological resource of conflicting values ranging from artificial reefs and tourism assets, to war-graves and even ecological threats. Most recently, the different values placed on these sites has been thrown into sharp relief with the illegal salvage of a number of naval ships in South-East Asia and subsequent outcry from former colonial powers.&#13;
&#13;
Maritime warfare throughout the Asia-Pacific Region has had a far-reaching impact on the people who lived, and continue to live in these areas that goes beyond the mere recording of battlefields and the machinery involved. Maritime archaeology has significant potential to provide insights into the lives and experiences of those who have been overlooked by traditional war histories including non-combatants and indigenous people.&#13;
&#13;
The protection and management of World War II-related Underwater Cultural Heritage (WWII UCH) provides particular challenges in the contemporary Asia-Pacific Region. While the 2001 UNESCO Convention provides a code for internationally recognised best practice, most countries in the region are yet to become signatories. Many countries in Oceania in particular see the current interest in WWII UCH as overshadowing the need to protect and preserve indigenous UCH. A potentially useful framework that could be used to provide a balance in interests and benefits for more of the Asia-Pacific community is the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals that provide a holistic and relevant path for incorporating all UCH into sustainable environmental and development policies and practices. This should lead to an appreciation of all that constitutes Asia-Pacific UCH and their particular challenges.&#13;
&#13;
Session Organisers:&#13;
&#13;
Matt Carter&#13;
Bill Jeffery&#13;
Hans Van Tilburg&#13;
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                  <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                  <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>Vulnerability Assessment of USS Houston:&#13;
A World War II Historic Shipwreck from the Battle of Sunda Strait &#13;
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                <text>Sea battles between the Allies and the Japanese Navy Fleet during World War II in Indonesian waters left many physical evidences in the form of shipwrecks. One of the most well-known naval battles in the history of World War II in Asia Pacific is the Battle of Sunda Strait which caused the sinking of USS Houston and HMAS Perth along with a number of their crews in 1942. The assessment activities conducted by Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability in 2018 show that the American heavy cruiser, USS Houston, is currently prone to various disturbances. USS Houston shipwreck site is located at 15-30 meters deep near Panjang Island in Banten Bay. Site location is influenced by sediment input from the surrounding plateau. The number of river mouths and hydrodynamic conditions of Banten Bay with its strong currents also play a role in sediment transport process which affects the visibility and transport of pollutants and marine debris found on site. Other problems include dense industrial areas in the mainland around the site, sea sand mining activities, bustling sealane activities, warships metal scavenging, and a high intensity of marine spatial utilization by local fishers regarding capture fisheries and aquaculture. All of the above conditions need to be taken into consideration for the protection and preservation of USS Houston site which is also a War Graveyard. Its future site development needs to be in line with the interests of the local fishing communities who have been utilizing the marine space at USS Houston area since long ago.</text>
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                <text>Wisnu Arya Gemilang </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                    <text>We need to Listen and Watch! Indigenous Knowledge of Living in Concert with the Sea
Abhirada Pook Komoot (Maritime Asia Heritage Survey, CSEAS Kyoto University)

ABSTRACT
The topic of this paper hopes to anticipate the discussion about the integration of traditions and sciences to ensure
the tangible and intangible cultural heritage of the sea in the sustainable development dialogue now and in the
future. In light of the ‘Ocean Decade’, this paper is to realise the potential of indigenous knowledge as an
opportunity for ocean literacy and to identify some issues revolving around the risk of losing such ability. There
is a wealth of indigenous knowledge we can benefit from. For a long time, Western principles of science have
dominated modern society and policy based on their observability, testability, quantifiability and generalisation.
There exists a tension between Western epistemology and indigenous worldview. A question is therefore asked:
How does indigenous knowledge help create the ocean we want?
Coastal zones are vulnerable to natural disasters, including tsunamis, coastal erosions, storm surges, sealevel rise, and sudden floods. The current international ambition for sustainable marine resource development and
improving coastal living quality has unavoidable effects on indigenous living. On several occasions, traditional
knowledge has been proven efficient for friendly living with nature and risk reduction. The ability is, however, on
the brink of fading away due to external forces (i.e. mass tourism, laws prohibiting the harvesting of forest
resources, and an unsupported educational system). No one knows the sea better than those who have lived with
and relied upon it.
Keywords: Indigenous Knowledge, Thailand, Ocean Decade
List of Abbreviations
UN
United Nations
UNCLOS
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
UNESCO
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

List of Figures
Figure 1 Fishing devices and techniques employed by indigenous and local fishermen in the South of Thailand.
(A) fish trap, (B) squid trap, (C) beach seine, and (D) crab basket trap (photos by the author)
Figure 2 Types of indigenous fishing vessels. (A) Rue Jaew or indigenous rowing boat, and (B) Hua Tong
motorised boat (photos by the author)
Figure 3 Bagad sites in the chain of islands in Krabi and Trang Provinces. (A) freshwater well, (B) bagad living
ground, and (C) sacred rock (photos by the author)
Figure 4 Scenes of grave cleaning ceremony or Tang Pleo at Sungka-U village, Lanta Island, Krabi Province
(photos by author)

OUR OCEANS
To celebrate the ‘Ocean Decade’ as an integral part of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (20212030), countries and individuals have engaged in schematic discussions worldwide to strengthen
international recognition of the ocean's essential importance (Stacy Aguilera-Peterson, Clea Harrelson,
and Howe-Kerr 2022). The promotion of the ocean-focused campaign intends to raise a serious concern
about the global climate change that has been severely affected by human-induced activities for the past
centuries. The ocean is the key component in relieving climate hazards. Ocean science gains priority to
facilitate and support the restoration of oceans’ well-being and the resume of a healthy ecosystem. This
paper aims to present another side of the coin of ocean science that should be broadly interpreted. H.E.
Peter Thomson, the UN Secretary General’s Special Envoy on the Ocean, has drawn our attention to the
‘Indigenous knowledge involved in those ancestral voyages is deeply humbling to those who came after’
(UNESCO 2021). Simultaneously, ‘Marine Cultural Heritage is not simply about archaeology, history,
ecology, geography, natural science, coastal management or climate change; it is about all of these

