65 10 700 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Umi No Kodaishi: Higashi Ajia Chichukai Ko Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Minoru Senda Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Kadokawa shoten Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2002 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Minoru Senda Item Type Book ISBN 4047033367 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2002 Extra External Resources: Find this item at Abebooks.com (Bookseller) Find this item at Biblio (Bookseller) Cite This Item Search for versions with same title and author | Advanced options ... Edition: Shohan. Language: Japanese (Show non-Roman characters) Geographic: East Asia -- History. Ajia (tobu) -- Rekishi Note(s): Includes bibliographical references. Class Descriptors: LC: DS511 Other Titles: Higashi Ajia Chichukai ko Responsibility: Senda Minoru hencho. More Records: Show record information Entry: 20020822 Update: 20080516 Provider: OCLC Library Catalog OCLC WorldCat FirstSearch Num Pages 209 Place Tokyo Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Kadokawa shoten Series Kadokawa sensho ;; 336; Short Title Umi No Kodaishi Title A name given to the resource Umi No Kodaishi: Higashi Ajia Chichukai Ko Japan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Umi No Nihon Shi Saihakken = Re-discover Japanese History of the Sea Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kenji Ishii Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Nihon Kaiji Koho Kyokai Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Kenji Ishii Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Library Catalog OCLC WorldCat FirstSearch Num Pages 278 Place Tokyo Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Nihon Kaiji Koho Kyokai Series Zusetsu Nihon kaiji shiwa sosho ;; 1; Title A name given to the resource Umi No Nihon Shi Saihakken = Re-discover Japanese History of the Sea Japan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Umi O Koete No Koryu Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Taryo Obayashi Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Chuo Koronsha Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Taryo Obayashi Item Type Book ISBN 412402536X Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 Extra External Resources: Find this item at Abebooks.com (Bookseller) Find this item at Biblio (Bookseller) Cite This Item Search for versions with same title and author | Advanced options ... Edition: Shohan. Language: Japanese (Show non-Roman characters) Geographic: East Asia -- Relations -- Japan. Japan -- Relations -- East Asia. Japan -- Civilization -- Asian Influences. Note(s): Includes index. Class Descriptors: LC: DS518.45 Responsibility: Obayashi Taryo hen. More Records: Show record information Entry: 19860701 Update: 20080829 Provider: OCLC Library Catalog OCLC WorldCat FirstSearch Num Pages 372 Place Tokyo Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Chuo Koronsha Series Nihon no kodai ;; 3; Title A name given to the resource Umi O Koete No Koryu Japan https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/4c7aa2c4667a55c47db6716188f8cade.pdf bc33b71c7117dee40f67e652799dd0c8 PDF Text Text Uncovering the Luso-Asian Sandalwood Trade Conducted by the Larantuqueiros of Flores Island 1500-1860 CE Clifford J Pereira1 1 African Studies Department, The University of Hong Kong Corresponding Author: cliffjpereira@hotmail.com ABSTRACT The elongated island of Flores in Indonesia stands at geological, zoological, cultural, and ethnic boundaries. But the area is also predominately Christian in the most populous Muslim country in the world, reflecting that this part of Indonesia was officially part of the Portuguese Empire until 1859 CE. This presentation attempts to explore the connection between the Luso-Portuguese Larantuqueiro community and the sandalwood trade between 1500 and 1860 CE. The trade essentially between the island of Timor and China has shaped the political geography of the region during the colonial period, resulting in the present curious exclave of Oecusse and the minor islands that are part of Timor-Leste. Keywords: Flores, Larantuqueiro, Portuguese, Sandalwood. LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS Figure 1: Map of changes in The Portuguese Sandalwood Trade to Macau (Source: Clifford Pereira) Figure 2: Mount Ille Mandrini, Flores Island, seen from the hot springs at Obyek Wisata Wiaplatin (Source: Clifford Pereira). 1. INTRODUCTION Since 1975 CE and the end of fascist rule in Portugal, there has been a movement among academics in Portugal and its former colonies in Africa and Asia to investigate the Portuguese Empire. This postcolonial movement accepts that Portuguese imperialism existed and impacted vast areas of the world and that its basis was initially maritime in nature. Unlike the studies of the colonial past, studies now include the role of subalterns who were marginalised or even excluded from the prescribed colonial narrative. As a case study, this presentation attempts to explore the connection between the LusoPortuguese Larantuqueiro community and the Sandalwood trade between 1500 and 1860 CE. Archival-based secondary sources and maps and images from the Royal Geographical Society (with IBG) have been used alongside first-hand observations in the region as the major resources for this study. The author accepts that further data is available in archives in Portugal, the Macau SAR, and possibly in the Netherlands that have yet to be investigated. The group of islands that the Portuguese referred to as ‘Flores’ are called the Lesser Sunda Islands. The largest of these islands is the Island of Flores, which is to the east of Komodo Island. Flores Island was originally called Pulau Nipa, or Snake Island, referring to its serpent-like shape, while Timor Island was said by locals to be the back of a crocodile. Long before the arrival of the Europeans in the sixteenth century, Southeast Asians had been trading among themselves. By the fifteenth century a system of local trade routes had developed that connected 1 �the region with China and Japan to the north, Malacca and on to India in the east and probably southwards beyond Timor to Northern Australia. The most precious exports of the region were cloves from the Islands of Ternate and Tidore, and nutmeg from the Banda Islands. But there were other valuable trading items, including Bird of Paradise feathers from the Aru Islands and New Guinea, Batik from Java, and Ikat textiles from Flores and Sumba. Rice and sago were extensively traded foods. But it is the trade in wood products that concerns us. 2. HISTORICAL INVESTIGATION Within a year of their capture of Malacca in 1511 CE, the Portuguese realized that most sandalwood prized by the Chinese came from islands somewhere to the southeast of Malacca and perhaps southwest of the ‘Spice Islands’ (Aritonang and Steenbrink 2008, 74). In 1512 CE, they arrived at Ternate, Tidore, and Banda. But did not initially establish either a factory or a castle. Over the next ten years, the Portuguese explored the region, giving the name Cabo das Flores (Cape of Flowers) to the eastern end of a long island. East of Flores Island was a narrow passage, the Strait of Flores, that allowed vessels to sail in an “S”- shaped route between the Flores Sea in the north to the Savu Sea in the south. To the east of Adonara Island the Portuguese became aware of the Island of Lembata. However, they initially merged the islands of Pantar and Alor into one island that they called Ombai. The name survives today as the Ombai Strait. The indigenous Kingdom of Larantuka, in the shadow of the volcano Ille Mandrini at the eastern tip of Flores, controlled the adjacent islands, including Solor. (Figure 1) Initially, around 1512 CE, the Portuguese were drawn to Lamakera, at the north-eastern end of Solor Island (Durand 2002, 50). Without doubt, the draw for the Portuguese was that this location was strategically located on an established trade route from Timor through the Lesser Sunda Islands to Makassar, the Malukus, and on to China. The hinterland of Solor was of little agricultural value, but the sea was rich in marine life, and the settlement was a producer of turtle shell, bêche de mer, and ambergris (Borschberg 2004, 12-13). The Island of Sumba to the west and the large island of Timor beyond the Savu Sea were particularly rich in sandalwood (Santalum album) and sappanwood (Caesalpinia sappan), which was used in dying in China (Souza 2004, 47). Between 1512 and 1558 CE, some Portuguese men and converted women from various Malay and Papuan ethnic groups settled at Lamakera on the eastern tip of Solor Island (Jarnagin 2011, 11). To this community were drawn people (often converts and slaves) from other Portuguese possessions, including Ambon, Malacca, Macau, India, and Mozambique Island. A form of creole Portuguese called simply ‘Portugis’ had developed in Malacca over the sixteenth century and became the lingua franca of this mixed population. At the time, this mixed Luso-Asian community was known by the Portuguese exonym ‘mestiço’ (Asian-European mixed) or ‘topaz’. The latter was a term from Portuguese India and suggested a community that was bilingual in Portuguese and another Asian language. But it also suggested some genetic mixture and Portuguese acculturation (Subrahmanyam 2 �2009, 25-26). The first arrival of Portuguese traders at Lifau in Timor in search of sandalwood was probably before 1550 CE. Figure 1: Changes in The Portuguese Sandalwood Trade to Macau (Source: Clifford Pereira) Figure 2: Mount Ille Mandrini, Flores Island, seen from the hot springs at Obyek Wisata Wiaplatin (Source: Clifford Pereira). 3 �In 1561 CE, four Dominican missionaries under the order of Brother António DaCruz left Malacca and arrived at Solor (Klamer 2010, 14). The Dominicans initially built a wooden fort at Lohayong on the north shore of the island facing Adonara in 1562 CE. The fort was burned down by a Javanese raid in 1563 CE. But the Dominicans continued their mission and reconstructed it in stone in 1566 CE. This became known as the O Forte de Solor. Within the fort, they built a dormitory, a seminary, and the church of Nossa Senhora de Piedade. Soon more Portuguese men with their Malay women arrived, and Lohayong became the primary Portuguese port for the sandalwood trade from Timor. By 1590 CE, the Christian population of Solor numbered 25,000. The Dominicans built the church of São João Evangelista (Saint John the Evangelist) at Lamakera, but it was destroyed in 1598 CE. In 1541 CE, a fleet from Makassar attacked and captured Larantuka on Flores Island, thereby extending the Buginese control over the valuable sandalwood trade from Timor to Makassar. Some Portuguese traders and their ‘mestiço’ agents from Solor decided to relocate to Larantuka, away from the control of the Portuguese state and the Dominican missionaries. But they were quickly followed by the Dominicans, and in 1596 CE, a seminary with an intake of 50 students was built at Larantuka (Andaya 2010, 403). The refugees and traders at Larantuka began to call themselves Larantuqueiros in the ‘Portugis’ creole that was now a lingua franca in the region, and the cosmopolitan settlement became increasingly influenced by the Portuguese. The Iberian Union between 1580 and 1640 CE brought all Portuguese settlements across the globe under Dutch attack, ousting the Portuguese from the spice trade (Van Zanden 1999, 8). Larantuka became the Portuguese trading centre for the region in 1613 CE (Boxer 1991, 143). Meanwhile, the fort on Solor was wrested back and forth between the Dutch and Portuguese from 1613 to 1648 CE. Each attack produces refugees at Larantuka, bringing with them their trading networks. Even the powerful Dutch merchant De Hornay relocated. The Dutch called the Luso-Asians ‘Zwarte Portugeesen’, or Black Portuguese. The Dutch conquest of Malacca in 1641 CE produced Portuguese refugees, some of whom arrived with their servants and slaves at Larantuka (Byrne 2011, 134). The demise of Solor increased Larantuqueiro sandalwood trading activities in Timor and resulted in clashes with the Timorese Kingdoms (Lewis 2012, 187). The Dominicans followed the Larantuqueiro traders and also concentrated their activities in Timor, especially at Lifau. By 1640 CE, Larantuka had become the centre of Portuguese influence in the entire region, including Kupang and Lifau on the island of Timor and this helped to consolidate the sandalwood trade to Macau. The Dominicans had followed the sandalwood traders to Lifau and converted the royal family of Ambeno in 1641 CE. Portuguese refugees from the Dutch attack on Makassar in 1660 CE added to Larantuka’s population (Byrne 2011, 134). The Luso-Dutch Treaty of 1661 CE formally consolidated Dutch rule over the bay at Kupang in Western Timor (Durand 2002, 50). In the following year, the Portuguese decided to make Lifau the capital of their interests in the region instead of Larantuka, which had held that position since 1613 CE (Boxer 1991, 1430). But it was not until 1681 CE that the Portuguese formally listed Timor and the Solor Archipelago as part of their Estado or Eastern Empire (Andaya 2010, 393). Theoretically, the Larantuqueiros were under the Portuguese crown, but in fact they were autonomous with the support of the Dominican clergy and did not pay tribute or taxes to Portugal. Letters sent to Lisbon by their kings were ignored. Locally, a power struggle between the da Costa and de Hornay clans ensued for many years until they agreed to share power. The Larantuqueiros established Portuguese as their official language. Though the languages of commerce remained Portugis Creole and Malay. 4 �Throughout the seventeenth century, a series of Catholic kings ruled over Larantuka, backed by the Dominicans, who provided instruction in Portuguese as well as literacy for the elite. In 1701 CE, King João V of Portugal decided to separate the roles of the state and the church. He legitimized Portugal’s role in the region by appointing a governor of the “Province of Solor and Timor” who would report to the Viceroy of the Indies in Goa. But with only about a hundred men at his disposal, the governor could only maintain indirect control, which allowed the Dom of Larantuka and the chiefs of Timor to manage their own affairs during his four-year term. The weakness of the Portuguese crown allowed the Larantuqueiros freedom to seek any markets of profit, and while the eighteenth century, the Larantuqueiros at Lifau began trading with the Dutch based at Batavia, who found new global markets for Sappanwood (Souza 2004, 54). When the Portuguese government tried to wrest control of the trade, it was resisted by the Larantuqueiros. In response, the Portuguese moved their capital in 1769 CE to Dili (Aritonang and Steenbrink 2008, 93-95). The Larantuqueiros continued to control the sandalwood trade into the nineteenth century, and when Portuguese tried to regain control of the sources at Timor, the Larantuqueios contested their presence even at Dili (Durand 2002, 50). When the Lucy Cleveland visited Dili in 1829, the town was a distant Portuguese colony. Lucy Cleveland had joined her husband William, an American trader who was looking to purchase sandalwood as part of the ‘China Trade’. Interestingly, they were unable to procure sandalwood in Kupang, but with the help of a Portuguese merchant, they did gain a cargo of sandalwood at Dili and sailed to Macau (Puga 2007, 3-33). This would suggest that the sandalwood trade in western Timor had already been oriented westward towards Batavia and Dutch control. While Portuguese Dili remained the source for direct trade with Macau (Figure 1). In 1844 CE, the Portuguese stopped administering the East Asian empire from Goa and shifted the administration of Larantuka and Timor to Macau. This reflected the strengthening of trading links in the region and attracted Cantonese traders. In 1851 CE, the Portuguese in Timor were in debt and sought any means to provide an income for their two remaining possessions in Southeast Asia, Timor and the Lesser Sundas. In 1854 CE, the year that naturalist Alfred Wallace sailed out to Southeast Asia, the Portuguese offered the Dutch the sovereign rights to the Lesser Sundas and the remaining half of western Timor, with the exception of Oecussi and the settlement of Lifau for 200,000 florins. The treaty also allowed the Dutch and Portuguese to swap some territory on Timor (Durand 2002, 51). The total area of the Portuguese territory that passed to the Netherlands was around 20,897 sq. kms which is about the same area as Wales. The Luso-Dutch Treaty of April 20, 1859, ratified the frontiers suggested in 1854, but there were still border issues in Timor to be resolved (Durand 2002, 52). By the time Albert Wallace left Southeast Asia in 1862, the Larantuqueios were no longer Portuguese nationals. During the course of the eighteenth century, some Larantuqueiros relocated to Kupang where, they married European sandalwood traders, combining the Larantuqueiro regional networks with international networks. Women played an important part in this process, and perhaps this is how we should view the wife of Captain Drysdale, painted by Thomas Baines in 1856 CE at Kupang. Albert Wallace describes Mrs. Drysdale as a person of “European and Chinese parentage”. 3. CONCLUSION The Portuguese did not create new trade routes but entrenched themselves in pre-existing profitable systems. Portuguese men certainly played a part. However, most political and religious decisions were 5 �made in Goa and later Macau, and the majority of the Dominican clergy that came to the region were of Luso-Asian or Christian Indian origins. Portuguese religious and political control followed the sandalwood traders. In the case of the sandalwood trade the Portuguese relied heavily on local brokers and their networks. Three distinct levels of ethnic interaction played their part in the sandalwood trade: On a macro level, Portuguese weaponry and maritime technology were applied against local competitors such as the Buginese and Javanese or against rival Europeans such as the Dutch, but always with the contribution of mixed-ethnic crewmen and soldiers. On a median level, Portuguese trade eventually relied on supportive networks established by cosmopolitan settlements like Solor, Laurantaka, Kupang, Lifau, and Dili, which were semiautonomous and often beyond the reach of either Lisbon or Goa and where the creole Portuguese language served as the trading lingua franca. On a micro level, individual Portuguese men entered mutually beneficial marital and extramarital relationships with local or migrant women resulting in competing clans of mixed-heritage Luso-Asian traders who, in many cases, represented the ‘Portuguese presence’ in the region. From the seventeenth century on, the Luso-Asian Larantuqueiros became the leading brokers in the sandalwood trade in the Lesser Sunda Islands and Timor. They held agency over the local Timorese kingdoms and chieftains who supplied the sandalwood. There needs to be a rewriting of history that takes into account local and subaltern brokerage and the roles of such people as the Larantuqueiros in the so-called Portuguese Empire. As the sandalwood source shifted to Timor and the Larantuqueiros sought to trade westward to the Dutch at Batavia. The Portuguese authorities moved eastward to Dili for their trade to Macau, and Larantuka itself was bypassed by the new trade route. The legacy of the sandalwood trade is that the island of Flores is predominately Christian in the most populous Muslim country in the world and that a curious TimorLeste exclave of Oeccusi exists on the northern coast of Indonesian West Timor. Acknowledgements Carvallo, Maria. Larantuka, Flores, Indonesia. Club Lusitano. Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China. Foster, Christopher (late). Larantuka, Flores, Indonesia. Kerry Stokes Foundation, Western Australia, Australia. Neil Williams, Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China. Royal Geographical Society (with IBG), London, England. UK. Sabah State Museum, Kota Kinabalu, Malaysia. Bibliography Andaya, Leonard Y. “The ‘Informal Portuguese Empire’ and the Topasses in the Solor archipelago and Timor in the Seventeenth and eighteenth centuries”. