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                    <text>Investigation of Abandoned WW II Wrecks in Palau
Tomo Ishimura1

Abstract
Over forty Japanese vessels were sunken in the water of Palau during WWII. Some wrecks sunk
in the shallow water at a depth of 20 meters or less and were salvaged. Other wrecks at 30
meters depth or more still remain and are legally protected by the authority of Palau Government
but are seriously threatened by illegal treasure hunters. Initial efforts to identify human remains of
Japanese soldiers were made in 2005. As part of an archaeology advisory team for the
Japanese Government I carried out underwater surveys of sunken WWII vessels in Palau. In
2010 and 2011, I conducted investigations of the WWII vessels again, together with on-shore
research on sites and features associated with the Japanese occupation period, funded by the
Takanashi Foundation for Arts and Archaeology (Japan).
The research revealed that the most of the vessels sunken in Palau were not genuine
military vessels of Japanese Imperial Navy or Army but converted vessels originally built for
non-combat purposes. These vessels were slow in speed and not well-equipped for combat
th

activity. Most of them were destroyed by American aerial bombing on March 30 1944. The
th

evening before (March 29 ) the main force of the Japanese Combined Fleet, including its
flagship Musashi, retreated from Palau. It is clear that the vessels left in Palau were abandoned
as a “third wheel” of the Combined Fleet. These abandoned-converted vessels include cargo
carriers, tankers, whaling boats and fishing boats. This implies that Japanese troops were
experiencing a difficult and desperate campaign at that time.

Introduction
Over forty WWII Japanese vessels have been identified in the waters of the
Republic of Palau (see Figures 1, Figure 2, Table 1). Most of them were
destroyed on March 30th – 31st 1944 by the United States of America’s (USA)
attack - Operation Desecrate One. This battle was a historical turning point for
Japanese occupation in Micronesia because the Combined Fleet of the
Japanese Imperial Navy lost their bases in the region, which further impacted on
defeats in the Battle of the Mariana Islands on June 19th – 20th 1944 and the

1

Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, Japan

�Battle of Layte on October 23rd – 25th 1944. Therefore the shipwrecks of Palau
offer important evidence for understanding the historical significance of the battle
in Palau. The main aim of my research is to uncover the real situation of the
battle in Palau and document the extent of this underwater cultural heritage
(UCH) in Palau for their future protection and management.

Figure 1. Map around Palau (created by author).

Figure 2. Map of Palau and distribution of Japanese WW II wrecks, insert is map
of shipwrecks in Palau harbour (created by author).

�Table 1. Details of numbered vessels on Figure 2 (made by author based upon
the data from Bailey 1991, Tanaka 2007, and author's research)

Historical background of the wrecks in Palau
Since 1920 the Palau Islands had been a part of Japanese Mandated Territory,
along with the Mariana Islands and the Western Caroline Islands. In the wake of
the defeat over German occupation, the former colonial power over Palau, in the
First World War. The Palau headquarters of Nanyocho are the administrative
agency of the Nanyo Gunto (Micronesian islands of Japanese Mandated
Territory). Located on Koror Island, it played the role of the administrative center
for the Territory. In the wake of the Japanese walkout from the League of Nations
in 1933, Palau was also regarded as a military site in the Territory and a number
of military facilities were built on each island.
The home base of the Combined Fleet, the main force of the Japanese
Imperial Navy, was placed on the Truk Islands initially during WWII. However,
after the defeat of the Battle of Midway on June 5 th 1942 the Japanese naval