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�aspects and how societies can come together, negotiate and mediate these different approaches into real
solutions’ (Henderson 2019).
As learnt from field research in the south of Thailand, it is apparent that the traditional knowledge of
shipbuilding, navigation, and sea-dependent living is deep-seated in people’s way of living as is
transforming (Komoot 2021). It is a fortunate opportunity for the initiative of Ocean Decade to valorise
the knowledge and give more significant support to the knowledge holders. The people-centred
approach ensures that individual needs are addressed and fulfilled. By this means, it is to protect human
rights at the core.
Fundamental Practice of Ocean Exploitation and Protection
The way we use and exploit the ocean today has conceptually developed chiefly by the modern
perception of the sea. Mare Liberum was proposed by Hugo Grotius, the well-known Dutch naturalist
lawyer, in defending the sea lane over the Portuguese in the 17th century (Borschberg 2006). He believed
that the sea was so vast that there was no way anyone could claim sovereignty over it. Therefore, the
sea should be navigated and exploited freely. However, at the founding stage of the concept, it was
contested by the local rulers of Sulawesi and Maluku over the colonial manipulation of the spice routes
(Andaya 1981; Stott 2017). The contestation among the colonial powers was also visible. The British
lawyers proposed the idea of Mare Clausum (closed sea), as opposed to Grotius’, to allow the extension
of sovereignty during the emergence of the British Empire (e.g. the case of the Bremen fishing
negotiation) (Edmond 1995; Grewe 2000). In the 17th century, it was beyond imagination that marine
and nautical technologies could advance to our current stage. Today, Grotius' conception of the freedom
of the sea is at a crossroads. The wrestling of such concepts is presented even more widely today in
international legal discourses.
The UN Law of the Seas 1982 (UNCLOS) inherited the 17th-century concept of the sea and transformed
it into a modern legal tool for settling disputes at sea and asserting rights to resource use. It integrates
power and economic rationality. In the zones beyond national claims, the Area and the High Seas are
free of sovereignty and free to deep-seabed operation, but the maritime community is concerned with
the technological exclusiveness of some states that allows unequal exploitation of shared natural
resources of humankind (Lothian 2021; Mickelson 2019). The environmental dimension of heritage is
a vibrant and decade-long debate by multilateral partners, as resulted in the recent international
agreement of the High Sea Treaty. Back in the previous century, there appeared to be little question that
the cultural heritage of humankind should be protected and by what legal instrument. UNCLOS provides
a vague acknowledgement of cultural heritage in Articles 149 and 303. Still, the implementation needs
to be more specific and applicable for a complicated issue when rights are conflicting and commercial
exploitation of such heritage is allowed. In 2001, a specialised international Convention Concerning the
Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage was codified and launched by UNESCO. Instead of settling
the correct issues over the cultural materials in the UNCLOS, the 2001 Convention aims to combat
commercial exploitation, notably ‘treasure hunting’ (Forrest 2002). The 2001 Convention sets scientific
guidelines as standard practice to preserve material culture in situ (Manders 2008) and non-negotiable
trade of the artefacts. By this law, tangible heritage is a stronghold.
Due to such standards, science focuses more on ‘things’ than ‘peoples’. Indigenous maritime knowledge
is not the focus of any of these legal tools. The 2003 Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention provides
general guidelines to ensure the maintenance and continuation of traditional knowledge and that
indigenous people are recognisable. Nonetheless, all six UNESCO cultural conventions are supervised
by different departments, which are not always connected. The operational system of international laws
is based on normative practice, often challenging the consensus.
The sphere of cultural heritage is always far more complicated than implementing the ‘one size fits all’
policy. Indigenous knowledge regarding living with the sea is diverse due to their adaptability to their

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�nature. The extent of the participation of the maritime community interconnected with the sea deserves
case-by-case attention and specific consideration.
Quite similar to Grotius’ mare liberum, the sea tribes do not assert rights to control land and water. They
believe an individual or single community should not own natural resources but instead communally
share and care. Some of the above elements are transferable to engage modern living and reduce natural
disaster risks. The philosophical mindset of the maritime tribal group has not been well incorporated
and taught in the formal setting.
We need to be mindful, though, that the indigenous living with the ocean and the scientific agenda will
be complex and challenging conversations in order to navigate the changes we want. Before we realise
what needs to change, it is interesting to note that the culture, indigenous knowledge, and participation
are not solely for an outside agenda, Frances Koya noted at the UN meeting (Majick 2019).
Living in Concert with the Sea
After the Tsunami hit the coast of the Indian Ocean in 2004, indigenous knowledge about disastrous
warnings at sea became visible in modern mentality. Sea nomads like Moken and Urak Lawoi dwelling
in the Andaman Seas were among the Tsunami survivors due to their ability to observe and understand
the unusuality of the natural phenomenon. The deep-time story of the monstrous waves handed down
from generation to generation informed them of the ancestral experience of the catastrophic incident. In
minimising risks from the loss in natural disasters, many examples demonstrate the indigenous people's
resourcefulness, such as, by observation, the movement of surface waves, a floating pattern of mangrove
hypocotyl (seeding stem) or debris flows and changing the behaviour of fish schooling near shore.
The indigenous people accumulate an ultimate body of knowledge from their ancestors. Nevertheless,
living in concert with the sea requires sophisticated and advanced skills to decode and read nature. The
case studies under consideration are the following information gained from Urak Lawoi in Krabi and
Phuket and fishers on Samui island (all in Thailand) in 2022 and previous studies of other indigenous
seafarers by anthropologists. Field data were collected by observation and informal interviews to
contextualise the interaction between people, their surroundings, and their living ways from the
indigenous perspective. The focus groups are the local fishermen.

3

�Figure 1 Fishing devices and techniques employed by indigenous and local fishermen in the South of Thailand. (A)
fish trap, (B) squid trap, (C) beach seine, and (D) crab basket trap (photos by the author)

Modern geopolitical speaking, the south of Thailand covers most of the peninsula that shares a border
with Malaysia. The land is paralleled by the Andaman Sea on the west and the Gulf of Thailand on the
other. Natural marine resources and seasons are relatively different between the two sides. The Andaman
side is open to the Indian Ocean. It has deep water and strong currents. The Gulf of Thailand is a semienclosed basin. Water inflow from rivers draining into the Gulf creates a high rate of sedimentation and,
at the same time, increases fertility. As a result, there is more marine catch on this side (Fisheries 2022).
Fishermen in Samui have a nostalgic experience of easy fishing in the Gulf of Thailand. There were
enough fish near the shore. What they needed were small boats and simple fishing gear. They never had
to leave home for longer than one night and returned with a bunch of fish to feed the whole family for
several days or even weeks. However, small-scale fishing is decreasing. The situation is much different
today, with the significantly declining amount of fish due to climate change and over-exploitation. The
change in the abundance of resources and modern living style discourages the younger generation from
continuing traditional fisheries and carrying on life like the generations before them. It risks the
disappearance of indigenous knowledge. Traditional living is more visible on the Andaman side, but a
decrease in small-scale fishers is no better.