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 41, 3 (2010): 390-420. Aritonang, Jan Sihar and Steenbrink, Karel. “The Solor-Timor Mission of the Dominicans, 1562-1800,” In A history of Christianity in Indonesia, edited by Jan Sihar Aritonang and Karel Steenbrink, 73-94. Leiden: BRILL. 2008. Borschberg, Peter. “O Commércio de âmbar cinzento asiático na época moderna (séculos XV a XVIII).” In Oriente No.8, edited by Carla Alferes Pinto. 3-25. Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 2004. Boxer, Charles R. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415-1825. Lisbon: Carcanet, 1991. 6 �Byrne, John. “The Luso-Asians and other Eurasians: Their Domestic and Diasporic Identities.” In The Making of the LusoAsian World: Intricacies of Engagement, edited by Laura Jarnagin. 131-154. Singapore: ISEAS. 2011. Durand, Frédéric. East Timor: A Country at the Crossroads of Asia and the Pacific. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2002. Jarnagin, Laura. “Introduction: Towards Clarity Through Complexity.” In The Making of the Luso-Asian World: Intricacies of Engagement, edited by Laura Jarnagin. 1-19. Singapore: ISEAS. 2011. Klamer, Marian. The Grammar of the Teiwa. New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2010. Lewis, Douglas. The Stranger Kings of Sikka. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2010. Puga, Rogério M. “Macau e Timor em 1829: O diário e os desenhos inédiis de Lucy Cleveland.” In Orient. No 18, 40-58. Lisbon: Fundação Oriente. 2007. Souza, Bryan. “Tingindo de Vermelho: O sapão do Sudeste Asiático nos séculos XVII e XVIII.” In Oriente. No 8, edited by Carla Alferes Pinto. 40-58. Lisbon: Fundação Oriente. 2004. Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. “Pulverized in Aceh: On Luís Monteiro Coutinho and his ‘Martyrdom’”. Archipel 78. (2009): 16-40. Van Zanden, Henry. 1606 Discovery of Australia. Perth: Rio Bay Enterprises, 1999. 7 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Uncovering the Luso-Asian Sandalwood Trade Conducted by the Larantuqueiros of Flores Island 1500-1860 CE Description An account of the resource The elongated island of Flores in Indonesia stands at geological, zoological, cultural, and ethnic boundaries. But the area is also predominately Christian in the most populous Muslim country in the world, reflecting that this part of Indonesia was officially part of the Portuguese Empire until 1859 CE. This presentation attempts to explore the connection between the Luso-Portuguese Larantuqueiro community and the sandalwood trade between 1500 and 1860 CE. The trade essentially between the island of Timor and China has shaped the political geography of the region during the colonial period, resulting in the present curious exclave of Oecusse and the minor islands that are part of Timor-Leste. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Clifford J Pereira Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Pereira, Clifford J.. 2023. “Uncovering the Luso-Asian Sandalwood trade conducted by the Larantuqueiros of Flores Island 1500-1860.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1947 Zotero Author Clifford J Pereira Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/36bcdd5d88fc4e3399f1332bee97eb48.pdf b2c5f3adf35ab2a0dfacfd4f5b4c8a9e PDF Text Text Understanding Behind Shipwrecks: filling the missing gap of local history Dr. Widya Nayati1 Abstract Archaeological evidence of contact and exchange can be found in many sites in Indonesia. Different areas of the Archipelago experienced different levels of socioeconomic complexity because of many factors including local resource distribution and topography, which in turn affected the nature of contact with foreign traders. Contacts between resource-providing areas and outsiders who sought these resources have affected the development of local cultures. Buddhist, Islamic and Christian ideas and material culture were intensively and widely distributed in the Indonesian Archipelago from the seventh century onward. Archaeological data supported the activities of the contact, such as Hindu and Buddhist temples, Chinese temples, Mosques, Churches, forts, ceramics, beads, statues (made from stone and metals), and shipwrecks. While historical data gives information on the varieties of Indonesian commodities. Hundreds of shipwrecks are believed to be within Indonesia seas. However, the study of shipwrecks— especially in Indonesia--is always as a single object and usually only discusses the artifacts found from the shipwreck. Based on the information above, there are many data which could be helpful in understanding the past from shipwrecks. How would it be if the ship had reached the local harbour? Who would buy the artifacts? What would have happened with the locals if they used the artifacts? Is there any tangible artifacts and intangible culture which could be related to the development of the harbours or the local kingdom? Is there any ‗missing link‘ of the local history which is found from the shipwreck? This paper will analyse the effect of shipwrecks and understanding the role of local history behind the shipwreck. This paper will study the correlation of shipwrecks found in the Batam and Cirebon regions of Indonesia with the history of those two places. Keywords: shipwreck, Development of settlements, tangible and intangible culture, Cirebon, Batam Island, Indonesia Introduction The development of trading centres in the Indonesian Archipelago has been significant since early in the first millennium Anno Domini (A.D.)2 when Javanese, Chinese, Malay and west Asians traded in many ports in the Indonesian Archipelago (van Leur 1955; Meilink-Roelofsz 1962; Wolters 1967). Then, all commodities came to Melaka. The Indonesian Archipelago itself was legendary initially for forest, sea and spice products (Cortesao 1944; van Leur 1955; Meilink-Roelofsz 1962). The trade later developed to include inter local and international products, such as ceramics, beads, coins, gongs, jewellery, metal goods, and precious stones (Cortesao 1944; van Leur 1955; Meilink-Roelofsz 1962; Wolters 1967). The exchange in luxury items could possibly have taken place in the coastal, hinterland or ecotone areas, by land (track) and river (Nayati 1 M.A, widyanayati@yahoo.com A Georgian Calendar designation that starts at year one from the birth of Jesus Christ of Nazareth. 2 �2005). In the harbors, the elites controlled the trading activity as they had accumulated the necessary resources (Junker 1990; Nayati, 2005). Such land trading was closely interconnected with sea/inter island trading (Nayati 2005) and trading activity in this region has developed and is intertwined with other systems over a long period. However, evidence shows that changes of trading patterns have occurred as responses to internal, inter-regional, and international contacts (Nayati 2005). Artifacts have been found in the capital kingdom and their settlements both on the coastal area and in land areas (Nayati 1994; Nayati 2005), while intangible cultural influences were interacting with local people (Reid 1984; 1993; Jungker 1990; Nayati 1994; Nayati 2005). Those introduced cultures became interrelated with local cultures, thereby influencing such aspects as language, daily activities, costume, ceremony, politics, and technology (Jungker 1990; Reid 1984; Reid 1993; Nayati 2005). It can be said that understanding the maritime archaeology of this region is not as simple as recording local and non local artifacts, but should be seen as a contact of land to land culture using both land and sea transportation. Such contact involves time, energy, space, and adaptation which could open many other possibilities. So, any interpretation of the scope of maritime archaeology must encompass wider and deeper considerations which can open the way to seeing and understanding the many possibilities generated by the wider cultural contact. Historical documents can help interpret the maritime archaeology. Some documents describe the ships, the dates, the shift of trading activities from one market to another depending on the supply of local products, the fluctuating prices, and the influence of local rulers on the trading activities. The documents also provide a record of each centre by illustrations, sketches and maps. However these data are only recorded for the Complex Entrepots and Fort Regulated sites, where the document writers stayed for longer periods and even established settlements, such as in Banten, Batavia (Jakarta), west coast of Sumatra, and Banda (Cortesao 1944; Nayati 1994; Nayati 2005). By contrast, there are almost no comparable data about the development of the Direct Exchange sites or about the people, culture and trade to be found in such sites (Nayati 1994). Consequently archaeological evidence can throw further light on these changes by comparing the material culture and archaeological remains across different periods, even though not all historical information is supported by material culture or vice versa (Nayati 1994). The archaeological and historical data have already revealed much about the successes of shipping and trading activity in the past. Trading activity by sea and river was risky and full of danger, not only because of pirates but also weather. Hundreds of shipwrecks are believed to lie within Indonesia and its waters. It is believed that there are around 500 sites where ships have sunk within the Indonesian seas, yet, less from data recorded by Nigel Pickford (1994: 155). �Figure 1. Shipwrecks in Sumatra and Java (Pickford 1994: 155). The discovery, investigation and removal of shipwrecks in the Indonesian sea has been done many times. Nevertheless, the study of shipwrecks is always a single object and usually only discusses the artifacts found from a particular wreck. In Indonesian case, the findings from such an action is normally just a "finding" without any further interpretation what it may reveal about the role of local history to the world or vice versa. There are many data from the wreck which could help in a wider understanding of the past. In this paper, I will focus on one site and ask what might have happened in Cirebon and in Batam if the ship had not sunk? Is there any "missing link" of the local history which can be found from this shipwreck? In the history of Indonesia, Batam does not seem to rate any special mention (Cortesao 1944; Meilink-Roelofsz 1962; Kartodirdjo, et al. 1975; Reid 1993). It interprets that Batam, an island in the strait of Malacca, could have acted as a stop-over harbor as Malacca had both important Complex Entrepots and Fort Regulated sites, while direct trading sites were located in Sumatra and Java. It can be assumed that Bantam could play an important role whenever the trading ships/junks were attacked by pirates, or ran into weather problems—as Batam island is located in the monsoon area. While Cirebon did not rate mention in as many historical journals as the Banten kingdom, Batavia city, and Gresik (Cortesao, 1944; Meilink-Roelofsz, 1962; Kartodirdjo, et al. 1975; Tjandrasasmita 2009), both are located on the north Java sea and Cirebon was an important Islamic kingdom from the 15th to the late 19th century (Sulendraningrat 1972; Kartodirdjo, et al. 1975; Sulendraningrat 1985). �Trading Activity within the Indonesian Archipelago: filling some missing link in local history It is difficult to specify the nature of the connections among producers, traders, agents, and consumers in pre-modern society (Nayati 2005). Many different scenarios are possible as an individual can act as producer, as consumer, as agent, and as trader at the same time (Nayati 2005). Goods were distributed and redistributed both in simple and complex societies, both through reciprocity and centralized movement, variables which are related to socio-cultural life (Nayati 2005). These may each have positive and negative gains for the actors – socially and in terms of real wealth. Archaeological artifacts have not been found to confirm the whole range of recorded trading activities. Archaeological evidence can provide some information about commodities arriving in trading sites but little about the local commodities taken out from these markets (Nayati 1994; Nayati 2005). Yet archaeological data can give clues about the local activities that lead to an understanding and explanation of the past by drawing on both historical and archaeological studies (Nayati 1994). However, there are still many questions on trade remaining, such as how the local people–both coastal and in the hinterland– were affected by the international trading network, and what kind of socioeconomic structures and networks they developed to support their involvement (Jungker 1990; Nayati 2005). Related to the questions of this nature that arise, Jesse Ransley (2005) argues that maritime archaeology is a complex discipline. We should be aware about the many possibilities generated for interpreting the past, as the data are unique and the development of culture may differ and is not always linear between one place and the next. Case Study of Cirebon and Batam For a start, not all sea trading was successful. Pickford (1994) in his study of locations of wrecks does not mention any shipwreck along the north Java Sea including Cirebon but does refer to some spots in Batam. There are reports of underwater research activity there (H Harun). These activities were undertaken by the people in Jakarta during the Suharto era and Haji Harun said that all materials found have been brought to Jakarta. Equally, in 2004 to 2005 there was research conducted on a shipwreck located on 05°14‘ 30‖ and 108° 58‘ 25‖, which is 60-70 miles north of Cirebon. �Table 1. Types of artifacts found in Cirebon Shipwreck (Source: PT ParadigmaPutera Sejahtera (Setyawan 2009)—with modification.) No Type of Artifacts Total 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Metal (Gold, Silver, Iron, bronze, copper, Tin) Precious stones Earthenware Ceramics Glass beads Container made from Glass Upstream Kris Ivory Bones and tooth Horn Spices Woods (part of the ship) Others 15.215 2.607 35,819 256.943 1.475 1.591 1 59 281 10 28 19 114 Cirebon Based on the artifacts found from the Cirebon shipwreck, it should be asked – if there could also be any commodities which were destroyed by sea water. This question must be addressed as ships could stopover in many ports before (almost) reaching Cirebon harbor and this implies that these ships possibly bought other commodities, though not from China. Researchers have interpreted that the shipwreck - based on the ceramics and glassware - is dated to the 10th century (Setiawan 2009). Yet such a date should be questioned as the first Cirebon king came to power in 1478 (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Panzuri 1994; Tjandrasasmita 2009). Before this time, Cirebon was just a small fishing village under the local merchant Ki GedeTapa (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Panzuri 1994). This village then became crowded as many people settled there and this growing population was supported by the surrounding area, especially with rice and sea products (Panzuri 1994). According to local history Ki GedeTapa was replaced by his son who built a new kingdom named Pakungwati, and used the name Pangeran Cakrabuana (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Tjandrasasmita 2009). He was in turn replaced by his cousin, named Syarif Hidayatullah or Sunan GunungJati (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Tjandrasasmita 2009). In 1677 Kraton Cirebon (formally Pakungwati) was then divided into three kingdoms: Kraton Kasepuhan, Kraton Kanoman and Keprabonan, which has a centre of learning (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Tjandrasasmita, 2009). Between 1798-1803 Kraton Kanoman was further divided into two kingdoms: Kraton Kanoman and Kasultanan Kacirebonan (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985). Interestingly, the most intriguing point is the amount of ceramics found from the Cirebon shipwreck. If all these commodities were to be sold in Cirebon market, what would the Cirebon kingdom look like? Certainly, there are ceramics used in the interior of the palace of Sunan Gunung Jati and the sultan‘s graveyard (Figure 2). Gunung Jati is believed to have married Chinese women, but if there were at least 271.000 ceramics, mostly bowls to be sold in Cirebon, �the people of Cirebon would seem to have been practicing a Chinese life style. Yet, based on the personal survey, only one Chinese temple is known to have been located nearby the central market of the kraton in Cirebon. If those artifacts were to be exchanged in Cirebon how did they collect all the commodities to the harbor? And if so, where did they store these commodities from outside Cirebon and from the local area come from? And, most intriguing of all, what was Cirebon‘s most popular trade commodity, as there are no precise historical data on this for Cirebon? Yet We have to interpret more that Cirebon had developed a powerful political and social organization which could organize the accumulation of local commodities to be exchanged with international commodities. If so, the history of Cirebon is not to be restricted to an account of the succession from father to son/cousin. Cirebon must have been a rich country with great social and political organization; it must have included many non local inhabitants but it was all controlled by the kingdom. Figure 2. Ceramics at Gunung Jati Graveyard (http://thearoengbinangproject.com/2010/11/wisata-gunung-jati/) Batam In contrast, while shipwrecks in Batam have not yet been covered scientifically, yet there are more than 100 Chinese temples in the area. Only 20 of these Chinese temples are legal (Ah Cui). A personal survey of the Chinese temples on Batam island has found that many temples have been relocated because of the developments on the island. Some hilly areas have been leveled, and new settlements built—especially shop house—along the main road, although old Chinese temples remain located in the bay (see Figure 3; the original location of the Chinese temples). Moreover, there are some Chinese ceramics dated between Ming and Qing dynasty and beads on the main altar. �Figure 3. Location of Old Chinese Temples in Batam Island (sources: BAPPEKO Batam (1995-1998), http://pn-batam.go.id/profil-daerah/45-pemerintahan-kotabatam/81-sejarah-pulau-batam.html In Bantam, based on the personal survey on July 2011, there are three groups of temples: firstly, temples used for Toa Pe Kong (ancestor) and Santikong; secondly, temples for Kwan Im; and thirdly, temples with Buddha statues. This can be interpreted as that the first settlers placed their ancestors and santikong in their temples as Tao followers and their clan continues to venerate their grandparents‘ temples. Their duties are to renovate and rebuild it better than before. If they have to move the temple, they have to move the Toa Pe Kong and Santikong with them. Interviewed with Ah Chui informed that when renovations or rebuilding of the old temples are still to still maintain the traditional shape. Any reshaping can only be done in unimportant parts of the temple, while any new buildings must be built outside the original temples. Base on the same survey, there are several Chinese temples with Toa Pe Kong and Santikong located in the strategic bay of Batam. It can be assumed that these temples have been built by the Chinese who originally stopped over in Batam temporarily, possibly because of bad weather or pirates and or trade matters. They could safely anchor in Batam bay—as Batam has many safe bays. It assumed that some Chinese continued living in Batam. This assumption is supported by information from Ah Cui‘s that people in Batu Ampar were Chinese who worked as fishermen and merchants. Moreover there were 13 Chinese families who lived in Batu Ampar, a settlement with a trading center, namely A Chui, Tok Riri, AngTeng Hiang, A Ti Pincang (An Kai Lai), Tan Ching Long, Tan Pa Long, Pen Kiang, Cui Siang, Lao Ho, Qi Bak, Bak Ti, Tio Seng, Po Lim and Po Chin. The oldest Chinese