67 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/529bc670c824352dee22b69f904b2a1a.pdf 66d48b269ad704a9048c360608fb44c0 PDF Text Text The Impact on the Development of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka through the UNESCO Regional Maritime Archaeology Field Schools. Wijamunige Chandraratne (wijamunigechandraratne@gmail.com) ABSTRACT Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka began in 1992 with focus on the historic port of Galle, but most of those programs were supported by foreign funds and involved foreign consultations. The Avondster (1659) Marine Archaeology Project carried out from 2001 to 2004 contributed to an extent in the creation of a group of local archaeologists and conservators. This was useful when the Sri Lankan team took over the research and conservation independently in 2005, after the tsunami disaster. In 2006, UNESCO initially provided funding to Sri Lanka so that an Asia-Pacific Regional Field School Program for Maritime Archaeology could be set up in Galle. The first and second sessions for Training the Trainers Program took place in 2006 and 2008. However, the lack of support from the Sri Lankan government as well as the ongoing war in the country, prompted the transfer of the field school project to Chanthaburi, Thailand. Three Foundation Courses and two Advanced Courses for GIS and In-situ Conservation were conducted. From 2009 to 2012, 76 participants from 17 different countries joined the training courses, with 11 representatives from Sri Lanka. This paper deals with measuring the development of maritime archaeology in Sri Lanka, especially after the field school program. This will focus on developing infrastructure, field research, conservation, and human resources of the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU). This will also discuss the steps taken to start collaboration projects in the Asia-Pacific region and among the participants of the previous field schools. Further, the progress of the ratification process of the UNESCO 2001 Convention in Sri Lanka will be examined. Key words: UNESCO, Maritime Archaeology, Field Schools List of Figures Figure 1: The UNESCO field School 2006 Figure 2: The UNESCO Second Field School (2010) Figure 3: UNESCO Second Field school 2010 (Thailand) Figure 4: Godawaya First international Collaboration research Project Figure 5: Cover page of national Shipwreck database INTRODUCTION In 1992, maritime archaeology fieldwork in Sri Lanka started on the historic port of Galle in cooperation with foreign maritime archaeologists and supported by foreign funds. As a milestone for the field activities, the Avondster Research and Conservation Project (2001-2004) focused on the shipwreck Avondster (1659) that sank in Galle harbour. The project involved maritime archaeologists from Australia, the Netherlands, England, and the United States of America among others (Parthesius 2007). The Dutch government provided the funding while conservationists comprised the human resource. The project helped produce a group of Sri Lankan maritime archaeologists as well as conservators for underwater artifacts. The project laid the foundation to complete the building construction and other infrastructure, the purchase of equipment and chemicals needed to run field operations. The unfortunate tsunami disaster that took place at the end of the project hampered all the improvements gained and caused confusion. Although the tsunami disaster did not cause harm to the maritime archaeology staff, other physical resources were greatly damaged (Bonke, 2007). The necessary financial and labor investment to restart the fieldwork was done with the intervention of countries like Australia through the Australian Institute of Maritime Archaeology (AIMA), and the Netherlands through the Cultural Emergency Response (CER). Furthermore, the process of establishing the maritime archaeology training center in the Asia-Pacific region in Galle also commenced with funds coming from the Royal Norwegian Grant and UNESCO. Under this program, two field schools for Training the Trainers were conducted in 2006 and 2008 held in 1 �Galle (Figure 1 & 2) participated by local maritime archaeologists, conservationists, and foreign trainees. However, UNESCO decided to transfer the Asia-Pacific Regional Center to the Underwater Archaeology Division (UAD) in Chanthaburi, Thailand. The new training program hosted three Foundation Courses, one Advance Course for Geographic Information Systems (GIS), and one Advance Training Course for In-situ Conservation (Figure 3). These were attended by 11 representatives from Sri Lanka (Menders, 2002). An expectation is to conduct a follow-up on the development of maritime archaeology in Sri Lanka concurrently with the above courses and thereafter. Figure 1: The UNESCO field School 2006 Figure 2: The UNESCO Second Field School (2010) Figure 3: UNESCO Second Field school 2010 (Thailand) The Inter-cooperative Research Project at the Archaeological Wooden Shipwreck Site in Godavaya in 2010. The main topic of discussion at the experts meeting held in conjunction with the Second Foundation Course in Chanthaburi, Thailand, was to implement a preliminary research project based on international cooperation regarding the recent discovery of the Godavaya wooden shipwreck in the southern coast of Sri Lanka. The Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) in Galle proposed to organize the expedition and shoulder the initial expenses of the experts to participate through the UNESCO Bangkok Office and the Netherlands Cultural Fund. Maritime archaeologists representing India, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia participated in the first two weeks of December 2010 and conducted an initial maritime archaeological exploration in the aforementioned site (Chandraratne, 2017) (Figure 4). 2 �Figure 4: Godawaya First international Collaboration research Project In parallel with the implementation of this research process, several research papers were published in international journals that helped make relative and scientific chronologies concerning this archaeological site. The archaeological assemblage included pots, grindstones, glaze ingot, and copper ingot established the date of the shipwreck to the 1st century CE (Common Era). The glazed and copper ingots had been among the major trade components in the ships during that period. Further, the management and conservation of Sri Lanka’s coastal belt and internal waters as part of its maritime cultural heritage was assigned to a team of four (4) maritime archeologists and two (2) conservationists who were working at that time at MAU. The severe lack of human resources meant the team was unable to deal with the existing heritage issues and concerns, and therefore it was emphasized that the development of human resources in the field had to be improved. Human Resource Development in the Maritime Archaeology Unit Most of the heritage managers who joined the archaeology field schools in Sri Lanka and Thailand, as well as in the Avondster project were affiliated with the Department of Archaeology, Department of Museum, and the Sri Lanka Navy. Thus, they did not always have direct access in taking part of the MAU fieldwork. Due to this, applications were called for the recruitment of archaeology graduates to the MAU. Ten archaeology graduates with a special interest in the field of maritime archaeology and who participated in the short-term residential maritime archaeology field schools were selected for further training from the initial 39 applications received by the unit. In 2011, field training activities and diving training activities were started for the newly recruited graduates. With the addition of the new recruits, the number of the Diving Research Section members of the MAU increased to 14. Also in 2011, the Northwest Coast Archaeological Research Project started work on the coastal areas from Chillaw to Mannar to expand the maritime archaeology research activities to other parts of the islands. These areas were previously limited to the southern coast of Sri Lanka for more than two decades. The civil war situation that had started in the 1980s in Sri Lanka completely ended in 2009. By the beginning of 2012, the work of removing the landmines and death traps in the northern and eastern coastal areas had also been completed. In the same year, archaeological explorations were extended to the 3 �Eastern coastal belt, and, in the following year, in the Northern coastal belt. It is a special achievement of the MAU to be able to start maritime archaeological activities in the Western coastal area in 2013. Due to the monsoon weather conditions, diving research activities in Sri Lankan coasts can only be done from November to March in the Southern and Western seaboards, whereas from April to October, in the North Eastern and North Western seaboards. Thus, the annual work plan of the MAU’s Research Section was limited to two months or less per coastal area each year. Opportunities for training in international maritime archaeology field schools were very rare for the second generation of maritime archaeologists. The main factor that affected it was the field school training activities in Chanthaburi, Thailand by the UAD (Underwater Archaeology Division). Also, as a low-income country, Sri Lanka’s institutional economy was in a weak state and political inadequacies created a disadvantageous situation for MAU members to attend international training and postgraduate opportunities. However, some members were able to take advantage of opportunities based on their initiative. For example, the participation of two trainees and one trainer representing MAU in the International Maritime Archaeology Field School held from 15 June to 12 July 2015 in Vietnam. This training program was hosted by the Institute of Archaeology in Vietnam in coordination with UNESCO and the Southeast Asian Regional Centre for Archaeology and Fine Arts (SEAMEO SPAFA) with the financial support of the Netherlands RCE (RIJKSDIENST V00R Net Cultureel Erfgoed). The newly recruited MAU archaeology graduates will undergo theoretical and practical training programs designed to develop their knowledge in maritime archaeology, document and maintain underwater databases, and study possible damages and solutions. Studying the weaknesses in the existing legal framework and making proposals for amendments was also included. Due to the increase in the number of new coastal archaeological sites discovered annually by the maritime archaeology regional exploration projects that started in 2011, the existing human resource capacity of the MAU was not sufficient at all to protect and manage those sites. As a result, the MAU joined hands with the Sri Lanka Police, Sri Lanka Navy, Sri Lanka Coastal Guard, Sri Lanka Fisheries Department, and the National Aquatic Resources Agency (NARA) to manage the situation through an inter-ministerial committee to control the damage caused to the maritime heritage sites by the fishing industry, old iron collectors, and the ones who are using prohibited fishing strategies such as dynamiting. After the establishment of this committee, a great effort was made to protect heritage sites from the very damaging and deterministic influence that had been in place until then. That is, the authority given to the Divisional Secretaries to issue licenses to the private sector to cut and remove metal ships or other vessels sunk in the Sri Lankan coast is subject to the recommendations of the above-mentioned inter-ministerial committee. It is a victory to be able to control the destruction of metal vessels of historical value that have been pilfered through false licenses of the Divisional Secretaries and pretending these vessels to be recent. Further, although it is legal to conduct an Archaeological Impact Assessment (AIA) of the land on which medium and large-scale development projects are started, the implementation of that legal situation around the coastal belt of Sri Lanka is very slow. However, legal amendments in the year 2000 provided some relief to overcome this situation. Further, awareness programs organized for the guides of the tourism diving centers that had taken the diving tourists to the maritime cultural heritage sites were arranged to give an understanding of what their responsibility should be in maritime heritage management. Also, despite long discussions for Sri Lanka’s inclination to adhere to the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Preservation of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, the negotiations have not been effective enough to reach a final agreement. This can be attributed to the disorganized communication and lack of focus in the organizational structure. This can be due to political instabilities that arise from time 4 �to time as well as unstable policies and plans have had a strong impact on the study of the process of updating national legal systems and adapting to international conventions related to the sustainable existence of maritime cultural heritage. Also, regarding the existing legal status of Sri Lanka's Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) and taking necessary actions to increase its capacity, MAU and the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) works very closely with its subsidiary the International Committee on the Underwater Cultural Heritage (ICUCH) in the formulation of necessary policies. National and International Activities of the MAU After the year 2010, MAU embarked on many initiatives of national importance such as the establishment of the Museum of Maritime Archaeology (MMA) in 2010. Even though MAU was established in Galle in the same year, the necessity of creating a museum to exhibit the artifacts recovered from it was strongly emphasized. The old Dutch warehouse building in the historic Galle Fort was converted into the MMA after it was removed from its state institutional use and was thereby conserved. Currently, this museum attracts thousands of tourists daily. Consisting of four galleries, the museum is dedicated to the knowledge and entertainment of the public by constantly updating science with discoveries. Conducting short-term maritime archaeology residential field schools for archaeology undergraduates in the Department of Archaeology of the National University System. The MAU has been conducting in-house field schools for archaeology undergraduates in universities since 2008 but was done only for a limited number of selected candidates. After 2010, the course structure of those field schools is patterned after the course structure of the UNESCO maritime archaeology field school. Consequently, the archaeology study departments of the respective universities involved all the final year undergraduate students and recommended that the program be sustained. Because of this, all archaeology graduates are equipped with a wide range of knowledge about maritime archaeology. In relation to the collaborative maritime archaeology projects between the MAU and the Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU), the Department of Archaeology of Sri Lanka possesses the legal authority to impose policies. However, since 2001, all aspects of marine cultural heritage exploration, reporting, publishing, and exhibition are being implemented by the MAU, which is controlled under the Central Cultural Fund (CCF). Nevertheless, the UAU, with limited human and physical resources, also functions under the Archaeology Department. Accordingly, a limited number of maritime archaeologists who have acquired knowledge from the UNESCO field schools are working with both MAU and UAU. Post 2010 emphasis was placed on maintaining maritime archaeology projects in collaboration with both these units. The UAU members were regularly involved in all the maritime archaeology projects carried out in connection with all aspects of the Godavaya excavation. The MAU also collaborated with UNESCO-supported projects in 2010. From 2011 to 2014, the UAU also cooperated with MAU. The MAU was involved with collaborative projects with the American Institute of Nautical Archaeology (INA) organization, centered around the historic wooden shipwreck Godavaya. This cooperation between MAU and UAU was the main reason for the development achieved so far in the field of maritime archaeology. 5 �CREATION OF NATIONAL SHIPWRECK DATABASE The MAU planned from the beginning to include all the data into the system that identified underwater archaeological sites discovered since the beginning of maritime archaeology research in Sri Lanka. Since this is not a task that can be done alone, the volunteer services of the Institute of Archaeology and Heritage Studies (IAHS), a private-sector heritage research institute, have been obtained. Thus, the Sri Lankan National Shipwreck database was published in the year 2022 and it contains data on 109 marine archaeological sites discovered by the MAU (Figure 5). This is not a database prepared with complete data entry and is created based on data updates. 6 �Figure 5: Cover page of national Shipwreck database CONCLUSION The maritime archaeology research that started three decades ago in Sri Lanka was done gradually and was unorganized in the first two decades. However, beginning in 2010, developing research activities were on a more organized and sustainable basis. The civil war situation in the country had ended and a peaceful atmosphere was created. The socio-economic situation that had been unstable previously had improved to a significant level, which enabled maritime archeological activities to be gradually directed to an organized approach. In the third decade, the MAU was able to create the necessary background for developing human resources in maritime archaeology to produce a group of professional maritime archaeologists and experts in the conservation of underwater artifacts. The programs implemented for the participation of professionals in related fields and the general public in managing marine cultural heritage were attainable. The projects implemented so far for the publication of maritime archaeological heritage discoveries together with the Maritime Archaeology Museum and MAU have been extremely successful. The awareness programs about maritime archaeology to university undergraduates, the confirmation by local people's participation for the protection of maritime archaeological sites discovered regionally, and the awareness programs such as educating the school student community regarding underwater cultural heritage has been effective. An important achievement is the discovery of underwater archaeological heritage sites hidden in the regional coastal belt around the island by the regional maritime archeological explorations. Also of equal significance is the publication of a national shipwreck database carried out in parallel with the recording of the identified heritage sites. Finally, the UNESCO Maritime Archaeology Field Schools was a great help for all these developments achieved by Sri Lanka in the field of maritime archaeology. 7 �Bibliography Bonke.H., Parthesius .R., Ketel.C.V.D.P., Avondster Project Artifact Catalogue, 2007,Center for International Heritage Activities , special Publication No.1,The Netherlands. Clark, A.C., 1964. Ceylon and the underwater archaeologist.Expedition,Vol,6(3):18-21. Chandearathne, W., 2017, Past Present and future of Asean maritime heritage (Eds.)., Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka, Underwater Archaeology Division, Fine arts Department, ministry of Culture. Excavation Report on Ambalangoda Fisheries’Harbour.2012, (Unpublished in Sinhala), The Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central Cultural Fund, Galle. Devendra,S., 1996. Under the waters of Galle. The Galle Harbour Maritime Archaeology Project. The D.T. Devendra Memorial Lecture, 1999. Colombo. Daily News: 21st and 22nd April 1999. Devendra.s.,Muthucumarana.P.R.,Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka. Twenty Five Years Old and New Beginning, 2013. (Unpublished) The Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central Cultural Fund, Galle. Godfrey.I.M.,1998.Report on Wood Identification – Sri Lanka1997.Western Australian Maritime Museum,Perth. Green.J.,and Parthesius .R.,(Eds.),1997,Galle –A Port in History. Seminar Papers,Australian National Centre for Excellence in Maritime Archaeology, Special Publication No.2. Gaur, A.S., and etal. "Preliminary Assesment of an Early Historic (2000-Yeras-old) Shipwreck at Godawaya, Sri Lanka." Bulletin of the Austrolassion lnstitute for Maritime Archoeology,2OTl,:9-L7. Green.J., Devendra.S., and Parthesius.R., (Eds.),1998, Report for the Sri Lanka Department of Archaeology: Galle Harbour Project1996-97. Special Publication No.4 of the Australian National Centre of Excellence for Maritime Archaeology, Fremantle,1998,ISBN1-876465-6-9:. Green.J., Devendra.S.,( Eds.),1993, Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka:The Galle Harbour Project1992,Archaeological Department of Sri Lanka, Central Cultural fund, Western Australian Maritime Museum, and Post Graduate Institute of Archaeology, Colombo. Green.J., Devendra.S.,1993,Interim report on the joint Sri Lanka-Australian maritime archaeology training and research programme1992-3.International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol.22(4):331-43. Jayathilaka.G., De silva.N.,1998,Ambalangoda Shipwreck: Report on a Preliminary Investigation, Unpublished Report to the Director General, Dept. of Archaeology, Sri Lanka. Maritime Archaeological Exploration Report on The Eastern Coastal Area,2012-2013, (Unpublished in Sinhala), The Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central Cultural Fund, Galle. Maritime Archaeological Exploration Report on The Northern Coastal Area,2013-2014, (Unpublished in Sinhala), The Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central Cultural Fund, Galle. Parthesius .R.,(Eds.), Avondster Project Excavation Report 2007.,Center for International Heritage Activities, special Publication No.1,The Netherlands. Martijn R. Manders and Christopher J. Underwood., (Eds.), 2012, Training Manual for the UNESCO Foundation Course on the Protection and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Asia and the Pacific , Published by UNESCO Bangkok Asia and Pacific Regional Bureau for Education Mom Luang Pin Malakul Centenary Building 920 Sukhumvit Road, Prakanong, Klongtoey Bangkok 10110, Thailand. 8 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Impact on the Development of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka through the UNESCO Regional Maritime Archaeology Field Schools. Description An account of the resource Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka began in 1992 with focus on the historic port of Galle, but most of those programs were supported by foreign funds and involved foreign consultations. The Avondster (1659) Marine Archaeology Project carried out from 2001 to 2004 contributed to an extent in the creation of a group of local archaeologists and conservators. This was useful when the Sri Lankan team took over the research and conservation independently in 2005, after the tsunami disaster. In 2006, UNESCO initially provided funding to Sri Lanka so that an Asia-Pacific Regional Field School Program for Maritime Archaeology could be set up in Galle. The first and second sessions for Training the Trainers Program took place in 2006 and 2008. However, the lack of support from the Sri Lankan government as well as the ongoing war in the country, prompted the transfer of the field school project to Chanthaburi, Thailand. Three Foundation Courses and two Advanced Courses for GIS and In-situ Conservation were conducted. From 2009 to 2012, 76 participants from 17 different countries joined the training courses, with 11 representatives from Sri Lanka. This paper deals with measuring the development of maritime archaeology in Sri Lanka, especially after the field school program. This will focus on developing infrastructure, field research, conservation, and human resources of the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU). This will also discuss the steps taken to start collaboration projects in the Asia-Pacific region and among the participants of the previous field schools. Further, the progress of the ratification process of the UNESCO 2001 Convention in Sri Lanka will be examined. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Wijamunige Chandraratne Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Chandraratne, Wijamunige. 2023. “The Impact on the Development of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka through the UNESCO Regional Maritime Archaeology Field Schools.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Bobby Orillaneda, and Brian Fahy. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1996 Asia-Pac Session 18 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/264c659af323710fdbbe25ce935336ed.pdf 57bbe2311d9e5f1484a61a6edbcc6a4e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2021 Session 11: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region Subject The topic of the resource Session 11 papers Description An account of the resource Abstract Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports. Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organizations. Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. Session Organizer: Sila Tripati Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource New Maritime Archaeological Discoveries from SS Indus Ship wreck (1885) in Sri Lanka Description An account of the resource The Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Central Cultural Fund gathered historical evidences on the SS Indus through archival research and a site survey to identify the shipwreck in 2013 and 2014. The MAU identified an iron wreck close to the coast of Mullaitivu and tentatively identified it as the SS Indus which sank in 1885 with the valuable carved stone plaques of Baharhut Stupa, India (3rd century BC). Alexander Cunningham, the former Archaeological Commissioner of British India [appointed in 1861] intended to send these plaques to be displayed in the London Museum. According to historical records, they salvaged some of the cargo but there is no record on the fate of the stone plaques. The MAU identified an iron wreck about 5km from the Mullativu lighthouse (now in ruins) in 2013. Fishermen and divers helped locate the wreck. According to historical records and nautical charts, the location of this wreck seemed to be the place here the Indus sank. The MAU explored and recorded the site by using photographs, sketches and GPS plotting. The team completed an initial survey but did not find any stone plaques. However, in 2014 and 2017, the MAU excavated the site and identified evidence that proved the wreck is the SS Indus. A drawing of the site and excavated of three test pits were completed in the process. The team unearthed several artifacts but these could not prove the identity of the ship. The MAU is continuing excavations in the site at the moment (Until November 2019) and hope to discuss about the new evidences found from entire research with this paper. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Wijamunige Chanraratne Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Chanraratne, Wijamunige, and Mahinda Karunarathna. 2021. “New Maritime Archaeological Discoveries from SS Indus Ship wreck (1885) in Sri Lanka.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/692 Asia-Pac Session 11 2021 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/cd553bad50371babe6ce4a369476b7ee.pdf acf71196f702b6febb8c2a805b406fb4 PDF Text Text Goods and Texts: Creating an Archaeological and Historical Narrative of Sri Lanka’s Connectivity with Southeast Asia, China, and Beyond Wijerathne Bohingamuwa1 1 Department of History and Archaeology, University of Ruhuna, Matara, Sri Lanka Corresponding Author: wbohingamuwa@yahoo.com ABSTRACT This paper deals with Sri Lanka’s interactions with Southeast Asia, China, and regions beyond from the beginning to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. Several factors, including its central location in the Indian Ocean, have contributed to connecting the island with these regions. Ceramics, epigraphic, and textual data provide the best evidence for reconstructing such interactions. This paper is primarily based on the analysis of ceramics unearthed from the coastal port-urban centres of Mantai, Kantharodai, and Kirinda. This data is compared with the ceramic data from other sites such as Anuradhapura and Thissamaharama, as well as sites from the Indian Ocean Rim, for comparison. Material analysis results are compared against and supplemented by epigraphic and textual data. The key research question addressed here is: What different patterns of Sri Lanka’s connectivity with the eastern segment of the Indian Ocean might emerge through the analysis of material and textual evidence? Research reveals that the material evidence not only predates textual evidence for the beginning of Sri Lanka’s interactions with the region under study but also clearly indicates their continuity up to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. Material evidence, including beads and the transfer of iron technology, dates the earliest relationships to the middle of the first millennium BCE. These cultural-commercial connections were regularized and intensified after the fifth and seventh centuries CE, respectively. Sri Lanka’s culture- historical developments, in general, have always been influenced by the changing dynamics of the Indian Ocean. Keywords: Sri Lanka’s external connectivity, Southeast Asia, China, Ceramics LIST OF ABBRIVIATIONS SEA Southeast Asia SCC1 Southern Chinese Celadon 1 WWS Southern White Wares SEAW Southeast Asian Ware PIOW Paddle Impressed Orange Ware BGW Black Glazed Ware MTIW Mica Tempered Impressed Ware PLOW Pale Light Orange Ware LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Map of site locations mentioned in the text. 1. INTRODUCTION Several factors appear to have favorably contributed to connecting Sri Lanka with the regions across the Bay of Bengal: its location at a critical point in the Indian Ocean; the annual cycle of monsoon winds; the availability of numerous safe seaports; high-demand trade goods; and its reputation as a centre of Theravada Buddhism. The importance of Sri Lankan ports to Indian Ocean trade and naval power prompted several foreign powers to control the island. According to the texts, the religious networks appear to have been the forerunner that linked the island across the Bay of Bengal and were subsequently expanded to include political and economic interactions. Material evidence for trade and exchange, however, appears to predate these historical relations recorded in the texts. Culture-historical developments on the island, therefore, have always been influenced by those in the Indian Ocean. 1 �2. RESEARCH QUESTION, OBJECTIVE AND METHODS The key research question addressed here is: What different patterns of Sri Lanka’s connectivity with Southeast Asia (SEA), and China might emerge through the analysis of material and textual evidence? Accordingly, the objective here is to understand the nature of Sri Lanka’s interactions with the said region from about the middle of the first millennium BCE to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. For this purpose, ceramics unearthed from the Mantai, Kantharodai, and Kirinda (Map 1) were typologically and statistically analyzed. The origin and provenance of ceramics were determined through comparison with published material from the Indian Ocean region. The material and sequences wherein they were found were dated through radiocarbon dates and typological and inter-site comparisons. When the occurrence of identified material across sites is placed in a chronological framework, the pattern of interactions with various regions and how they change over time is visible, although the form of interactions is not necessarily obvious from artifacts alone, for which reason the textual and epigraphic data were integrated. Figure 1: Map of site locations mentioned in the text (Drawing credit: Wasantha Senadeera). 2 �3. SITES, ASSEMBLAGES AND THEIR CHRONOLOGIES Mantai, the key site discussed here, was the main seaport of the capital, Anuradhapura, for more than 1500 years. Its excavated cultural sequence dates from the second century BCE to the twelfth /thirteenth century CE (Bohingamuwa 2017, 65–71). Kantharodai was the urban/ religious centre attached to Jambukolapattana seaport. The excavated sequence here dates from ca. 500 BCE to the early or mid-first century BCE (Bohingamuwa 2017, 475–480). Kirinda is located close to Tissamaharama, the ancient capital of the southern kingdom. Based on radiocarbon dates and diagnostic ceramics, Bohingamuwa (2017, 499–505) dated this sequence from ca. the late third–fourth to the early ninth centuries CE. Kantharodai has the oldest sequence, but the site declined before the start of the Common Era. Although historical sources link Jambukolapattana to various ports in India and the SEA at least since the third century BCE (Mv. 19, 23–43), Kantharodai contains 99.58 per cent local and Indian material. Similarly, Kirinda too contains only a limited number of SEA or Chinese artifacts. Both sites, however, have a large number of sherds identified as "Imported.Unknown" of which the majority are considered to be Southeast Asian based on surface treatment (Bohingamuwa 2017, 194-202). Therefore, Mantai, the longest surviving site with its diverse assemblage, is discussed, while material from the other three sites is used as supplementary evidence. 4. CHINESE CONNECTIONS Of the three sites studied, only the Mantai and Kirinda assemblages contained clearly identifiable Chinese ceramics, amounting to 452 sherds. Kirinda's had only two Dusun ware (Dusun) sherds datable to the late seventh to early/ mid-eighth centuries. Since Chinese ceramics, representing 18 wares, were recovered from Mantai1 (Bohingamuwa 2017, 341; Catalogue Table: C3.9.28), Sino-Sri Lanka connections traceable from ceramics are discussed based on selected key wares (94 per cent of total Chinese sherds) while comparing with other assemblages from the island and overseas. Disregarding intrusive sherds in early phases, the regular Chinese wares occur from around the late seventh/ early eighth century CE (Bohingamuwa 2017, 177). The assemblage includes both storage and tableware. The profusion of Chinese ceramics is noted in Phase VII, dated to between the early/mid-eighth and late ninth centuries. In this phase, Chinese ceramics rapidly increased and diversified in terms of sherd counts (88), number of wares (13), and their types. They included 41 sherds of Dusun storage/transport jars and 12 tableware, such as Yue Celadon Ware (Yue), Changsha Ware (Changsha) and Southern Chinese Celadon 1 (SCC1). The deposit above Phase VII (a disturbed phase) contained 84 sherds, indicating continuity of cultural-commercial interactions with China. The surface at Mantai has extensive Chinese sherd scatters, and 260 sherds were sampled. Both Phase ‘D’ and the Surface have 16 wares, which include Ding Kiln White Ware (Ding) and Southern White Wares (WWS) datable to eleventh/ twelfth centuries. A Chinese ceramic dump recovered from Allaipiddy contained Southern Song dynasty period ceramics (Carswell 1 Our excavation was confined to 3m X 3m. Carsewell et al. (2015) excavated extensively at Mantai, and their ceramic assemblage was strikingly similar to ours. 3 �1985). Similarly, a Chinese sherd dating to the thirteenth/ fourteenth century is housed at the Yapahuwa Museum, indicating the continuity of relations. 4.1 Selected key Chinese wares Of the 18 Chinese wares, only Dusun (265) and Changsha (55) and Yue (22) wares have considerable sherd counts. Since they are widely distributed in the Indian Ocean and securely dated, they are discussed here to illustrate Sino-Sri Lankan connections. 4.1.1 Dusun ware Dusun is considered to have been made either in Hunan Province (Flecker 2001, 335) or Guangzhou (Guy 2008, 11) and is generally dated to the eighth /ninth centuries CE in the western Indian Ocean region (Whitehouse and Williamson 1973; Tampoe 1989; Kennet 2004, 65). Dusun recovered from Mantai, Allaipiddy, and Anuradhapura has been dated by Carswell (2013, 246) to the ninth–twelfth centuries and by Prickett-Fernando (2003, 74) between the seventh and tenth centuries. Dusun in our assemblage dates from the late seventh/ early eighth century to the late ninth/ tenth century. The majority of Dusun finds in Sri Lanka are from the ancient seaports, indicating their transport role, as suggested earlier (Guy 2008; Flecker 2001). 4.1.2. Changsha ware This tableware produced in Hunan province (Hughes-Stangton; Kerr 1981, 57–59) is traded across South Asia to the Persian/Arabian Gulf and to Eastern Africa (Whitehouse and Williamson 1973; Kennet 2004) in the west to Japan and Korea in the east (Carswell et al. 2013, 256). In Sri Lanka, Changsha is found in sites such as Anuradhapura and Mantai, which are dated to the eighth to the tenth centuries (Carswell et al. 2013, 256–266; Prickett-Fernando 2003, 56). Regular occurrences of Changsha in our assemblage date from the early/ mid-eighth to late ninth/ tenth centuries CE (Bohingamuwa 2017, Figure 3.55), which tally with 760–900 CE dates from Shanga (Horton 1996, 303). Whitehouse and Williamson (1973) considered Changsha to represent the earliest phase of Chinese ceramic trade with the West. Sri Lanka was an integral part of this maritime trade network. 4.1.3 Yue Celadon ware The occurrence of Yue ware at Mantai is similar to Changsha and hence dates to the same period, with a possible upper date extension up to the eleventh century. Yue ware is widely reported from Sri Lanka, including Anuradhapura, Yapahuwa, and Polonnaruwa (Coningham 2006; Prematilleke 1982), and is generally dated to the ninth and tenth centuries (Prickett-Fernando 2003, 75); however, our Mantai Yue wares date from the eighth to the eleventh centuries. Horton (1996, 307) also reported the continuity of this ware to the thirteenth century at Shanga. Yue ware is also traded up to the Persian and Arab Gulfs and Eastern Africa (Kennet 2004; Horton 1996, 307). The Sino-Sri Lanka relations apparent in ceramics seem to date between the T’ang (618–907 CE) and Song (960–1279 CE) dynasties. 4 �4.2 Sri Lanka- Southeast Asia (SEA) relations Ceramics identified as Southeast Asian Ware (SEAW) are tentative and are based on their paddle impressions (e.g., Karashima 2004, 3–10; Sasaki 2004, 16–20, 48–50). Lertrit (2004) was certain that such marks were of SEA origin. Similarly, Solheim and Deraniyagala (1972) identified Paddle-impressed sherds recovered from Kudumbigala, as being Southeast Asian. Our SEA assemblage contains both glazed and unglazed tableware and storage / transport wares. 4.2.1 Southeast Asian Wares (SEAW) The SEA assemblage contains 87 sherds, of which only eight are from Kirinda and the rest are from Mantai. The former had only one ware, Paddle Impressed Orange Ware (PIOW), which appears to date from the early sixth/ mid-seventh century to the early eighth century. Therefore, the Mantai assemblage is important to illustrate interactions with that region. It had 79 sherds representing nine wares, of which only Black glazed Ware (BLAG) is glazed (Bohingamuwa 2017, 337, Table C3.10.32). Their occurrence before Phase VII is numerically insignificant, but they may indicate the arrival of SEAW from around the late first/ second century, increasing them from the early seventh to eighth/ninth centuries. Their occurrence matches the dates (100–500 CE, with the majority being after 600 CE) assigned by Solheim and Deraniyagala (1972, 31–32). At Mantai, they continued to arrive until about the twelfth/ thirteenth century. Of the non-glazed wares, Paddle Impressed Orange Ware (PIOW) and Mica Tempered Impressed Ware (MTIW) are more certain as being SEAWs for their decorations. 4.2.2 ‘Imported.Unknown’ (Imp. Unk) ceramics and Southeast Asian connections At Mantai, Katharodai, and Kirinda, there are 1772 sherds (4 per cent) that were identified as non-local for their firing and fabric. Since their origin could not be determined, they were termed ‘Imported. Unknown’. This assemblage contains both tableware and storage/ transport ware. Of the SEA origin ‘Imp.Unk’ sherds, Pale light Orange Ware (PLOW) and PIOW (SEAW) ware resemble a sherd identified by Schenk (2014, 96) as SEAW from Tissamaharama. This identification is based on similar finds in Angkor Borei. Tissamahararama sherd is dated to the fourth/ fifth century CE. However, our SEAWs date from the late first century, and then increased rapidly after the seventh century, making them the earliest SEAWs in Sri Lanka. SEAWs identified by Solheim and Deraniyagala (1972, 31-38) date them from 100–500 CE, while most of them postdate 600 CE. This evidence supports my identification of some ‘Imp.Unk" wares as SEA. The ‘Imp.Unk’ assemblage collectively dates from ca. mid-fourth/ late third century CE and peaks in the early/mid-eighth century. 5. TEXTUAL AND EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE Mahavamsa’s earliest reference to Sri Lanka-SEA relations is the arrival of Suriguttha of Kelasa monastery (Burma) with other monks for a religious event at Anuradhapura in the second century BCE (Mv. 29, 13). Inscriptions datable to the third or second century BCE refer to seafaring, some of which also mention regions to which they sailed. The first century Periyaminikulam inscription mentions a sailor named Naga, who worked for Aji Saka of the Javanese tradition (Paranavitana 1970, cxxvii). Somadeva (2006, 57) 5 �identified a ‘Javaka naya’ (Nayaka), a leader of Javakas, in the Mottayakallu inscription. They were all Malay Peninsula traders who traded with Sri Lanka. The earliest textual evidence for Sino-Sri Lanka are the emissaries sent by the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE) (Werake 1978, 64–73). Such early China-Sri Lanka relations are clear from Pliny’s record of Rachia, the chief Sri Lankan envoy to Claudius court, who described his father’s visit to Seres (China). This visit is recorded in Vamsattappakasini and an inscription at Sasseruwa in Anuradhapura (Abeydheera 2009, 145–165). By the first/ second century CE, Mahaniddesa indicates that Sri Lankan ports acted as transit points in sea voyages between India and the SEA. Therefore, the Satavahanas of Deccan, India (230 BCE– 220 CE) sent their trading ships to Suvannabhumi via Sri Lanka (Gunawardana 2003, 19–20). It is roughly when our SEA wares appear at Mantai. These interactions appear to have intensified after the arrival of Fa-Xian in the fifth century, as is clear from the 11 religious missions exchanged in the next two centuries (Werake 1978, 64–73). Nandi, who transported Sri Lankan Buddhist nuns to establish the order of nunneries in China in 426 and 429, was a highly experienced sailor on long-distance sea voyages (Grimes 1941, 76–79). Buddhist monks played a significant role in strengthening cultural and commercial relations between the two regions. Buddhist pilgrims such as Gunawarman and Vajrabodhi stopped in Sri Lanka in their long journeys (Gunawardana 2003, 24–65) because the island was a Theravada Buddhist centre where there were many sacred places/ objects of worship. They sailed on merchant ships that were linked to trade routes and trading ports. Cosmas (XI. 15–16) reports that ‘Seeladiba’ (Sri Lanka) acted as the ‘mediaex’ in east-west maritime trade, and its ports were linked to trading centres all over the world. The rise of Islam in Arabia and the Tang dynasty in China brought a new dynamic to the Indian Ocean maritime trade by shifting the Arabian sea-centered trade to the Bay of Bengal. Consequently, the southeastern and eastern ports of Sri Lanka gained significance, and an increase in interaction with the SEA is visible in the archaeological record. The influence of Sri Lankan Buddhist statues in the SEA (Dupont 1959, 631–636), as well as Mahayana influence on Bodhisatva statues in Southeastern Sri Lanka, is clearly noticeable (Ghosh 1937). Interaction between the Mahayana sects in Sri Lanka and those in SEA seems to have further strengthened, as is clear from the eighth century Ratubuka inscription in central Indonesia (Casparis 1961, 241–243), which mentions an Anuradhapura Abhayagiri Vihara-affiliated monastery. The continuity of interactions with SEA is also clear from Vijayabahu I’s (1055–1110) political and cultural relations with Burma, as well as Parakrambahu I’s invasion and subsequent peace negotiations by Buddhist monks (Wickramasinghe 1960, 38–58). In the texts, Sino-Sri Lankan relations appear to have largely collapsed after the decline of the Tang dynasty and Buddhism in China. However, the continuity of trade relations is clearly visible in the ceramic record up to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 6. CONCLUSIONS The foregoing analysis of material, epigraphic and textual evidence dates the island’s earliest interactions with SEA and China to the middle of the first millennium BCE. Although not discussed here, the 6 �identification of the transfer of iron smelting furnace technology from Sri Lanka to SEA and up to Japan from around the fourth century BCE (Juleff 2009, 557–77) and the trade of Sri Lankan-made Indo-Pacific glass beads, dated to 400 BCE at Anuradhapura (Conningham 2006, 357), to SEA support this claim. However, such early interactions are not reflected in texts. By about the third/ second centuries BCE, these interactions seemed to have intensified and expanded up to China. Many early Brahmi inscriptions dated to this period refer to seafaring and trading communities, including those from the Malay peninsula. Interestingly, the earliest reference in the Mahavamsa to the arrival of Buddhist monks in Burma dates to the third century BCE. The visit of Han dynasty emissaries to the island this time indicates the trading interests of China. By the beginning of the Common Era, Sri Lanka’s cultural-commercial exchanges had extended from Rome to China, as is clear from the statements of the Sri Lankan envoy to the Claudius court. These interactions increased by the late first/ second century CE, as is clear from the appearance of Paddle-impressed wares and the finding of a piece of Chinese silk at the Kotavehera Buddhist stupa (ColomboPage 2011). By this time, texts are explicit that Sri Lankan ports were linked to ports in India and the SEA. The fifth century marked the expansion of these interactions from China to the Mediterranean, as clear from Procopius (Procopius I.20, 9–13) and the arrival of Buddhist pilgrims such as Faxian in the Island and the 11 religious missions exchanged between China and Sri Lanka. In the next century, Sri Lanka became the center of Indian Ocean trade, and its ports will be linked to ports around the world (Cosmas XI, 15–16). The late seventh/ eighth century witnessed the arrival of Chinese ceramics and then a profusion of Chinese and Southeast Asian wares up to the twelfth/ thirteenth centuries CE. In response to the change of maritime trade from the Arabian Sea to the Bay of Bengal in the seventh century, southern and eastern ports gained significance, and close cultural relations with the SEA are clear from the archaeological record, texts, inscriptions, religion, and art. While it is difficult, archaeologically, to distinguish between trade and other forms of exchange, most of the commodities discussed here appear to be traded. Textual data makes it clear that religious networks were not only the forerunners of these interactions, but they also facilitated political and commercial relations. Acknowledgement This paper is primarily based on my PhD field research. I acknowledge the University of Oxford-based SEALINKS Project of Dr. Nicole Boivin and Prof. Dorian Fuller’s NERC Early Rice Project for funding my fieldwork and dating. I thank my supervisors, Dr. Nicole Boivin, Dr. Derek Kennet, Dr. Damian Robinson, and Ms. Kalangi Rodrigo for proofreading. 