4

�Figure 2 Types of indigenous fishing vessels. (A) Rue Jaew or indigenous rowing boat, and (B) Hua Tong motorised
boat (photos by the author)

RESULTS
From the survey, characteristics of indigenous knowledge on the coast of southern Thailand can be
collectively summarised as follows:
Indigenous fisheries are embedded in many societies around the world. It requires specific skills suitable
for the area and local ecosystem. Urak Lawoi, the indigenous group on the Andaman coast, are efficient
fishermen and sea readers. Fish species positively relate to the technology of fish traps and fishers’
ability to observe nature. Various fishing gear is being made and used on the coast for small to mediumscale fishing (Figure 1). An indigenous device is designed to trap a specific fish species. It causes less
environmental damage because it generates less bycatch than industrial trawling. The technological
diversity of boatbuilding demonstrates the dedication to sea voyages, which is the core of the indigenous
economy thousands of years ago. Rue Jaew, the indigenous rowing boats are, per se, environmentalcomfort and sustainable forms of mobility using winds and human power before using the motorised
Hua Tong boats (Figure 2).
By observing the natural phenomenon, the indigenous people learn to utilise winds and currents
concerning navigation and weather prediction. The east and west winds are mainly used, and two
propulsion modes would be employed in the past – reversed rowing or sailing. In the dry season, the
east wind blows in the morning, and the west is in the afternoon. Based on the propulsion technique, the
west wind is suitable for sailing, while the east wind is good for rowing. Rowing is not recommended
when the current or wind is too strong.

5

�Efficient fishermen should also have the essential skills of identifying the position of traps they laid by
reading the surroundings and nature without any assistance from electronic equipment. They capture
seascapes using either two or three-point coordination techniques to locate their fish traps. Rock piles
and coral reefs are ideal for fish habitats Field (Somboonsuke, Prapruit, and Nissapa 2014). Running
current provides an expectation of fish abundance. The flock of sea birds is indicative of a considerable
fish accumulation.
On the other side of the peninsula, the interview was carried on with the group of fishermen on Samui
Island. A Chinese-descendant fisherman started his fishing career at a young age. Instead of following
the North Star, he learnt astronavigation by observing the Crux constellation, a common navigational
technique in southern Thailand. However, Venus is a reliable tool for celestial navigation used by the
Moken group on the Andaman side (Arunotai et al. 2014 [2557])
In terms of maritime knowledge in modern times, another fisherman told us that Samui fishers use
traditional skills and the capacity of new technology such as radio and radar. All of them still have basic
knowledge of natural reading such as rain clouds, winds, fish behaviours and harvesting seasons,
although being aided by modern equipment.
Besides making a living, natural calamity observation is also a practical skill. For example, indigenous
fishermen have the ability to predict storms and unusuality derived from their ancestral knowledge. They
observe white-tip waves, murky sea horizons, and changing fish behaviours and characteristics of
seawater from the normal situation. This knowledge was proven efficient when the monstrous waves of
the Tsunami hit the Andaman shore in 2004.
An advantage of living close to nature is that the indigenous people are first-hand learners of the
ecological system. Their lives rely heavily on climatic conditions. They learn to use nature and remain
harmonious with the environment. More than just a practice, respect for nature is a mindset that develops
through generations and is deeply rooted in society. Concerning a healthy ecosystem, sea people in the
past moved around during the dry season to allow spawning and rehabilitation. During the monsoon
season, if winds and currents were too strong on one side of the island, they would move and seek
supplies on the wind-protected side. Urak Lawoi develops an essential strategy of foraging trips or bagad
suitable to the area and considers appropriately taking what nature can give. The resting season is as
indispensable as the foraging season. It is in the way of natural resource management.
With the slightest concern for cultural impact, the government forces them to make settlements
permanently and implicitly live a modern lifestyle. An administrative policy of the national parks
affected the livelihood of the indigenous coastal inhabitants in the south of Thailand. The communities
have been transformed from semi-nomadic to settled communities. Indigenous housing made of local,
natural materials such as bamboo, rattan and solid wood has been replaced by permanent buildings such
as concrete or non-local material houses.
After a long debate and negotiation with authority, at the very least, Urak Lawoi can maintain a part of
their semi-nomadic lifestyle and conservation of ecological well-being. Bagad nowadays is performed
as capacity-building to pass on knowledge to the younger generations. It is common that the whole
family travels together to teach the young sea-living skills. The activities include freshwater searching,
crab fishing, tide observing, coastal camping, and other necessary skills. The young children will have
a chance to experience living on a simple bamboo hut and platform. They will learn to live a simple life
without electricity and modern facilities (Figure 3).
The indigenous people pay homage to their ancestors and have the highest respect for nature as their
sacred environment. They perform the ‘Plajak’ festival or ‘Loy Rue’ twice a year. It is a floating
ceremony of a decorative, symbolic boat built from ‘salak’ wood and carrying offerings to pay respect
to their ancestors and to gain prosperity. The indigenous people keep themselves very close to the
ancestral spirits. Figure 4 illustrates another meaningful ceremony known as ‘Tang Pleo’, or cleaning

6

�the graveyard, where families, even from distant villages and cities, gather to commemorate the dead
relatives.

Figure 3 Bagad sites in the chain of islands in Krabi and Trang Provinces. (A) freshwater well, (B) bagad living
ground, and (C) sacred rock (photos by the author)

The relationship between the indigenous people and the sea is complex and delicate. Unplanned
changes cause a lot of social problems and worries. Land ownership disputes, fast-growing tourism and
infrastructure put severe pressure on the livelihood of the indigenous people and society and risk of
knowledge disappearing. A scattering of shipwrecks from the early centuries proves the long history of
the continental coast as a prevailing destination for seafarers and local sea people. In fact, indigenous
knowledge is an excellent source of ocean literacy and understanding of ocean living and conservation.
From the observer’s point of view, this research offers practical indigenous knowledge that can
educate us about ocean literacy and harmonious living. It is about the integration of the indigenous
maritime knowledge that dominates the coastal society and scientific knowledge that is important for
generating general policy and mechanisms (Shaw et al. 2008). Such integration will be an appropriate
application to increase the resilience of coastal communities, but it needs to develop a way to
communicate with both government and local people. No change can be achieved without genuinely
understanding the relationship between people and their social beliefs.