temple was originally in Batu Ampar, but then moved to Nagoya because a factory was built in Batu Ampar. Moreover, Ah Cui a local Malay fishermen living in Tanjung Uma and adjacent areas — noted this is �the case especially along the coastal area. Based on personal survey on the 24th of July 2011, in Tanjung Uma an old mosque has been renovated and became a masjid Jami‘ named Al Mukminin. The history of Batam should be expanded to include the existence of the Chinese and their settlements and history during the 1950s, when the Chinese and Malay of Batam worked in rubber plantations and planted pepper and gambier (Ah Cui). These plantations no longer exist as all the forest has been cut down and replaced with shop houses, factories and malls. Based on interviewed with several people in Batam from 21th to 25 of July 2011, it can be concluded that Batam people do not forget their history. Much of the history of local Batam is still missing. However, from the location of the Chinese temples we can understand a little more about the past of Batam. Clearly it was not under firm local control as it was not a kingdom, as the Chinese were free to choose where they settled and where they built their temples. It assumed that the Chinese visited Batam because it was located near trading activity, and a safe haven from bad weather and pirates. Thus this location could have then become a silent trading place where the merchants met the producers from Sumatra and other places in Asia before reaching the major trading centre of Malacca. Conclusion The difference in the commercial functions of Cirebon and Batam influenced the spread of Chinese in those places. In Cirebon, a the Complex Entrepots-Chinese were located in a Chinese settlement called Pecinan, near the market and Kraton, however in Batam—a Direct trading sites—Chinese lives spread in the island. Yet any analysis of trading activities must also take account of the reality that trading is not just confined to the exchange of goods but also involves and influences culture (Nayati 2005; Nayati 2009). The different types of trading sites between Batam and Cirebon seems affected to the development of traders—especially the Chinese. People now living in Batam and Cirebon are often not aware of the richness of their own history and culture. Knowledge merely about their local culture and the role of their local histories provides only an inadequate understanding of their true culture. As people who live in coastal areas, the inhabitants of Batam and Cirebon are largely unaware of the significance of their location in relation to both land and sea. Yet it should be the role of education to make people aware that their local histories are developed and influenced from both land and other resources from the sea, and vice versa. However, their culture and histories are not complete as much information could still be hidden under the land surface and underwater. The findings of recent archaeological and historical data should be anticipated in augmenting the riches of the past, local, national, and international, as local history is strongly correlated with world history, especially in relation to trading activity. This data does not always come exclusively from researchers but should, where possible, involve the local community. Therefore, researchers – especially in Indonesia - have a duty to �inform the communities who live surrounding the historical sites about their findings so the local people will better appreciate the importance of their own past for the wider world. Archaeological findings from shipwrecks both in Batam and Cirebon can fill out their local history. Ceramics from the shipwreck in Cirebon dated on the 10th century, nonetheless, there are ceramics in Cirebon—including on the wall— are dated on the 15th onwards. Moreover the historical data of Islamic kingdom of Cirebon is dated on the 15th century. So, the artifacts and the ships are not only data for the shipwreck itself but raise wider issues such as where did the ships come from, what kinds of artifacts were found in the wrecks, how accurately is the dating of the artifacts and ships, and then those shipwreck data should be related with the situation on the land, in this case the island of Batam and the kingdom of Cirebon. Data from shipwrecks is not extensive, but it can help in filling in the local history of the nearby land area. It is important for gaining a better understanding of the local people‘s role (and their ancestors‘ roles) in the wider world. Each place in the world is intertwined and inter-correlated. Why should we think our place is better than others if their lives and cultures, like ours, have been supported and developed in conjunction with other cultures (including other commodities)? Acknowledgments Thanks you to Ms. Ika Ayu Kristianingrum and Mr. Anggoro Budi Prasetyo for accompanied me to do the survey in Batam. Thanks also goes to Mrs. Brigid Ballard to help me fixing my English in this paper. Thanks also to Miss. Jennifer Craig to sharpen the quality of this paper. Oral Sources Ah Cui alias Lim Bouson (61 years old), Head of Vihara Cipta Dharma at Sei Panas, Batam; Coordinator of Yayasan Sosial Umum at Batam, interview on the 21st of July 2011, cited as Ah Cui Haji Harun (70 years old), former fisherman, Batam, interview 23rd July 2011, cited as H Harun. Bibliography Cortesao, A., (Translation), 1944 Evers,H-D., 1988 Gibbins, D., and Adams, J., The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires and Account of the East. from the Red Sea to Japan, Written in Malacca and India in 1512-1515, The Hakluyt Society, London. ―Traditional Trading Networks of Southeast Asia‖, in Archipel, no. 35, pp. 89-100 ―Shipwrecks and Maritime Archaeology‖, in World Archaeology, vol. 32, 3, pp. 279-291. �2001 Junker, 1990 L. L., "The organization of intra-regional and long-distance trade in prehispanic Philippine complex societies", in Asian Perspectives, 29, 2, pp.167-209. Kartodirdjo, Sartono, Marwati Djoened Poesponegoro, Nugroho Notosusanto, 1975 Sejarah Nasional Indonesia, Jilid 3, Jaman Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan kerajaan-Kerajaan Islam di Indonesia (+/- 1500 +/1800), Jakarta: Balai Pustaka Lombard, D., 1996 MeilinkRoelofsz, M.A.P., 1962 Munoz, P.M., 2009 Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya, part 1, 2, and 3, Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta. Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630, Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague. Nayati, W., 1994 Nayati, W., 2005 Nayati, P., 1995 Panzuri, A., 1994 Pickford, N., 1994 Ransaley, J., 2005 Reid, A., 1984 Reid, A., 1988 Kerajaan-Kerajaan Awal Kepulauan Indonesia dan Semenanjung Malaysia: Perkembangan Sejarah dan Budaya Islam Asia Tenggara (Jaman Pra Sejarah – Abad XVI), Penerbit Mitra Abadi, Yogyakarta. The Archaeology of Trading Sites in the Indonesia Archipelago in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: Possibilities and Limitations of the Evidence, Master Thesis, Archaeology and Anthropology Department, Australian National University, Canberra. 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Indonesian Trade and Society, W. van Hoeve Ltd, The Hague. van Leur, J.C., 1955 Money, Markets, and Trade in Early Southeast Asia the Wicks, R. S., Development of Indigenous Monetary Systems to AP 1400, 1992 Southeast Asia Program, New York. Early Indonesian Commerce, lthaca, New York. Wolters, O.W., 1967 http://pn-batam.go.id/profil-daerah/45-pemerintahan-kota-batam/81-sejarahpulau-batam.html http://oase.kompas.com/read/2010/04/28/09034978/Melacak.Kapal.Karam. http://oase.kompas.com/read/2009/09/08/09160421/Kisah.Sukses.Pemburu.Ha rta.Karun.di.Sungai.Musi http://oase.kompas.com/read/2010/04/29/08250689/Perdagangan.Artefak.Baw ah.Air.Marak http://oase.kompas.com/read/2010/04/29/0847389/Lebih.dari.38.Situs.Ada.di.K epulauan.Seribu http://nasional.vivanews.com/news/read/198897-3-opsi-untuk-angkat-kapalvoc-di-mentawaihttp://thearoengbinangproject.com/2010/11/wisata-gunung-jati/ � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Understanding Behind Shipwrecks: filling the missing gap of local history Subject The topic of the resource Session 12 Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Archaeological evidence of contact and exchange can be found in many sites in Indonesia. Different areas of the Archipelago experienced different levels of socioeconomic complexity because of many factors including local resource distribution and topography, which in turn affected the nature of contact with foreign traders. Contacts between resource-providing areas and outsiders who sought these resources have affected the development of local cultures. Buddhist, Islamic and Christian ideas and material culture were intensively and widely distributed in the Indonesian Archipelago from the seventh century onward. Archaeological data supported the activities of the contact, such as Hindu and Buddhist temples, Chinese temples, Mosques, Churches, forts, ceramics, beads, statues (made from stone and metals), and shipwrecks. While historical data gives information on the varieties of Indonesian commodities. Hundreds of shipwrecks are believed to be within Indonesia seas. However, the study of shipwrecks—especially in Indonesia--is always as a single object and usually only discusses the artifacts found from the shipwreck. Based on the information above, there are many data which could be helpful in understanding the past from shipwrecks. How would it be if the ship had reached the local harbour? Who would buy the artifacts? What would have happened with the locals if they used the artifacts? Is there any tangible artifacts and intangible culture which could be related to the development of the harbours or the local kingdom? Is there any ‘missing link’ of the local history which is found from the shipwreck? This paper will analyse the effect of shipwrecks and understanding the role of local history behind the shipwreck. This paper will study the correlation of shipwrecks found in the Batam and Cirebon regions of Indonesia with the history of those two places. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Widya Nayati Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 12 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/5ec743a26b512955507db520aa795a08.pdf 8bd5b598be6070a7c474619dc6bf37c1 PDF Text Text Understanding the Bach Dang Battlefield from recent research results Dr Lê Thị Liên , Ms Nguyễn Thị Mai Hương , Ms Charlotte Pham, Dr Mark Staniforth, Dr Jim Delgado, Mr Jun Kimura and Mr Randall Sasaki1 Abstract The Mongols created the world‟s most powerful empire in the thirteenth century, conquering China and establishing the Yuan dynasty. Their military power was in doubt, however, after failed naval invasions in Japan and Vietnam. According to historical records, the Vietnamese tactics used against the Mongolian Armada were designed to prevent them from reaching the mouth of Bach Dang River by using hidden stakes that were driven into the riverbed in secrecy. Using the large difference in tides, the Vietnamese successfully lured the enemy fleet into the trap, destroying or capturing perhaps as many as 400 vessels. Since the 1950s, approximately 700 years after this watershed event, Vietnamese archaeologists have discovered a number of large wooden stakes in the midst of reclaimed paddy fields along the Bach Dang River. Excavations and research were conducted which led to the identification of several stake-yard sites believed to be dated to the battle that took place in 1281 C.E., however, no remains of ships have been identified to date. In 2009, a group of scholars from the Institute of Archaeology at Hanoi, the Institute of Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&M University, and the Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University joined the archaeological investigations of these stake-yard sites with a focus on studying the battle strategy used by the Vietnamese and identifying ship remains from the battle. This joint paper will present an intermediate result of this international cooperative project in maritime archaeology in Vietnam at the naval battle site related to the thirteenth century Mongolian invasion of the country. The team has identified several new areas of concentrated stakes and the distribution pattern may lead to better understanding of the battle and the possible location of shipwreck sites. Introduction Since 2008 the international research team the Bach Dang Battlefield Research Group, comprises of scholars from the Institute of Archaeology in Hanoi (Vietnam), the Institute of Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&M University (United States of America), the Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University (Australia) and others. Over the last three years, it has conducted archaeological survey and excavations at Bach Dang in Vietnam. This investigation of the maritime cultural landscape encompasses the topography, archaeological evidence and later memorials, temples and shrines associated with a historically significant naval battle that took place there in 1288 AD2. A key part of this research is to develop a better understanding of the battlefield with a focus on 1 The Bach Dang Battlefield Research Group Anno Domini - are designations used to label or number years used with the Julian and Gregorian calendars. This calendar era is based on the year of the birth of Jesus of Nazareth, with AD counting years after the start of this epoch. 2 1 �studying the strategy used by the Vietnamese Dai Viet people. This research involves the archaeological investigation of wooden stakes that survive from the battle and remote sensing surveys, as well as conducting interviews with local fishermen and farmers, in order to locate areas with possible ship remains and related finds. The work has been designed as a comprehensive project that is expected to grow to encompass more research issues and include other researchers. Context In 1271 AD Kublai Khan, the fifth emperor of the Mongol Empire (1260-1294), became the founder of the Yuan Dynasty in China (Gascoigne 2007:137-150; Ebrey 1996:172-3). On several occasions, from 1274 AD onwards, Kublai Khan dispatched armies aboard fleets of ships in attempts to expand the empire‟s hegemony and extend his rule into East Asia (Japan) and Southeast Asia (Vietnam). Two highly significant locations associated with these attempted Mongol invasions have been identified – along coast of Takashima Island and in Bach Dang River. These are places where historically important naval battles are known to have taken place, in each case resulting in the defeat of the Mongolian fleets by the local people (Delgado 2009; Ngo 1993:Vol.II, 61). In addition, archaeological and material culture remains associated with the fleets and battles have been found at both locations (Sasaki 2008; Tong, et al. 1988; Le and Ha 2005; Le, et al. 2009a; Le, et al. 2011; Sasaki 2009). One area is located off the shores of Takashima Island in the northwestern Kyushu Islands of Japan where Mongol invasion fleets are believed to have been sunk by a large typhoon during the invasion in 1281 AD (Delgado 2009; Kimura 2006; Sasaki 2008; Sasaki this volume). The other area is located on the Bach Dang River in northern Vietnam (under the control of the Dai Viet from 1054 to 1804) where a river/estuary naval battle took place in 1288 AD. History of the naval battle at Bach Dang Vietnamese historical records including Đại Việt sử ký toàn thư (Ngo 1993) and An Nam chi luoc (Le 1961), as well as Chinese dynasty chronicles such as Yuan Shi (Song 1976) mention the 1288 AD naval battle at Bach Dang. Later historians, poets, and others have also written accounts of the battle (Trần 1963; Hà and Phạm 1968; Nguyễn 1988; Phuong 2009:25; Lê, et al. 2010). Although many accounts mention the battle, the real story is often shrouded behind myths and legends. Detailed knowledge about the battle is limited due to the scarcity of primary historical records. Therefore, since the 1950s and 1960s, it was realized that a general study of the geology, geomorphology, inscriptions, legends and archaeology was needed to more fully reconstruct the story of this event (Đại and Diệp 1970:65). In general terms, the history of the battle entailed the story that having successfully taken the capital Thang Long (now Hanoi), the Mongol invaders found themselves trapped in an empty city without supplies. They soon decided 2 �to abandon the capital and retreat, but the Dai Viet had decided to fight a decisive naval battle with the invaders. The Vietnamese forces, under the command of Tran Hung Dao and his generals, lay in wait for the invasion fleet knowing that they would have to return to China through an estuary at the mouth of the Bach Dang River. Tran Hung Dao was victorious and many of the Mongol ships (perhaps numbering in the hundreds) were burned or lost during the battle. The majority of historical sources agree that the principal tactic used by the Vietnamese forces was to prevent the fleet from reaching the open sea and trap them by using hundreds of secretly planted large wooden stakes that had been sharpened to a point and driven into the riverbed at low tide (referred to as stake yards). These stakes were probably covered at high tide and became uncovered as the tide fell. This particular technique had also been used in the area on two previous occasions in 938, when Ngo Quyen defeated the Southern Han army, and in 981, when Le Hoan ordered stakes to be placed to block the Song army. The 1288 AD battle at Bach Dang River is widely considered to be a milestone in the history of Vietnam as an independent nation and has shaped the current culture of Vietnam. Tran Hung Dao is highly revered as the most able general in the history of Vietnam. Since the battle, a number of shrines and temples that worship Tran Hung Dao have been established, including in the Yen Giang commune on Ha Nam Island. Some of these locations are related to myths and legends associated with him. Some of these worship centers, such as the Vua Ba Temple and the Trung Coc shrine, are large or well known (Phuong 2009) while others are much smaller and less well known. The religious aspects of this research are important and the creation of the cult of Tran Hung Dao, his many shrines, and his cultural impact and importance to Vietnam provide a compelling contemporary aspect to the project. Research up to 2005 Following the discovery of a large number of wooden stakes by local people in the fields of Yen Giang commune (Quang Yen town), a group of researchers from the Department of Conservation and Museums (now Department of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture, Sport and Tourism) went to Bach Dang in 1958. They conducted a brief survey and opened three excavation trenches at the Yen Giang site. Six stakes were found and it was believed that these were from the 1288 AD battle (Tống, et al. 1988). In 1969 extensive survey and excavation was conducted by the Department of History at Hanoi General University (now University of Social Sciences and Humanities) in cooperation with local cultural officers (Đào 1969). They excavated seven trenches covering an area of 520 meters squared (m2) at the Yen Giang site and discovered another 32 stakes. Researchers studied the soil profile, made a detailed examination of stratigraphy and concluded that the area was an ancient riverbed (Đại and Diệp 1970:71-72). Then in 1976, a third excavation was conducted at the Yen Giang site by staff from the Museum of Vietnamese History. In addition to relocating the same cultural layer, several 3 �segments of wood were unearthed which were interpreted to be hammering tools (Trần and Trịnh 1977). In 1984, during construction of a dike along the Chanh River, more stakes were unearthed, which were preserved in situ for future onsite exhibition by the provincial authorities. In 1987 an extensive survey and excavation was conducted by archaeologists from the Institute of Archaeology (IA) based in Hanoi, in cooperation with experts from the Institute of Earth Sciences from the Department of Conservation and Museums and local cultural officers. During this fieldwork a survey of waterways and underwater rocks was conducted by canoe along the Bach Dang, Chanh and Rut Rivers, and up to the Song Khoai area, which was an ancient waterway and is now being used for aquaculture. The researchers also made a general survey of the standing monuments, conducted literature reviews and gathered oral histories of legends related to the Bach Dang battlefield, and inscriptions and local knowledge about the tide to improve understanding of the battlefield. Ten trenches were excavated in the Yen Giang stake yard site and the stratigraphy was studied in detail in order to understand the techniques used for inserting the stakes (Lê 1988; Nguyễn Công Thái 1988; Tống, et al. 1988) In 1995, during the digging of a fishpond, local people discovered several stakes at Dong Van Muoi (DVM) site, which was already known to Vietnamese researchers. The cultural officer of Yen Hung District took this chance to conduct a test excavation (No any report so far, except the information of Mr. Lê Đồng Sơn, Chief, Cultural sector, People‟s Committee of Yen Hung District, Quang Ninh province). Finally in 2005, the Institute of Archaeology (IA) in cooperation with the Department of Culture of Quang Ninh province conducted a survey and excavation at the DVM site to identify the distribution and character of the site for planning site conservation and protection (Lê and Hà 2005). The current research In May 2008 an international team of researchers from the Institute of Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&M University and the Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University visited Vietnam to undertake an investigation of two wooden anchors that had been found in the Red River near Hanoi (Sasaki and Kimura 2008). While in Vietnam the team also conducted a preliminary site inspection of stake yards in the Bach Dang area, visited museums where stakes from the battle(s) are held and met with Vietnamese researchers, including Dr. Vũ Thế Long and Dr. Lê Thị Liên (IA). Also in 2008, a well-preserved new stake-yard was discovered at Dong Ma Ngua (DMN) in Hung Hoc village, when a local resident found large clusters of stakes while digging a fishpond. In 2009, the Bach Dang Battlefield Research Group (the team) conducted an extensive survey in Quang Yen town and on Ha Nam Island. They were also asked by local cultural officials to map the stakes at DMN as well as to excavate a small area to examine the soil profile (Figure 1). 