7 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Abeydeera, A. “Raki’s Mission to Romanukharatha: New Evidence in Favor of Pliny’s Account of Taprobanê, “N. H.” 6.84-91”. Habis 40 (2009): 145–65. Bohingamuwa, W. Sri Lanka and the Indian Ocean: External Connections and Internal Networks (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, 2017). University of Oxford. The United Kingdom. Carswell, J. “Chinese ceramics from Allapiddy in Sri Lanka”. In A Legacy of Asia’s maritime trade. 3-49. Kuala Lumpur (Southeast Asian Ceramic Society), West Malaysian Chapter, 1985. Carswell, J., Deraniyagala, S. and Graham, A. Mantai-City by the Sea. Aichwarld: Linden Soft Verlag, 2013. Casparis, J. G. de. “New Evidence on Cultural Relations between Java and Ceylon in Ancient Times.” Artibus Asiae (1961):241– 48. ColomboPage, 2011. ColomboPage: Sri Lanka Internet Newspaper. [Online] http://www.colombopage.com/archive_11/Mar14_1300117391KA.php [Accessed 25. 08. 2014]. Available at: Coningham, R. A. E. Anuradhapura: The British-Sri Lankan Excavations at Anuradhapura Salagha Watta, 2 Volume 2 – the Artefacts. BAR S1508. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2006. Cosmas Indicopleustes: Topographia Christiana. II-XI Dupont, P. “Les Buddha Dits d’Amaravati En Asie Du Sud-Est.” Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 49, no 2 (1959): 631–36. Flecker, M. "A Ninth-Century AD Arab or Indian Shipwreck in Indonesia: First Evidence for Direct Trade with China.” World Archaeology 32, no. 3 (2001): 335–54. Ghosh, D. “Two Bodhisattva images from Ceylon and Srivijaya.” Journal of the Greater India Society 4, (1937): 125–127. Grimes, A. 1941. “The Journey of Fa-Hsien from Ceylon to Cantan.” The Journal of the Malayan Branch of Royal Asiatic Society XIX, no 1 (1941): 76–92. Gunawardana, R. A. L. H. 2003. “Seaways to Seilediba: Changing Patterns of Navigation in the Indian Ocean and Their Impact on Precolonial Sri Lanka” In Sri Lanka and the Silk Road of the Sea, edited by Bandaranayake, S. Dewaraja, L., Silva, R. and Wimalaratne, K. D.G., 17–36. Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, 2003. Guy, J. “Early Nineth-Century Chinese Export Ceramics and the Persian Gulf Connection: The Belitung Shipwreck Evidence.” The Oriental Ceramic Society of the Philippines Newsletter, no. February (2008): 7–12. Horton, M. Shanga, Archaeology of a Muslim Trading Community on the Coast of East Africa. The British Institute of the Eastern Africa Memoir 14. London: The British Institute of the Eastern Africa, 1996. Hughes-Stanton, Penelope. and Kerr, Rose. Kiln sites of ancient China an exhibition lent by the People’s Republic of China. London: British Museum, Oriental Ceramic Society, 1981. Juleff, G. “Technology and Evolution: A Root and Branch View of Asian Iron from First Millennium BC Sri Lanka to Japanese Steel.” World Archaeology 41, no 4 (2009): 557–77. 8 �Karashima, N. In Search of Chinese-Sherds in South India and Sri Lanka. Tokyo: Taisho University, 2004. Kennet, D. Sassanian and Islamic Pottery from Ras Al-Khaimah. BAR S1248. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2004. Lertrit, S. “Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Ceramic Chronology for Central Thailand.” Silpakorn University International Journal 4, no 1-2 (2004): 5–37. Mahavamsa. Colombo: National Museum, 1912. Paranavitana, S. Inscription of Ceylon: Early Brahmi Inscriptions, Vol. I (Part1). Colombo: Department of Archaeological Survey of Sri Lanka. 1970. Prematilleke, P. L. Alahana Pirivena, Polonnaruwa Archaeological Excavation Report (April – September 1981). Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, 1982. Prickett-Fernando, M. “Durable Goods: The Archaeological Evidence of Sri Lanka’s Role in the Indian Ocean Trade.” In Sri Lanka and the Silk Road of the Sea, edited by Bandaranayake, S. Dewaraja, L., Silva, R. and Wimalaratne, K. D.G., 53–76. Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, 2003. Procopius, History of the wars Vol I. London: The Loeb Classical Library, 1961. Sasaki, H. “Chinese and Thai Ceramics in Kottapatnam” In In Search of Ceramic-Sherds in South India and Sri Lanka, edited by Karashima, N., 16–21. Tokyo: Taisho University Press, 2004. Schenk, H. “Pottery of so-Called “Kaolin Fabric” at Tissamaharama-Citadel (Sri Lanka) in the 4th and 5th Century AD” In South Asian Archaeology, edited by Franke-Vogt, U. and Weisshaar, H. J., 357–64. Linden Soft Verlag, 2005. Solheim, W. G., and S. U. Deraniyagala. Archaeological Survey to Investigate South Asian Prehistoric Presence in Ceylon, Ancient Ceylon Occasional Papers no.1. Colombo: Department of Archaeology Sri Lanka, 1972. Somadeva, R. Urban Origins in Southern Sri Lanka, Colombo: Postgraduate Institute of Archaeology, 2006. Tampoe, M. Maritime Trade between China and the West. An Archaeological Study of the Ceramics from Siraf (Persian Gulf), 8th to 15th Centuries A.D. BAR S555. Oxford: Archaeopress, 1989. Werake, K. M. M. “A New Date for the Beginning of Sino- Lankan Relations” The Sri Lankan Journal of the Humanities iv, no 12 (1978): 64–73. Whitehouse, D., and Williamson, A. “Sassanian Maritime Trade” Iran XI (1973): 29–49. Wickramasinghe, S. “Ceylon’s Relations with South-East Asia with Special Relations to Burma” Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies III, no1 (1960): 38–58. 9 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Goods and Texts: Creating an Archaeological and Historical Narrative of Sri Lanka’s Connectivity with Southeast Asia, China, and Beyond Description An account of the resource This paper deals with Sri Lanka’s interactions with Southeast Asia, China, and regions beyond from the beginning to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. Several factors, including its central location in the Indian Ocean, have contributed to connecting the island with these regions. Ceramics, epigraphic, and textual data provide the best evidence for reconstructing such interactions. This paper is primarily based on the analysis of ceramics unearthed from the coastal port-urban centres of Mantai, Kantharodai, and Kirinda. This data is compared with the ceramic data from other sites such as Anuradhapura and Thissamaharama, as well as sites from the Indian Ocean Rim, for comparison. Material analysis results are compared against and supplemented by epigraphic and textual data. The key research question addressed here is: What different patterns of Sri Lanka’s connectivity with the eastern segment of the Indian Ocean might emerge through the analysis of material and textual evidence? Research reveals that the material evidence not only predates textual evidence for the beginning of Sri Lanka’s interactions with the region under study but also clearly indicates their continuity up to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. Material evidence, including beads and the transfer of iron technology, dates the earliest relationships to the middle of the first millennium BCE. These cultural-commercial connections were regularized and intensified after the fifth and seventh centuries CE, respectively. Sri Lanka’s culture- historical developments, in general, have always been influenced by the changing dynamics of the Indian Ocean. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Wijerathne Bohingamuwa Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Bohingamuwa, Wijerathne. 2023. “Goods and Texts: Creating an archaeological and historical narrative of Sri Lanka's connectivity with Southeast Asia, China, and beyond.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology.URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1946 Zotero Author Wijerathne Bohingamuwa Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource With Perry to Japan: A Memoir by William Heine Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource William Heine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Hawai'i Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1990 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author William Heine Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1990 Place Honolulu Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Hawai'i Press Title A name given to the resource With Perry to Japan: A Memoir by William Heine Japan https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/53e747dab4bc7b186e474731863b47a9.pdf 7f9c4a50528db5bafa6664a0403fd4f1 PDF Text Text Urdaneta and the health cargo of the Tornaviaje1 Mr Xabier Armendáriz2 Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyze the food cargo of Urdaneta’s Tornaviaje and it’s direct consequences over the health of his sailors. The paper will focus on health issues on board, specially in view of the unknown route that they would follow to go back to the Americas. We will focus on how Urdaneta planned to overcome problems related to prolonged stays at sea, specially health problems due to lack of fresh food. Through contemporary accounts and diaries, we know that Urdaneta understood the necessity of having fresh fruits on board, and took action to ensure the safety of his crew by introducing local fruits from the Philippines such as coconuts. His efforts were successful, and his perilous trip was made with less than 10% of mortality, with no direct mention to scurvy. 1. Introduction If Friar Andrés de Urdaneta (birth Villafranca de Ordizia, Gipuzkoa, 1508 – death Mexico city, 1568) is known to history is, due to his extraordinary return trip from Asia to Mexico, his deed is a milestone in the history of navigation. On the 8th of October 1565, on board the nao San Pedro, he arrived in Acapulco after a long and difficult journey across the biggest Ocean on Earth. He had just established a secure and passable route to go back to the Americas from the Philippine Archipelago. However, Urdaneta's achievements do not end in his nautical knowledge and his ability to successfully complete the crossing of the Pacific Ocean eastwards. Other aspects of his personality and knowledge as a sailor and as a man of science can be found in documental sources and his own personal comments, such as the comparative analysis made by him regarding the different experiences that arose during these great maritime expeditions of his time. We will discuss exclusively Urdaneta's knowledge of an illness that has ravaged sailors since human populations started conquering the waves: scurvy. That Urdaneta was aware of this disease and that he took measures to fight it can be inferred from the fact that none of the sailors in his ship, the San Pedro, died of it during he return voyage from the Philippines to New Spain - which lasted four long months. 2 . The diet on board during the exploration of the Pacific One of the biggest problems on board ships during the 16th century was the conservation of food. Generally speaking, the small amount of fresh food available - fruits and vegetables - was distributed following a hierarchical order that gave preference to the officers of the ships, not usually reaching the sailors (Mira-Caballos 2010:9; López-Ríos 1993:67), and it had to be consumed during the first days of travel. The deterioration of fresh food was extremely fast, not 1 2 to Mari Society for Basque Studies, SPAIN, info@xabierarmendariz.com �only due to the natural cycle of cellular decomposition, but also due to the storage conditions in the cargo hold. The high temperatures of some areas and the humidity destroyed all food that had not previously been dried, salted or smoked. Even these processes did not guarantee that the food would be preserved for the whole voyage (Fernández Duro 1957:140). The need to submit the food to these processes of preservation limited the type of products that could be carried on board, since not all types of food can receive such treatments. Not many fruits and vegetables can endure the process of preservation, so their presence on board a 16th century ship is extremely rare. The diet of sailors was basically two types: the first one was the navy hardtack, a sort of unleavened bread made with flour and water and baked twice or more to prolongue its preservation (Marañón 1940:220)3. The second group was made up of legumes (chickpeas, lentils, and beans), dried or salty fish and meat, vinegar, oil and cheese. Even when this diet contained a good amount of calories, its nutritional value was very deficient (Mira Caballos 2010:8). The legumes were toasted in the oven to improve their preservation, destroying any vitamins that they might have contained (Marañon 1940:221). The food was weighted carefully and distributed among the sailors by a steward, who could reduce the rations under the captain's orders in times of shortage4. The main course consisted of a bun mixed with a stew of legumes and water. A few days per week,5 salty fish or meat was eaten along with some cheese. The remains of the maggoty hardtack was mixed with water to produce a dull soup that was served for dinner. This soup was known as mazamorra. The only consolation they had was the vinegar, which was served on rare occasions, and the wine, of which the sailors received around one litre (L) per day each. The wine helped to calm the hunger, as well as the thrist produced by the salty rations (Mira-Caballos 2010:10)6. Such diets were rich in carbohydrates and provided some proteins, but it was lacking in vitamins. 3. Scurvy: the disease of the sea Scurvy is the most common nautical disease. The prolongued periods of time spent at sea and the lack of fresh food provoke a general state of avitaminosis in a short period of time, specially vitamin C (L-ascorbic acid). The symptoms start with tiredness and depression, then changes in the gums and in the skin appear followed by strong pain and swelling of the joints. The peak of the disease comes when the gums are so swollen and weakened that the act of eating ends with loss of tooth and a strong smell of rot. Other symptoms that usually accompany scurvy are hemorrhage, edemas, jaundice and high fever. 3 Even though hardtack was more nutritious than the common bread because it was made from bran, its hardness was so great that it had to be soaked in salty water in order to eat it (Marañón 1940 :220). 4 These were unforseen circumstances, like for example bad weather and bad winds that might delay the trip more than expected; or perhaps the inability to call at a port due to political conflicts. 5 The disponibility of meat and fish was sometimes diminished by the damage made by rats, insects and rotting. With some luck, fish was abundant in the seas that the ships were sailing, which was always a great improvement over the poor diet on board. 6 The wine given among the sailors was of low quality, unlike the one provided to the officers on board. However, even the distinction between food qualities was not enough to prevent scurvy among the higher ranks. 2 �Death overcomes the patient between convulsions and shock. Due to the severity of its condition, scurvy was the deadliest nautical disease in long distance navigation (López-Ríos 1993:97-99). References to the disease are common since Classic Antiquity; Hippocrates, Celsus and Pliny wrote about it (López-Ríos 1993:98)7. Vasco de Gama himself lost a hundred men of a hundred and sixty-eight to the disease on his expedition to India; according to his logbook Diario de a bordo (1496-1497) (López-Ríos 1993:99) The disease was so widespread that they were down to eight working men per ship at one point. The symptoms can show up in a span of between one month and a half and three months, depending on the availability of fresh food on board. In general, a person needs around 10 miligrams (mg) of vitamin C per day. The body's reserve of vitamin C is around 1,5 grams (gr) and 3 gr, depending on the health of the sailor prior to embarking. A rough estimate of the lapse of time that it takes to develop scurvy in oceanic expeditions can be made, taking into account that in periods of shortage the maximum loss of vitamin C is 4% (López-Ríos 1993:97-99). Until the mid 18th century, medical science considered scurvy a contagious disease of unknown origin, and that it was most likely triggered by the climate, the digestive system or humorism (López-Ríos 1993:106). It is commonly accepted by the history of medicine that Dr. James Lind (1716-1794) was the first person to cure scurvy. Lind, who was a surgeon on board the Brittish vessel HMS Salisbury, conducted a clinical trial on board, testing changes in the diet of his subjects to see whether such alterations affected the development of scurvy. A few selected subjects afflicted with scurvy kept the standard on-board diet, while two sailors were given cider and two other men were given lemons and oranges8. In his famous book, A Treatise of the Scurvy published in 1753, he described the results of his experiments: the two men who drank cider improved, while the two sailors who were given lemons and oranges made a full recovery (López-Ríos 1993:107). 7 Cited by López-Ríos: Hipócrates: “LIber de internis affectionibus” In Enciclopedia Internacional de Cirugía. Madrid, Moya, 1883, I, p.206.; Celso: De Medicina, II, chapter III; Plinio: Naturalis Historiae. XXV, chapter III. 8 Due to the relevance of his experiment, we transcribe the most enlightening sections: On the 20th of May 1747, I took twelve patients with scurvy, on board the Salisbury at sea. Their cases were a similar as I could have them. They all in general had putrid gums, the spots and lassitude, with weakness of their knees. They lay together in one place, being a proper apartment for the sick in the fore-hold; and had one diet common to all, viz, water-gruel sweetened with sugar in the morning; fresh mutton-broth often times for dinner; at other times puddings, boiled biscuit with sugar, etc.; and for supper, barley and raisins, rice and currants, sago and wine, or the like. Two of these were ordered each a quart of cyder a-day. Two others took twenty-five gutts of elixir vitriol three times a-day, upon and empty stomach; using a gargle strongly acidulated with it for their mouths. Two others took two spoonfuls of vinegar three times a-day, upon and empty stomach; having their gruels and their other food well acidulated with it, as also the gargle for their mouth. Two of the worst patients, with the tendons in the ham rigid, (a symptom none of the rest had), were put under a course of sea-water. Of this they drank half a pint every day, and sometimes more or less as it operated, by way of gentle physic. Two other had each two oranges and one lemon given them every day. […] The consequence was, that the most sudden and visible good effects were perceived from the use of the oranges and lemons; one of those who had taken them, being at the end of siks theis fit for duty. (Lind, J. 1753: 145-148) 3 �4. Andrés de Urdaneta Urdaneta was born in the gipuzkoan village of Villafranca de Ordizia towards the end of 1507 or the first months of 1508. His family was most likely involved in the maritime trade with the recently discovered West Indies, the Spice islands and an area well known to the Basque whalers: Terranova, el mar de los bacallaos - the cod sea (Miguel 2002:21). This link between the sea and Urdaneta's explains his cunning ability in trade. It also sets him within the world of Basque seafaring. Basque sailors who traveled to Terranova in search for cod or whales did not usually suffer from scurvy (Agirre 2004). Contemporary documents show that the most common beverage on board was cider, since wine was too expensive for the Basque shipowners. Cider is a good source of vitamin C, which would account for a reduced number of scurvy cases in Basque ships (Agirre 2004)9. This knowledge was most likely known by Urdaneta. Urdaneta was only 17 when he set sail to Asia with the doomed Loaysa expedition. Of the seven ships that left Corunna on 24th of July 1525, only one managed to arrive in Mindanao (current Philippines). We don't know what Urdaneta's role in the expedition was, but he seemed to have been well considered by the officers of the ships since he signed as a witness in Elcano's last will. Urdaneta and the remaining crew (26 sailors) were stranded in the Spice Islands. He remained in the Pacific region for almost a decade, until he reached Spain on a Portuguese ship, on 26th of June of 1536. During these years he suffered many misfortunes, but he also acquired a vast amount of knowledge. The sources of this knowledge were diverse, but possibly the most interesting was the rescue of castaway sailor Gonzalo de Vigo, from the Magellan expedition. He survived in the island of Guam, and knew the language of the local population. Urdaneta spent most of his years in the Pacific with Gonzalo de Vigo, from whom he learnt that language (Miguel 2002:40-42; Arteche 1943:160). On his arrival to Europe he was captured by the Portuguese, who seized Urdaneta's diaries, in which he wrote about his time in the Pacific. He escaped from Lisbon and upon his arrival in Valladolid, he started re-writing his experiences in Asia-Pacific. Based on his writings, both the diaries and the memorial, it is clear that Urdaneta had a deep knowledge of the Spice Islands, their geography, the people who inhabited them, their customs, wind patterns and so on (Arteche 1943:160-162). This knowledge helped him undertake such a difficult task as the “tornaviaje”, the return trip Westwards to Mexico, and it most likely helped him to control direct health issues that threathened the voyage. 9 Cider has been the alcoholic beverage traditionally consumed in the Atlantic coast of Europe and the south of the British Isles. The humid climate made it difficult to grow vines, but apple trees grow abundantly. There are many references to the Basque custom of drinking cider, but perhaps the most interesting was made by French Inquisitor Pierre de Lancre. De Lancre defined the Basques as bad farmers who prefered life at sea and their women as witches who used the cider from the apple, the fruit of sin: “ne mangent que pommes, ne boyvent que jus de pommes, qui est occasion qu'elles mordent si volontiers à cette pomme de transgression, qui fist outrepasser le commandement de Dieu et franchir la prohibition à notre premier père”. Lancre, Pierre de., 1612. Tableau de l’inconstance des mauvais anges et démons… Livre I, Discours II. Chez Jean Berjon. Paris. 