7

�Figure 4 Scenes of grave cleaning ceremony or Tang Pleo at Sungka-U village, Lanta Island, Krabi Province (photos
by author)

Acknowledgements
This paper can only be made a valid case with the support from the Suvarnabhumi Studies Center and Thammasat University.
The funding scheme opens the opportunity to allow the firsthand experience of the indigenous communities in Thailand, which
is not only valuable for the study of maritime history but also for the dynamism of the society in light of the global concern.
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9

�</text>
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                <text>The topic of this paper hopes to anticipate the discussion about the integration of traditions and sciences to ensure&#13;
the tangible and intangible cultural heritage of the sea in the sustainable development dialogue now and in the&#13;
future. In light of the ‘Ocean Decade’, this paper is to realise the potential of indigenous knowledge as an&#13;
opportunity for ocean literacy and to identify some issues revolving around the risk of losing such ability. There&#13;
is a wealth of indigenous knowledge we can benefit from. For a long time, Western principles of science have&#13;
dominated modern society and policy based on their observability, testability, quantifiability and generalisation.&#13;
There exists a tension between Western epistemology and indigenous worldview. A question is therefore asked:&#13;
How does indigenous knowledge help create the ocean we want?&#13;
Coastal zones are vulnerable to natural disasters, including tsunamis, coastal erosions, storm surges, sealevel rise, and sudden floods. The current international ambition for sustainable marine resource development and&#13;
improving coastal living quality has unavoidable effects on indigenous living. On several occasions, traditional&#13;
knowledge has been proven efficient for friendly living with nature and risk reduction. The ability is, however, on&#13;
the brink of fading away due to external forces (i.e. mass tourism, laws prohibiting the harvesting of forest&#13;
resources, and an unsupported educational system). No one knows the sea better than those who have lived with&#13;
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                <text>Abhirada Pook Komoot</text>
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                <text>Komoot, Abhirada Pook. 2023. “We Need to Listen and Watch! Indigenous Knowledge of Living in Concert with the Sea.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Abhirada Komoot. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:</text>
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                    <text>What lies beneath the Sydney Opera House?
Veronica M. Bullock1

Abstract
When Australia celebrated the bicentenary of European settlement in 1988, a high profile bicentennial
project was the construction of a new lower concourse for the Sydney Opera House. During excavations
some giant chains were recovered. The „Sydney Cove Chain‟ was ultimately identified as (British)
Admiralty Pattern Mooring Chain (APMC).
Much less well known than Admiralty Pattern Anchors and Buoys, APMC is likely to persist on
seafloors at British anchorages around the globe due to it‟s high quality iron composition and hefty design
- each link measures around 1 metre in length and bar width is typically 60 – 100 millimetres (mm). Also,
because it sits on the sea floor, often beneath a layer of silt, APMC is likely to be well preserved by these
anoxic conditions at many locations.
In the case of the Sydney Cove Chain there is good evidence to support the theory that at least
some elements travelled with the second Governor to the Colony of New South Wales in 1795 – just
seven years after first settlement. There is also evidence that these same chains were used by Matthew
Flinders to moor the ruined H.M.S. Investigator, after completion of the first circumnavigation of Australia
in 1803.
More startling than this is the possibility that such chains were used in the boom defence of
Sydney Harbour, against such potential foes as the French, Russians, Spanish and Americans. In fact,
between Napoleonic wars the French scientific expedition led by François Baudin camped with permission
yet unease on Bennelong Point – the site of the current Sydney Opera House. What other archaeological
treasures remain buried in this area?
In 1987 the contract archaeologist monitoring the building site determined that it was too disturbed
to yield significant archaeological evidence (Higginbotham 1987b:8; NSWHO / DUAP 1996:8-9). Master‟s
research in 2003 questioned this conclusion, and presented a „statement of significance‟ containing more
positive findings (Bullock 2003).

Where it all began

In 1988 Australia celebrated 200 years of European settlement. 2 It was the biggest party
Australia had ever seen!
Many and varied preparations were made across the country to commemorate
the event in which heritage featured. As a newish country settled by Britons (but only
just), there was collective soul searching about what it might mean to be Australian at
that time.
Officially discovered in 1770 by Captain James Cook of the Royal Navy while
searching for the fabled Great Southern Land, Britain realised the use it could put
Australia to at about the time it lost the War of Independence in North America (17861783) – Australia was established as the largest gaol the world had ever seen.
The most „iconic‟ site in Australia is Sydney Cove. It is where the ships of the
„First Fleet‟ dropped anchor on 26 January 1788. It is now instantly recognisable the
world over as it is framed by the Sydney Harbour Bridge on its western headland
(Dawes Point), and the Sydney Opera House on its eastern headland known as
Bennelong Point - named after the Aboriginal Australian who lived there for a while at
the first Governor‟s pleasure.
1
2

Significance International; info@significanceinternational.com
For many of the original inhabitants of Australia the occasion became known as „Invasion Day‟.

1

�Figure 1. Sydney Cove: the site of first settlement of Australia, with the Sydney Opera
House in the foreground and the Sydney Harbour Bridge in the background. The
archaeological material discussed here was recovered from the land near the „East
Sydney Cove‟ label.
Bennelong Point served as a site for many functions – livestock pen, limeworks,
saltworks, sandstone quarry, Governor‟s landing place, inter-racial laboratory, guest
campsite (Malaspina 1793; Baudin 1802), defensive battery then fortification,
promenade, parade ground, horse ferry, boat shed, steamship wharf, tram depot, and
finally Australia‟s most recognisable opera house (Kerr 1993:1-13). One bicentennial
celebration project was to create a new lower concourse for the Sydney Opera House
with shops and extended promenades.
Bennelong Point remained public land, despite challenges from the world of
commerce - which nevertheless encroached from the western shore. After the
construction of the Sydney Harbour Bridge by 1932, a more picturesque use for
Bennelong Point than the obsolete Fort Macquarie Tramshed was proposed by the city
fathers in the 1950‟s. An international competition to design a „National Opera House‟
was announced in 1956.
The competition was won by Dane Jorn Utzon, with his „white sails‟ design. It was
a long and difficult building project, partly because of the innovative design which
presented new problems, and partly due to the personalities involved. Utzon left the
project well before it was finished and the work was completed by the New South Wales
Public Works Department (the Department).