4 �Figure 1. Dong Ma Ngua 2009, Jun Kimura in the mud of the fishpond indicating the location of a stake for total station survey purposes (Photo by George Belcher courtesy of the Bach Dang Research project). The fishpond measured approximately 20 x 15 meters (m) and the team recorded the location of 22 visible stakes. The distribution pattern of these stakes appeared random at the time of the preliminary survey. In addition, a small trench (1m x 2m) was excavated down to a depth of approximately 3m from the surface of the fishpond. The majority of the stakes showed a remarkable state of preservation and their surfaces appeared almost new. The profile of the trench exhibited several layers indicating that a series of depositional events took place in the past. The soil profile was characterized with a deep deposit of clay overlaying a deposit of sand, which indicates a typical estuary or a shallow river gradually filling in. Considering the well-preserved nature of the wood, recent depositional events may have occurred at a relatively fast pace (Lê et al. 2009; Sasaki 2009). One of the principal research questions for this project has been to establish accurate dates for the stake yards, which involves a program of radiocarbon dating of samples from the stakes. Five wood samples from isolated stakes were collected for Carbon 14 (C14) analysis and species identification. The results of C14 analysis provided a date range around 700 years Before Present (BP) that was in accordance with our expectations. In 2010, fieldwork continued at the DMN site with four new trenches opened that were later integrated into one large trench (Figure 2). Two additional test trenches were opened in the rice fields around the DMN site to compare the sediments in the surrounding area and to further develop our understanding of the topographical features. As a result of the excavation, 55 stakes (plus one oar, other wood fragments, potsherds and ceramics) were identified in the fishpond. The position of these stakes and some important topographical features around 5 �the site were recorded and photo mosaics of the site were also produced (Kimura and Pham 2010; Lê 2010). Figure 2. Dong Ma Ngua 2010, overview of trench H1 (right) and trench H4 (left) where 25 stakes were identified, photographed, analyzed and from which wood samples were extracted. The stakes diagonally driven are facing each other. (Photo by Nguyen Mai Huong courtesy of the Bach Dang Battlefield Research project). The 2010 fieldwork season focused on recording the stake distribution pattern. The stakes were aligned in columns, orientated in various directions. It appears that two sets of columns were driven to face each other at the upper ends of the stakes. Some of these stakes were also driven densely to form a wall-like feature. Similar diagonally driven stakes had also been seen in the previous excavated stake yards (Le and Ha 2005). Although the original dimensions of each stake are difficult to ascertain due to their deteriorated condition, the diameters may fit to some regular range of approximately 6 centimeters (cm), 12cm, or 20cm. The bottoms of the stakes were observed and some of them had a recess or a notch. Although this feature could not be confirmed on all stakes, it appears that they might have been associated with the method used to set the stakes in place. Yet, the way the large stakes were set into the riverbed is still under debate. Wood samples from ten stakes were sent to Forestry and Forest Products Research Institute in Japan and the University of Forestry of Vietnam for species 6 �identification. They were identified as Meliaceae sp. (họ Xoan) or Rutaceae sp. (họ Cam/Chanh), and another was Leguminosae sp. (họ Đậu) The remaining samples were Shorea-Shorea (Dipterocarpaceae sp 3 samples) (họ Sao dầu),Peltophorum dasyrachis (lim xẹt or hoàng linh in Vietnamese), Parashorea chinensis (chò chỉ), Lithocarpus ducampii (dẻ đỏ), Dipterocarpus tonkinensis (chò nâu), and Engelhardtia roxburghiana sp (chẹo tía). Legend suggests that ironwood was used for these stakes and the term ironwood can be interpreted as any hard, dense wood, which seems to correspond well with the results of the species identification. Through the analysis of soil profiles, it seems that the local topography at the time exhibited a significant change in elevation with stakes driven into the slopes of channel banks. At DMN the riverbank appears to have sloped from east to west, which was deduced from the 1m difference of elevation that exists between the stakes found in east and west trenches within the same sediment layer. The sediment includes a number of thin layers, which resulted from river deposition processes. The sediment changes from top to bottom, from clay, clay with sand, sand, and finally sandy silt. Some layers were subdivided by subcontexts, such as tiny clamshells, large oyster shells, and degraded plant remains. According to Doan Dinh Lam (pers. comm.), a Vietnamese geologist, these are typical river sedimentations observed in the area; the clay in the upper layer confirms that it results from a lesser tidal influence and from slow sedimentation. In the lower layers, however, some of the sand layer and sandsilt layer exhibit much thicker deposit. The thick layers are identified as original riverbed into which the stakes were driven. A large number of artifacts were excavated, including the stakes and wooden fragments, pottery (ceramic and stoneware), bricks and tiles. A broken oar most probably associated with a small boat has been unearthed (Figure 3). Several small wooden artifacts have been interpreted as wooden tie rods. Some fragments have processing marks, such as rope holes for transportation or probably mortised holes. The flatness of some fragments suggests that they could be manufactured woodwork rather than stakes. Thus, it is possible that fragments of boats or ships have been found in this area. A large amount of degraded wood fragments and charcoal and a thick layer of blackish silt were observed in the excavated area, which indicates the use of firing. Figure 3. Fragment of oar (Photo by Hà Mạnh Thắng). 7 �The pottery fragments represent a wide range of dates (13th to 18th centuries), and includes both (earthenware?) ceramic (28 fragments) and stoneware (79 fragments). Ceramics analysis is currently ongoing but some of the ceramics are dated to the Tran Dynasty (1225-1400), including the whitish glazed and cracked brown glazed ceramics of the 13th-14th centuries and the blue-and-white ceramics of the 15th-17th centuries. Some of the ceramics were found in the same sediment layer as the stakes, and some were found in the layers above. Although their location might have been disturbed due to the flowing waterway, it was noticed that fragments of ceramics and stoneware datable to 13-14th century and 15th-16th century have been found mainly from the sandy clay layer (layer 3) and clayish sand layer (layer 4). A fragment of Chinese Song celadon was also unearthed from layer 4. Layers 3 and 4 are proposed to have been the riverbed during the 1288 AD Bach Dang battle (Le and Nguyen. 2011). Vietnamese researchers previously calculated the tide-fluctuation levels they occurred on 8th March 1288 (Nguyễn Ngọc Thụy 1964:36; Nguyễn Duy Hinh 1988). The stratigraphy at the DMN site suggests that the riverbed in this area was at a depth of about 5.2-5.5m during the highest tidal level and 3-3.2 m at the lowest one, according to modern tidal levels)3. If stakes more than 3m long were driven into the riverbed, the Mongolian ships, which have about 2.5 m of waterline4 would not have been able to cross this area. Conclusion Each of the monuments, stake yards, and the ancient topography that lies hidden beneath the modern landscape of the Bach Dang Battlefield in Yen Hung district, Quang Ninh province reveals a part of the Vietnamese strategy to defeat the Mongols. There are 3 major stake yards where the distribution, nature and dimensions of the stakes have been identified and recorded: the Yen Giang, the Dong Van Muoi (DVM) and the Dong Ma Ngua (DMN) sites. It first appeared that the stakes might have been placed between the ancient islands and navigational hazards in order to create an effective „wall‟ preventing the vessels from travel through the channels and into the open sea. This was deduced from the positions of the stake yards sandwiched between natural hazards (Figure 4). The excavations at the DVM and DMN sites, however, seem to suggest that it was not a simple wall that the Vietnamese created. When constructing such a wall around the waterways and islands, one must also consider how to prevent the 3 Nguyen Duy Hinh (1988) used the 1971 data of Do Nghi Gauging station to suggest that in the th 8 March 1288 of the Lunar calendar, the highest tidal level was 1.52m and the lowest one was 1.43m. From the datum point set up by the Bach Dang research team in DMN site, the riverbed from excavated pit H3 is about - 3.2m deep. According to Mr. Le Dong Son (Chief of Culture Bureau, Yen Hung district), without the dike system, during the height tidal level, tidal flow may be more than 2m above the datum point. 4 According to Nguyen Viet, the waterline of the Mongolian ships were about 2.5m (after Tong Trung Tin, et al. 1988) 8 �enemy from landing and taking control of the land. As a result, a more complex arrangement of stakes may be expected. Figure 4. Distribution of discovered stake yards in Ha Nam Island (Lê Thị Liên 2011:37, H.9 Drawing courtesy of Bach Dang Research Team) There was an ancient waterway in the excavated area at DMN that had a higher bank in the eastern side and was gradually silted up, as indicated by layers of sandy silt and alluvium. The land changed from an estuarine salt-marsh to brackish swampy area as indicated by the presence of several types of teredo (worm) of various species and sizes. The result of pollen analysis for the DMN site provides evidence of flora in this area, including arboreal, shrub and nonarboreal plants, fern spores and especially a diversity of mangrove plants. Generally, although this area was always affected by sea tides, the influence was not the same throughout history of its sediment formation, as indicated by the presence of an abundance of mangrove pollen. Based on the ecological characteristics of various types of mollusks, we can also see the change from directly affected by the sea - to tidal mangrove estuary environment (Nguyễn, et al. 2011). Further survey work is planned for late November 2011. A remote sensing survey, core sampling and limited test excavations will be conducted to find more stake yards as well as possible shipwrecks. Stake yards are expected to be buried below several meters of silt and to be in excellent condition, preserving the original configuration of the stakes. 9 �Acknowledgements Funding for this project has been provided by the RPM Nautical Foundation, the National Geographic Society, the Institute for Nautical Archaeology (INA), the Australian Academy of the Humanities, Flinders University and the Management Board of Major Cultural sites, Quang Ninh province. Bibliography Delgado, J.P., 2009 Doan 2010 Dinh Lam Đào, Duy Anh., Đào 1969 Ebrey, P. B., 1996 Hà, Văn Tấn and Hà Phạm, C., Thị Tâm., 1968 Kimura, J., 2006 Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada, University of California Press, Vancouver/Toronto Personal comment on the sedimentation of the Bach Dang river as observed from the stratigraphy of the Dong Ma Ngua site. Những cọc lim đào được với sự đổi dòng của sông Bạch Đằng [Unearthed stakes and the change of Bach Dang river flow], Nghiên cứu Lịch sử, Hà Nội, số 129, tháng 12, Library of Anthropology Museum, Hanoi National University of Social Sciences, Hanoi. Cambridge Illustrated History: China, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Cuộc kháng chiến chống xâm lược Nguyên Mông (Thế kỉ XIII) [The Resistance against the Mongolian invasion (13th century)], Nxb KHXH, tr., pp. 292-298. “Recent survey and excavation on the Mongolian fleet sunk off Japan: the Takashima underwater site” in The Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 30, pp. 7-13. In Internal Report: Bach Dang Project Season-April fieldwork, May 2010 Kimura, J., and Pham, C., 2010 Lê, Thị Liên, andLê Báo cáo kết quả khảo sát, thám sát Bãi cọc Đồng Vạn Muối (xã Nam Hòa, huyện Yên Hưng, Quảng Ninh) tháng Hà, M. T., 9 và tháng 11 năm 2005 [Report on the survey and test 2005 excavation at Dong Van Muoi site (Nam Hoa commune, Yen Hung district, Quang Ninh province), in September and Novemver 2005], Document of the Institute of Archaeology, Hanoi. Lê Góp phần tìm hiểu trận địa Bạch đằng (1288) ở Yên Hưng Lê, Thị Liên, (Quảng Ninh) [Contribution for the understanding of the 1988 Bach Dang battle field (1288) in Yen Hung (Quang Ninh province], paper presented at the Conference “Anniversary of 700 years of historical Bach Dang Victory (1288-1988)”, Hạ Long, Vietnam. Lê Báo các tóm tắt kết quả khảo sát khu di tích Bạch Đằng Lê, Thị Liên, Nguyễn, Thị Mai tháng 2-3 năm 2009 [Brief report on the survey in Bach 10 �Hương and the Dang site, February-March 2009], Document of the international Institute of Archaeology, Hanoi. researchers, 2009a Lê, Thị Liên, The Bach Dang Battle Field in 1288 C.E. – Previous Pham, C., and Excavations and Research, paper presented at the Pollack, J.C., Society for Historical Archaeology (SHA) Conference in 2009b Austin, Texas, USA. Lê, Thị Liên., Lê Chiến trường Bạch Đằng – Những hiểu biết mới từ Đồng Vạn Muối và Đồng Má Ngựa (Xã Nam Hòa, Huyện Yên 2010 Hưng, Quảng Ninh) [The Bach Dang battle field – New understanding from Dong Van Muoi and Dong Ma Ngua sites (Nam Hoa commune, Yen Hung district, Quang Ninh province), Document of the Institute of Archaeology, Hanoi. Báo cáo tư vấn khảo sát xác định quy mô các bãi cọc – Lê, Thị Liên., Đề án Quy hoạch tổng thể bảo tồn và phát huy giá trị khu 2011 di tích lịch sử chiến trường Bạch Đằng, tỉnh Quảng Ninh [Consultative report on the survey of the stake-yards‟ scales - The Planning Project for the conservation and promotion of the historic Bach Dang battle site, Quang Ninh province], Document of the Institute of Archaeology, Hanoi. Lê, Thị Liên Báo cáo khai quật di tích Đồng Má Ngựa (huyện Yên Nguyễn, Thị Mai Hưng, tỉnh Quảng Ninh) năm 2010 [Excavation Report of Hương the Dong Ma Ngua site (Yên Hưng district, Quảng Ninh 2011 province) in 2010], Document of the Institute of Archaeology, Hanoi An Nam chi luoc (Abbreviated Records of An Nam), Le, Tac., 1961 University of Hue, Hue (originally published 1335). Đai Việt sử ký toàn thư [Chronicle of the Great Viet], Ngô, Sĩ Liên., 1993 1993 printing, tập II, Nxb KHXH, tr. 61(Translation from the original 1697 wood block printing). Cổ Nguyễn, Công Hệ thống di tích chiến thắng Bạch Đằng 1288 trên địa bàn huyện Yên Hưng, Quảng Ninh [The sites related to Thái., 1988 the Bach Dang victory in 1288 in the area of Yen Hung district, Quang Ninh province], paper presented at the Conference “Anniversary of 700 years of historical Bach Dang Victory (1288-1988)”, Hạ Long, Vietnam. Cổ Nghệ thuật thuỷ chiến cổ đại - chiến thắng lịch sử Bạch Nguyễn, Duy Đằng [Art of ancient naval battle – the historical Bach Hinh., Dang victory], paper presented at the Conference 1988 “Anniversary of 700 years of historical Bach Dang Victory (1288-1988)” Hạ Long, Vietnam. Nguyễn, Ngọc Cổ Cổ địa mạo chiến trường Bạch Đằng năm 1288 [Ancient geomophology of Bach Dang battle field in 1288], paper Mên., 11 �presented at the Conference “Anniversary of 700 years of historical Bach Dang Victory (1288-1988)” Hạ Long, Vietnam. Cổ Về con nước triều trong trận Bạch Đằng 128 [On the tidal Nguyễn Ngọc in the Bạch Đằng battle 1288], Nghiên cứu Lịch sử, Hà Thụy., 1964 Nội, số 63, 6-1964, pp. 36&53, Library of Anthropology Museum, Hanoi National University of Social Sciences, Hanoi. Cổ Phân tích bào tử phấn hoa và nghiên cứu môi trường di Nguyễn Thị Mai Hương, Phạm Văn tích Đồng Má Ngựa, Quảng Ninh [Pollen and spores Hải & Bạch Đằng annalysis and environment study of the Dong Ma Ngua Research Team site, Quang Ninh province], paper present in the annual 2011 conference “New Discoveries in Archaeology in 2011”, Institute of Archaeology, Hanoi, September. Hero and Diety: Tran Hung Dao and the resurgence of Phuong, P.Q., popular religion in Vietnam, Mekong Press, Chiang Mai. 2009 Phan, Đại Doãn Trận địa cọc trong chiến thắng Bạch Đằng năm 1288 and Diệp, Đình [The stake yards in the victory of Bach Dang battle in Hoa., 1288], Khảo cổ học, Số 5-6 tháng 6, pp. 64-80, Library 1970 of Institute of Archaeology, Hanoi. Sasaki, R., and Northern Vietnam anchor documentation and assessment, Institute of Nautical Archaeology Annual, Kimura , J., 2008 pp.31-36. The Origin of the Lost Fleet of The Mongol Empire, MA Sasaki, R. J., 2008 Thesis, Texas A&M University, College Station. The Mongol Invasion of Vietnam: Revealing the Secret of Sasaki, R. J., the Battle of Bach Dang, Post-Survey Report for Project 2009 W45-09. Yuan Shi (History of Yuan), Zhonghua shuju Press, Song, Lian., 1976 Nanjing, (originally published 1370). Lưu, Trần Tiêu Cọc Bạch Đằng trong đợt khai quật năm 1976 [The and Trịnh, Căn., stakes found from Bach Dang site in the excavation season of 1976], Nghiên cứu lịch sử, số 1 năm 1977, 1977 Library of Anthropology Museum, Hanoi National University of Social Sciences, Hanoi. Trần, Hà., Xun Xung quanh trận Bạch Đằng năm 1288 [discussion on the Bach Dang battle in 1288], Nghiên cứu lịch sử, số 46, 11963 1963, tr., pp. 60-66, Library of Anthropology Museum, Hanoi National University of Social Sciences, Hanoi. Xun Nghiên cứu bãi cọc Yên Giang (Quảng Ninh) lần thứ 5 Tống, Trung Tín, Phạm Như Hổ, [the 5th research season in the Yen Giang stake yard Phan Tiến Ba and (Quang Ninh province)], paper presented at the Lê Thị Liên., Conference “Anniversary of 700 years of historical Bach 1988 Dang Victory (1288-1988)”, Hạ Long, Vietnam. 