4 �The Tornaviaje Urdaneta's life was quite remarkable. In 1538 he accompanied Pedro de Alvarado to New Spain to help him organize a new expedition to the Spice Islands (Miguel 2002:48). However, after the death of Alvarado, Ruy López de Villalobos took control of the expedition, which was meant to seek a return route to New Spain. Urdaneta was left behind, and Ruy Lopez de Villalobos' expedition failed. Meanwhile, Urdaneta occupied relevant roles related to maritime issues, working in the service of viceroy Mendoza (Miguel 2002:50). In March 1553, Urdaneta's life changed after he joined the order of the Augustinians. Although he led a monastic life, he was mentioned repeatedly in connection with the Spice Islands. In 1560 the new viceroy of New Spain, Luís Velasco, received a letter from king Philip II ordering him to mount a new expedition to the Spice Islands.10 The Spanish king was aware of the need to establish a Spanish presence in Asia, specially in the Philippines after disputes with Portugal arose regarding the ownership of the Maluku Islands. Philip II was also pressed by the need to find an alternative way back through the Pacific Ocean, and not around Africa, which was controled by the Portuguese. In the king's own words: “porque lo principal que en esa jornada se pretende es saber la vuelta, pues la yda se sabe que se haze en breve tiempo” [Translation: because our chief concern of this journey is to find a way back, since the outbound journey is known to take a short time] (Miguel 2002:54). The command of the new expedition was asigned by Gipuzkoan Miguel López de Legazpi. However, the technical command felt in the hands of Urdaneta (Arteche 1943:146), who had mentioned several times his absolute certainty that he would be able to find his way back through the Pacific Ocean to complete the return trip. Each man had different missions: Legazpi was instructed to take control over the Philippines, while Urdaneta was ordered to find his way back to New Spain through the Pacific Ocean in what will be known as the Tornaviaje. It was during the organization of the expedition that Urdaneta showed his deep knowledge of naval medicine gathered from his experience on board the Loaysa expedition and his observations during his stay in the Pacific Ocean. In several letters to Philip II and viceroy Velasco, he insisted on provisioning the ships with kidney beans (which contains vitamins B1,B2,B3,B9), broad bean (rich in vitamins C, A, E, B1, B2) and guarana, a tropical fruit with a high content of vitamine C (Miguel 2007). In a report for viceroy Velasco related to the Tornaviaje, Urdaneta explains the characteristics of a disease that he himself had observed first-hand in the Loaysa expedition: De mas de [e]sto, da una enfermedad en esta Mar de Poniente a los hombres que se les creçen y podreçen las enzias y mueren muchos de [e]sta enfermedad, que a nosotros solo en una nao se nos murieron desde el estrecho hasta las yslas cuarenta hombres y aun a los que an ydo desde a Nueua España para la Espeçieria no les a dexado de dar esta enfermedad empero como la nauegaçion se haze em poco tiempo y lleuan bastimentos frescos, no haze tanta impresión como haze en los que ban desde España por el Estrecho (Miguel 2009: 483-484). [Translation: Besides this, there is a disease in this Sea of Ponente that makes men's gums grow and rot and many die from this disease, in only 10 (Archivo General de Indias (AGI) Section Patronato, 23, 12). 5 �one nao forty men died from the strait to the islands, even those who went from New Spain to the Spice islands have also been affected but since the navigation takes a short time and they have fresh food, the disease does not affect them as much as those who travel from Spain through the strait] Both references indicate without a doubt that Urdaneta knew of the effects of lack of fresh fruit and vegetables in the development of scurvy, even when he was unable to identify the agent that was involved (vitamine C would not be discovered until the 20th century)11. Legazpi's expedition set sail on 21st November 1564, and reached the Philippines in 22nd January 1565, without any loss attributed to scurvy. Urdaneta served as the interpreter for Legazpi on his arrival to the Philippines, and in short he was ordered to start the journey back. The nao San Pedro was ready for her return to New Spain. On 1st June 1565 they set sail from Cebu following a North-East course. In command of the expedition was Legazpi's own grandson, Felipe de Salcedo, who was only 18 years old. However, Urdaneta was in charge of the navigation. The story of the trip was recorded by Esteban Rodríguez, first pilot, and Rodrigo de Espinosa, second pilot. Unfortunately, Urdaneta's account - which can be found in the National Library of Paris - is badly preserved and barely legible. From the pilots' accounts we know that Urdaneta stocked up the vessel for eight or nine months, although he knew that the trip would take around four months at the most. They sailed between the islands of the archipelago until they reached Luzon, and there the pilots wrote that Urdaneta replenished the food they had already and ordered to stock a large amount of coconuts (Miguel 2002:77). After this last call, the ship never touched land until they reached Acapulco. The relevance that Urdaneta places in coconuts is not casual. The coconut can be easily preserved and it lasts for a long time, something he would have known from his experience in the Maluku islands. Also, it is a reliable source of water in case of shortage. Perhaps its most remarkable feature is its great content of vitamin C, which is 3,3 mg (around 6%). The vitamin is present in the pulp, as well as in the water12. It could be argued Urdaneta knew about the use of coconut in the prevention of scurvy during his stay in the Maluku islands. He spoke fluent Malay and Tagalog, and he knew local maritime customs and their types of ships (Miguel 2002:71; Arteche 1943: 160). 5. Arrival in America During the trip, Urdaneta made several tackings to calculate longitude estimates, prolonguing the trip more than necessary. On 18th September 1565, after navigating across the Pacific for three months and a half, they sighted the 11 Albert Szent Gvordyi, Chemistry professor at the University of Budapest, isolated the vitamin C of a green pepper in 1928. He received the Nobel Price of Medicine and Physiology in 1937 for this and other achievements. 12 It is worth noting that the biggest producers of coconuts are currently located in Southeast Asia. The Philippines tops the list with 17 million tons per year. Indonesia and Malaysia, the old Maluku islands, produce 16 million and half million respectively (Food And Agricultural Organization of United Nations: Economic and Social Department. The Statistical Devision. (2007) http://faostat.fao.org/ 6 �coast of California, approximately around the island of Santa Rosa. The balance of deaths on board was of 16 out of a 200 men crew, just around 8% of the sailors when most vessels of the same period lost between 33% and 40% of the crew to scurvy, while many more were suffering the last stages of the disease (Miguel 2002:81). None of the accounts that have survived mention scurvy, although they do tell of the bad health that suffered most of the crew - just a few who reached the Americas were fit to work - even under the care of Urdaneta, who also acted as the nurse on board13. Within sight of land, Urdaneta decided to continue to Acapulco, where they arrived on 8th October, two weeks after reaching California. It would have been surprising that Urdaneta would not have stopped for provisions if there had been cases of scurvy on board. That would have meant depriving the crew of the fresh food that he knew was essential against scurvy. He also prolongued the trip to make tacking maneuvers. The sixteen deaths on board and the general exhaustion of the sailors can be attributed to any of the common infectious diseases, tropical maladies or traumatisms that usually affected life on that type of vessel - the nao - (Marañon 1940:223). We cannot forget that these men had been at sea for almost ten months since the outbound trip. Another point that hints at Urdaneta's knowledge of naval medicine comes from a surprising source. A deserter of the outbound expedition, Alonso de Arellano, completed the return trip before Urdaneta on board the patache San Lucas, thanks to the knowledge shared with him by Urdaneta. However, the men that were still alive when they reached the Americas were severely ill with scurvy14. Eleven years after the death of Urdaneta, an augustinian friar called Agustín Farfán, published in 1579 his Tratado Breve de Medicina (Brief Treaty of Medicine). He must have known Urdaneta, since they were members of the same order. In his book, Farfán writes that to prevent scurvy the patient should be administered: “un medicamento con medio limón y media naranja amarga, con un poco de alumbre quemado” [translation: a remedy with half lemon and half orange, with a bit of burnt alum] (Farfán 1579). These observations were made 200 years before Johann Georg, Heinrich Kramer or James Lind made their observations. Once the Manila galleon route was established,15 we find constant references regarding the use of citrics in the galleon's infirmary cabinet: Variedad de naranjas: Lumben, amumontoy, aoson, apugan, caramisca, malcape, cabuagao, opong-opong y samugao, bien naturales o en conserva se cargaban en los galeones. La variedad del limonero biasung, abundante en Visayas fue muy eficaz para evitar el escorbuto (Cabrero 2009: 574) 13 Urdaneta was accompanied by a member of his order: friar Andrés de Aguirre. In contemprary accounts there is an explicit mention by the crew thanking the friars for their care (Arteche 1943: 181) 14 “La gente estaba turbada, que no había quien acudiese ni acertase con cabo ninguno por la grande oscuridad (sic) que hacía y también por estar toda la gente enferma de la grande hambre y sed que han pasado y pasaban y aunque hubieran que comer no podían, porque a todos se les andaban los dientes y les creció mucha carne de la boca, tanto que les tapaban las encías y en tocando en cualquier cosa se les caían los dientes”. (Cuevas 1943) 15 It was also common that upon arrivel on the Californian coast the natives would approach the galleons on canoes to offer the exhausted sailors citrics and other fruits cultivated by the missionaries ( Lyon 1990: 27). 7 �[Translation: “variety of oranges: Lumben, amumontoy, aoson, apugan, caramisca, malcape, cabuagao, opong-opong and samugao, either natural or preserved were stocked in the galleons. The lemon tree variety called biasung, abundant in Visayas was very effective in the prevention of scurvy”] In any case, it seems that not all sailors and explorers serving under the Spanish crown shared this knowledge. It could be perhaps that this information was not transmitted generally among captains of the fleet or the officers responsible of the vessels16. Another possibility is that this knowledge was ignored in lieu of commercial gain in view of cargo distribution and the costs of the quantity and quality of the crew's food. 6. Conclusion Taking into account the Tornaviaje and Urdaneta's knowledge, it is unsustainable to maintain that scurvy was considered a contagious disease up to the 18th century. Contemporary documents show that Urdaneta was a Renaissance man, whose knowledge and experience were taken into account by the Spanish crown. His indications were applied broadly to long oceanic travels, such as the Manila galleon route. On the other hand, Urdaneta's notes about health on board are clear and concise. From them it can be determined that Urdaneta possessed ample knowledge of the nature of scurvy. In fact, if we take into account the language used in his anotations, it could be suggested that this knowledge was shared with other pilots, although it was not a general knowledge among every pilot. The familiarization of Spanish pilots with scurvy and its treatment using fresh food and citrics could have been wider than previously thought. However, as mentioned before, there was not a general education plan that would have guaranteed that every pilot in a Spanish vessel had access to this information. In later oceanic travels scurvy was again present, but it is difficult to determine if this is due to ignorance or to stocking and logistic issues related to supplies and preservation. After reviewing Urdaneta's work, it seems more likely that the latter option was to be blamed. It is not the aim of this paper to establish whether it was James Lind or Urdaneta he conqueror of scurvy, like English literature portrays the former. Instead, our goal is to point out the lack of communication between the navies of the great world powers, which were battling each other for territorial expansion. In this sense, the lack of communication postponed the generalization of the cure against scurvy, which led to the deaths of too many sailors who met a horrific and painful end. Bibliography Agirre, E., “La sidra” In Euskonews & Media. Nº CCLXXXIII. [html], 16 An example can be found in memorial nº 4, that captain Pedro Fernández de Quiros sends to don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of Peru, in 1598. In a long list of the provisions that were needed for his 1605 expedition to the mythic Terra Australis, he lists the required food, giving little relevance to fresh vegetables and a total absence of citrics and other fruits (Fernandez de Quiros 1597-1614: IV, 62-63) 8 �2004 Arizaga, B., Martinez, S., 2006 Arteche, J. de., 1943 Cabrero Fernandez, L., 2009 Cuevas, M., 1943. Farfan, A. Fr., 1579 Fernandez Duro.C., 1857 Fernández de Quirós, F., 2002 Gargantilla, P., 2011 Lind, J., 1753 Lopez-Ríos Fernández, F., 1993 Lyon, E., 1990 Marañón, G., 1940 Eusko Ikaskuntza- Basque Studies Society, Donostia-San Sebastián, available at: <http://www.euskonews.com/0282zbk/gaia28203es.html> [Accessed 20 August 2011 ] Atlas de las villas medievales de Vasconia, Bizkaia, Eusko Ikaskuntza, Donosita-San Sebastián. Urdaneta. El dominador de los espacios del Océano Pacífico, Espasa-Calpe, Barcelona. “Alegría, tristeza y ansiedad en la travesía del Galeón”, in (ed) Susana Truchuelo, Andrés de Urdaneta: Un hombre moderno, Ayuntamiento de Ordizia, Lasarte-Oria. Monje y marino: La vida en los tiempos de Andrés de Urdaneta. Galatea, México. Tratado Breve de Medicina, Ciudad de México. Disquisiciones náuticas. La mar descrita por los mareados, Imprenta de Aribau, Madrid, Electronic edition available at www.openlibrary.org Memoriales de las Indias Australes. Edición de Pinochet de la Barra, O. Crónicas de América 1597-1614, Dastin, Las Rozas. Breve historia de la medicina. Del chamán a la gripe A, Nowtilus, Madrid. A treatise of the scurvy, (ed.) Facs., Edimburgo University Press, Edimburgo,1953. Medicina naval española en la época de los descubrimientos, Editorial Labor, Barcelona. “Track of the Manila Galleons” In National Geographics, Sep.1990. “La vida en las galeras en tiempos de Felipe II” in Ars Médica. Revista de humanidades, From Historia y Vida, Espasa Calpé, Barcelona. Miguel, J.R. de., “Urdaneta, un hombre moderno”, in Euskonews, CDXV, 2007 [html] Eusko Ikaskuntza-Basque Studies Society, DonositaSan Sebastián. Available at: <http://www.euskonews.com/0415zbk/gaia41502es.html> [Accessed 20 August 2011] Miguel, J.R. de., Urdaneta en su tiempo, Sociedad Oceanográfica de 2002 Gipuzkoa, Donosita-San Sebastián. Miguel, J.R. de., “Las dificultades náuticas del Tornaviaje", in (ed.) Susana 2009 Truchuelo, Andrés de Urdaneta: Un hombre moderno, Ayuntamiento de Ordizia, Lasarte-Oria. Mira Caballos, “La vida y la muerte a bordo de un navío del siglo XVI: E., algunos aportes”, in Revista de Historia Naval, CVIII, 2010 Ministerio de Defensa, Madrid. 9 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Urdaneta and the health cargo of the Tornaviaje Subject The topic of the resource Session 9 Spain and the Asia-Pacific region Description An account of the resource The aim of this paper is to analyze the food cargo of Urdaneta’s Tornaviaje and it’s direct consequences over the health of his sailors. The paper will focus on health issues on board, specially in view of the unknown route that they would follow to go back to the Americas. We will focus on how Urdaneta planned to overcome problems related to prolonged stays at sea, specially health problems due to lack of fresh food. Through contemporary accounts and diaries, we know that Urdaneta understood the necessity of having fresh fruits on board, and took action to ensure the safety of his crew by introducing local fruits from the Philippines such as coconuts. His efforts were successful, and his perilous trip was made with less than 10% of mortality, with no direct mention to scurvy. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Xabier Armendáriz Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 9 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/87b2bf213fd1ab2c9ae4c07cefd584d8.pdf 128a91919393cc03d17dce9ef6093136 PDF Text Text Spain and the Underwarter Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Area Xavier Nieto1 Abstract In 1521, Ferdinand Magellan reached the Mariana Islands in the name of king Charles I of Spain. His travel of exploration to seek out a westward route to the Spice Islands lead to a long standing presence of Spain in the Asia-Pacific region. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi established the first Spanish colony in the Philippines in 1565 and only a few months later, Andrés de Urdaneta had made a safe return trip to Acapulco which lead to the establishment of the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade route that lasted until Mexico’s independence in 1815. Today, Spain’s maritime legacy is dispersed around the world, with a large number of settlements and wrecks located in the Asia-Pacific region. For the past 30 years, the Spanish government has done enormous efforts to study its past overseas, especially in the Americas. Finally, the time has come to rediscover our links with Asia-Pacific countries and redesign our cultural ties with the region. In this paper I will analyze Spain’s institutions and laws that will hopefully lead to a new collaboration paradigm that will re-evaluate Spain’s role in the history of Asia-Pacific. It is well known that a sunken ship is a valuable document to be taken into account to explain the history of any country. For centuries the world was Spain’s action field and the ships were the most important means of transport for men and products. Consequently our history is deeply linked to that of countries where our ships called at. No wonder, therefore, the interest of Spanish institutions to participate in conferences like the present one. Sometimes we are there to make scientific contributions and in other cases, like the present one, to learn about participants’ new ideas so as to initiate and strengthen personal and institutional relationships that will surely bring about new possibilities for the understanding of Spanish links with the Asian-Pacific zone. My intervention will focus on the importance of the joint work among countries, under United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) recommendations, in order to locate, preserve and work on these documents submerged in the seas and oceans all over the world. Introduction We cannot forget, significant as it is, that the Philippines owes its name to Infant Felipe, who would later reign in Spain under the name of Philip II (1556 1598), a monarch who would eventually also become king of Portugal, under the name of Philip I (1581 - 1598). Once the Portuguese colonies had been incorporated to the Spanish ones, this double crown allowed the monarch to extend his administrative and political control over territories located in five continents. This new development forced the monarch to design new strategies based on naval communications, thanks to which Spain asserted its presence, 1 Director del Museo Nacional de Arqueología Subacuática – ARQUA, Ministerio de Cultura de España 1 �both culturally and administratively, in the Philippines and the Pacific for more than three hundred years between 1565 and 1898. The failure in 1524 of the Spanish-Portuguese meeting held in Badajoz in order to find solutions for the dispute over ownership of The Moluccas, gave reasons for the Spanish Kingdom to send, the following year, six ships commanded by Juan Garcia Jofre de Loaysa following the route opened by Magellan in the Pacific. Despite the failure of the expedition, it was possible to reach The Moluccas and the Philippines and to gather enough experience to assess the difficulties involved in making the journey around South America, forcing them to open a new route, this time from Mexico. The mission fell to Alvaro de Saavedra, who in 1526 was ordered by king Charles V to establish a route to the Pacific departing from Zihuatanejo, in current Mexico (González 1964:210-211). Two vessels reached the East Indies with relative ease, however the return trip was a complete failure. Spain would have to wait another twenty years before a successeful return route could be established. The Treaty of Zaragoza (Tratado de Zaragoza 1529) clarified, in theory, the division of Asia between Spain and Portugal. Althoughit was not respected, it had the advantage of focusing the interest of Spain over the archipelagos which were not under Portuguese influence. In particular, the Spanish focused on the Philippines, which had already been named so by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos during his expedition in 1542. In the seventeen years between the expeditions of Jofre de Loaysa and that of Lopez de Villalobos` the first phase of a typical process of naval colonization had been completed. Characterized by progressive geographic penetration through a rather uneven process, gathering experience through trial and error assessment, accumulating geographic and seafaring knowledge, studying economic efficiency and establishing a framework for sharing power and influence with pre-existing populations.. This allowed Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to carry out the last "jump" and in April 1565 he settled down in Cebu Just two months later he sent the San Pedro back with a cargo of cinnamon. The Manila Galleon trade route had been opened (see Junco this volume). .Coinciding with the transfer of the capital from Cebu to Manila this route joined the Asia-Pacific to Mexico and Europe.. Bearing in mind that the Spaniards soon gave up the exploitation of unprofitable resources in the area, This route would not have been particularly noteworthy had it not been for the role of Manila as the port of redistribution and the prompt abolition of the trade ban imposed on individuals. Chinese silk arrived in Manila and cotton from India, in whole rolls or as dresses, shirts and tablecloths as well as all kinds of manufactured goods (Pérez Herrero 1989; Schruz 1939). From Japan, during the short period of sporadic direct contacts, people arrived with manufactured metal parts, lacquered pieces and furniture (Ibid.). Traders, in turn, would redistribute products from elsewhere and in this way tapestry and carpets would come from Persia (Ibid.). An extensive and ramified network had been created which facilitated the arrival of Eastern exoticism to Spain and at the same time that of Mexican and Peruvian silver to Western countries. This was done through an intense maritime traffic, not without dangers which no doubt has marked the seas with underwater archaeological remains. Nowadays this could be seen as a legacy of the Asian- 2 �Pacific and Spanish history, which is to be preserved for historical research and public enjoyment. Preservation Ships of different origins, Chinese, Indian, Japanese, Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, British to name just a few, are now a fragile, irreplaceable and valuable cultural heritage. It is essential to know the national history and the interplay of cultures that shaped and conditioned the history and culture of mankind Unfortunately, traditional practices of recovery accelerated in recent decades by technological means and by the increased economic value of recovered things has caused the destruction of a cultural heritage. This can sometimes lead to loss of historical information involving countries different from those where the discovery occurs. That is why the preservation of this heritage should be a multinational task characterized by collaboration among affected countries. There are many threats to this heritage as many countries still poorly or inadequately protected by national laws. These are either subjected to internationally recognized texts or the responsible body fails to implement the rules. Despite a countries ratification of international conventions they simply lack the means for compliance. Nor is it a minor obstacle the important differences, sometimes irreconcilable, among national laws of the countries involved in the partnership for historic preservation of a sunken ship. We are facing a fragmented and diverse legal system that reflects very different legal positions of the different states whose interests are sometimes brought face to face: old naval powers against States that had been colonized and later become independent, flag states in front of coastal states (Aznar 2009). The United Nations Convention on Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) of the 10th of December 1982, which by its wide acceptance could be a valid or at least guiding document, barely deals with Underwater Cultural Heritage. Only two articles, 149 and 303, refer to the issue: Article 149 states: Archaeological and historical objects. All objects of an archaeological and historical nature found in the Area shall be reserved or disposed of for the benefit of mankind as a whole, particular regard being paid to the preferential rights of the State or country of origin, or the State of cultural origin, or the State of historical and archaeological origin. Although this article states that the archaeological remains found in the area "... will be preserved or disposed of for the benefit of all mankind ..." the ambiguity of the text allows for various interpretations by failing to establish, for example, the meaning of "... preferential rights ... "or what is meant by" ... dispose of ... " Article 303 Archaeological and historical objects found at sea. 1. States have the duty to protect objects of an archaeological and historical nature found at sea and shall cooperate for this purpose. 