Archaeological investigation
Up to the time of the opening of the Sydney Opera House in 1973, it appears that no
official archaeological investigations had been carried out on the site.

2

�In 1986 the Department began to dig up the past towards the creation of the
bicentennial lower concourse.
An official permit to investigate the archaeology of the site was not sought or
granted under the State Heritage Act, and so any recovered material did not officially
have to be conserved, or lodged anywhere. However, when demolishing a seawall on
the western shore of Bennelong Point (also known as East Sydney Cove or East
Circular Quay), some intriguing large-scale objects were discovered.3

Figure 2. Lengths One (right) and Three (left) of the „Sydney
Cove Chain‟ near the find location at the Sydney Opera House
forecourt 1986. Reproduced courtesy of the Australian National
Maritime Museum.

3

It should be noted that at this heady time in Australia‟s history, proper civic planning and development
procedures were sometimes not followed. In Sydney, public outcry focussed on expedited development of
the next large bay to the west of Sydney Cove, known as Darling Harbour (location of the Australian
National Maritime Museum), which was modernised with considerable disregard for heritage.

3

�Figure 3. Archaeological material donated to the Australian
National Maritime Museum (ANMM) from the Sydney Opera
House site in 1987. ANMM Registration Department assigned
„Object Numbers‟ (00000XXX, N/N, NCXXXXX), and link
numbers 1 – 20 used in Bullock (2003) are shown. „Sydney
Cove Chain‟ material includes all links, rings and staples
numbered 1 – 20. Engineering_artefacts N/N, 00000149 and
00000150 are not directly related to the Sydney Cove Chain, but
were recovered from the same archaeological site. Drawn by V.
M. Bullock from object photographs. Not to scale.
It appears that the Department engaged an archaeologist from November 1986
until August 1987 to conduct „archaeological monitoring‟ of the site, almost as an
afterthought. This type of minimal archaeological investigation is usually recommended
because a site is likely to have low significance or because it has been so disturbed
through usage that any archaeological evidence yielded would be of limited value due to
compromised archaeological context (NSWHO / DUAP 1996:8-9).
When the first large-scale objects were excavated and began reacting adversely
with the above-ground atmosphere a metals conservator from the fledgling Australian
National Maritime Museum (ANMM) was consulted. In due course many of the
recovered objects were acquired into the National Maritime Collection (Higginbotham
1987a; Higginbotham and Bullock 2003; Hughes 1987:18).
The archaeologist, Edward Higginbotham, began by documenting two sections in
the vicinity of the discovered objects at Bennelong Point. The sections were located
about 40 metres apart, midway between the eventual find sites, which were roughly 200
metres apart. The sections reveal seawall and slab construction from different
engineering phases at the tidal location - built over piles, tar, concrete, rubble, fill, silt,
soil, mud, slurries or sandstone bedrock. He found the type of material typical of past
activity at many historic engineered sites e.g. salt glazed ceramic pipes, wooden fittings
4

�(wharf and deck structures), large scale metal fittings (including fixtures for seawall and
perhaps for cranes), and also glass bottles and broken glass (Higginbotham 1987b).
Higginbotham considered that the deposits were associated with a seawall
completed in 1884 relating to Circular Quay (Sydney Cove) commercial shipping. This
determined the theme under which the objects were acquired into the National Maritime
Collection as „Economic and Commercial History‟. His 1987 conclusion, „confirmed the
absence of archaeological deposits associated with the early development of Sydney
Cove and Circular Quay‟ (Higginbotham 1987b:8).
On Australia Day, 26 January 1988, Queen Elizabeth launched the bicentennial
celebrations for Australia at the Sydney Opera House, and in 2007 the Sydney Opera
House became a World Heritage Site (UNESCO 2007). .

The Sydney Cove Chain Conservation Plan
The 2003 „Sydney Cove Chain Conservation Plan‟ (the Conservation Plan) reduced the
uncertainty surrounding the significance of the Sydney Cove Chain by calibrating visual
and documentary evidence to revise back the dates of deposition of the artefacts by at
least 20 years, and firmly identified the chain artefacts typologically with initial naval
usage of the Cove - from the arrival of the second fleet in 1795 until the navy moved
operations one bay to the east (Farm Cove) in 1841.
Condition problems (delaminating stone and metal surfaces) and lack of time to
conduct conservation or significance assessment led to suggestions by 2000 that the
objects be de-accessioned It was at this point that the objects were suggested as the
subject of a student project – in the first instance to devise a treatment regime
compatible with both metal and stone components. Once this was done, however, it
became clear that no treatment would be undertaken unless someone could show that
the objects were of some significance. This is when conservator turned into curator, as
relevant staff curators still had no time to investigate the significance of the objects.

Sydney Cove Chain ‘statement of significance’
Following is the „statement of significance‟ 4 created for the ten items comprising the
Sydney Cove Chain acquired into Australian National Maritime Collection (ANMM) in
1987:
The massive wrought iron chain pieces recovered from Sydney Cove in 1986-1987 are
typical Admiralty Pattern Mooring Chain deployed around the globe between
approximately 1580 and 1988. These objects are rare in Australian maritime experience
and unique in Australian maritime collections, because such chains are commonly left in
situ on the seafloor to continue serving as permanent moorings – or are abandoned. The
Sydney Cove Chain was imported from Britain and used to moor hulks and convict
transports in Sydney Cove shortly after English settlement (~1795-1823+), during the
primarily naval phase of use of the Cove.
4

A „statement of significance‟ is „a reasoned, readable summary of the meaning, values and
importance of an item or collection. A statement of significance makes the importance of items
and collections accessible to a wide audience.‟ (Russell and Winkworth 2009:63).

5

�The Chain tells us about naval equipment and practice at a time before the full
phasing in of chain for shipboard use (beginning 1817), and the incorporation of a clump
anchor, hewn from local rock, is symptomatic of the shortages of naval stores
experienced in the colony.
There is evidence to suggest that Captain Matthew Flinders laid such a chain for
his hulked ship H.M.S. Investigator, after completion of a major part of his
circumnavigation of the continent he named Australia. Apart from association with the
earliest period of English settlement, the Chain is also connected with later phase
commercial usage of Sydney Cove, as parts of it were dredged up and used as fill behind
civic seawalls from around 1860.
The Sydney Cove Chain is in poor condition and in need of conservation
treatment. The iron retains friable but treatable original surfaces, and the corrosion
expansion of one link threatens the integrity of the sandstone clump anchor. The rarity
and representativeness of the Sydney Cove Chain and related artefacts is significant for
early Australian history, and a range of significances have been assigned to the objects
according to archaeological provenancing detail.
The capacity of these extremely heavy gauge objects to support interpretations
of the past, which seek to demonstrate the stamina and ingenuity of earlier generations in
creating and positioning equipment, without motorisation, or making-do in local
circumstances (clump anchor), is also significant. The Sydney Cove Chain may also be
used to interpret late eighteenth-early nineteenth century quarrying practice, wrought iron
production and chain production, as well as the naval practices of mooring and boom
defence.