1988 12 � https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/bafeffacfac686a7bfe8d969b403585e.jpg 04952788e3bc70ff809b9d08d30ddbf8 Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. 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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Understanding the Bach Dang Battlefield from recent research results Subject The topic of the resource Session 1 Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management Description An account of the resource The Mongols created the world’s most powerful empire in the thirteenth century, conquering China and establishing the Yuan dynasty. Their military power was in doubt, however, after failed naval invasions in Japan and Vietnam. According to historical records, the Vietnamese tactics used against the Mongolian Armada were designed to prevent them from reaching the mouth of Bach Dang River by using hidden stakes that were driven into the riverbed in secrecy. Using the large difference in tides, the Vietnamese successfully lured the enemy fleet into the trap, destroying or capturing perhaps as many as 400 vessels. Since the 1950s, approximately 700 years after this watershed event, Vietnamese archaeologists have discovered a number of large wooden stakes in the midst of reclaimed paddy fields along the Bach Dang River. Excavations and research were conducted which led to the identification of several stake-yard sites believed to be dated to the battle that took place in 1281 C.E., however, no remains of ships have been identified to date. In 2009, a group of scholars from the Institute of Archaeology at Hanoi, the Institute of Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&M University, and the Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University joined the archaeological investigations of these stake-yard sites with a focus on studying the battle strategy used by the Vietnamese and identifying ship remains from the battle. This joint paper will present an intermediate result of this international cooperative project in maritime archaeology in Vietnam at the naval battle site related to the thirteenth century Mongolian invasion of the country. The team has identified several new areas of concentrated stakes and the distribution pattern may lead to better understanding of the battle and the possible location of shipwreck sites. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lê Thị Liên Nguyá»…n Thị Mai HÆ°Æ¡ng Charlotte Pham Mark Staniforth Jim Delgado Jun Kimura Randall Sasaki Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 1 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/03995c99f811f05ddb4bcc359f036280.pdf 5e10e8f1aed8fcc63b87675e3a7e0ec8 PDF Text Text Understanding the Interactions Between the Sea and Humans Through an Anthropological Study of Wooden Boatbuilding in Indonesia Tsukiko Myojo (Kanazawa University) Abstract This paper fits best within Session 3 because the topic, which is the anthropological study of wooden boatbuilding today, will provide a specific ethnographic case to understand the interactions between the seas and humans in a contemporary local context. The case study under consideration is the wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia, where the local knowledge and skills have been inherited by the present generation. This study mainly employs data collection based on anthropological fieldwork done by the author in 2019 and 2022, including observations and interviews in the shipwright community in the region, to examine the unique and universal aspects of the way of life with/by the sea. The study explores how people's skills, philosophy, and social relations are shaped through boatbuilding. The Konjo people have used local resources and developed their knowledge and skills to make seaworthy vehicles. The construction process has been symbolized as human procreation. Boatbuilding also illustrates the working networks of boatbuilders. This case indicates that boats are not just a means of transportation but also a microcosm of the interaction linking people to the sea. Keywords: wooden boat building, indigenous knowledge, maritime culture, Indonesia List of figures Figure 1. Map of the Bira Peninsula Figure 2. Photo of boatyards on the Tanahberu coastline Figure 3. Image of traditional fortune-telling of boat Figure 4. Photo of sinkolo liners 1. INTRODUCTION The topic of this paper is best within Session 3 because this anthropological study of wooden boatbuilding in Indonesia can provide a specific case in this session for examining the interactions between the sea and people from a local context. From the perspective of 'how the sea shapes human society', this paper examines how people's skills, philosophy, and social relations are formed through the practice of boatbuilding, which is directly related to the sea. As historian Anthony Reid has demonstrated that Southeast Asia has a long history of development as a centre of the global commerce (Reid 1988); in Indonesia, which was a part of this historical arena, the 'sea' is still a major social space today, and the sea-crossing 'boats' are also an integral part of people's lives there (cf. Horridge 1986). In many parts of Southeast Asia, boatbuilding is more than just a technical task. It is a matter that can be related to procreation and the birth of a child. The boatbuilding process often involves various rituals, and the boat may have decorations and designs that are not necessarily practical. Nor are boats of the same type built in a standardized size. Each boat is supposed to be in harmony with the size of the owner's body. It is also important to maintain a good relationship between shipowners and boatbuilders as well as among boatbuilders, otherwise misfortune would occur during the voyage (Horridge 1986; Lapian 1997; Myojo 2021). Thus, boatbuilding illustrates the various practices and creativity of people living with such a natural environment of the sea. In other words, the sea is not only a natural realm but also a social space that shapes people's technical and ritual practices as well as communication. In Japanese studies of Southeast Asia, many researchers also consider the sea and coastal geographic space as a social realm to be analysed. Mainly, they have discussed the fluid characteristics of the social relations commonly seen in the maritime world of Southeast Asia. For example, Narifumi Tachimoto, who studies the Malay world, pointed out the network type of social relations as one of the features of maritime society. Such a network-type society is based on interpersonalism, which values individual 1 �relationships on a personal level (Tachimoto [Maeda] 1997, 199; cf. 1975). Chie Nakane argued that groups of people without clear boundaries are often seen in many Southeast Asian societies. She suggested that one of the elements in determining their social relations could be an interpersonaloriented relationship (Nakane 1987, 282–312). The subsequent studies have demonstrated the maritime network societies through various cases, such as fishery communities and sea traders (cf. Kitamado 2000; Seki 2007; Nagatsu 2019; Ono 2011). In addition to the technical practices and philosophical features of the rituals in boatbuilding, this case study will also examine the working network of boatbuilders to demonstrate the characteristics of social relations in a maritime society that previous studies have pointed out. Therefore, this paper aims to present a way of living with/by the sea from three aspects: technical, philosophical, and social relations. 2. CASE STUDY: WOODEN BOATS AND BOATBUILDING IN SOUTH SULAWESI The case study under consideration is the wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia, as an example for considering the relationship between the sea and people through boats. The Bugis-Makassar people, the majority ethnic groups in South Sulawesi, have been engaged in seafaring and maritime activities such as navigation, fishing, and shipbuilding for several centuries since the area was historically located at a strategic point to the Eastern Spice Islands. The wooden boats they have built and continue to use are not just a means of economic activity but have become a symbol of today's South Sulawesi society and of Indonesia as a maritime nation. For example, the local government logo depicts a wooden sailing boat; the pinisi, one of the traditional sailing ships in South Sulawesi, was inscribed on the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) list of intangible cultural heritage in 2017 (UNESCO 2017). In particular, the Konjo region in the Bira Peninsula, located in the southeastern tip of South Sulawesi, is known as the largest boatbuilding area (Figure 1). This paper examines the entanglements in the maritime community by showing the technical and philosophical characteristics of boatbuilding and the social characteristics of the boatbuilders in Konjo based on anthropological research. The Konjo region is situated by the Selayar Strait on the sea route to eastern Indonesia. According to Nishi and Osozawa, who investigated the timber used for wooden boats in the region, one of the factors that contributed to the development of the boatbuilding industry was the abundant availability of high-quality, water- and insect-resistant timber, known as bitti (Vitex cofassus), in the Konjo area and surrounding islands (Nishi 1998; Osozawa 1999). Today, the main boatbuilding area in Konjo is the western coastal area known as Tanahberu (Figure 2). There are shipyards called bantilang along roughly two kilometres of coastline; as of 2019, there were approximately 25 shipyards in this area, with 40 to 50 wooden vessels being built. Half of these were boats used for fishing, for instance, purse seining in the local surrounding waters, while the other half 2 �were tourist cruisers used for diving and sailing around Komodo Island and other tourist destinations (Myojo 2021). Konjo wooden boats, even relatively large boats of several hundred tonnes, are built by hand by boatbuilders one by one. Although electric carpentry tools such as chainsaws and electric drills are widely used today, the shaping of the hull parts and their assembly are still done by hand. This manual Konjo boatbuilding can be characterised both technically and philosophically. The technical aspect is the plank-first method, where the hull is built from the outside, and the process traditionally does not require blueprints. The philosophical aspect entails viewing boatbuilding as a human birth process. The next section will present these characteristics in more detail, showing the boatbuilding process. 3. RESOURCES: BOATBUILDING AND BOATBUILDERS IN KONJO 3.1 The process of boatbuilding This section provides an overview of boatbuilding flows in Konjo based on fieldwork conducted intermittently between 2019 and 2022 and a filed report (Myojo 2020). The resources available for this research have been extracted from participant observation and interviews in the boatbuilder communities in Tanahberu. In general, the process can be roughly divided into seven stages. The following section describes three of those stages, the start of construction, the building of the hull, and the launching of the boat, which are technically and philosophically distinct. 3.1.1 Commencement of construction In the past, the first job of a boatbuilder was to find suitable timber in the forests. However, this paper regards setting a keel part as the first process given that nowadays they purchase the timber since the division of labour between boatbuilders and timber merchants/sawmills has been differentiated. Moreover, setting the keel was traditionally considered essential in determining the boat's fortunes. While the length of the keel is now determined by a technically rational decision using a measuring tool, it was conventionally determined through a ritualistic procedure involving fortune-telling. This played a role in adjusting the keel to the best length for the boat's fortune. It is assumed that the practice was necessary when building fishing and cargo vessels, which were directly affected by fish catches and profits. According to the interviews with elderly boatbuilders and previous research up to around the 1980s, the fortune-telling of the keel was summarised as follows. Figure 1. Map of the Bira Peninsula (Created by the author) Figure 2. Photo of boatyards on the Tanahberu coastline (taken by the author in 2022) 3 �When the size of a boat is determined to some extent according to the boatowner's request, the approximate length of the keel is calculated based on the experience of the master boatbuilder. Once the length of the keel is roughly determined, fortune-telling is performed to know whether the length is good or bad luck (Figure 3). The general way of fortune-telling is firstly to set a section whose width is decided according to the size of the owner's hand (from the wrist to the tip of the middle finger). Then, a set of five sections, each section having its meaning. The keel is marked by the sets repeatedly in order from edge to edge. When the keel is measured with the sets, the boatbuilders and boatowner see which section comes to the end of the initially planned length. The section at the keel's edge is to tell that boat's fortune. For example, if the keel ends at the third section, then the length of the keel is considered unlucky. In such a case, the length of the keel is shortened for one section to make it the final length of the keel, with the section having good meaning. Or, if it ends in the fourth section, the length of the keel could be added for two sections so that it ends on the first plot with another good meaning. 3.1.2 Building the outer shell After the keel is in place, the boatbuilder can start joining wooden planks to make the hull. This plank jointing consists of five steps: (1) selecting a wooden piece, (2) making a pair of a joint, (3) adjusting, (4) nailing the plank, and (5) shaving. In this process, relatively short planks are joined together to create a three-dimensional curved surface of the hull. The joint surfaces are adjusted parallel with a tool called a sinkolo (Figure 4), a flat steel tool with a 10-centimetre-long, two-parted tip used to draw parallel lines, like a compass or divider. The planks can be made to fit closely together by using the sinkolo to draw a line parallel to the edge of a newly installed plank (by copying the shape of the edge of one plank onto the edge of the other plank). Instead of using a straight ruler, the unique tool enables one to draw parallel lines according to the curve and distortion of the plank. Figure 3. Image of traditional fortune-telling of boat (created by the author) Figure 4. Photo of sinkolo liners (taken by the author) 3.1.3 Launching Once the hull is completed, the boat is pushed out or pulled from the sea using human resources or pulleys to launch it. The work is a simple matter of pushing the vessel out of the water. However, for a Konjo wooden boat, the launching is as symbolically important as the setting of the keel. The launching ceremony called the acara annyorong lopi indicates more than just a wish for the boat's safety. The most vital role of the launching ritual is described as 'giving life to the boat'. A navel/belly button (posi lopi) is made in the middle of the keel when the hull is completed and the boat is ready to go to sea. In this ceremony, usually an elderly boatbuilder leading the ritual prays for the safety of the launch in the name of Allah. Then, a hole is made with a drill to create a navel about two cm in diameter and five cm deep. The wooden boat, thus 'given life', is then launched into the sea manually. This ritual practice represents a philosophy linking boatbuilding to human birth. 4 �3.2 The boatbuilder's way of work As these processes show, boatbuilding in the Konjo region is technically and philosophically characterised. In addition, the boatbuilders also have social characteristics in their way of work. Generally, the employer/manager, called punggawa, who has the capital, such as land for the shipyard and financial resources, gathers workers called sawi each time the punggawa receives an order. Therefore, most boatbuilders in Konjo are not permanently employed by a particular workshop but work fluidly, moving from one workshop to another for the next job when one project is finished. For example, a mature boatbuilder A, I first met in Tanahberu in 2019, had worked under punggawa X for about four months. When I revisited Tanahberu in May 2022, he was working under another punggawa Y. Indeed, some boatbuilders who work on large boats that take more than a year to finish or work in large workshops building several boats may work under the same punggawa for an extended period. However, most boatbuilders, like A, move between workshops every three to five months. This fluid working style based on a non-fixed employment relationship is one of the social characteristics of Konjo boatbuilders. 4. RESULTS: INTERACTION BETWEEN THE SEA AND PEOPLE FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF BOATBUILDING The first aspect is that the sea, an environment different from land, has developed the technology for Konjo boatbuilding. A physically important aspect of wooden boatbuilding is to make balanced threedimensional curved rather than linear components like a house. The local timber of bitti, which has traditionally been used in Konjo boatbuilding, has a characteristic that makes it difficult to form long straight timbers with many bends. Thus, in Konjo boatbuilding using bitti, relatively short pieces are formed and put together like a puzzle. In this process, the combination of planks with sinkolo is crucial. The tool enables the boatbuilders to form and assemble planks even using irregular wooden pieces. Through making boats the people have developed their skills and knowledge for using local resources. Perils at the sea are such extraordinary nature and power that cause the risk of loss and damage to life and property. The second aspect that shapes people's worldviews and ritual practices is to pacify the mind by way of fortune-telling at the beginning of construction. This has been put into a framework of traditional cosmology for explaining and understanding the uncertainties, such as changeable weather, catches and the conditions of the voyage. Having the navel of the boat as a parallel to the human birth process is a way to analogise the centre of their microcosmos. Similarly, the house and the region (land) also have a 'navel', as in the expressions posi bola and posi tanah, respectively. It indicates that traditionally, the boat was as crucial to the Bugis-Makassar people as the human body and the house as one of the components of their cosmology. A third aspect is that the vagueness of the boundaries of the sea can also be seen in the fluid social characteristics of boatbuilders. As noted in the first section of this paper, previous studies on maritime societies in Southeast Asia indicate the mobility of people. In such a society, networks based on interpersonal relationships tend to be valued rather than communities with clear boundaries (Nakane 1987, 282–312; Tachimoto 1996). These characteristics of the maritime societies in Southeast Asia are thought to have non-fixed patron-client relationships and fluid mobility. The social relations of people who live with the sea could be influenced by the sea, in which the boundaries are invisible and fluid. 