2. In order to control traffic in such objects, the coastal State may, in applying article 33, presume that their removal from the seabed in the zone referred to 3 �in that article without its approval would result in an infringement within its territory or territorial sea of the laws and regulations referred to in that article. 3. Nothing in this article affects the rights of identifiable owners, the law of salvage or other rules of admiralty, or laws and practices with respect to cultural exchanges. 4. This article is without prejudice to other international agreements and rules of international law regarding the protection of objects of an archaeological and historical nature. The obligation that the articles place upon all States to protect archaeological objects and to do so through international cooperation is most valuable but it is true that the ambiguity involved in making it obligatory all over "... the sea ..." introduces elements of conflict as when regarding its application in international waters, for instance. Paragraph 3 does not solve, at least for coastal states, the legal dispute with flag States and leaves a door open to apply the rules of rescue for boats of historical value. Regardless of legal interpretations, that which underlies the UNESCO 2001 Convention is the obligation of the protection of underwater archaeological sites given their value for all mankind and the fact that this protection requires close collaboration among all the countries involved. It is the UNESCO 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) which prohibits commercial exploitation as one of the main causes of damage and destruction, insisting on the universal value of this heritage and the need for international collaboration. Thus the 2001 Convention becomes a hindrance to the activities of treasure hunter companies which see their profits threatened both by the decline in the price of their stock market values and the lack of product to sell. Not surprisingly treasure hunters are continuously taking actions against the 2001 Convention. Present Situation towards Underwater Archaeological Heritage Spain has a long tradition in the preservation of the historical heritage and it is contemplated both in the Constitution (Constitución del Reino de España 1978) currently in force and in various sectorial laws. Thus Article 46 of the Constitution of 1978 provides that: Los poderes públicos garantizarán la conservación y promoverán el enriquecimiento del patrimonio histórico, cultural y artístico de los pueblos de España y de los bienes que lo integran, cualquiera que sea su régimen jurídico 2 y su titularidad. La ley penal sancionará los atentados contra este patrimonio A specific law, 16/1985 on Spanish Historical Heritage provides in Article 40 Forman parte del Patrimonio Histórico Español los bienes muebles o inmuebles de carácter histórico susceptibles de ser estudiados con metodología arqueológica, hayan sido o no extraídos y tanto si se encuentran 2 Public authorities will guarantee the preservation and will promote the enrichment of the historical, cultural and artistic heritage of the peoples of Spain and the goods that form part of it, whichever is its legal regime and ownership.The Criminal Law will sanction the attacks against this heritage. Spanish Constitution, 1978, Article 46 4 �en la superficie o en el subsuelo, en el mar territorial o en la plataforma continental. Forman parte, asimismo, de este Patrimonio los elementos geológicos y paleontológicos relacionados con la historia del hombre y sus 3 orígenes y antecedentes This article which summarizes the legal position of Spain in this field has some peculiarities that deserve to be mentioned: a) .- Unlike the 2001 UNESCO Convention, Spain does not set the 100-year period as necessary to give any asset historical heritage value, so that its value is acquired not by age but by their potential value as a source of historical documentation. b) .- No legal distinction is made among archaeological objects whether they come from ground or underwater findings. c) .- Archaeological objects are protected whether they are extracted or not. d) .- As in national and international legislation, ships are considered as buildings, the law protects both the vessel and its cargo. e) .- All these objects are part of the Spanish Historical Heritage, which prevents, among other actions, commercial exploitation by private people. Since Article 46 of the Spanish Constitution establishes that the criminal law shall punish any offences against this heritage, the Penal Code provides in Article 323 that: “Será castigado con la pena de prisión de uno a tres años y multa de doce a veinticuatro meses el que cause daños en … yacimientos arqueológicos”.4 After analyzing the articles and annexes of the 2001 Convention we can see that essential aspects such as the concept of heritage as a public good are excluded from any commercial transactions and the need of protecting it as a value for society. This presents remarkable similarities with present Spanish law. On 6 June 2005 the Spanish Parliament ratified the 2001 Convention which from January 2, 2009 became part of the legislation that sets the Spanish activities in this field. Although Spain joined with some delay in the practice of underwater archeology, the creation in the 70’s of the so-called Patronatos de Investigación Arqueológica Submarina (Submarine Archaeological Research Trusts) marked the institutional positioning that allowed in the 80’s and 90’s the emergence of stable institutions dependent on the Ministry of Culture and the Autonomous Governments. Right now the National Museum of Underwater Archaeology, commonly known as ARQUA, dependent on the Ministry of Culture and the centers of Underwater Archaeology in Catalonia, Valencia and Andalusia provide staff and technical expertise enabling them to act on underwater cultural heritage. These legislative developments and infrastructure are supplemented by 3 The Spanish Historic Heritage is composed by movable and immovable heritage of historic character that are subject to be studied with archaeological methodology, that have been or haven't been extracted and if they are either on the surface, subsoil, in territorial waters or in the continental platform. Also considered part of this Heritage are the geological and paleonthological elements related to the history of mankind and its origins and history. Spanish Historical Heritage Law, 16/1985, Article 40 4 It will be punished with a sentence of up to three years in prison and a fine of between twelve and twenty four months to whomever might cause damage in...archaeological sites. Spanish Penal Code, Article 323 5 �the National Plan for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (Green Paper 2010). This document sets targets to achieve over the coming years. There is a publication, Green Paper: National Plan for Protection of Underwater Heritage (Aznar, et al. 2010). that, after a diagnosis of the present situation, presents remedial corrective measures necessary to advance in the treatment of this heritage. A POSSIBLE FUTURE The signing on December 2, 2010 in Washington of a partnership between the Spanish Ministry of Culture and National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) included, among other issues, the protection and research of wrecks in the respective countries. It is a good example of the kind of activities that can be carried out There is a large chapter in Spanish history that requires all the information provided by Spanish vessels sunk in the Asia–Pacific area. They should therefore be treated as historical artefacts in accordance with the spirit of the 2001Convention. Two aspects of the 2001 Convention are essential in this type of activity: no commercial exploitation of archaeological sites and collaboration between the States concerned. Spain has, as part of its heritage, important archives essential for a full scientific understanding of an archaeological site. At the same time we also have very good professional historians and underwater archaeologists capable of working together to provide a complete vision of the Spanish presence in Asia-Pacific territories. The National Museum of Underwater Archaeology - ARQUA is the technical section of the Ministry of Culture competent in these matters and collaboration with other research teams. It can carry out work of cataloguing the underwater archaeological sites of Spanish history with Pacific countries. With this catalogue we will have a tool to manage the underwater cultural heritage. It will allow us to establish the most effective actions to perform, bearing in mind its preservation and further scientific research. Bibliography Aznar Gomez, M. Green Paper. National Plan for Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture, Madrid, access et al., (http://museoarqua.mcu.es/patrimonio_subacuatico/plan_na 2010 cional/index.html) Aznar, M., La protección jurídica internacional del Patrimonio Cultural 2009 Subacuático, Arqueología Nàutica i Subaquàtica, Monografies del CASC, 8, pp. 35-46. Constitución del Boletín Oficial del Estado, núm. 311, 29/12/1978 Reino de España, 1978 Pérez Herrero, El Galeón de Manila: Relaciones Comerciales entre Oriente y América. In: de Paula Solano Pérez-Lila, F. Extremo P., 1989 Oriente Ibérico: Investigaciones Históricas, Metodología y 6 �Schurz, W.L., 1939 Tratado de Zaragoza, 1529 Estado de la Cuestión. AECID, Madrid, pp.445-458 The Manila Galleon, E.P. Dutton, New York. Tratado de Zaragoza. [manuscript] Archivo General de Indias (AGI), Patronato, 49, Nº2, ramo 9. The text is reproduced in full in Rumeu de Armas, A. 1992: El Tratado de Tordesillas Mapfre, Madrid. UNESCO, 2001Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Paris. United Nations, 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization Paris. 7 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Spain and the Underwarter Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Area Subject The topic of the resource Session 9 Spain and the Asia-Pacific region Description An account of the resource In 1521, Ferdinand Magellan reached the Mariana Islands in the name of king Charles I of Spain. His travel of exploration to seek out a westward route to the Spice Islands lead to a long standing presence of Spain in the Asia-Pacific region. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi established the first Spanish colony in the Philippines in 1565 and only a few months later, Andrés de Urdaneta had made a safe return trip to Acapulco which lead to the establishment of the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade route that lasted until Mexico’s independence in 1815. Today, Spain’s maritime legacy is dispersed around the world, with a large number of settlements and wrecks located in the Asia-Pacific region. For the past 30 years, the Spanish government has done enormous efforts to study its past overseas, especially in the Americas. Finally, the time has come to rediscover our links with Asia-Pacific countries and redesign our cultural ties with the region. In this paper I will analyze Spain’s institutions and laws that will hopefully lead to a new collaboration paradigm that will re-evaluate Spain’s role in the history of Asia-Pacific. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Xavier Nieto Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 9 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/ca521fbf9871fd5ccea14958a5342eab.pdf 50a2da2b93919375039998fd8e24370c PDF Text Text Seamanship and Navigation: Seafarers on Board Daily Skills in Chinese Junk Xu Lu Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society xuluxm2013@yahoo.com Yu Long Fa Xiamen Old Fishing Port 13666084562@163.com Abstract Chinese sailing traditions changed a little through time; sailors inherited their onboard skills, expertise, and experience by orally imparting others with physical instruction. But these daily skills were rarely recorded or studied in the past. For seafarers, how to operate and maneuver a Chinese junk was their daily work; and apart from sparse historical documents such as Phing-Chou Kho Than (Yu, 1117), Shi Liu-Qiu Lu (Xiao and Xia, 1580) (Fig. 1), and preliminarily observations by G.R.G. Worcester, Joseph Needham, Thomas Hoppe, and others, seamanship and navigation were kept in the minds of surviving successions of living sailors. In 2004, the author had an opportunity to sail on a nearly 100 year old Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage. Several months of onboard experiences provided a rare field investigation to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization and their daily work. This experience led the authors to raise a marine ethnographic field investigation project along Fujian coast. Experimental archaeology creates effective scenes for realistic performance of past systems. A small full-size replica LanTay II was built for a series of archaeological voyages; the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese seafarers onboard. In this paper, the authors shall present combined researches on historical documents, past observations with lively oral materials achieved by marine ethnographic field investigation on traditional sailing ports along South Fujian coast; throughout this research, the authors approach the knowledge about seafarers onboard daily skills and try to present the research about the sailors methods to maneuver the junk and its navigation system by means of a combination of instinct, eyesight, memory, and skill. �Key words: Chinese junk, seafaring, ethnography Fig. 1: One of the Earlier Documents to Record the Compass Bearing Direction for Sailing Routes between Fu-Chow to Ryukyu in 1580. Introduction In 2004, the author had opportunity to sail on the three-masted Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage, this long voyage from Dong Shan Bay of southern Fujian to Zhu-Hai of Canton took 9 days and covered 330 nautical miles. Jin Hua Xin was the last working traditional sailing junk in China coast; nearly 100 years old (Xu, 2010). Several months of onboard investigation voyage provided a rare field experience to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization, and their daily work; and this experience led the author to raise a subject of seafarers with a marine ethnographic field investigation project along the Fujian coast in 2001. The details of seafarers daily work on Chinese junks are little known by outsiders previously; yet the last successors of sailors and fishermen recollected their past stories piece by piece. Experimental archaeology creates an effective scene for realistic performance of past systems by sailing a full-scale reconstruction boat. A small full-size replica LanTay II is planning an archaeological voyage to cross the Taiwan Strait, the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese seafarers onboard. Previous Researches �The studies on seamanship for operating and maneuvering Chinese junks have not yet been explored in detail. To improve productivity, safety and speed standards of the traditional water transport industry, a unique official field investigation and iconographies collected for Chinese cargo junks had been engaged in Fujian during 1958-1959. These works were restrictedly published in book in 1960，also a reference for sail design and use was attached in its appendices. This may be the only short description in Chinese for sailing practices. Sometime in the early 20th century, European scholars tried to understand the composition of Chinese junk. A brief description about the structure and working principle of yuloh has been included in G.R.G. Worcester’s marine ethnographic field investigation (1947). Joseph Needham (1971) also had a brief introduction about the action of wind on a Chinese junk under sail, and the principles of tacking and wearing. There are also a few references about the performance of Chinese sails under different angles of apparent wind in Thomas Hoppe’s English manuscript in 2004. One of the earlier European scholars who observed Chinese traditional navigation is G. R. G. Worcester (1947). He noticed some important details and technical logic that others had not found before; his description is a following: “In former days, lighted joss sticks suspended from the deck head were the only timepieces…the cheap alarm chock has greatly simplified navigation for the junk master. The junks carry no charts of any kind. The laodahs find their way by means of a skillful combination of sea instinct, keen eyesight, good memory, and an instinct for direction nearly as a homing pigeon…they stand in for the land, depending entirely upon their knowledge of its appearance and the depth and nature of the soundings to give them position, for to them the bottom of the sea has its hills and valleys like the land, and they acquire an intimate acquaintance with its contours and the type of bottom to be expected in each locality.” �Another European scholar, Joseph Needham, noted the joss sticks used by Chinese seafarers (1971): “…(besides sand-glass,) Burning incense in stick-like form is a practice which goes far back into China’s Middle Ages, and it would have been very easy to measure time approximately enough with the ‘joss-sticks’.” Needham (1971) also categorized the history of navigational methods into three periods: (a) primitive navigation (b) quantitative navigation (Measurement): +900 A.D. in East Asia (c) mathematical navigation: +1500 A.D. In 2008, an original map of the China Seas region was rediscovered in the Bodleian Library Special Collections in Oxford by Robert K. Batchelor (2014) and Timothy Brook (2013). The Selden Map is a detailed map of Southern China dated the mid-16th century; it appears that the old Xiamen port is the beginning of all the sea routes on the map, it also labeled the trade routes departing from Xiamen. A recent paper summarized the navigation and religion in traditional Chinese junk have listed several historical materials and demonstrated with two collections of sounding lead in Quan-Zhou (Lin, 2015). Historical Contexts A boat under sail is a very complex historical mechanism; the vessel consists and represents a naval architecture system, as the tools for different functions, as a space to reflect the weather, the waves and the currents, and as a society for the composition of crew and their daily life. In his encyclopaedic work, Heavenly Creations (chapter on boat, Tian- �Gong-Kai-Wu), Song Yingxing (1637) divided the Chinese vessels into sea-going, river and other craft; and then, he classified these for many types according to their different sailing environment. This classification may be applied even today because Chinese sailing traditions have changed little through time, and the last sailors and fishermen of wooden sailing junk still survive/alive. This paper focuses on Sha-Po-Wei, the main area of old Xiamen port until the first half of the 20th century, the ages when wooden sailing boats shuttle in the Taiwan Strait. Sha-Po-Wei, along with adjacent coast lines, was an ideal port for seafarers due to its location on the sea route connecting East Asia, Southeast Asia, and Taiwan (Fig. 2). The demand of marine transportation and ocean fishery brought seafarers from coastal regions of Quan-Zhou and lower Zhang-Zhou River. Seafarers of Sha-PoWei divided into two types: crews and fishermen. The crews mainly migrated from Hui-An county of Quan-Zhou, while fishermen moved from Zhang-Zhou river basin belong to Hai-Chen county. Fishermen of Sha-Po-Wei called themselves ‘sea beggars,’ and it is subdivided into several groups according different fishing method, namely types and lengths of fishing vessel. Those groups (between fishermen and local resident, fishermen and crews, even between different groups of Sha-Po-Wei fishermen) were rarely communicating each other. Furthermore, both fishermen and crews lived in their own enclosed social space to avoid troubles with others; many of them have not even walked several miles out to countryside in whole their life. �Fig. 2: A Map of South Fujian and Old Amoy Port Sha-Po-Wei. Organization To learn composition of crews is the first step to approach their daily life. In general, 15-20 tons deadweight trade vessel with two sails allocated 56 sailors, 30-35 tons also two sails would be 7-8 sailors, 55-65 tons with three sails has 12-13 sailors. Crews were temporary employed between by the ship owner; however, in addition to their lower wage, every sailor was allowed to carry a few private cargo up to 250 kilograms, and usually the ‘laodahs’ (equivalent to captain in Western) had doubled weight and doubled payment more than other crews. There are five chief positions in Chinese trade vessel; these were laodah, (and vice laodah, which is �equivalent to helmsman in the western world), mast head, sampan, foreboard, and supply chief (besides the ‘chu-hai’ who served as ship owner's representative also in charge of accounting and port to call for loading and unloading cargo). The crews were on duty during the day and in two shifts in the night; they changed shifts in midnight. Laodah and vice laodah keep working throughout the voyage until they cast the anchor. Chuhai did not participate in onboard works. For a local long-line fishing vessels crew size was much bigger than a corresponding-sized merchant ship. Lodah and vice laodah had to work day and night during the deep-sea fishing voyage; there were no chief positions for other sailors, hence there were no arranged shifts. After vessel dropped the long liner fishing, sampans were lowered one by one along the fishing route; 3-4 sailors on each sampan were taking back the hooks. This hard work usually lasted all day long. There is a small shrine at the aft area of the poop deck containing the effigy of the junk’s patron saints, Goddess of Mercy, Matsu, Guandi, etc. The laodah or vice laodah of trade vessel burned incense in stick-like ‘joss-stick’ one by one throughout the voyage to keep alight in the shrine where the compass laid also. For fishing junks, it was same but joss-stick only burned one in morning and one in evening, as well as some important occasions and critical times. Many local long liners have one ‘tong-ki’, a trance-state man while intercommunicated oracles onboard; he would give advice in case of an emergency. The tong-ki was a fisherman in normal times, and they did not receive extra payment. A living room/quarters was located at the aft area of the ship, or the lower area of the quarter-poop deck; laodah’s bunk on the back on the left, opposite side was for chu-hai. In Chinese junk, portside also named yuloh side while starboard called sail side. Ice butt and stove located in the sail �side, toilet and water bin were in the yuloh side. Sailors carried water in a bin contained 30 ‘dan’, or 1500 kilograms. Seamanship The