Admiralty Pattern Mooring Chain
A fundamental problem with the Sydney Cove Chain when research began was that noone consulted at the ANMM or the Sydney Heritage Fleet had seen chain of that large
size before. Each of the three lengths comprise three iron links approximately 1 metre
long each, and one ring. Length One is attached to a large sandstone block with a
similarly large iron staple. The heavy gauge of the Chain is extraordinary – the bar it was
made from ranges between 2 and 4 inches in diameter.
After a national and international search the object type was finally identified by
the Chief Salvage and Mooring Officer of the Ministry of Defence in the United Kingdom,
Mr Morgyn Davies O.B.E., as „Mooring Cable, Square Link‟ or Admiralty Pattern Mooring
Chain (APMC) (Davies 2003a). He explained that its main usage in British Admiralty
permanent moorings meant that it mostly remains on the seafloor, where it is often
purchased in situ by commercial port managers in the knowledge that a diver check will
confirm that corrosion and fouling are not advanced (Davies 2003b).
Whether made from wrought iron, cast iron, forged steel or cast steel, the heavy
gauge and high quality metal used in Admiralty Pattern designs, the absence of a
welded stud link between each long side (as found in ship-board chain), and location on
the seafloor often in a layer of silt, promotes corrosion resistance. Davies is aware that
all production types continue in active use at many locations around the world (Davies
2003b).
The Sydney Cove Chain appears to be made from rolled wrought iron. It is not
now possible to tell whether it was also oiled, painted or tarred against rusting, although
it may have been „case hardened‟ 5, with the same aim in mind. Testing revealed high
5

Surface carbon layer added during forging process.

6

�phosphorous content, which along with sulphur is a traditional corrosion inhibiting
inclusion. Metallurgical analysis concluded that the phosphorous content indicated an
English origin, even though archival evidence was found of massive chain production in
Australia by at least 1822 (SRNSW 6053 4/1756:152-155).
The Conservation Plan traces Sydney Cove mooring patterns from the first day of
European settlement. The muddy bottom and rocky foreshores were found to favour the
local creation of clump anchors, and the three lengths of chain may represent specific
usage in „Resilient type‟ or 3-arm‟ moorings, but they may also have been used in „Trot‟,
„Single‟, or as Matthew Flinders‟ log book attests, in „Bridle type four-arm‟ moorings
(Curryer 1999:137; L C of A 1951:154).

Figure 4. Types of moorings for ships.
Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty 1951:154.
An alternate use of APMC is in the construction of defensive chain barriers and
booms. Research revealed large iron chains to keep unwanted shipping away from
certain locations from at least the Fourth Crusade in 1203, when the Venetians broke
the chain protecting Golden Horn Bay on the Bosphorus. They carried it back to Venice,
along with the four bronze horses from Constantinople‟s Hippodrome which now adorn
St Mark‟s cathedral (Diamant 1989:87). Various locations in England, Europe, the
Mediterranean and North America have been defended in this way.
Notable examples include „ye mightie chayne of iryne‟ which failed to stop the
Dutch invading a tributary of the Thames to steal the English flagship Royal Charles in
1667, and „George Washington‟s Watch Chain‟, which succeeded where Benedict
Arnold failed, in deterring the British at West Point in 1780 (Diamant 1989:1-2). In the

7

�American Civil War (1861-1865) the Confederates 6 were credited with being particularly
inventive in such matters of the emerging field of „psychological warfare‟ (Diamant
1989:xv). At Charleston they combined Dutch chevaux de frises timber bulwark and iron
spear technology with chains to flummox Union ship captains (Diamant 1989:39).
Debate raged for centuries as to the effectiveness of chains and booms as
deterrents (Baker Brown 1910:7; Clinch 1915:210, 215). Consensus found that, if
deployed, defensive chains and booms should be operated from and protected by the
firepower of overlooking fortifications on headlands (Corp. of Royal Engineers 18531862:172, 288).
This matter was played out in Sydney as naval, military and civic advisors
informed successive government enquiries into Colony defences. The two main schools
of thought battled over whether to focus on protecting Sydney Cove or the larger Sydney
Harbour (Port Jackson), closer to the open ocean (Bullock 2003:117-122; Austin
1979:264, 150; SRNSW 6052 4/1752:156. With batteries 7 on Bennelong Point and
Dawes Point just 666 metres apart, Sydney Cove was amenable to such defensive
chain deployment.
From first settlement batteries had been „thrown up‟ along Sydney Harbour in
panicked reaction to European conflicts e.g. Garden Island in 1796 against the French
and in 1820 against the Russians (Macey 2002); George‟s and Middle Heads against
the Spanish from 1801 (Austin 1979:151; Hendy-Pooley 1903:135). The French were
the abiding enemy, with their presence being felt from the first with de La Perouse‟s
vessels only prevented from making landfall at Botany Bay by strong winds, as the
British First Fleet scouted the same Bay for a suitable settlement site in late January
1788 (Marchant 2011).
Fear of America was fuelled by the 1839 clandestine appearance of Captain
Charles Wilkes‟ U.S. Naval Expedition in Sydney Harbour. He bragged, „Had war
existed, we might, after firing the shipping, and reducing the great part of the town to
ashes, have affected a retreat before daybreak, in perfect safety‟ (Jones 1986:13).
By 1873 visiting English novelist Anthony Trollope made the following
observations about the „martial ardour‟ of Sydneysiders (Dow 1966:36):
I had previously no idea that the people of New South Wales were either so suspicious of
enemies, or so pugnacious in their nature. I found five separate fortresses, armed, or to
be armed, to the teeth with numerous guns – four, five or six at each point – Armstrong
guns, rifled guns, guns of eighteen tons weight, with loopholed walls, and pits for
8
riflemen, as though Sydney were to become another Sebastopol …There was a boom to
be placed across the harbour, and a whole world of torpedoes ready to be sunk beneath
the water, all of which were prepared and ready for use in an hour or two. It was
explained to me that „they‟ could not possibly get across the trenches, or break the boom,
or escape the torpedoes, or live for an hour beneath the blaze of guns. „They‟ would not
have a chance to get at Sydney.