5. CONCLUSION The wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region is not just an economic activity. As both a natural and social realm, the sea is one of the key elements shaping human technology, philosophy, and social relations. The 'uncertainty' of the sea especially indicates that humans can never control it completely. The Konjo boats are an example of how people have responded to such nature of the sea. Technically, the boatbuilding shows how people have used their resources (in this case, timber), and philosophically, 5 �it demonstrates the cosmology and ritual practices that may come from fear – or expectation – towards the sea. It can also be seen as a representation of social dynamics, such as the mobility of people. However, the technologies, philosophical elements, and social characteristics listed here are not always common to all maritime worlds and people living with the sea. The sea has a single nature in terms of connecting the world, however, it also has a plurality that shapes various social realms. The people who live with it have diverse skills, knowledge, social relationships, and ways of life. In the recent global movement toward sustainable community development, we tend to think that global issues such as resource management and climate change should be addressed based on internationally standardized assessment criteria. However, as the shipbuilding of Konjo shows, the way of living with the sea is not simple but complex and diverse, depending on the natural environment and social conditions. In light of this, we cannot simply force international standards and ideals on all kinds of communities in general. On the one hand, global development goals are necessary to convey and share a common sense of crisis. Yet, on the other hand, we also need to take into account the local contexts of environment, traditions, and social systems, as well as people's lives in each region and country, in order to discuss, develop, and formulate policies for sustainable development with various ethnographic cases. Acknowledgements I sincerely acknowledge this work was supported by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) KAKENHI Grant Number 21J11290. Also, I appreciate the generous support from the Department of Anthropology at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Hasanuddin University, during my fieldwork in South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Last but not least, my gratitude also extends to the Tanahberu villagers and the boatbuilders who shared their valuable experience and knowledge. Bibliography Horridge, Adrian. The Konjo Boatbuilders and the Bugis Prahus of South Sulawesi. London: Trustees of the National Maritime Museum, 1979. Horridge, Adrian. Sailing Craft of Indonesia. Singapore; New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Kabupaten Bulukumba (Bulukumba Regency). Badan Pusat Statistik Kabupaten Bulukumba: Kecamatan Bonto Bahari dalam Angka 2020, Bulukumba: BPS-Statistics of Bulukumba Regency, 2020. Kitamado, Tokio. Chiiki gyogyou no syakai to seitai: Kaiiki tounan azia no gyomin zou wo moto me te [The Society and Ecology of Local Fisheries: A study on Fishermen in Maritime Southeast Asia]. Tokyo: Commons, 2000. Lapian, A. B. “Fune [The Boat].” In Jiten Tounan ajia: Fūdo, seitai, kankyo [Encyclopaedia of Southeast Asia: Culture, Ecology, and Environment], edited by Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University. Tokyo: Koubundou, 1997. Liebner, Horst. “Remarks about the Terminology of Boatbuilding and Seamanship in Some Languages of South Sulawesi.” Indonesia Circle School of Oriental & African Studies Newsletter in Indonesia and the Malay World, no. 21 (1993): 18-44. Ministry of Law and Human Rights of the Republic of Indonesia. National Document of Indonesian Ocean Policy, 2017. Myojo, Tsukiko. “Transmitting Skills and the Community of Practice in a Boat-Builder’s Society in South Sulawesi, Indonesia.” Human and Socio-Environmental Studies, no. 40 (2020): 33-61. Myojo, Tsukiko. “Indonesia minami surawhesi no mokuzousen zukuri: Seisan jyoukyou to seisan koutei no kousatu wo tyuusin ni [Wooden Boat Building in South Sulawesi, Indonesia: A Fieldwork Report on the Trends and Process of Boat Production].” Material Culture: Journal of Archaeologico-Folkloric Studies, no. 101 (2021): 123-138. Nagasaka, Itaru. “Idou no dentou [Traditions of Mobility].” In Syakai: Tounan azia chiiki kenkyuu nyuumon [Society: Introduction to Southeast Asian Area Studies], edited by Gyo Miyahara. Tokyo: Keio University Press, 2017. Nagatsu, Kazufumi. Kokkyou wo ikiru: Mare-sia saba syuu umi sama no doutaiteki minzoku si [Living on the Border: An Historical Ethnography of the Sama Dilaut in Sabah, Malaysia]. Matsumoto: Mokusei sya, 2019. Nakane, Chie. Syakai zinrui gaku: Azia syo syakai no kousatu [Social Anthropology: A Study of Asian Societies]. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1987. Nishi, Daisuke. Indonesia minami surawhesi syuu tana beru ni okeru zousen to sono riyou zyusyu ni kan suru zissyouteki kenkyuu [An Ecological Study on Shipbuilding and its Use of Tree Species in Tanahberu, South Sulawesi, Indonesia] (Master’s thesis [unpublished]). Ehime: Graduate School of Agriculture, Ehime University, 1998. Ono, Rintaro. Kaiiki sekai no tiiki kenkyuu: Kai min to gyorou no minzoku koukogaku [Area Studies of the Maritime World: An Ethnoarchaeology of Sea People and Fishery]. Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 2011. Ono, Rintaro, Nagatsu, Kazufumi, Intoh, Michiko. Kai min no idou si: Nisi taiheiyou no nettowa-ku syakai [Mobilities of Sea Peoples: Network Societies in the Western Pacific]. Kyoto: Showado. 2018. Osozawa, Katsuya. “Fune zukuri ni miru mori to umi no kakawari [The Relationship between Forest and Sea in Shipbuilding].” In Mori to hito no azia: Dentou to kaihatsu no hazama ni ikiru [Forest and People in Asia: Living between Tradition and Development], edited by Isamu Yamada, 20-45. Kyoto: Showado, 1999. 6 �Reid, Anthony. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680: Volume One: The Lands below the Winds. New Heaven: Yale University Press, 1988. Seki, Koki. Kaiiki sekai no minzoku si: Firipin tousyo bu ni okeru idou, seigyou, aidenthithi [Ethnography of the Maritime World: Migration, Livelihoods, and Identity in the Philippine Islands]. Kyojo: Sekai Sisou Sya, 2007. Tachimoto [Maeda], Narifumi. “Family Circle, Community, and Nation in Malaysia.” Current Anthropology, no. 16, vol.1 (1975): 163-166. Tachimoto [Maeda], Narifumi. Tounan azia no sosiki genri [Organizing Principles in Southeast Asia], Tokyo: Keiso Shobo, 1989. Tachimoto [Maeda], Narifumi. Chiiki kenkyuu no mondai to houhou: syakai bunka seitai rikigaku no kokoro mi [Methodologies in Area Studies: Towards Sociocultural Eco-Dynamics]. Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 1996. Tachimoto [Maeda], Narifumi. “Symbiotic Dynamics of an Insular Community in the Melaka Strait.” Regional Views, no. 11 (1997): 1-21. UNESCO. “Pinisi, art of boatbuilding in South Sulawesi.” https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/pinisi-art-of-boatbuilding-in-southsulawesi-01197, Accessed 23 April 2023. 7 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Understanding the Interactions Between the Sea and Humans Through an Anthropological Study of Wooden Boatbuilding in Indonesia Description An account of the resource This paper fits best within Session 3 because the topic, which is the anthropological study of wooden boatbuilding today, will provide a specific ethnographic case to understand the interactions between the seas and humans in a contemporary local context. The case study under consideration is the wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia, where the local knowledge and skills have been inherited by the present generation. This study mainly employs data collection based on anthropological fieldwork done by the author in 2019 and 2022, including observations and interviews in the shipwright community in the region, to examine the unique and universal aspects of the way of life with/by the sea. The study explores how people's skills, philosophy, and social relations are shaped through boatbuilding. The Konjo people have used local resources and developed their knowledge and skills to make seaworthy vehicles. The construction process has been symbolized as human procreation. Boatbuilding also illustrates the working networks of boatbuilders. This case indicates that boats are not just a means of transportation but also a microcosm of the interaction linking people to the sea. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tsukiko Myojo Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Myojo, Tsukiko. 2023. “Understanding the Interactions Between the Sea and Humans through an Anthropological Study of Wooden Boatbuilding in Indonesia.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Abhirada Komoot. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1934 Asia-Pac Session 3 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/ed9b0ffaa048d29e33e125cabaede835.pdf e9016f2114e4d19f986790402b412a26 PDF Text Text Understanding wreck divers: Case studies from Australia and Chuuk Lagoon Joanne Edney Abstract A fundamental challenge for managers is how to allow divers access to shipwrecks whilst ensuring these sites are not harmed. A better understanding of the motivations and attitudes of divers who visit shipwrecks may allow better informed and more targeted management strategies to protect these fragile sites. This study sought to gain an insight into the socio-demographic characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers. It did this by conducting surveys of two groups of wreck divers: a group of divers at Chuuk Lagoon (Federated States of Micronesia) and a group of Australian wreck divers. This study found that wreck divers primarily visit shipwrecks to see historically significant sites, artefacts and marine life. Fines, permits, special certification and dive guides were the most acceptable ways to control diver behaviour. There were significant differences in the motivations and attitudes of divers with different socio-demographic profiles: notably between genders and between divers from North America and Australia. The data suggests management strategies should be tailored to the socio-demographic profile of the divers visiting a shipwreck. Sites which attract divers from different parts of the world may require a range of approaches to achieve widespread compliance and acceptance of the need for minimum impact. Introduction Recreational scuba diving has become increasingly popular and it is estimated that there may be as many as 28 million active divers throughout the world today (Edney 2006:205; Garrod and Gössling 2008:7-8). As divers become more experienced they seek new experiences and challenges, such as wreck diving (Cater 2008:59-61). As well as adding challenge, shipwrecks also offer unique and diverse diving experiences and have become important recreational resources for divers (Delgado 1988a:8; Edney 2006:205). Shipwrecks have important cultural heritage values (Delgado 1988a:5-8) and scuba diving can have adverse impacts on these values. Potential diver impacts on shipwrecks have been described by Joanne Edney (2006:214-219) and include boat anchor damage, disturbance to and removal of artefacts and accidental and deliberate diver contacts with wrecks. Therefore, a fundamental challenge is allowing divers access to shipwrecks whilst ensuring these fragile sites are not harmed. A better understanding of the motivations and attitudes of divers who visit shipwrecks may allow better informed and more targeted management strategies to protect these sites (Barker and Roberts 2008:172; Holecek and Lothrop 1980:1). Unfortunately, very little research has been conducted into divers, and Donald Holecek and Susan Lothrop’s (1980) study of the demographics, behaviour and expenditure patterns of wreck and non-wreck divers in the Great �Lakes region of the United States (US) is the only example in the literature of a study specific to wreck divers (Edney in press). This study aimed to determine the socio-demographic characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers to provide data which could be used to inform the management of shipwrecks in the Asia-Pacific region. Two groups of wreck divers were surveyed: 1) a group of divers in Chuuk, in the Federated States of Micronesia; and 2) a group of divers in Australia. There are around 50-60 shipwrecks in Chuuk Lagoon, the result of Allied air attacks during World War II. The wrecks are a tangible reminder of Chuuk’s recent history, an important part of military history and the graves of many Japanese servicemen. As world renowned dive sites, they are also Chuuk’s main tourist attraction and a major source of revenue (Jeffery 2006:137, 2004a:51-52, 55, 62-63, 2004b:107). Due to Chuuk’s popularity with wreck divers, and as only wreck diving opportunities are offered, Chuuk provided a unique opportunity to survey wreck divers. In Australian coastal waters more than 900 of the 7,000 recorded shipwrecks have been located, and provide popular recreational opportunities for wreck divers (Kenderdine 1997:8-11). However, whilst diving is popular in Australia, it is difficult to estimate the size of the industry (Tschapka 2006:7) and little is known about Australian divers. There is a paucity of accurate data about the industry, including certification numbers, participation (Cummins 1995:113) and diver characteristics. This research addresses four questions: • What are the characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers? • Are there any differences in the socio-demographic characteristics of the two wreck diver sample groups? • Are there any differences in the motivations for wreck diving between the two wreck diver sample groups? • Are there any differences in the attitudes to management controls that may be put in place to protect shipwrecks between the two wreck diver sample groups? Methods The data from divers at Chuuk was obtained using a self-completed questionnaire, in hard copy format, which was distributed to passengers who stayed on a live aboard dive vessel in Chuuk Lagoon between August 2009 and January 2010. The first batch of surveys were distributed by the researcher with the permission of the vessel’s captain, and subsequent surveys were distributed by the crew. The results of this survey are reported in detail in Edney (in press). �Between July and October 2010 a sample of Australian wreck divers were surveyed using a self-completed questionnaire available in an electronic webbased format, using SurveyMonkey™, and hard copy. Participants were recruited by emailing information about the study to dive operators and clubs across Australia, who were requested to forward the information to divers on their mailing lists. Information about the survey was also posted on the Dive-Oz scuba diving website forum, publicised in the Dive Log Australasia free monthly newspaper and promoted by word of mouth communication amongst divers. These methods were chosen because it was not possible to obtain mailing lists of divers due to privacy laws and proprietary issues. The use of a web-based survey also enabled cost effective data collection and a large number of respondents across Australia to be reached in a relatively short period of time. The survey was divided into three main sections, socio-demographic characteristics (five items) and dive experience (three items); wreck diving motivations (fourteen items); and, attitudes to management controls to protect wrecks (nine items). Closed questions with checklists were used for the sociodemographic and dive experience questions and five point scales were used to rate the relative importance of motivations for wreck diving and diver attitudes. The questions concerning diver characteristics and motivations for wreck diving were derived and adapted from other surveys of divers (Davis 1997:121-136; Ditton et al. 2002:S187-S189; Holecek and Lothrop 1980:2-11; Jewell 2004:4750; Meisel and Cottrell 2004:394-399; Musa et al. 2006:95-97; Stolk et al. 2005:159-163; Thapa et al. 2005:57-58; Todd et al. 2002:108-109). The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software was used to analyse the survey data. Data analysis included descriptive statistics of diver socio-demographic and dive experience data, Pearson Chi-Square1 test for the comparison of the two wreck diver groups and the influence of sociodemographic variables on diver motivation and attitudes. Results Socio-demographic and dive experience profiles Socio-demographics The socio-demographic results are presented in Table 1. The majority (88 percent) of survey respondents were wreck divers in Australia (923 respondents) and the remainder were from Chuuk (123 respondents). Seventy four percent of wreck divers were male and 26 percent female. The majority (55 percent) of divers were aged 35-54 years. There was a significant difference between the 1 A statistical test for significance of the relationship between two variables. �ages of the two groups of divers (χ2=40.7, df=6, p=0.00), with the divers to Chuuk being older than those in Australia. Seventy two percent of the divers had completed tertiary education (i.e. diploma, degree or higher degree) and 58 percent had completed bachelor degrees or higher degrees. The majority (53 percent) of wreck divers had an annual income higher than the equivalent of Australian Dollars (AUD) $75,000, well above the average annual Australian income of $68,000 (ABS 2011). There were significant differences in levels of income between the two groups (χ2=87.9, df=5, p=0.00), with wreck divers to Chuuk earning more than those in Australia. Notably, 42 percent of wreck divers to Chuuk earned more than the equivalent of AUD $150,000 a year, compared to 11 percent of wreck divers in Australia, while almost half (47 percent) of wreck divers in Australia earned between AUD $51,000-$100,000 annually, compared to 28 percent of those in Chuuk. �Table 1. Socio-demographic profile (*Reported in Edney in press) All wreck divers Frequency % Australian wreck divers Frequency % Chuuk* wreck divers Frequency % Gender Male Female 74 26 74 26 73 Age <25 years 25-34 years 35-44 years 45-54 years 55-64 years >64 years 8 22 27 28 12 3 9 24 28 25 11 3 1 10 22 43 20 4 Level of education High school Trade qualification Diploma Degree/higher degree 14 14 14 58 13 15 16 56 17 3 5 75 Annual income $AUD equivalent 0-25,000 26,000-50,000 51,000-75,000 76,000-100,000 101,000-150,000 >150,000 11 13 23 22 17 14 13 14 24 23 17 11 5 8 14 14 17 42 Region of residence Asia Australia Australia/New Zealand Europe Other United Kingdom USA/Canada 88 2 1 1 8 Socio-demographic variable 100 27 2 14 2 7 8 67 The majority of divers to Chuuk originated from US/Canada (67 percent), followed by Australia/New Zealand (14 percent), the United Kingdom (8 percent), around 2 percent each from Asia and Europe, and the remainder were from other regions. �Dive experience Dive experience results are presented in Table 2. The majority (60 percent) of divers had completed more than 250 dives and 40 percent had completed more than 500 dives. The highest level of certification attained by a large proportion (41 percent) of the divers were leadership certifications (i.e. Divemaster or above), and only 9 percent of held basic (open water diver) certification. Table 2. Dive experience (*Reported in Edney in press) All wreck divers Frequency % Australian wreck divers Frequency % Chuuk* wreck divers Frequency % Number of dives 0-20 21-50 51-100 101-250 251-500 >500 3 8 12 17 20 40 3 9 12 16 20 40 0 3 7 25 21 44 Years diving 0-5 6-10 11-15 16-20 21-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 >40 29 20 14 10 9 7 5 3 3 30 20 15 10 8 7 4 3 3 24 21 12 12 10 7 7 3 4 Highest level of certification Open water Advanced open water Specialty Master scuba diver Divemaster Instructor Master instructor 9 12 28 10 19 13 9 10 10 30 10 20 12 8 4 26 13 7 19 16 15 Experience variable Almost half of the divers (49 percent) had been diving for 10 or less years and the majority (63 percent) had been diving for 15 or less years. �Motivations for wreck diving When the means of all responses were compared (Table 3), ‘seeing marine life’ (mean 4.19), ‘seeing historically significant shipwrecks’ (4.05), the ‘peace and tranquillity of the underwater environment’ (3.96), ‘seeing artefacts’ (3.90) and ‘the clear water’ (3.81) were found to be the top motivations for wreck diving. Notably, ‘collecting artefacts and fittings’ (2.06) and ‘fossicking for artefacts and fittings’ (2.59) were the least important motivations. Table 3. Motivations for wreck diving: Australia and Chuuk survey results combined Motivation N Mean Std Deviation Seeing marine life 992 4.19 .790 Seeing historically significant shipwrecks 993 4.05 .843 Peace & tranquillity of the underwater environment Seeing artefacts 994 3.96 .862 992 3.90 .878 The clear water 995 3.81 .868 Penetrating a wreck 994 3.60 1.044 Researching or learning more about a wreck 993 3.57 .972 Photography 992 3.53 1.167 Observing the effects of time (decay) on a wreck Complexity & size of the wreck 989 3.47 .962 989 3.46 .998 Other 235 3.43 1.113 Exploring & discovering machinery & fittings 990 3.30 1.087 Fossicking for artefacts 983 2.59 1.127 Collecting artefacts & fittings 978 2.06 1.067 Significant differences were found between genders and the location of survey (i.e. Chuuk or Australia). ‘Penetrating a wreck’ (χ2=23.8, df=5, p=0.00), ‘fossicking for artefacts’ (χ2=25.0, df=5, p=0.00), ‘exploring and discovering machinery and fittings’ (χ2=90.5, df=5, p=0.00) and the ‘complexity and size of the wreck’ (χ2=35.1, df=5, p=0.00) were important to male divers (χ2=20.3, df=5, p=0.00), while ‘seeing marine life’ was more important to females (χ2=23.8, df=5, p=0.00). ‘Fossicking for artefacts’ was also important to divers to Chuuk (χ2=14.2, df=5, p=0.01). Diver attitudes to management controls over shipwrecks When the means of all responses were compared (Table 4) the statement that received the highest level of agreement was that ‘harsh penalties should be �imposed on divers who take things from wrecks’ (mean 4.13), followed by ‘divers should be required to have special permits to dive some wrecks’ (3.32), ‘only divers who have special certification should be allowed to dive on a wreck’ (2.79), ‘an underwater guide should control what people do’ (2.66) and ‘some accessible wrecks should be off-limits to divers’ (2.58). There was least agreement with the statements ‘wrecks should be protected from all visitation’ (1.44) and ‘there should be no controls over what divers do on wrecks’ (1.78). Table 4. Attitudes to management controls over shipwrecks: Australia and Chuuk survey results combined Management control N Mean Std Deviation Harsh penalties should be imposed on some divers who take things from wrecks Divers should be required to have permits to dive some wrecks Only divers who have special certification should be allowed to dive on a wreck An underwater guide should control what people do 978 4.13 1.053 981 3.32 1.296 981 2.79 1.286 976 2.66 1.172 Some accessible wrecks should be off-limits to divers 960 2.58 1.221 A dive briefing is enough to control diver behaviour 972 2.47 1.048 Moving artefacts around on a wreck is okay so long as the artefacts remain at the wreck site There should be no controls over what divers do on wrecks Wrecks should be protected from all visitation 981 1.87 .974 982 1.78 1.081 978 1.44 .763 Significant differences were found between genders, location of survey and the origin of the divers. There was more agreement from females that ‘an underwater guide should control what people do’ than from males (χ2=47.4, df=15, p=0.00). Australian divers agreed that ‘only divers with special certification should be allowed to dive on a wreck’ (χ2=51.8, df=20, p=0.00) and ‘divers should be required to have permits to dive some wrecks’ (χ2=67.4, df=35, p=0.00), while wreck divers from US/Canada disagreed with these statements. Wreck divers in Chuuk agreed that ‘moving artefacts around on a wreck site is okay so long as the artefacts remain at the wreck site’ (χ2=160.0, df=35, p=0.00), while wreck divers in Australia disagreed with this statement. Discussion The socio-demographic findings from this study are broadly consistent with a number of other studies of scuba divers. This includes the predominance of �males, high levels of education (Davis 1997:133-135; Ditton et al. 2002:S188; Musa 2002:200; Musa et al. 2010:6; Stolk et al. 2005:161-163; Thapa et al. 2005:58; Todd et al. 2001:135; Tschapka 2006:99-102) and above average incomes (Davis 1997:136; Stolk et al. 2005:161-163; Thapa et al. 2005:58). However, divers from this study were older than those from other studies, including more recent studies (Musa et al. 2010:6; Thapa et al. 2005:58; Tschapka 2006:100-101). The income and age differences between the two groups of wreck divers may have been influenced by the sampling strategy. The divers in Chuuk had travelled from their home location to participate in wreck diving, and in comparison to other shore-based alternatives in Chuuk and other wreck diving destinations, the live aboard the survey was conducted on is relatively costly. Therefore it may be expected that divers on this live aboard would be more affluent and older, with higher income generally linked to age (Musa et al. 2006:99; Edney in press). Wreck diving is more demanding and challenging, requiring higher levels of skill, training and experience for safe participation than regular scuba diving (Edney in press). Therefore, the finding that wreck divers had higher levels of dive experience and certification than divers from other more recent studies was expected (Ditton et al. 2002:S188; Musa et al. 2010:7; Stolk et al. 2005:163; Tschapka 2006:107-110). Most divers visit shipwrecks to see historically significant sites, artefacts and marine life, and to enjoy the peace and tranquillity of the underwater environment. Few divers visit wrecks to collect artefacts and fittings. These findings are in contrast to Holecek and Lothrop’s (1980:17-19) study which found treasure and trophy hunting important to wreck divers. This may reflect changes in diver and community attitudes towards shipwrecks over the past 30 years. In the past, the collection of artefacts was often the focus of wreck diving and considered an acceptable activity by many divers (Todd et al. 2001:139), whereas today shipwreck protection laws generally prohibit these types of activities. Diver and the general community attitudes to shipwrecks now better recognise the cultural heritage values of wrecks and their protection is better supported (Edney 2006:221; Edney in press). Differences were found in motivations based on gender and location of the survey. The more challenging aspects of wreck diving and the technical aspects of wrecks, such as penetrating wrecks, exploring and discovering machinery and fittings and the complexity and size of wrecks were more important to males than they were to females. Fossicking for artefacts was more important to males and divers in Chuuk than it was to females and divers in Australia. These latter findings are concerning because the disturbance caused by fossicking can �diminish the integrity of cultural heritage values of wreck sites (Delgado 1988b:18; Edney 2006:213-214, 217), and shipwreck protection laws have been in place in Chuuk and Australia for more than three decades (Green 1995:335338; Hezel and Graham 1997:34-35; Jeffery 2004a:58-59, 2004b:110; Kenderdine 1997:15). Most wreck divers agreed that there should be management controls to protect shipwrecks and accepted the use of penalties, special certifications, permits and underwater guides as management controls. These findings differ from a study of divers from the Great Lakes region of the US (Todd et al. 2001: 139), which found that experienced divers preferred less invasive management controls. This difference may indicate differences in attitudes between divers from Australia and the US, as the majority of divers in this study were from Australia. Another difference this study found was that divers from North America considered moving artefacts around on a wreck site acceptable, whereas Australian wreck divers did not. This may reflect differences in legislation and levels of knowledge as well as cultural and or ethical differences between divers from North America and Australia. More study is required to determine the reasons for these differences. It is notable that few divers agreed that all wrecks should be protected from visitation. This suggests that while wreck divers generally support the protection of shipwrecks they also want access to wrecks. For heritage managers, greater access to wrecks can present challenges in achieving the protection of these sites (Edney in press). Conclusion This study found that wreck divers are predominantly male, middle aged, well educated, higher than average income earners, and experienced divers with high levels of diver certification. Wreck divers visit shipwrecks to see historically significant sites, artefacts and marine life, and to enjoy the peace and tranquillity of the underwater environment. Divers can have adverse impacts on shipwrecks and this study shows that certain management controls, including penalties, permits, special certification and dive guides can be acceptable to divers. It also found that some divers participate in activities which disturb sites and they may not be aware of the consequences of disturbing and moving artefacts around. Management strategies may therefore need to be tailored to the demographic profile and origin of the divers visiting these sites because people from different countries have different attitudes about management. Sites with diverse demographics may need a range of controls, while sites with one demographic might have more focused efforts. This also highlights the importance of �implementing these controls in conjunction with more effectively communicating to divers the importance of wreck sites and appropriate behaviour when visiting these sites. Abbreviations ABS ANOVA AUD df p SPSS US χ2 Australian Bureau of Statistics Analysis of variance Australian dollars Degrees of freedom, and is the number of values of the variable P-value, the probability of obtaining a test statistic Statistical Package for the Social Sciences United States Chi square Acknowledgements Special thanks to Lenny Kolczynski, Captain of the Odyssey and the crew of Odyssey, Chuuk Lagoon, Federated States of Micronesia, for distributing and returning the majority of the Chuuk surveys to me. Thanks to all the divers in Chuuk and Australia who gave their time to participate in the survey. I would also like to thank Dr Jonathon Howard for supervising this research, his support and guidance, and for reviewing and commenting on this manuscript. 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Sharifah , L.S.A., Kadir., and Lee, L., 2006 Stolk, P., Perceptions of artificial reefs as scuba diving resources: A study of Australian recreational scuba divers, in Annals of Leisure Markwell, K., and Jenkins, J., Research, 8, 2-3, pp. 153-173. 2005 Thapa, B., “Moderator and mediator effects of scuba diving specialization on Graefe, A.R., marine-based environmental knowledge-behaviour contingency”, and Meyer, L.A., in The Journal of Environmental Education, 37,1, pp. 53-66. 2005 �Todd, S.L., Cooper, T., and Graefe, A.R., 2001 Todd, S.L., Graefe, A.R., and Mann, W., 2002 Tschapka, M.K., 2006 “Scuba diving and underwater cultural resources: Differences in environmental beliefs, ascriptions of responsibility, and management preferences based on level of development”, in (comp. ed.) Gerard Kyle, Proceedings of the 2000 Northeastern Recreation Research Symposium, April 2-4 Bolton Landing, New York, Gen. Tech. Rep. NE-276, pp. 131-140, U.S. Department of Agriculture Forest Service, Northeastern Research Station, Newtown Square, PA. “Differences in scuba diver motivations based on level of Development”, in (comp. ed.) Sharon Todd, Proceedings of the 2001 Northeastern Recreation Research Symposium, April 1-3 Bolton Landing, New York, Gen. Tech. Rep. NE-289, pp. 107114, U.S. Department of Agriculture Forest Service, Northeastern Research Station Newtown Square, PA. Involvement, motivations and setting preferences of participants in the adventure tourism activity of SCUBA Diving, Master of Arts in Tourism (Research), University of Canberra, Canberra. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Understanding wreck divers: Case studies from Australia and Chuuk Lagoon Subject The topic of the resource Session 6 Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries Description An account of the resource A fundamental challenge for managers is how to allow divers access to shipwrecks whilst ensuring these sites are not harmed. A better understanding of the motivations and attitudes of divers who visit shipwrecks may allow better informed and more targeted management strategies to protect these fragile sites. This study sought to gain an insight into the socio-demographic characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers. It did this by conducting surveys of two groups of wreck divers: a group of divers at Chuuk Lagoon (Federated States of Micronesia) and a group of Australian wreck divers. This study found that wreck divers primarily visit shipwrecks to see historically significant sites, artefacts and marine life. Fines, permits, special certification and dive guides were the most acceptable ways to control diver behaviour. There were significant differences in the motivations and attitudes of divers with different socio-demographic profiles: notably between genders and between divers from North America and Australia. The data suggests management strategies should be tailored to the socio-demographic profile of the divers visiting a shipwreck. Sites which attract divers from different parts of the world may require a range of approaches to achieve widespread compliance and acceptance of the need for minimum impact. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joanne Edney Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 6 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/45e35d31ebd1df301685a5a566064d87.pdf f5aeb522b779eb3c9cc7a405410f6e4a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2021 Session 8: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology in South East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Session 8 papers Description An account of the resource Abstract South East Asia is an Asian Sub Region with 11 countries with an area of 8.94 million square kilometres, and its water areas covering the China Sea, the Java Sea, the Sulu Sea, the Philippine Waters, the Celebes Sea, the Banda Sea, the Flores Sea, the Arafura Sea, the Timor Sea, and the Andaman Sea. With a total area of 2.5 % of the surface of all oceans in the world, South East Asia is a large sub region in the world which its waters and coastal areas are very rich in underwater and maritime cultural heritage. Underwater heritage in South East Asia are diverse and come from various times, namely from ancient Southeast Asian kingdoms, the European colonialism period, to World War II, which consisted of traditional ships of the South East Asian countries, Chinese junks China, Spanish Galleons and Naos, ships from the Middle East, VOC and EIC vessels; historic ships, planes, submarines during World War II; and also the remains of human settlements in the past or submerged landscape. The session will explore the richness of maritime history and the legacy of underwater and maritime cultural heritage in the countries of South East Asia. This South East Asian Session also seeks papers to be presented on the current development of underwater and maritime archaeology in South East Asia including the latest results of researches, studies, and projects of protection, preservation, sustainable use of underwater heritage, and the development of innovation and technology applying in the fields of underwater and maritime archaeology in various institutions in South East Asian countries. Moreover, the challenges, current threats, and any shortcomings that are currently being hot issues facing by South East Asian countries regionally, such as massive plundering of historic wrecks, destructive activities on shipwreck sites, natural disasters affecting underwater and maritime heritage, lack of long-term site monitoring and inappropriate management of underwater heritage will also be the focus of discussion in this session. This South East Asian Session also encourages the presentation of studies or projects on community engagement and opening access for the public in managing a sustainable underwater heritage in South East Asian countries, where the role of the local community is significant and can assist in determining the sustainability or the destruction of underwater and maritime heritage sites. Session Organiser: Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Underwater and Maritime Heritage Discovered on the “Spice Route” Ternate-Tidore Islands, North Mollucas Description An account of the resource Ternate and Tidore in the North Mollucas Islands, Mollucas Province, Indonesian Archipelago have a critical role as the main sources of clove and nutmeg in the “Spice Routes” global trading network. These exotic and valuable commodities have attracted the Spaniards and Portuguese to find the sea routes to Ternate and Tidore in the 1500s and followed by Dutch and British. Underwater and maritime archaeological research conducted by the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries of Indonesia in 2019 and 2021 aimed to study underwater heritage sites and historical maritime heritage from 16-17 century AD located in Ternate-Tidore Islands. Survey activities include SCUBA diving to search for and observe shipwreck sites, a bathymetry survey to map the depth and the contour of the seafloor, and spatial mapping of maritime heritage located in the coastline. Of the survey, 2 underwater sites were discovered. Soasio site is located at 15-20 m deep and Tongowai site at a depth of 37-42 m. The underwater remains in Soasio consist of blue-white Chinese ceramic from 2 different imperial periods of the Ming Dynasty, earthenware jars and ewers probably produced in Thailand. Meanwhile, Portuguese cannons manufactured in Macao and earthenware jars were found in Tongowai Site. The findings of underwater heritage sites in Soasio and Tongowai and the presence of several historical landmarks in Ternate and Tidore including the landing site of Trinidad and Victoria ships of Ferdinan Magellan-Juan Sebastian Elcano Expedition of Circumnavigation of the Earth are the physical evidence of the essential role of Ternate-Tidore in the maritime history of Indonesia and international commerce network in the Spice Route and Maritime Silk Route. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nia N. H. Ridwan Wisnu A. Gemilang Ulung J. Wisha Guntur A. Rahmawan Onggo F. Nichita Agus Sudaryadi Laila A. Jalil Irwansyah Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Ridwan, Nia N. H., Wisnu A. Gemilang, Ulung J. Wisha, Guntur A. Rahmawan, Onggo F. Nichita, Agus Sudaryadi, Laila A. Jalil, and Irwansyah. 2021. “Underwater and Maritime Heritage Discovered on the “Spice Route” Ternate-Tidore Islands, North Mollucas.