bamboo strip sails had been adopted in Chinese junks since the Western Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), and used up until the early 20th century. However, the last successors of seafarers along the Fujian coast, which the average age is 80 years old, mostly never saw the bamboo sails; some of them just heard them from their previous generation or two generations earlier in which these sails were being used. To operate a bamboo matting sail, it has to be rolled and unrolled; it is heavier than one used cloth sail. There is an idiom applied to both sail types, and that says ‘trim one's rubber to the wind’. The cloth lugsail was fasten on odd number of bamboo from luff to leech where could see the balance from the mast; each end of the batten on the leech was connected by the bight and through some euphroes lead the control sheets terminated in one main sheet to the stern of the upper deck. The sail was often very heavy, and it required the whole crew at the winch to set the sail. On Jin Hua Xin, it required approximately 12 minutes with six sailors to turn the winch. The vice laodah held the tiller and order the trimmer to control the main sheet, while the laodah served as a navigator and rarely handled the rudder. The leeward sailing, windward sailing, and wind abeam sailing were the main points of Chinese sailing junk under different angles of apparent wind. The latter was rarely recorded by previous researchers, both Song Yingxing (1637) and Needham (1971) seemed to be confused between the beam reach and windward sailing. The local seafarers call it ‘tripod sheet’ as the sheet system have fasted the main sail keep it at approximate 50 degree angle with the stern, which is the position in between the leeward sailing and windward sailing. The Old Xiamen �seafarers often used tripod sheet when they set sail to Tainan by the winter monsoon (northeast or north wind). The main sail of Fujian junk was hung on starboard side of the mast, thus the sailors on quarterdeck would see the bamboo battens while sailing with tripod sheet; they called it open sail (all the way on the road was port tack, the batten was force to left the mast). When the boat went back to Xiamen by using same monsoon, no matter sailing with close reach or beam reach ,it was starboard tack; this was call close sail (the batten was pushed to touch the mast) as the bamboo battens could not been seen at the position of laodah. Moreover, Chinese sailors often worked to windward tacking and jibing by turn the stern to wind; accident jibe was deemed to be dangerous especially under the strong wind. Onboard tools include axes, nails, knives and cloth tec., were used for emergency repairs. The author learnt and experienced to block the bottom loopholes in the towed voyage of Lan Tay II at February 2004 (Fig. 3). Fig. 3: To block the bottom loopholes of the LanTay II. �Navigation Just like people live in mountains naturally know and understand their surrounding landform, Chinese seafarers understood that the seabed had hills and valleys similar to the land with different sediment types; sailors used these sediments and topography of the seabed to acquire positions of the vessel on voyages. The last successors of Fujian seafarers did not use the needle sailing route manuscripts, but they relied on their trained eyesight and memories. Yet, some of them also learnt the manuscripts given by their previous generation; therefore, they can read and understand it. Phing-Chou Kho Than, written between 1111 and 1117 by Chu Yu, described navigation techniques as follow: “The ship’s pilots are acquainted with the configuration of the coasts, at night they steer by the stars, and in the day-time by the sun. In dark weather they look at the south-point needle (compass). They also use a line a hundred feet long with a hook at the end, which they let down to take samples of mud from the sea-bottom, by its smell they can determine their whereabouts.” The sounding lead was used to ascertain the depth of water, the head of lead has a hole filled with soap or grease to stick to a few seabed materials to identify if there was sand, mud, or stones. The weight of a sounding lead was between 3-5 kilograms. The word ‘fathom’ and ‘water’ was used by old Xiamen port seafarers to mean a two-arm span, which is approximately 1.6 meters. Usage of the sounding lead was also described by Xiao LiuQiu Man Zhi written in 1755. When thrown into the sounding lead from window of yuloh or shipboard, sailors should remain the boat stationary. Every five waters there was a red sign in the rope. �The laodah or vice laodah burned a joss-stick and kept it alight in the shrine after the ship set sail, and each incense ran about one hour; this also helped them to acquire the positions in the sailing route. Chinese seafarers almost never used the ‘distance’ to describe the sea route, but instead of ‘how long’ it took. In the middle of the Selden Map, there is an illustration of a Chinese mariner’s compass at the top, this may be the earliest sample can be seen today (Fig. 4). The compass was divided into 24 points represented by the twelve Chinese, earthly branches and the twelve heavenly stems. The most common compass was consisted of a round wood box, where an arrow shaped needle was balanced inside. The oldest style compass was dry-pivoted, later ones were filled with water; yet both were called ‘drygen’ by local seafarers. After the compass was improved with 12 Chinese characters, it came to 360 degrees; this compass was called ‘luo-gen’. The seafarers were taught to use the compass and to calculate the tides and winds since they were young. Every seagoing junk had two dry-gens, at least, should one needle lose its magnetic field. The Vice laodah kept one on his side, while the loadah kept another one. In the night, it was illuminated by the laodah’s opium pipe. Even sampans from long line fishing junks had their own small dry-gens. Fig. 4 (right): The Chinese Mariner’s Compass on Selden Map. �Besides compass and sounding lead, Sha-Po-Wei fishermen used primitive astronomical guidance for them to orient themselves. They could read directions by simply by 4 stars during the night. Venus for east, Needle End Star for south, West Star for west and North Star for north. Sailing Routes There are a least eleven historical documents about compasses and its bearing directions for sailing routes in Taiwan Strait: these are listed as follows: 1. Si yi Guang Ji (四夷广记), written between 1592 and 1598 by Shen Mao Shang. 2. Shun Feng Hsiang Sung (顺风相送 Fair Winds for Escort), written in about 1593. 3. Tung His Yang Khao (东西洋考 Studies on the Oceans East and West) ,written in 1617 by Chuang Hsich. 4. Chih Nan Cheng Fa (指南正法 General Compass Bearing Sailing Directions), written before 1669. 5. Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu (海国闻见录)，written in 1730 by Chen Lun Jiong 6. Peng hu Ji Lue (澎湖纪略)，written during the reign of Emperor Qianlong in Qing Dynasty by Hu Jian Wei. 7. Xiao Liu Qiu Man Zhi (小琉球漫志)，written in 1755 by Zhu Shi Jia. 8. Wai Hai Ji Yao (外海纪要), written in early 19th century by Li Zen Jie. 9. Xia-Men Zhi (厦门志，Xiamen Chronicle), written in 1839 by Zhou Kai. 10. Xia-Men-Gang ji shi (厦门港纪事), written in 1843 by Dou Zheng Biao. 11. Hai Jiang Yao Lue Bi Jiu (海疆要略必究), written in 1856 by Li Yan Yu. �When a ship set sail to Tainan from Xiamen, nearly all the above documents showed similar descriptions for navigation; departing from Nan Tai Wu of Xiamen at direction between ‘chen’ and ‘Xun’ (amount to 127.5°)，it takes seven ‘gen’ to Peng-Hu hill, then sail at direction of ‘xun’ (about 135°)，and it takes another five ‘gen’ to Luerhmen of Tainan. Many sailors of old Xiamen port served on merchant junks between south Fujian and Taiwan; they sailed to Tai-Nan in north wind season, went to Wu-Qi of Taichung, Lu-Kang of Chang-Hua, Dong-Shi and Bu-Dai of Chia-Yi, kee-Lung during south wind season. Mostly, they set sail from the old Xiamen port; it took less than one tide to arrive Bay Liao-Luo of Quemoy. After waiting for good wind, they set sail again and used the tripod sheet sailing to Ma-Kung of Peng-Hu for approximately twenty hours. They then waited for suitable winds and tides to Luerhmen; it would take another 10 hours. They would try to sail closer to the east direction when sailed across Taiwan Strait. It would take much less time when ones sailed from Tainan to Xiamen. Archaeological Experiment of LanTay II On 21st May 2017 at 10 am, LanTay II set sail from port of Liao-Luo of Quemoy planning to trace the historical sailing route by heading 127.5° to Peng-Hu (Fig. 5). The weather forecast for the day were Wind Northeast Beaufort force 3, Swell 1.3 meters, but the author onboard found that the wind had veered to east and increasingly, while the swell is more angular than the wind after the ship entered Taiwan Strait. The course of the ship had to turn in direction of 170°-180° to steer quartering sea. The LanTay II was under control until 16 pm, when the skipper made the decision to abandon the boat at the position 24.1743°N, 118.5535°E, while the situation was Wind East Beaufort force 6-7, Swell 3 meters and 6-7 meters �instantaneous. The 6 years of preparatory archaeological voyage lasted 6 hours, all the crew numbers transferred to companion ship. Fig. 5: The archaeological voyage of LanTay II. As postmortem reports of the experiment, Sha-Po-Wei indigenous fishermen had compiled the warning signals as below: a. The day of 21st May was the 26th day of the fourth month in Chinese lunar calendar, one of the brightest days of the Great White Planet in the whole year; and it is the day for brewing disaster the whole year ahead in Taiwan Strait. It means that this is a day with storm surge and a taboo day for sailing. b. The included angle of wind and wave increasing with the height of the sun which reached the maximum after 12 am, and they stacked up into higher swell. The best set sailing time to cross Taiwan Strait was 4 am. �c. The position where the ship was abandoned is right between seabed valley and hills based on the past records; that was where the swell on the sea surface become rougher (Fig. 6). Fig. 6: The Sha-Po-Wei indigenous fisherman motioned the topography of the seabed of the Taiwan Strait they recorded half a century ago. Discussion The seamanship and navigation of the Chinese Junk requires a plethora of nautical knowledge and a variety of onboard skills. All knowledge regarding Junk ships (including sail and rudder, sounding lead, mariner’s compass, joss-stick, compass bearing recorded for sailing route, wind and tide, etc.) formed a closely connected knot of complementary techniques. The information gathered during the marine ethnographic field investigations at old Xiamen port indicated that a series of traditional onboard skills displayed by the last successors of sailors and fishermen may be closely corresponding to skills and techniques described in the historical documents that range from Song Dynasty to Qing Dynasty. Nonetheless, details of the geographic parameters of sailing routes are still obscure, such as accurate depths and seabed materials, and the sailing directions under the effect on winds and tides. An old local �seafarers proverb says, ‘The stationary compass bearing recorded but flexible brains’, and also says ‘Live performances to speak clearly’, thus experimental archaeological methodologies, or sailing a real ship, shall be used to study their historical context to reconstruct navigational practices and methodologies for sailing in China Seas. The better way forward with archaeological voyages is involving the older seamen and indigenous fishermen into the sailing investigations. The authors believe that expected discoveries of this research-investigation will bring new evidence that significantly extends our knowledge of earlier onboard lives of Chinese Junk ships. Oral Sources 1. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 27th March 2012. 2. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 30th March 2012. 3. Huang ChaoQi, Ruan PengShi, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 11th April 2012. 4. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 13th April 2012. 5. Huang ChaoQi, Yu LongFa, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 21st April 2012. 6. Huang Chao Qi, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 17th June 2014. 7. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 10th November 2014. 8. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 11th April 2015. 9. Zen JinTang, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 12th April 2015. 10. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 12th December 2015. 11. Zen JinTang, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 18th December 2015. 12. Ruan QueTou, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 27th December 2015. 13. Ruan ShiLu, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 30th December 2015. 14. Ruan ShiLu, Ruan QueTou, Sha Po Wei of Xiamen, 8th January 2016. �15. Capt. Zhang TongLong, Ruan QingTing, and Yu LongFa, Si Ming Nan Road of Xiamen, 27th May 2017. References Anonymous, 1653. Selden Map of Southern China and Southeast Asia (MS Selden Supro 105). Bodleian Library (University of Oxford), Oxford. Anonymous, 1593. Fair Winds for Escort / Shun Feng Hsiang Sung (MS Selden Supro 145). Bodleian Library (University of Oxford), Oxford. Anonymous, ca. 1669. Chih Nan Cheng Fa / General Compass Bearing Sailing Directions (MS Selden Supro 578). Bodleian Library (University of Oxford), Oxford. Batchelor, R. K., 2014. The Selden Map and the Making of a Global City, 1549–1689. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Brook, T., 2013. Mr. Selden's Map of China: Decoding the Secrets of a Vanished Cartographer. Bloomsbury Press, New York. Chen, Lun Jiong, 1730. Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu, Repn. in 1970. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei. Chu, Yu, 1111-1117. Phing-Chou Kho Than, Repn in 2006. Elephant Press, Zhengzhou. Chuang, Hsich, 1617. Tung His Yang Khao (Studies on the Oceans East and West), Rpen in 1970. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei. Dou, Zheng-Biao, 1843. Xia-Men-Gang ji shi. In Six Xiamen Territoria Seas Literatures Annotation of Xiamen, Repn. in 2013, Xiamen University Press, Xiamen. Hoppe, T., 2004-2008. Mainland China Revival of the Junk. Unpublished Manuscript. Hu, JianWei, ca. 1736. Peng hu Ji Lue, Repn. in 1970. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei. Li, YanYu, 1856. Hai Jiang Yao Lue Bi Jiu. In Six Xiamen Territoria Seas Literatures Annotation of Xiamen, Repn. in 2013, Xiamen University Press, Xiamen. �Li, ZenJie, ca.1800. Wai Hai Ji Yao. In Six Xiamen Territoria Seas Literatures Annotation of Xiamen, Repn. in 2013, Xiamen University Press, Xiamen. Lin, Han, 2015. Navigation and religion in traditional Chinese ship. Symposium of Navigation and Religion of the Traditional Ships in East Asia, Busan. Needham, J.,1971. Science and Civilisation in China, Nautical Research, Vol. IV: Physics and Physical, Part III: Civil Engineering and Nautics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Sailing Cargo Junks Office of Department of Transportation of Fujian (Ed.), 1960. Fu jian sheng Mu Fan Chuan tu ji (Collection of Cargo Junks Drawings for Fujian Province). Department of Transportation of Fujian, Fuzhou. Shen, MaoShang, 1592-1598. Si yi Guang Ji, Repn. in 1947. China Central Library, Nanking. Song, YingXing, 1637. Heavenly Creations (Tian-Gong-Kai-Wu) in Sequel to Si-Ku-Quan-Shu, Zi Radical, Repn. in 2002. Shanghai Ancient Books Press, Shanghai. Worcester, G. R. G., 1947. The Junks and Sampans of the Yangtze: A Study in Chinese Nautical Research, Vol. 1: Introduction and Craft of the Estuary and Shanghai Area. Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of Customs, Shanghai. Xiao, ChongYe and Xie Jie, 1580. Shi Ryukyu Lu (Diplomatic Mission to Ryukyu), Repn. in 1997. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei. Xu, Lu, 2010. A Ship Archaeological Investigation on Canton Style Sailing Junks: the Jun Hua Xing Case. In China Maritime Museum (Ed.), The Position and Mission of China’s Maritime Culture, Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Shanghai: 236-252. Zhou, Kai, 1839. Xia-Men Zhi (Xaimen Chronicle), Repn. in 1996. Lu Jiang Press, Xiamen. Zhu, ShiJie, 1755. Xiao Liu Qiu Man Zhi, Repn. in 1970. Economic Academy of Taiwan Business Bank in 1970, Taipei. �Biographies Xu Lu (Chinese: 许路) is Founding Director and Chief Maritime Archaeologist of NVOCC Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society (CSJES). He is a commissioner of China Maritime History Studies Association and Fellow of The explorers Club. He also works as a co-research fellow for NSC-ANR project Maritime knowledge for China Seas hosted by École française d'Extrême-Orient (EFEO) and Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica (IHP) in 2014-2018 duration. His English publication include The Naval Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sea Going Sailing Junks: An Overview (Delta Book World, 2014). Yu LongFa (Chinese: 余龙发) is a local fisherman at Xiamen old fishing port, born in 1952 at ShaPoWei. He works as a professional fisherman since the age of 12, being a skillful master of seamanship and navigation in east and South China Sea during past 50 years. He assisted Mr. Xu Lu with the recording and decoding on board skills in Chinese Sailing Junk. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 6: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Description An account of the resource East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones. For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth. Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally. Nevertheless, each country has already moved forward with its own underwater archaeological policies and projects both on governmental and grassroots levels. Some activities are in close cooperation with foreign institutions or universities. In East Asia, document-based historical study or terrestrial archaeology has a long tradition, which has had a noteworthy impact upon underwater archaeology and its methodology. Even in this region as well as in other Pacific areas, contrariwise, the technological advancement in underwater survey has remarkably been made recently; using remote-sensing with satellites, robotics for ROVs or AUVs, or 3D photogrammetry by computer software mitigates or cancels the limitations regarding accessibility and working time caused by underwater environment. The tie between such modern technologies and archaeology has minted new applications and perspectives of underwater cultural heritage study. The multi-disciplinary or holistic approaches are increasingly more and more necessary among Asian researchers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akifumi Iwabuchi Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan Kotaro Yamafune APPARATUS, LLC, Japan Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Seamanship and Navigation: Seafarers on Board Daily Skills in Chinese Junk Description An account of the resource Chinese sailing traditions changed a little through time; sailors inherited their onboard skills, expertise, and experience by orally imparting others with physical instruction. But these daily skills were rarely recorded or studied in the past. For seafarers, how to operate and maneuver a Chinese junk was their daily work; and apart from sparse historical documents such as Phing-Chou Kho Than (Yu, 1117), Shi Liu-Qiu Lu (Xiao and Xia, 1580) (Fig. 1), and preliminarily observations by G.R.G. Worcester, Joseph Needham, Thomas Hoppe, and others, seamanship and navigation were kept in the minds of surviving successions of living sailors. In 2004, the author had an opportunity to sail on a nearly 100 year old Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage. Several months of onboard experiences provided a rare field investigation to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization and their daily work. This experience led the authors to raise a marine ethnographic field investigation project along Fujian coast. Experimental archaeology creates effective scenes for realistic performance of past systems. A small full-size replica LanTay II was built for a series of archaeological voyages; the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese seafarers onboard. In this paper, the authors shall present combined researches on historical documents, past observations with lively oral materials achieved by marine ethnographic field investigation on traditional sailing ports along South Fujian coast; throughout this research, the authors approach the knowledge about seafarers onboard daily skills and try to present the research about the sailors methods to maneuver the junk and its navigation system by means of a combination of instinct, eyesight, memory, and skill. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Xu Lu Yu Long Fa Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Xu Lu Yu Long Fa Asia-Pac Session 6 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/8e569cbe07a379111ce84b992e44fdd9.pdf 5611ddbb442af71af85f30e7e8912dff PDF Text Text Variable Longline Fishing: The History and Sustainable Innovation of a Traditional Marine Ecological Knowledge Xu Lu (Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society, 1420511969@qq.com) Yu LongFa (Xiamen Fishing Port, 13666084562@163.com) ABSTRACT Amoy variable longline fishing is an efficient, accurate and controllable traditional fishing technique created by Amoy fisherman, which has been popular in the Taiwan Strait and Zhoushan fisheries for hundreds of years. It was replaced by seine and trawl since the 1970s but continues to exist with inshore small-scale fisheries. It is a fishing method based on traditional marine ecological knowledge such as seabed topography, water current and fish migration. It evolves with environmental conditions, and is a living marine cultural heritage. In the past ten years, we have conducted a series of experimental archaeology studies on traditional shipbuilding, traditional navigation and traditional longline fishing. The studies expanded the boundary of marine ecological knowledge. This introduces a special perspective on the effects of climate change towards marine ecology and other external conditions. We aim to explore feasible coexistence with underwater cultural heritage and maritime cultural heritage by exploring the role of Amoy’s longline fishing as an innovative precision fishing technology. We work to teach local communities to use traditional methods to carry out non-destructive, accurate and efficient productive fishing in the complex environment of underwater cultural heritage (UCH). We promote the variable longline fishing for nomination on the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding, developed from the UNESCO 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. List of Figure Figure 1: Detected Seabed Topography and Sediment Using a Sounding Lead INTRODUCTION In the past twenty years, we have conducted a series of experimental archaeology studies on traditional shipbuilding and navigation, and have also come into contact with traditional fishing techniques closely related to them. Among them, we conducted a special study on the local history of Amoy longline fishing (Xu 2018) and successfully included it in the local intangible cultural heritage list. However, it is precisely because of being in the East Asian cultural zones where Chinese characters or even certain dialects are used, it is difficult for mainstream academia to understand the field research-based technological history or intangible cultural heritage. As the issue of UCH is increasingly receiving attention to address major global threats, such as climate change, we urgently hope to introduce and promote Amoy variable longline fishing to the world. Its ‘variable’ is an understanding and technical logic that is adjusted to respond to changes in the marine environment and other external conditions. As an easy to learn and localized marine knowledge system, the variable longline fishing can coexist sustainably with underwater cultural heritage in various regions of the world. CASE STUDIES Longline fishing may first appear in the Iron Age after the prehistoric stone tidal weirs and tidal zones gathered. The longline fishing operation is called ‘Banggun’ in Hokkien dialect, which 1 �‘Gun’ refers to a specialized fishing line. The variable longline fishing is based on the data of seabed topography and sediment morphology of the target fisheries detected by iron sounding lead. For fishermen engaged in longline fishing the bottom of the sea has its hills and valleys like the land, and they acquire an intimate acquaintance with its contours and the type of bottom to be expected in each locality. This knowledge is supplemented by the data of wind direction, wind force, tidal direction and velocity, the habits and rules of different water colors, upper, middle and lower water layers, and different fish habitat and migration,; so as to adjust the specifications of longline fishing gear and bait form according to the conditions of the operation site of target fish species. It can avoid catching young fish and non-targeted fish species by no selectivity. This traditional fishing technique involves releasing a main line from a boat into the sea, with a certain number of branch lines tied at a certain distance to the main line, and each branch line ends with a fishing hook with bait attached. Each basket of longline is equipped with sinking stones and buoys at the head and tail, which are used to control the main and branch lines in specific depths of water. This traps adult fish in specific water layers. According to the different fishing layers and fish species, longline fishing can be divided into two types of operations: fixed fishing and floating fishing. According to the combination of fishing vessels, it can also be divided into single vessel operation and barge-carrier operation. Each basket of longline is equipped with more than 10 to 100 branch line fish hooks based on the size of the fish hooks. During operation, first release the first buoy and sinker, then place the longline, with a buoy mark attached between each basket longline, and a tail basket tube mark attached to the end of the last basket longline. In the Wanli year of the Ming Dynasty, it was recorded that fishermen in southern Fujian had already mastered the migration patterns of hairtail fish in the East China Sea by late sixteenth century and pursued shoals of fish. They crossed provinces and transferred to the waters of southern Zhejiang for operation. According to a historical painting from the Himi City Museum collection dating back to 1785 in Japan, long line fishing was introduced to the coastal areas of northern Japan during the Edo period (1603-1615 CE), and was used to catch snapper and cod in offshore areas (Figure 1). 2 �Figure 1: Detected Seabed Topography and Sediment Using a Sounding Lead The earliest professional investigation into the fishing industry in Xiamen began in 1922. Investigators from the Water Obstetrics Department of Jimei School claimed there were 150 fishing boats engaged in longline fishing in Xiamen (Zhang 1922). According to statistical data from 1930 to 1931, Xiamen's fishing industry was particularly prosperous, with fishing boats and boats operating in Xiamen. The annual fishing output was approximately one million yuan silver dollar (Su 1931). Another data from the same period shows there are over 120 fishing boats of all sizes in Xiamen; with over 4000 fishermen, with an annual fishing output worth approximately one million yuan silver dollar (Huang 1933). Amoy variable longline fishing can not only use low-cost simple fishing gear to make small scale producers quickly grasp and benefit, but also combine with modern large fishing boats, fish carriers, echometer, hydraulic and electric winches to achieve relatively high production efficiency. Amoy's variable longline fishing tradition is also rare in the world where women and men work together at sea and get equal payment for equal work. Further, organizing the fishing gear can be carried out on land, providing job opportunities for unskilled laborers. Amoy's variable longline fishing established a deity revered as the ‘Diao Caowang (King of Longline Fishing Vessels)’ during a period of uncertain times. It is enshrined in a specialized temple called the ‘Long Zhu Dian (Dragon Ball Temple)’, forming a unique folk religion. At this location we collected sounding hammers, navigation compasses, stone anchors, sinking stones, buoys and other ancient longline fishing tool remains. In May 2015, the historic home port of Amoy's variable longline fishing, Shapowei, was permanently closed for redevelopment into a tourist spot. Its fishers were told to stay away (Liang 2018). 3 �RESOURCES The variable longline fishing technology mastered by fishermen in Xiamen is also a common technology that’s heritage is based on thousands of years of practical human experience. This tool is simple, easy to learn, scalable, and transferable, which can quickly provide local sustainable blue food to local communities, making a significant contribution to economic benefits. But so far, there has been relatively limited historical research and technical observation, and there has been a lack of fishermen taking the lead and standing from the perspective of fishermen. Since 2015, we established a community of interests with Xiamen longline fishermen who just lost their fishing work. We have systematically sorted out the eight series of methods for their longline fishing gear for the first time, extracted technical logic, and applied for inclusion in the local intangible cultural heritage list. We have organized a technology transfer team to inherit the variable longline fishing techniques of Fujian and Zhejiang from the offshore to the open sea, allowing fishermen to return to the ocean and use friendly fish resources for variable longline fishing instead of net fishing. The veteran fishermen in Xiamen Port are an important component of this team, mainly responsible for technology transfer work, while members of our organization provide project assistance and management work. We hope that based on the success of the project, local fishermen who have made changes due to our help can also become members of our fishermen's technical team to help other regions. At the same time, we also assist them in forming their own teams and copying our solution model to promote variable longline fishing. This returns a common technological heritage of humanity to society. We hope to promote and teach variable longline fishing technology to the world, especially low-income coastal areas. The co-author of this paper, Yu Longfa, is the most famous fisherman in Xiamen longline fishing industry. He has over 50 years of marine fishing experience in Fujian fishing grounds, Zhejiang, and Taiwan Strait, and is also a representative inheritor of Xiamen's intangible cultural heritage of longline fishing techniques. FRAMEWORK The crisis of global marine fish resources is mainly caused by the large-scale and undifferentiated centralized net fishing of recent decades. A 20-year retrospective review of global aquaculture issued at 6th Workshop on Lipid Nutrition and Metabolism in Aquatic Animals of China, aqua feeds are reliant on fish meal and fish oil sourced from wild-captured forage fish. Increasing use of forage fish is unsustainable. About 70% fishmeal and fish oil are used in aquaculture. Currently we do not have exact data on the cost of dozens to hundreds of wild captured forage fish needed to feed an adult cultured fish. Variable longline fishing does allow for accurate numbers of captured adult wild fish. This is undoubtedly better for ecosystem health than aquaculture and other methods of fishing. So where and how is any solution currently being applied? The innovative approach of Amoy variable longline fishing solution is reflected in the following aspects: 1. Technological innovation: a set of strict technical logic. Sort out the key factors and 4 �important links, helping fishermen to develop sustainable longline fishing programs based on local geographical conditions and current status of fishery resources,. This provides innovative paths for the future implementation of the control of total amount in fishery resources. 2. Innovation of promotion methods: the fishermen who master the variable longline technology get better benefits than any other fishing methods as soon as possible. This promotes the replacement of net fishing and other fishing methods. 3. Community friendly Innovation: let local fishermen increase their income. Encourage women and disabled people to participate in learning and production, and support teenager experience. 4. Overall solution Innovation: through the collection and analysis of the first-hand data of the operation site, transformed previous static fishing data into real-time dynamic guidance. The project provides data and technical support for the future fishing traceability, origin certification, format planning, and quota management. 5. Sustainable innovation: studying the sea conditions and fish conditions from local fishermen, setting fishing gear for trial operation, adjusting fishing gear for trial operation again, formulating local operation methods and compiling operation guidelines, teaching local fishermen operation techniques, replacing existing fishing methods with variable longline fishing for offshore production operations to measure the solution impact, write reports and put forward suggestions on utilization and protection of local marine fishery resources. Then the living standard of fishermen in the project implementation area can significantly improve, and the marine fish resources are significantly protected. This is measured annually, and can be expanded to more areas. The operation tradition and future promotion of Amoy variable longline fishing technology adheres to the most restrained environmental footprint, are the first local fishermen to use a small single fishing boat with a length of less than 10 meters for nearshore operation. In contrast, the fishery harvest is family operated, with surplus sold in local markets. Where conditions are sufficient, it is considered to develop into a consortium of fishermen. This uses vessels of 20 meters length, adopts the mode of sub mother-ship operation, takes the location as the center for offshore operation and the catch enters the market circulation system and the online direct-to-consumers sales system. Sailing fishing vessels can be used for the single vessel operation and the production operation of sub and mother-vessels of Amoy variable longline fishing technology. Even if the diesel engine is used as the power engine, it consumes little petroleum fuel. Small fishing boats are usually equipped with two 8 HP engines, with a speed of 5-6 knots and an average fuel consumption of 6 litres per hour. Coastal operations usually consume 6-12 litres of diesel per voyage. For fishing operations up to 20 nautical miles offshore, 60-70 litres of diesel oil are usually consumed per voyage. Take the example of the Amoy variable longline replacement demonstration project of Zhoushan Zhongjieshan islands in 2020-2021 funded by World Wildlife Fund (WWF). We first coached the local government to establish a specialized NGO organization as the specific implementer of the project. Through their collaboration with local marine fishery administrative authorities and marine nature reserve management authorities, we mobilize local fishermen, and 5 �then send a technical team of Amoy old fishermen for technology transfer work. CONCLUSIONS This paper focuses on Amoy variable longline fishing, exploring the history and technical logic of this unique local traditional marine ecological knowledge system. Here, we point out the value of its intangible cultural heritage and physical remains. Based on this, we explore the possibility of continuous innovation as a solution for non-destructive, accurate, and efficient production fishing in complex water bodies. We also seek a solution for sustainable development of marine fish resources and low energy consumption production fishing. We aim to replace other fishing methods that may cause damage to seabed sediments in various water areas including UCH, and support a vital fishing industry for local fishermen including those in the site protection areas. We are concerned about marine cultural heritage in the face of climate change and global economic recession. We also care for marine life and marine livelihoods. Humans need food, and with limited land resources, they naturally turn to huge ocean resources. Human wisdom should be used to develop marine resources in a sustainable manner. Amoy old fishermen said that in the history of longline fishing, there have been more and more fish in the sea. Longline fishing seems to be negotiating with the Dragon King. I'll catch your son and I'll keep your grandson. The young fish won't take the bait. The catch of the hooked fish is far less than the breeding quantity, so the fish will naturally be able to reproduce.’ Bibliography Huang Zhiyan. “Report on the Investigation of the Life of Fishermen in Xiamen Port.” China Construction Monthly (Nanjing) 7, no. 3, (1933): 125-140. Liang, Chenyu,. “So Long, Xiamen Fishers, and Thanks for All the Fish.” Sixth Tone 11 July, 2018. Available through: https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/mFL_NlGfpzkSfgE-EV5_cQ Su Jingyu, Chen Peizhen, and Xie Yunsheng (Eds.), 1931. Guide Xiamen, Chapter 8: Industry, Marine Products. Xin Min Shu She, Xiamen. Xu, Lu. “Amoy Longline Fishing: Going Our or To Flee.” The Paper [Pengpai News] 8 October 2018. Available through: https://m.thepaper.cn/newsDetail_forward_2472837 Zhang Rongchang. “Fisheries in Xiamen.” Fisheries. Alumni Association of Jiangsu Provincial Fisheries School 4 (1922): 39-44. 6 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 1: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Session 1 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 1 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Conference presentation Date Available Date (often a range) that the resource became or will become available. November 2023 Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Variable Longline Fishing: The History and Sustainable Innovation of a Traditional Marine Ecological Knowledge Description An account of the resource Amoy variable longline fishing is an efficient, accurate and controllable traditional fishing technique created by Amoy fisherman, which has been popular in the Taiwan Strait and Zhoushan fisheries for hundreds of years. It was replaced by seine and trawl since the 1970s but continues to exist with inshore small-scale fisheries. It is a fishing method based on traditional marine ecological knowledge such as seabed topography, water current and fish migration. It evolves with environmental conditions, and is a living marine cultural heritage. In the past ten years, we have conducted a series of experimental archaeology studies on traditional shipbuilding, traditional navigation and traditional longline fishing. The studies expanded the boundary of marine ecological knowledge. This introduces a special perspective on the effects of climate change towards marine ecology and other external conditions. We aim to explore feasible coexistence with underwater cultural heritage and maritime cultural heritage by exploring the role of Amoy’s longline fishing as an innovative precision fishing technology. We work to teach local communities to use traditional methods to carry out non-destructive, accurate and efficient productive fishing in the complex environment of underwater cultural heritage (UCH). We promote the variable longline fishing for nomination on the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding, developed from the UNESCO 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Xu Lu Yu LongFa Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Xu, Lu and Long Fa Yu. 2023. “Variable Longline Fishing: The History and Sustainable Innovation of a Traditional Marine Ecological Knowledge.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Akifumi Iwabuchi, and Kotaro Yamafune.” In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1886 Asia-Pac Session 1 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/93e2c4e9142367ccee6cd833be8e8e58.pdf 2b1112993b181e7340c9ed8820177a3b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2021 Session 2: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Session 2 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 2 of the 2021 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Date Copyrighted Date of copyright. 2023 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Earliest Hokkien Maritime Vocabulary and Jargon Recorded in a Spanish-Chinese Dictionary of the 17th Century Description An account of the resource It has always been a difficult task to research and transcribe ancient seafarers’ terms pronounced in different regional dialects. Since 2015, the author has been trying to mark the Southern Hokkien (Minnan) dialect seafarers’ terms pronunciation using Chinese Pinyin, and to record them in Chinese characters, but had not able to find the final solution. In 2018, an oldest and largest extant Spanish-Chinese dictionary was discovered in the University of Santo Tomas Archives, this Dictionario Hispanico Sinicum is supposed to have been compiled in 1626-1642 for missionary purposes in Fujian by Spanish missionaries of the Dominican order with the assistance of Chio Chiu (Zhangzhou) people living in Manila. The dictionary has a total of over 1102 pages, containing about 21,000 entries, including single words, short sentences, idioms and slang. From left to right are Spanish entries, Southern Hokkien vernacular Chinese characters, Southern Hokkien dialect in Romanization, and Mandarin in Romanization. The dictionary not only contains a lot of seafarers’ terms, but more importantly, it also has enough single words to combine into the required new terms. This solves the problem of phonetic alphabet and Chinese character recording for Southern Hokkien dialect that has plagued us for many years. Instead of presenting a regional dialect seafarers’ glossary still very much in the making, this paper has focused on possible solutions for editing maritime vocabulary and jargon in different dialects, keeping the logics of nautical technology in mind. with a particular emphasis on the technical logic behind them. Appropriate selections from dialect dictionaries compiled by missionaries in the past may all contribute to the edition of a proper nautical technical vocabulary and seafarers’ glossary for the whole Chinese coastline. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Xu Lu Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Lu, Xu. 2021. “The Earliest Hokkien Maritime Vocabulary and Jargon Recorded in a Spanish-Chinese Dictionary of the 17th Century.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/674 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/e18e5e5a8709f4beba2462d73909aa3d.pdf a5f9c138ae3f59f1557c9d848cbb3566 PDF Text Text The Naval Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sea Going Sailing Junks: A Manuscript Xu Lu Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society Xiamen, 361003 People’s Republic of China Email: xuluxm2013@yahoo.com Abstract As the most important qualities of ancient Chinese sailing junks, the square bows and sterns with transverse watertight bulkhead and the lugsails with bamboo mat and strip remained the same over thousands of years. Of which, the traditional Fujian style sea going junks is one of the major vessel forms for the ocean and oversea route in ancient China. This paper make an interpretation of Fujian style sea going junks through ship form and structure, principle of design, models, choice of material, sequence of construction, painting and decoration, tools, ship-builders, and ship component remains. This study is combined with the interpretation of Chinese historical documents and drawings, foreign historical drawings, ethnographical field work on main traditional shipbuilding centers along the Fujian coast, reconstruction of traditional shipbuilding, land archaeology evidence, and especially gathers information from a newly discovered illustrated manuscript for shipbuilding. This manuscript at present is the most detailed manuscript found pertaining to the principle of design, modulus system, main unit data, measures and amounts materials used for each ship form. The purpose of this paper is to recover the historical archetypes of ancient Fujian Style Sea going sailing junks, then providing one set of helpful method to explain and identify relevant ship remains excavated in future shipwreck underwater archaeological projects. Keywords: Fujian style Sea going junks, Traditional shipbuilding, Ship remains, Naval architecture, Manuscript Introduction The traditional Fujian style sea going junks is one of the major vessel forms in ancient China. But, what did that ancient junks look like? How were they made? How were they operated and maneuvered? China’s navigation and naval architecture constitute a history of this production technology with its root in the common people. Extant historical data is rather limited and therefore regrettably slight when contrasted with the 1 �art and expertise accumulated over time and the ancient and magnificent culture that it represents. The emergence of sea-faring wooden vessels, their development, transformation and eventual disappearance had a lot to do with the political and economic conditions as well as the available natural resources at any specific time. Without question, changes in available resources as well as in sea routes entailed modifications to form, size, function, names, and even the mode of operation of these vessels. Equally, the technological development and improvement in ship design had its effects on society and the subsequent trajectory of social history. Before, domesticated shipwreck archaeology was founded in the matching and displaying of wrecks, and never went further to carry out experiments on replica and reconstructions according to ancient navigation environment perspectives. Even after researching into the history of naval architecture and ancient writings, searching through relics from different dynasties, focusing mainly on the general conditions of ship-building and the wide variety of methods of manufacturing through every historical period, we are still unable to reconstruct history in its entirety. What could be done was to set up a systematic way of collecting data; then to summarize, understand and subsequently experiment with them. With this data as the foundation, the project became to produce a series of replicas using methods of construction that had been passed down from generation to generation, so that people today can see and experience them; replicas that may allow later generations to reconstruct actual history. Only by doing so can we answer the three questions pertaining to ship-building and sea-faring history listed above, an only then can the value of research be made clear. Ship Form and Structure of Fujian Style Junks Facing Taiwan across the strait, Fujian has 3,324 km of coastline and 1,404 small islands off the coast. The way of life of the ancient Yue people, Fujian’s early inhabitants, was sea orientated with sea travel as their main means of communication. Despite the hilly landscape and mountain ranges in Fujian’s hinterland, these proved no barrier to its economic interaction with other provinces and places overseas (Fig. 1). 