6

The Confederate States were the southern states of the now United States of America. During the
American Civil War the southern and northern states were at war.
7
A defensive battery is a simple form of defence and comprises earthen or stone walls, cannons and / or
rifles, along with people trained to fire ammunition and return fire.
8
Sebastopol was the capital of the Crimea. The Crimean War was waged between Great Britain and
Russia between 1892 and 1896.

8

�A comprehensive scheme for upper harbour protection with booms and large
chains was proposed to Parliament in 1863, and there is some evidence that materials
were bought. To date, however, there is no evidence that such defences existed at the
mouth of Sydney Cove. The matter of the effectiveness of these deterrents was decided
with the invention of more powerful guns and mines, and the consequent outdating of
fortifications. Also, Australians seemed finally and uneasily to accept the English
philosophy: that by maintaining its maritime supremacy in the Northern Hemisphere
attacks on its interests on the far side of the world would be averted (Lambert 2001:100104).

Conclusion
Australia‟s 1988 bicentennial party caused the Sydney Cove Chain to be discovered. It
is unfortunate that the opportunity to conduct a more serious archaeological
investigation was not taken at the time, as quick work left the ANMM, as custodial
institution, with long-term challenges concerning these surprisingly delicate objects.
The Conservation Plan allowed deeper investigation. A number of firm results
reduced the uncertainty surrounding the assemblage, and twenty-two recommendations
cover the topics „General Heritage and Museum Practice‟, „Implementation of
Conservation Plan‟ and „Significance Research‟, making the path clear for the Museum
when it is in a position to act (Bullock 2003). Most of the recommendations can be
achieved in-house.
A major external recommendation is that heritage bodies acknowledge the
ongoing difficulties cases like the Sydney Cove Chain confer on custodial institutions,
and that they adjust and enforce their regulations to avoid such outcomes. In 1996 the
New South Wales heritage legislation and bureaucratic structures changed for the better
(NSWHO 1996, 2002), but some feel that still more could be achieved for historical
evidence (Heritage Act Review Panel 2009; Curby and McClean 2009).
A further bold recommendation is internal to the collecting institution – that it
seriously address its object accessioning backlog before trails go cold. To this end some
alternatives were suggested, ranging from engaging student volunteers or paid extra
staff in a significance assessment and documentation drive, through to implementing a
moratorium on new acquisitions until backlogs are addressed. In view of the
Conservation Plan research it was also suggested that the objects should be reclassified
under the „Maritime Archaeology and Ship Technology‟, „Naval Service in Australia‟, or
even „Colonial Exploration‟ (rather than „Economic and Commercial History‟) collecting
themes, pending evidence obtained through further significance research.9
The Sydney Cove Chain is positive proof that archaeological deposits at
Bennelong Point may indeed hold keys to a range of early usages at this site of
fundamental importance to Australia‟s history and identity. As significance assessment
changes when new evidence becomes available and according to the perspectives of
the people consulted, I hope that further evidence comes to light following the
„Significance Research‟ recommendations in the Conservation Plan. This should further

9

Please note that the ANMM Collection Development Plan was updated in 2005, so the particular
collecting theme names would now need to be adjusted.

9

�reduce uncertainty about these unusual objects, as well as other aspects of Bennelong
Point‟s past.

Epilogue
The Sydney Opera House Conservation Plan of 1993 has been updated twice. The third
edition dated 2003 describes the bicentennial lower concourse building works of the late
1980‟s, assigning to these modern works a „B‟ level of significance i.e. „considerable
significance‟10 (Kerr 2003:33). The eminent author of this report James Semple Kerr
recognises the surviving parts of the 1860‟s seawall as one of the two major surviving
elements of early occupation of the site in this area. Although, „encased in concrete or
buried in mud‟ (Kerr 2003:94) he recommends its removal only, „where it becomes
necessary for the stability of the broadwalk or associated structures above‟ (Kerr
2003:57). Kerr concludes that the Bennelong Point site „is now so heavily disturbed that
sub-surface cultural remains are limited‟ (Kerr 2003:94).
Although official comprehensive investigation of Bennelong Point seems out of
the question now, development work has continued at the site e.g., the Sydney Harbour
Tunnel (1992) (passes underneath this archaeological locale); the Sydney Opera House
Parking Station (1993). The fullest report on the archaeological potential Bennelong
Point appears to have been produced in preparation for the current general site
development in 2010 (GML 2010). One result is that this year archaeological
investigation is being made of the other element that Kerr noted as significant: a
nineteenth-century Bennelong Drain (GML 2010).
After learning of this work I contacted the consultants to make them aware of the
Higginbotham reports and the Conservation Plan, in the hope that they may recover
some better provenanced APMC material, or perhaps even some anchor points for a
Sydney Cove chain defence!

Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the Australian National Maritime Museum for granting permission and providing
assistance for my study of these objects, as well as the many people who provided jigsaw pieces along
the way. In particular I thank Dr Christopher Jenkins for baseline support and help with all things digital,
and the Sydney Harbour Foreshore Authority for awarding the thesis its 2004 Heritage Prize.

Abbreviations
NSWHO
SRNSW

New South Wales Heritage Office
State Records of New South Wales

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Austin, M.,
1979
10

The Army in Australia 1840-1850. Australian Government
Publishing Service, Canberra.

The scheme ranges from A = exceptional significance to D = little significance.

10

�Bullock, V.M.,
2003
Baker Brown Lieut.
Col. W., 1910
Clinch, G.,
1915
Corps of Royal
Engineers (eds),
1853-1862
Curby, P., and
McClean, S.,
2009

Curryer, B.N.,
1999
Davies, M.,
2003a
Davies, M.,
2003b
Diamant, L.,
1989
Dow, H., (ed),
1966
GML (Godden
Mackay Logan Pty
Ltd),
2010