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/688 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/6255004e5893a8cbb3576e84f743f0cc.pdf 1ca69512ee981942c8419ceec0d1b4e6 PDF Text Text Underwater Archaeological Remains in Matano Lake, South of Sulawesi, Indonesia: Evidence of Iron Age Civilization Muslim Dimas Khoiru Dhony1, Shinatria Adhityatama2, R.R. Triwurjani3, Dida Yurnaldi4, Ahmad Surya Ramadhan5, Joko Wahyudiyono6, Aldhi Wahyu Pratama7, Suryatman8, Abdullah Abbas9, Alqiz Lukman10, David Bulbeck11 1Master Student of Archaeology, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Underwater Archaeologist 2Griffith Centre for Social and Cultural Research, PhD Candidate and Archaeologist 3Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional, Pusat Riset Arkeologi Prasejarah dan Sejarah at Organisasi Riset Arkeologi, Bahasa dan Sastra, Senior Researcher 4Pusat Survei Geologi Bandung, Geologist 5Sentra Selam Jogja, Underwater Archaeologist 6Pusat Survei Geologi Bandung, Geologist 7RIJANG Research Institute, Archaeologist 8Universitas Hasanuddin, Lecturer and Archaeologist 9Balai Pelestarian Cagar Budaya Sulawesi Selatan, Underwater Archaeologist 10Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional , Pusat Riset Arkeologi Maritim, Lingkungan dan Budaya Berkelanjutan at Organisasi Riset Arkeologi, Bahasa dan Sastra, Archaeologist 11Department of Archaeology and Natural History at the Australian National University, Visiting Senior Lecturer ABSTRACT Matano Lake is a natural freshwater lake located in South Sulawesi, Indonesia that has a depth of roughly 590 m, making this lake the deepest lake in Southeast Asia. The existence of cultural heritage in land surrounding Matano Lake was revealed in 1998, based on research conducted by OXIS projects, which found a quantity of artifacts dated approximately between the 6th and 16th. From 2016 to 2022 The National Research Centre of Archaeology Indonesia (now the Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional) conducted research in underwater and terrestrial observation relating to submerged landscapes in the Matano Lake environment. This research reveals the civilization of the iron age that has been developed since during much of the second millennium CE regarding mass iron production and iron smelting in Matano Lake. The agency utilized several approaches such as geography and geology as well as the method to collect primary archaeological data in terrestrial excavation and geology survey and also underwater observation using SCUBA (Self Contained Underwater Breathing Apparatus) to directly identify archaeological remains on the bottom of the lake. Based on the survey, literature study, and spatial analysis utilizing ArcGIS, there are five sites consisting of Sebengkuro, Pulau Ampat, Pontada, Sukoiyo, and Onetengka with various of human cultural remains such as iron tools , iron slag, pottery, tuyere, wooden poles, ore, charcoal, and fragments of an animal tooth which were laying on the bottom of the lake in 4 to 20 m. The result of the archaeological remains and geological analysis reveals that each site has a different type, contour, and period. Furthermore, based on a literature study, the existence of mass iron production was mentioned in Nagarakrtagama (a Javanese poem in the 14th century) proving iron production in Matano has been exported from Sulawesi Island to Java Island. Keywords: Matano Lake, Underwater Archaeology, Submerged Landscapes, Iron age, Indonesia List of Figures Figure 1. Maps of the distribution of underwater archaeological site in Matano Lake. Figure 2. The divers take archaeological remains for analysis sample. Figure 3. Variations of cultural remains in Pulau Ampat site. Figure 4. Maps of grid baseline and spread of wooden poles in Pontada Site. 1 �INTRODUCTION The topic of this abstract fits best within this Session 18 (The Archaeology of Submerged Landscapes and Inland Waters) because of the current existence of underwater archaeological sites in Matano Lake that sank due to natural disasters. Underwater archaeological research on the lake has not been conducted in Indonesia before. Matano Lake is located in Malili Region, South Sulawesi Province, Indonesia and has a depth of approximately 590 m and 382 m above sea level with an area of 16,408 ha. This became Matano Lake, the eighth deepest lake in the world and the deepest lake in South East Asia (Herder 2006). Based on a geology survey and map, Matano Lake is considered to be 1-4 million years old and lies on the Matano Fault Zone which is still active with tectonic movement of roughly 2 cm per year (Tamuntuan et al. 2010). Previous archaeological research in Matano Lake was conducted in 1998 by the OXIS project which involved Indonesian and foreign researchers. The research revealed that mass iron production and iron smelting was developed on the northern shore during much of the second millennium CE and the western shore of the lake dating from 1500 to 1900 (Bulbeck and Caldwell 2000). From that, the National Research Center for Archaeology (Now Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional) carried out research on the lake in terrestrial and underwater to collect various archaeological data. Beginning in 2016 to 2021, the research demonstrated that there are five underwater archaeological sites with cultural remains. This research attempted to elaborate on the causes of the sunken sites and the age of iron tools discovered underwater. CASE STUDIES The research project explores five underwater archaeological sites which are distributed in Matano Lake namely Sebengkuro, Pulau Ampat, Pontada, Sukoiyo, and Onetengka (Figure 1). Each site has different characteristics and forms of archaeological data which is still in situ within the context. Sebengkuro, Pulau Ampat, and Pontada are located on the southern shore of the lake. However, all these sites have a variety of types and shapes. For instance, in Sebengkuro, underwater archaeologists found cultural material at a depth of about 5 to 7 meters consisting of pottery fragments, clamshells, and a stone beater fragment. In Pulau Ampat and Pontada, the archaeological remains are more complex in a depth of 4 to 8 meters including fragments of pottery, accumulated iron slag, dispersed charcoal, tuyeres from a smelting furnace, iron tools, wooden poles, animal teeth, and bone, as well as stone flakes (Triwurjani et al. 2018-2021). Sites on the north shore of the lake including, Sukoiyo and Onetengka did not reveal as much cultural material as the southern shore sites. However, in these sites, there is evidence of tectonic activity in the past; geologists called the evidence graben (Subsidence areas) (Triwurjani et al. 2019). It is proven that the location of Matano Lake in the main Matano Fault which is still active today makes the environment around the lake become more dynamic. 2 �Figure 1. Maps of the distribution of underwater archaeological site in Matano Lake (Muslim Dimas KD). RESOURCES This research has been carried out from 2016 to 2022. During the research project, team members conducted surveys and excavations in terrestrial and underwater for collecting the archaeological data. After collecting, the team also did database recording and documentation of the samples for further analysis. The archaeological data consist of fragments of pottery, iron tools, animal teeth and bone, charcoal, flakes of stone, tuyeres, and a stone beater fragment which are kept in storage at Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional (now Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional). Moreover, for spatial analysis, the team utilized ArcGIS to show the distribution of underwater archaeology sites and the existence of the site in a geology map. In addition, we also studied literature related to mass iron production in Matano in the ancient text of Negarakertagama, a Javanese poem in the 14th century. Within the text it was written that the Majapahit Empire had imported the iron tools from the Matano Lake region (Mulyana 2006; Robson 1995). FRAMEWORK This project exerts underwater archaeology and submerged landscape studies to understand the cause of the sinking of the archaeological site in Matano Lake. Furthermore, this research uses inductive reasoning which in archaeology means taking material culture as the primary evidence (Tanudirjo 1995). Explorative and comparative-descriptive approaches were conducted focusing on primary archaeological data with the context of the remains in terrestrial and underwater environments. The observation was conducted by diving, using SCUBA (Self Contained Underwater Breathing 3 �Apparatus) equipment for underwater objects and an underwater camera for documenting archaeological objects and landscapes. The team also recorded and measured using underwater archaeological techniques such as the baseline and quadrant methods (Bowens 2009). Moreover, database recording was also done to achieve complete archaeological data collection of the findings at Matano Lake. The team also employed ArcGIS for spatial analysis, to demonstrate the distribution of archaeological remains and sites in Matano Lake and three dimensional photogrammetry recording and analysis on objects and sites located at the bottom of the lake. RESULTS Description of each site ● Sebengkuro This site is located on the southern shore of the lake. The underwater team conducted surveys in 2019 and 2022 for collecting archaeological remains and observation of the environment on the bottom of the lake with a depth of approximately five to eight meters. From the survey, the team succeeded in finding several kinds of remains such as pottery fragments, clamshells, iron slag, and a stone beater fragment (Figure 2). In addition, regarding the environment, the contour is quite declivous with sand material covered by grass on the bottom of the lake. Figure 2. The divers take archaeological remains for analysis sample (Triwurjani et al. 2019 and 2022). 4 �● Pulau Ampat Pulau Ampat is 2 kilometers to the east of the Sebengkuro site. This site has an area of about 4,6 ha with plenty of archaeological remains on the bottom. Based on observation by the team, the remains consist of fragments of pottery, accumulated iron slag, dispersed charcoal, tuyeres from a smelting furnace, iron tools, animal teeth and bone, and flakes of stone lying in a depth roughly 3 to 10 meters (Figure 3). Thus, the underwater team made a 10 by 10-m baseline and quadrant crossing the concentration of finds and recorded it by taking 3D photogrammetry for analysis (Adhityatama et al. 2022). In this site, it was interesting to observe the stone flakes that are spread on the bottom in context within iron slag and metal artifacts. Based on research analysis, the stone flakes were used by the Matano indigenous iron smelters for strike-a-lights and in particular for the combustion of fuel for iron smelting (Suryatman et al. 2021). Regarding the environment, the material is sand with rock boulders on steep slopes. In order to know the age of the site, the sample of charcoal was sent to the Bandung PSG laboratory for processing by the C14 calendar. The calibrated results show that samples date from between mid-7th and mid-8th centuries (Adhityatama et al. 2022) Figure 3. Variations of cultural remains in Pulau Ampat site (Triwurjani et al 2018). ● Pontada Located about 12 kilometres to the east of the Pulau Ampat site, the 14th century Pontada site has evidence of people and iron production (Adhityatama et al. 2023). Compared to the two sites before, Pontada Site is a more complex related form of material culture in a depth of about 2 to 8 meters with material sand covered by grass. Due to the density of archaeological remains, the underwater team made a grid baseline for recording and taking samples. Based on the observation, the remains were still intact within the context; for instance, a machete was found with fragments of pottery, charcoal, and tuyere. Additionally, there are wooden poles which had not been discovered on the previous investigations (Figure 4). 5 �Figure 4. Maps of grid baseline and spread of wooden poles in Pontada Site (Adhityatama et al 2023). ● Sukoiyo This site is located on the northern shore of the lake. Regarding archaeological data, this site is not as abundant as the sites on the southern shore of the lake. Based on the survey, the team found several pottery fragments exposed on the slopes of the rocks in depths of 15 to 20 meters. ● Onetengka During this research project, this site was visited twice for documenting and taking samples for geology analysis. It is located five kilometres to the west of the Sukoiyo Site. Based on observation, there is no cultural material on this site. However, at a depth roughly from 20 to 30 meters there is evidence of tectonic activity which geologists called graben (Subsidence areas). Geological interpretation According to geologists’ interpretations, Matano Lake was formed due to the pull-apart mechanism, where two opposite segments move apart. Thus, the mechanism will affect the middle to form a basin or graben. Then this graben will fill with water and form a lake (Triwurjani et al. 2018). Lake Matano is estimated to be one to four million years old and is a crypto depression lake, that is, a lake whose bottom is deeper than the seabed nearby (Tamuntuan et al. 2010). Concerning underwater archaeological sites, the availability of sites that sank on the shore of the lake is due to the location being in the Matano fault zone (Tamuntuan et al. 2010). The fault which is active with tectonic movement and is prone to major earthquakes in the past and present. 6 �CONCLUSION The archaeological research project in Matano Lake is significantly important to identify the chronology and development of the iron age civilization in Indonesia. By showing the cultural material as evidence of mass iron production activity and the result of the radiocarbon dating, people in Matano Lake had been conducting iron smelting since the early first millennium. In Addition, the chronology of the Matano Lake formation has a long dynamic process that lies on the Matano Fault Zone. Therefore, the underwater archaeological sites that are located on the shore of the lake were prone to destruction and sinking which is caused by tectonic movement and earthquakes. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adhityatama, Shinatria, Triwurjani, R.R., Suryatman, Priyatno Sulistyarto, Utomo, Bambang Budi.” Underwater Archaeological Study on Prehistoric Material Culture in Matano Lake, South Sulawesi, Indonesia”. Journal of Southeast Asian Archaeology, no 37 (2017): 37–49. Adhityatama, Shinatria, Triwurjani, R.R., Yurnaldi, Dida, Janssen, Renee, Dhony, Muslim Dimas Khoiru, Suryatman, Abbas, Abdullah, Lukman, Alqiz, Bulbeck, David. “ Pulau Ampat site: A submerged 8th century iron production village in Matano Lake, South Sulawesi, Indonesia”. Archaeological Research in Asia, no 29 (2022). Adhityatama, Shinatria, Triwurjani, R.R., Yurnaldi, Dida, Wahyudiono, Joko, Ramadhan, Ahmad Surya, Dhony, Muslim Dimas Khoiru, Suryatman, Abbas, Abdullah, Darfin, Lukman, Alqiz, Pratama, Aldhi Wahyu, Bulbeck, David. “ The Mid-Second Millennium A.D. Submerged Iron Production Village of Pontada in Lake Matano, South Sulawesi, Indonesia” . Asian Perspectives: The Journal of Archaeology for Asia and The Pacific (2023) (Preprint). Bowens, A. (Ed.). Underwater Archaeology: The NAS Guide to Principles and Practice, Second edition. Nautical Archaeology Society, London, 2009. Bulbeck, David, Caldwell, Ian. Land of Iron: The Historical Archaeological of Luwu and the Cenrena Valley. The University of Hull, Centre for South-East Asian Studies, Hull, 2000. Herder, Fabian, et al. “Preliminary checklist of sailfin silversides (Teleostei: Telmatherinidae) in the Malili Lakes of Sulawesi (Indonesia), with a synopsis of systematics and threats”. Band 5 ,139–163, Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft fürIchthyologie, 2006. Mulyana, Slamet. Tafir Sejarah Nagarakrtagama. Yogyakarta: PT. LKiS Pelangi Aksara, 2006. Robson, Stuart. DeśaWarnana (Nāgarakŗtāgama) by Mpu Prapanca. Translation. Leiden: KITLV Press Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 1995. Suryatman, Triwurjani, R.R, Adhityatama, Shinatria, Bulbeck, David, Yurnaldi, Dida, Murdihastomo, Ashar, Wahyudiono, Joko, Abdullah, Dhony, Muslim Dimas Khoiru. “Flaking stone activity in the tradition of iron smelting from the 8th to 17th centuries AD in the Matano region, South Sulawesi, Indonesia”. Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports, no 36 (2021). Tamuntuan, Gerald, Bijaksana, Satrioa, Gaffar, Eddy, Russell, James, Safiuddin, La Ode, Huliselan, Estevanus Kristian. “The magnetic properties of Indonesian lake sediment: a case study of a tectonic lake in South Sulawesi and Maar Lakes in East Java”. ITB J. Sci, no 42 (1) (2010): 31–48. Tanudirjo, Daud. Theoretical trends in Indonesian archaeology. In: Ucko, P.J. (Ed.), Theory in Archaeology:A World Perspective, 61-75. Routledge, London, 1995. Triwurjani, R.R, Shinatria Adhityatama, Priyatno Hadi Sulistyarto, Suryatman, Dida Yurnaldi, Hendra, Abdullah Abbas, Muslim Dimas Khoiru Dhony. Mengungkap Peradaban Danau Matano, Sorowako, Masa Paleometalik Hingga Masa Sejarah, Di Kabupaten Luwu, Sulawesi Selatan. Laporan Penelitian Arkeologi, Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional, 2018. Triwurjani, R.R, Shinatria Adhityatama, Sukmandaru Prihatmoko, Trinirmalaningrum, Suryatman, Abdullah Abbas, Joko Wahyudiono, Ashar Murdihastomo, Muslim Dimas K.D, Joko Dermawan. Mengungkap Peradaban Zaman Besi dan Mitigasi Bencana Gempa di Danau Matano, Sulawesi Selatan Melalui Kajian Arkeologi. Laporan Penelitian Arkeologi, Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional, .2019. 7 �Triwurjani, R.R, Shinatria Adhityatama, Alqiz Lukman, Suryatman, Dida Yurnaldi, Muslim Dimas Khoiru Dhony, Indah Permatasarie Tjan.. Mengungkap Peradaban Besi di Kawasan Danau Matano, Sulawesi Selatan. Laporan Penelitian Arkeologi, Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional, 2020. Triwurjani, R.R, Shinatria Adhityatama, Dida Yurnaldi, Joko Wahyudiono, Suryatman, Abdullah Abbas, Ahmad Surya Ramadhan, Joko Wahyudiono, Alqiz Lukaman, Muslim Dimas K.D, Indah Permatasarie Tjan, Aldhi Wahyu Pratama, Putra Hudlinas Muhammad. Mengungkap Peradaban Zaman Besi dan Mitigasi Bencana Gempa di Danau Matano, Sulawesi Selatan Melalui Kajian Arkeologi. Laporan Penelitian Arkeologi, Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional, 2021. 8 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 15: The Archaeology of Submerged Landscapes and Inland Waters Subject The topic of the resource Session 15 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 15 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Underwater Archaeological Remains in Matano Lake, South of Sulawesi, Indonesia: Evidence of Iron Age Civilization Description An account of the resource Matano Lake is a natural freshwater lake located in South Sulawesi, Indonesia that has a depth of roughly 590 m, making this lake the deepest lake in Southeast Asia. The existence of cultural heritage in land surrounding Matano Lake was revealed in 1998, based on research conducted by OXIS projects, which found a quantity of artifacts dated approximately between the 6th and 16th. From 2016 to 2022 The National Research Centre of Archaeology Indonesia (now the Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional) conducted research in underwater and terrestrial observation relating to submerged landscapes in the Matano Lake environment. This research reveals the civilization of the iron age that has been developed since during much of the second millennium CE regarding mass iron production and iron smelting in Matano Lake. The agency utilized several approaches such as geography and geology as well as the method to collect primary archaeological data in terrestrial excavation and geology survey and also underwater observation using SCUBA (Self Contained Underwater Breathing Apparatus) to directly identify archaeological remains on the bottom of the lake. Based on the survey, literature study, and spatial analysis utilizing ArcGIS, there are five sites consisting of Sebengkuro, Pulau Ampat, Pontada, Sukoiyo, and Onetengka with various of human cultural remains such as iron tools , iron slag, pottery, tuyere, wooden poles, ore, charcoal, and fragments of an animal tooth which were laying on the bottom of the lake in 4 to 20 m. The result of the archaeological remains and geological analysis reveals that each site has a different type, contour, and period. Furthermore, based on a literature study, the existence of mass iron production was mentioned in Nagarakrtagama (a Javanese poem in the 14th century) proving iron production in Matano has been exported from Sulawesi Island to Java Island. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Muslim Dimas Khoiru Dhony Shinatria Adhityatama R.R. Triwurjani Dida Yurnaldi Ahmad Surya Ramadhan Joko Wahyudiyono Aldhi Wahyu Pratama Suryatman Abdullah Abbas Alqiz Lukman David Bulbeck Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Dhony, Muslim Dimas Khoiru, Shinatria Adhityatama, R.R. Triwurjani, Dida Yurnaldi, Ahmad Surya Ramadhan, Joko Wahyudiyono, Aldhi Wahyu Pratama, Suryatman, Abdullah Abbas, Alqiz Lukman, and David Bulbeck. 2023. ‘‘Underwater Archaeological Remains in Matano Lake, South of Sulawesi, Indonesia: Evidence of Iron Age Civilization.’’ Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Jennifer McKinnon. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1995 Asia-Pac Session 15 2023