2 �The inland, inshore and offshore sea-faring networks linked Fujian with the outside world thereby shipping continuously ensuring and that fishing developed. Fujian’s industries In addition, Fujian was rich in natural resources such as wood, iron, tong oil (Verniciafordii seeds oil), lihui (lime obtained by burning oyster shells), rattan, hemp and lacquer. With such handy materials that could be used to build ships, ship-building prospered across the province. Viewed from a different perspective, Fujian’s coastline was full of Fig. 1 A Color Images of Fujian Style War Junk. (W. creeks and inlets. Facing the Strait of Alexander) Taiwan, it was situated where warm and cold air currents mingled. Not only was the wind strength very inconsistent, it was also where typhoons move inland from the sea during the summer and autumn. Due to this complicated natural environment, certain demands had to be met with regard to form, function and structure of ships, and to the choice of materials and skills employed in their manufacture. It is such circumstances that gave birth to vessels with V-shaped bottoms, raised flat bows, indented sterns, flaring bulwarks, framing, stern-hung, lifting rudders lowering deeply below the keel line, and wide cambered decks that eased the drainage of water. These unique environmental and cultural factors together made the Fujian style junks one of the major vessel forms in ancient China. Building Fujian style junks required standard procedures in the choosing of ship form, design, materials and construction strategy, and involved manufacturing processes such as carpentry, metal work, sewing, painting and smelting. The Southern Song dynasty seagoing ship unearthed in Houzhu in Quanzhou in 1974, the mid-Yuan dynasty Fujian merchant ship discovered in Xin’an of Korea in 1982, and the many ships found in the sea-beds in Lianjiang, Pingtan, Putien and Dongshan in Fujian province are comprised solely of those parts of the ships that were below the waterline. 3 �Therefore, they provide no information on the complete form and design of these vessels. These remains, however, do prove that during the Song and Yuan dynasties the necessary skills developed to build the three-sectioned keel, the water-tight cabins and stern-hung rudders that could be hoisted and lowered. Historical Evidence The earlier records from extant historical writings that contain information on different types of ship from the Fujian style junk series were written around the late 16th to the mid-17th century. A middle 17th century collection of the Berlin Ethnologic Museum was the earliest meticulous color image of Fujian style junks (Anonymous, mid-17th Century). A mass of Drawings of Chinese ship anchored around Matsuura and recorded by local Japanese painters since last decade of 17th century (Oba, 1972) were of great value for study. In 1796, William Alexander’s colour images are the earliest and the best realistic portrayals of Fujian style junks available to us today (Fig. 2). Domestic sources were researched as well. The Navy Abstract, written in the year of the Emperor Kangxi (1654-1722) by the regional commander Chen Liang Shi contained an iconography for Fujian style warship (Chen Liang Shi, 2002). The Taiwan Conversation by Writing, written between the years of the emperor Kangxi to Yongzheng by Huang Shu Jing, recorded parts of materials, quantities and specifications needed to build the Ganzeng types of Fujian warship (Huang Shu Jing, 1957). The Illustrated Manual of Instruction in Shipbuilding for the Navy of Fujian Province, a manuscript between the years of the emperor Yong zheng to Fig. 2 The Coast of Fujian Province and the Qianlong by anonymous writer recorded Location of Sha Po Wei. (Xu Lu) by the order of the Admiralty (Anonymous, 4 �Mid-18th listed Century), the kinds of warships in use during that time. Types like Ganzeng, Shuangpeng, Pingdi, Fazhuo, Bajiang were listed, and their peculiarities and used for different areas and condition. The Regions Formula of Fujian Sea Going Fig. 3 The Old Dockyard in Sha Po Wei inside Xiamen Gang. (Xu Lu) Warships, a woodblock edition was written in 1768 by the order of the emperor Qianlong (Anonymous, 2002). Through putting together mostly-forgotten information that have been scattered all over the world, the appearance and design of junks traceable to the Song and Yuan dynasties are visualized. These sources show wahat ancient Fujian style sea-going junks probably looked like. Ethnographical Field Investigation and Manuscripts From 2004, we began to visit the main traditional shipbuilding centers along the Fujian coast and carried out the field investigation of wooden sailing junks. We found 7 manuscripts recorded and inherited by 4 shipwright families. The Sha Po Wei inside Xiamen Gang (Old Amoy Port) is a famous traditional shipbuilding center up to the first half of the 20th century. It was comprised of more than 15 private dockyards around 3 hectares of shoreline (Fig. 3). The Chen family in one of largest and oldest dockyards in the region, the family migrating from Huian country to Xiamen Gang at least five generations ago. An illustrated manuscript of naval architecture was archived by Mr. Chen Yan Ning of this family. It is 51 pages of paper, 22.5 cm in length and 11cm wide, 6 vertical red lines to a page, badly written in the end of 1910s.The manuscript was drawn by Chen Yan Ning’s uncle, Chen Guo Zai (died in 1949), and then his son gave it to Chen Yan Ning. It contents size and cost of fourteen Fujian sea-going sailing junks, 5 �all the numbers expressed in Suzhou numerals (Table 1). It is the most detailed record so far pertaining to the principle of design, modulus system, main unit data, measures and the amount of materials used for different ship forms. One of those is Da Pa, a junk that each side of hull is printed five gun ports (Fig. 4), it is the only civil junk with gun ports in the period of the Republic of China, alias Hei Bo or Feng Wei Chuan by recorded of G. R. G. Fig. 4 The Manual of Da Pai in the Naval Worcester (Worcester, 1948) (Fig. 5). Architecture Manual of Chen’s Family. (Chen Guo Zai) Design In ancient times, master ship-builders relied on their individual experience and the knowledge passed down from previous generations. They would make patterns on the spot rather than prepare drawings with precise dimensions in advance. Traditional shipbuilding was a conservative, physically demanding profession. Apprentices were people from the lower end of society who could not afford an education. Being mostly illiterate, ship-builders’ experience and knowledge was an oral tradition, passing it down to apprentices as they worked. In those days livelihoods very much depended on such skills, so what they learned they kept to themselves and seldom disclosed. For these reasons, illustrated construction manuals were rare. When designing a new ship, Fujian shipwright would decide on the measurements:  The length of the keel (longgu) and the rise at both ends based on the intended use of the particular ship;  The location of the four main transverses – those at the front and back, behind the mast and that which defines the main cabin;  The width and depth of the ship in proportion to the length of the keel (longgu), for example, the measurement of the transverse behind the mast should be 4/10 the measurement of the keel. 6 � All other measurements such as the bottom-width of the transverse behind the mast, the top and bottom widths and locations of other transverses were then defined based on experience and according to the type, usage and other requirements of the vessel.  The height of the mast depended on the top-measurement of the transverse immediately behind. So was the size of the major sail.  Finally, measurements of width and the size and shape of the rudder post and tiller were determined. The earliest historical document about design of Fujian style junk that has been discovered up to now is a document from the early Qing dynasty. Fig. 5 Feng Wei Chuan. (G. R. G. Worcester) Models The building process started with making a model. Measurements would then be proportionately enlarged for making the ship. This was a method recorded in documents from the Song dynasty onward and continues to be used even in the present. Currently, 7 �scholars take the making of models as the means by which to conserve and record the technology used to make a particular ship, but the ship-building industry knows well that components are difficult to reduce and reproduce to scale. Hence details that scaled down would be too small to show are often omitted. Furthermore, to build a ship requires totally different skills to those required for making a model. When detailed plans and descriptions are lacking, models can at times be misleading. Model offered the possibility of experimenting with various solutions before the replica in full scale was begun. Selection of Material As far as the choice of wood is concerned, a kind of natural fir tree Cunninghamia lanceolata (Lamb). Hook from Fujian a mountainous area was normally used for the parts of a ship’s shell that have direct contact with the sea, such as the keel (longgu), bottom, shuishe (literally water snake), and zouma (literally running horse), the deck and transverses (gecangban, literally cabin-separating boards), and natural small-leaf camphor for other parts of the body such as cangliangzhuo (base of cabin beams) liangtou (beam-end) and gecangfuqiang (cabin-separating strengtheners). For the rudder and anchor which required harder material, kundian wood, which was grown in Guangdong and Southeast Asia was used. Wood for the mast was the most carefully selected, natural fir trees from Fujian aged 80 or more were generally used. Extant historical documents prove that tight rules governing the selection and quantity of materials to be used for ships built in imperial shipyards existed from the mid Ming. The allowances, however, seem overly lavish. With experienced folk ship-builders, measurements of all the parts would be clear in their minds as they searched for materials. Any piece of wood was to them an assembly of some parts. Ship-building uses a lot of wood, but the availability of wood is subject to specific growth cycles. A shortage of supply occurred in Fujian from the early Ming Dynasty, and with it, the cost of ships went up. Wood was then imported in large quantities from Southeast Asia (Chen Xi Yu, 1991). At the same time, some folk-shipyards moved out of Fujian. Some relocated abroad where a few expanded to substantial size. With them Fujian shipbuilding technology spread overseas. 8 �Launched 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 1915 1914 Type Owner Da Shuang Zhang (Jiang) Da Gu Da Gu Da Gu Qiu Xiong Da Pai Da Pai Da Pai 口 Cao (DiaoCao？) 1906 Jin Mu Chuan Chong Wu Changshun hang Chong Wu Cheng Chuan Chong Wu Chang Shun Xiu Chuan Jiu Zhi He Shang Tou Chuan De Bao Shui Chuan Length of keel (chi/meter) 28.4/8.72 Cost (Silver Dollar) 500 22.7/6.81 28/8.4 21/6.3 35/ 10.5 31.5/9.45 21/6.3 30.5/9.15 22/6.6 30.5/9.15 30.5/9.15 27/8.1 31/9.3 20/6 500 230 Table 1. The Contents of Fourteen Fujian Junks from the Naval Architecture Manual of Chen’s Family. (Chen Guo Zai) Sequence of Construction Traditional production starts with establishing the keel (longgu), fixing transverses (longuyiban, literally dragon bone wing-boards), parts of bottom planking, gecangban, biban (bilge Keel), wen (stabilizer), lianggung (upper ribs), then the intermediate ribs between the transverses, and finally, the remaining bottom planking. After these, work on the weather deck begins. First the boards along the bulwarks, followed with shishe on the exterior of the bulwarks, shuixianmen (literally narcissus door) and then the bulwarks. The dragon-eye is usually installed on an auspicious day chosen by the boatman. When the making of the ship’s hull is finished, the filling or Lihui (Caulking) and all sewing work too come to completion. Before the new ship is launched, the exterior of the shell is first covered with a mixture of rice soup and lihui to protect against shipworms. The owner selects a date and time for the launching after which the mast is set up and the sails bent on. This pattern of ship-building is traditional for many 9 �areas along China’s coastline and continues to be used even up to the present. Scholars named it chuankefa, literally the Chinese frame first system. The modern Chinese building techniques for large wooden ships begins with the keel, then erects the frames or ribs and the bottom planking before completing the side planking. This method of ship-building first appeared in Shi Ryukyu Lu (Diplomatic Mission to Ryukyu) written by the Ming dynasty diplomat Xia ZI yang in 1606 (Xia Ziyang, 1970). Painting and Decoration That part of hull below the water-line is usually covered with baikehui (lime from white s hells). The flares (tuolang ban, wave-lifting boards near the bow) are also first covered with lime before painting the figure that characterizes Fujian junks with a solution made of glue, tung oil and natural color pigments. Some Fujian junks even come with a carved head of a lion at the bow. Dragon eyes on the bulwarks near the bow are usually made of camphor. Particular rules govern the size and shape of these eyes: the ratio between the keel length and eye should be 110:4; eyes for fishing boats should look downwards t o signal the search for catches while eyes for merchant ships should look at the route a head. Mulong (wooden dragon), i.e., loach poles (qiuyuji) are painted on the bulwarks n ear the stern, a seabird (muyi) on the yingban (the oval-shaped sern facing), and at the bottom of the yingban is the board which carries the ship’s registration number. Accordi ng to legend, qiuyuji, muyi bird and Matsu (Goddess of the Sea) are the three treasures that watch over the safety of ships. A statue of Matsu or a paper charm as its substitute may be placed in a sanctuary in the after part of the poop. Tools Confucius says, “Good tools are a prerequisite to the successful completion of a job”. For the execution of specific tasks, special tools are required, such as axes, chisels, saws, files, tweezers, awls, knives, rulers and modou (ink markers) used by carpenters, and hammers, large tweezers, sickles, paint-brushes, truncheons for working with lime are used by other workers. Axe: triangular in shape, the axe is the most important tool in ship-building. In traditional ship-building, the qualification of ship-building masters is measured by the number of years he has used an axe. Adze: shaped like a hoe, it is also named guangfu (smooth-out, or faying axe) meaning 10 �that it is used for smoothing out or faying in parts. Saw: for cutting raw materials into boards. Plane: for smoothening out wood surfaces. Lu Ban ruler: also known as “wengong ruler”, which, according to legend, was a system of measurement invented by Lu Ban following Daoist truth and the laws of the Eight Diagrams. With birth, aging, sickness, death and suffering as the basis, the ruler is divided into 8 parts named cai, beng, yi, li, guan, li, hai and ben. When using the ruler, cai is the top and beng the end, and it is important also to avoid the inauspicious and adopt what is auspicious. Modou: that part which serves as a container of ink is called mochi (ink-well) which holds cotton wool soaked in ink. There is a line reel at the end. Cotton thread comes through from the modou and is also soaked with ink. To use the modou, the cotton thread is first fastened to the piece of wood which requires marking at each end, and by gently pulling the thread outwards near the center and then letting it go, a clear and distinct ink line appears on a raw piece of wood or boards measuring several meters. Caulking iron: made of wrought iron and steel for the teeth. An iron loop forms part of the wooden handle and is used for mixing hemp, rattan and lime and inserting the mixture into crevices. Shipbuilders Over the centuries, ship-builders coming from Fuzhou, Quanzhou and Zhangzhou slowly gathered in Fujian. Apprenticeship generally started at the age of 11 or 12. Those who joined the profession were mostly members of ship-builders’ families; their children, cousins or relatives. No less than 3 years of training were necessary. In the beginning, apprentices were not allowed to handle the axe and helped only in menial duties such as mending or minor repair work. Only after a number of years of training, when students had picked up sufficient knowledge and skills from their masters, were they allowed to work on important components such as keels, helms and masts before they became masters. There is a common saying, “Master of a particular shipyard builds ships exclusive to that shipyard”. Each shipyard had its unique ship form. Generation after generation of ship-builders inherited the skills, expertise and 11 �experience passed to them by their predecessors, which over time established a given set of practices and forms. Crossed the Pacific Voyages In Donnelly’s Chinese Junks and Other Native Craft, he listed three most important crossed the Pacific voyages have been taken by type of Fuzhou pole junk and another one was make by Xiamen fishing junk.     “Keying”: length of 48.7 m, Hong Kong to London, 1848. “Whangho”: length of 30 m, Shanghai to San Pedro, 1906. “Ningbo”: length of 42 m, Shanghai to San Pedro, 1912. “Amoy”: length of 21.03 m, Xiamen to Victoria, 1922. Captain Eric de Bisschop sailed a Xiamen built 12 ton gross junk Fou Po II in the southwestern Pacific Ocean and East Indian Ocean. In 1955, a Fuzhou style cargo junk with a length of 23 m, Free China, sailed from Taiwan to San Francisco. In 2008, our experimental replica of Fujian Style warship “Princess Tai Ping” sailed form Xiamen to San Francisco and Hawaii. Conclusions Unlike shipbuilding in other indigenous areas, the Chinese shipbuilding tradition changed a little through all the time, the structure of square bows and sterns with transverse watertight bulkhead and lugsails with bamboo mat and strip showed little change over thousands of years, and the last successors of traditional shipbuilding are alive. Western classifying studies of Chinese sailboats in the early of 20th century just based on the field investigations and the interviews with the successors of traditional naval architecture, such as the great achievements of François-Edmond Paris, Louis Audemard, Barbosa Carmona, Donnelly Ivon, G. R. G. Worcester and Etienne Sigaut, etc. It is last chance to be invested promptly on ethnographical field work investigation for Fujian coast traditional shipbuilding centers. The Naval Architecture Manual of Chen’s Family provided most detailed database so far, yielding valuable information pertaining to principle of design, a modulus system, main unit data, and measures used for typical ship forms of traditional Fujian style sea going sailing junks. ~There are still 3 shipwrights alive in Sha Po Wei, a valuable ethnographic resource, soon to be lost. 12 �Therefore, historical and archaeological projects need to be invested into promptly to recover the historical archetypes of ancient Fujian Style Sea going junks, which will provide helpful methods to explain and identify relevant ship remains excavated in future shipwreck underwater archaeological projects. Acknowledgements Thanks are due to all members of CSJES, the last craftsmen of traditional Fujian naval architecture and seamanship, who provided their invaluable experience and knowledge. I must also express my sincere thanks to Dr. Jia Hao and Miss Jia Xiaofan. Dr. jiahao helped me to search relevant historical materials and Miss Jia xiaofan revised the article format. References Chen Guo Zai., 1919. The Naval Architecture Manual of Chen’s Family, Manuscript (private collection), Xiamen. Anonymous, Mid-17th Century. The Island of Formosa (painted on parchment). Collection of Berlin Ethnological Museum, Berlin. Oba, Osamu., 1972. About Drawings of Chinese Ship Kept in Matsuura Historical Museum, Hirato: The Referential Material of Chinese Merchant Ship in the Era of Edo. Memo 5 of Research Institute of East and West Academicals Studies of Kansai University, Osaka suita: 13-49. Chen Liang Shi., 2002. The Navy Abstract (Shui Shi Ji Yao), Reprinted from the Original in Late 17th Century. Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, Shanghai: 329-337. Anonymous, Mid-18th Century. The Illustrated Manual of Instruction in Shipbuilding for the Navy of Fujian Province (Min Sheng Shui Shi Ge Biao Zhen Xie Ying Zhan Shao Chuan Zhi Tu Ji), Manuscript. Anonymous, 2002. The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships (Qin Ding Fu Jian Sheng Wai Hai Zhan Chuan Ze Li), (Reprinted from the Woodblock Edition in 1768). Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, Shanghai. Huang Shu Jing., 1957. The Taiwan Conversation by Writing (Chi Kan Bi Tan), Reprinted from the Original in Early 18th Century. Business Bank, Taipei: 35-37. 13 Economic Academe of Taiwan �Worcester, G. R. G., 1948. A Classification of the Principal Chinese Sea-going Junks (south of the Yangtze). Shanghai Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of Customs, Shanghai: 66-67. Chen Xi Yu, 1991. Chinese Sailing Junks and Overseas Trade. Xiamen University Press, Xiamen: 114-127. Xia Zi Yang, 1970. Shi Ryukyu Lu (Diplomatic Mission to Ryukyu), (Reprinted from the Original in 1606). Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei: 235. Biography Xu Lu is the initiator and director of Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society (CSJES), an exclusive institute focus on protect and study ancient Chinese naval architecture and nautical navigation. He also is commissioner of China Maritime History Studies Association. As a maritime archaeologist special in the field of junks, he spent over a decade on field work to investigate and ethnographic study the last traditional sailing craft still be built and operating in China, wrote and released numerous academic papers. He led an experimental archaeological ship-reconstructions project in 2007, Princess Taiping, a junk replica sailed across the Pacific. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 9: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCO’s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia. This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Naval Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sea Going Sailing Junks: A Manuscript Description An account of the resource As the most important qualities of ancient Chinese sailing junks, the square bows and sterns with transverse watertight bulkhead and the lugsails with bamboo mat and strip remained the same over thousands of years. Of which, the traditional Fujian style sea going junks is one of the major vessel forms for the ocean and oversea route in ancient China. This paper make an interpretation of Fujian style sea going junks through ship form and structure, principle of design, models, choice of material, sequence of construction, painting and decoration, tools, ship-builders, and ship component remains. This study is combined with the interpretation of Chinese historical documents and drawings, foreign historical drawings, ethnographical field work on main traditional shipbuilding centers along the Fujian coast, reconstruction of traditional shipbuilding, land archaeology evidence, and especially gathers information from a newly discovered illustrated manuscript for shipbuilding. This manuscript at present is the most detailed manuscript found pertaining to the principle of design, modulus system, main unit data, measures and amounts materials used for each ship form. The purpose of this paper is to recover the historical archetypes of ancient Fujian Style Sea going sailing junks, then providing one set of helpful method to explain and identify relevant ship remains excavated in future shipwreck underwater archaeological projects. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Xu Lu, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 9 2014