Hendy-Pooley, G.,
1903

NSWHO, Heritage
Act Review Panel,
2007
Higginbotham, E.,
1987a

Higginbotham, E.,
1987b

Sydney Cove Chain: conservation plan, Unpublished Master‟s
thesis, University of Western Sydney, Sydney.
History of Submarine Mining in the British Army, Royal
Engineers Institute, Chatham.
English Coast Defences – from Roman Times to the Early Years
of the Nineteenth Century, G. Bell and Sons Ltd., London.
Aide Memoire to the Military Sciences. (Framed from
contributions of officers of the different services). John Weale,
High Holborn.
„Position re Heritage Amendment Bill 2009‟, Professional
Historians Association of New South Wales, Sydney. Available
at:
http://www.phansw.org.au/publications/Heritage_Act_Position_P
aper_PHA_(NSW)_June_2009.pdf
Anchors – an illustrated history, Chatham Publishing, London.
Commentary on data provided and three questions from Ms V.
Bullock – Letter dated 12 February 2003.
Commentary on data provided and ten questions from Ms V.
Bullock.
Chaining the Hudson: the fight for the river in the American
Revolution, Carol Publishing Group for Lyle Stuart, New York.
Trollope’s Australia: a selection from the Australian passages in
Australia and New Zealand by Anthony Trollope, Thomas
Nelson (Aust) Ltd, Melbourne.
Sydney Opera House: Vehicle and Pedestrian Safety Project
(VAPS), Archaeological Management Plan and Archaeological
Impact Assessment, Report prepared for the Sydney Opera
House Trust, February, Sydney. Available at Appendix D:
http://majorprojects.planning.nsw.gov.au/index.pl?action=view_j
ob&amp;job_id=3623
Defenders and Defences of Australia, with Military
Reminiscences In The Australian Historical Society Journal and
Proceedings [Read before the Society 5th October 1903]: 130140.
A Review of the New South Wales Heritage Act 1977 - Report of
the Independent Expert Panel, December 2007. Available at:
http://www.heritage.nsw.gov.au/docs/mediareleases/heritagact_r
eview_report.pdf
Interim Report on Mooring Rings and Chains from circular Quay
East and the Opera House Forecourt, Edward Higginbotham &amp;
Associates Pty Ltd / Consultant Archaeological Services for the
Department of Public Works, New South Wales, May 1987.
Archaeological Watching Brief During the Remodelling of the
Opera House Forecourt, Sydney, New South Wales, Consultant
Archaeological Services for the Department of Public Works,

11

�Higginbotham, E.,
and Bullock, V.,
2003
Hughes, J.,
1987
Jones, C.,
1986
Kerr, J.S.,
1993

Kerr, J.S.,
2003
Lambert, A.,
2001

L C of A (Lords
Commissioners of
the Admiralty),
1951
Macey, R.,
November 2002
Marchant, L., R.,
2011

NSWHO,
2002
NSWHO, Heritage
Act Review Panel,
2007
NSWHO / DUAP,
1996
Russell, R. and
Winkworth, K.,
2009

New South Wales, December 1987.
email correspondence, 7 March 2003.

'Caring for maritime artefacts‟ in Heritage Conservation News,
Vol. 4 ,2, Heritage Council of New South Wales, Sydney.
Australian Colonial Navies, Australian War Memorial, Canberra.
Sydney Opera House: an interim plan for the conservation of the
Sydney Opera House and its site, Commissioned by New South
Wales Public Works for the Sydney Opera House Trust,
December, Sydney.
Sydney Opera House: a plan for the conservation of the Sydney
Opera House and its site (third edition), Sydney Opera House
Trust, Sydney.
„Australia, the Trent crisis of 1861 and the strategy of imperial
defence‟ In (eds) D. Stevens and &amp; J. Reeve, Southern Trident:
History and the Rise of Australian Naval Power, Allen and Unwin,
Sydney.
Admiralty Manual of Seamanship (seventh impression 1977),
Volume III, Her Majesty‟s Stationery Office, London.
“Island‟s Tourism Birth a Date with History” In Sydney Morning
Herald Newspaper, Fairfax Press, Sydney.
'La Pérouse, Jean-François de Galaup (1741–1788)', Australian
Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography,
Australian National University:
http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/la-perouse-jean-francois-degalaup-2329
Local Government Heritage Guidelines, New South Wales
Heritage Office, Sydney, Chapter 3, Section 3.1.1, Available at:
http://www.heritage.nsw.gov.au/guidelines/index.htm
A Review of the New South Wales Heritage Act 1977 - Report of
the Independent Expert Panel, December 2007. Available at:
http://www.heritage.nsw.gov.au/docs/mediareleases/heritagact_r
eview_report.pdf
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2-0/

12

�SRNSW, Reel 6053
4/1754,
1822
SRNSW Reel 6052
4/1751,
1820
UNESCO,
2007

Overseer of Blacksmiths, New Lumberyard, Referred to in
papers and evidence, and testified before the Board of Enquiry
into the Engineers Department, December 1821 – March 1822.
J.T. Bigge on the Defence of New South Wales, 2 October 1820:
156.
http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/166

13

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                <text>What lies beneath the Sydney Opera House?</text>
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Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>When Australia celebrated the bicentenary of European settlement in 1988, a high profile bicentennial project was the construction of a new lower concourse for the Sydney Opera House. During excavations some giant chains were recovered. The â€˜Sydney Cove Chainâ€™ was ultimately identified as (British) Admiralty Pattern Mooring Chain (APMC). &#13;
&#13;
Much less well known than Admiralty Pattern Anchors and Buoys, APMC is likely to persist on seafloors at British anchorages around the globe due to itâ€™s high quality iron composition and hefty design - each link measures around 1 metre in length and bar width is typically 60 â€“ 100 millimetres (mm).  Also, because it sits on the sea floor, often beneath a layer of silt, APMC is likely to be well preserved by these anoxic conditions at many locations.&#13;
&#13;
In the case of the Sydney Cove Chain there is good evidence to support the theory that at least some elements travelled with the second Governor to the Colony of New South Wales in 1795 â€“ just seven years after first settlement. There is also evidence that these same chains were used by Matthew Flinders to moor the ruined H.M.S. Investigator, after completion of the first circumnavigation of Australia in 1803. &#13;
&#13;
More startling than this is the possibility that such chains were used in the boom defence of Sydney Harbour, against such potential foes as the French, Russians, Spanish and Americans. In fact, between Napoleonic wars the French scientific expedition led by FranÃ§ois Baudin camped with permission yet unease on Bennelong Point â€“ the site of the current Sydney Opera House. What other archaeological treasures remain buried in this area?&#13;
&#13;
In 1987 the contract archaeologist monitoring the building site determined that it was too disturbed to yield significant archaeological evidence (Higginbotham 1987b:8; NSWHO / DUAP 1996:8-9). Masterâ€™s research in 2003 questioned this conclusion, and presented a â€˜statement of significanceâ€™ containing more positive findings (Bullock 2003).</text>
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