�power in the Pacific region declined. The 58th Task Force of the USA conducted
the Operation Hailstone which included air strikes on the Truk Islands on
February 17th – 18th 1944, and the Japanese forces lost two light cruisers (Agano
and Naka) and many other vessels. A week earlier the flagship Musashi, and
other major vessels of the Combined Fleet, had already retreated to Palau on
the 10th of February in anticipation of the attack by the USA forces.
The Combined Fleet regrouped their fleet in Palau. On February 29th a
scout plane of the Japanese Navy sighted a USA task force approaching to the
Caroline Islands. Shigeru Fukudome, the Chief of Staff of the Combine Fleet,
considered that the U.S. forces would initiate a landing operation to Palau so he
decided to withdraw major-force vessels of the Combined Fleet to the
Philippines to set them apart for later use (Yoshimura 1976). In the late afternoon
on February 29th the flagship Musashi, the light cruiser Taiyo, the destroyers
Urakaze and Isokaze, and the other main vessels of the Combined Fleet set off
from Palau Harbor. The rest of the vessels, such as the repair ship Akashi, the oil
tankers Iro and Sata, and a number of cargo ships, were left behind.
A two-day USA air strike named Operation Desecrate One initiated On
February 30th. The remaining vessels were completely destroyed and sunk in
the waters of Palau. Most of the wrecks of Palau are derived as a result of this
one battle.

Investigations of shipwrecks
I carried out underwater archaeological survey at six selected sites in 2010 and
2011 (Ishimura 2010a; Ishimura 2010b). Short summaries of the results are
shown as follows:

Iro
Location: West Urukthapel Anchorage
Depth: The ship is resting upright at 40 meters. The deck is at 28 meters and the
top of the forward tower is at 8 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Southwest
General Information:
Type: Shiretoko Class Combined Fleet Tanker
Length: 143.25 meters

�Beam: 17.68 meters
Tonnage: 14,050 tons
Speed: 12 knots
Built: 1922 by Osaka Tekkosho
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Iro was a fleet oiler and supply ship. On March 22 nd 1944 on her way from
the Philippines to Palau a torpedo launched from the submarine USS Tunny
hitting her bow forward of the bulkheads. On March 30th 1944 she came under
fire and was bombed during the Operation Desecrate One.
Heavy structural and fire damage to the ship’s engine room, boat deck,
and stack appears to have resulted from the bomb(s). A survivor of the Iro attack
witnessed a direct hit to the stroke engine room where approximately 30
engineers were killed (interviewed by author). An anchor chain extends from the
hawsehole on the starboard side to the floor of the lagoon below. Following the
anchor chain down along the side of the ship one can see the damage caused to
the bow by torpedo. On top of the bow is a large gun mounted on a circular
platform. The gun barrel diameter is 7 inches (17.8 centimeters) and the length is
4.26 meters. A gun identical to the one on the bow is mounted on a platform on
the stern with its barrel pointing about 20 degrees towards the starboard. The
survivor of Iro related that only one of the guns was able to fire against the aerial
attack, due to lack of ammunition (interviewed by author).
In reaction to the information provided by the survivor in 2005 the team
of the Japan Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare carried out an investigation
in search of the human remains of Japanese soldiers at the Iro, especially in and
around the engine room, however, they were not able to find any (Ishimura
2005).

Akashi
Location: North Urukthapel Anchorage
Depth: Only debris are scattered at a depth of 12 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): North
General Information:
Type: Combined Fleet Repair Ship

�Length: 158.5 meters
Beam: 20.2 meters
Tonnage: 9,000 tons
Speed: 19.5 knots
Built: 1937-39 by Sasebo Kaigun Kosho
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Akashi was the first Japanese Imperial Navy vessel to be designed as a
repair ship. The ship was equipped with three large cranes and 144 German
machine tools. She was stationed at Truk, where she had been engaged in
making repairs on numerous vessels, anchored in the lagoon that had been
damaged by USA submarines or air attacks at various island bases. After being
damaged by carrier-based aircraft during the two-day Operation Hailstone air
strikes on Truk on February 17th and 18th 1944, the Akashi managed to make her
escape and limp to Palau. The Akashi could only manage about 12 knots with
the damage she had sustained.
When the USA planes initiated their attacks on the 30th March 1944 the
Akashi was anchored offshore of the northern part of Urukthapel Island in Palau
Harbor. The captain decided early to move the ship closer to shore into shallow
water for more protection against the bombs and torpedoes of the attacking
aircrafts (Bailey 1991:123). Even after the war, much of her upper foreship
superstructure and masts were above water. It is said that the Akashi was
scuttled to be a “grounding repair ship” in order to continue her duty even though
the ship was totally crippled. The Akashi was completely dismantled by a
salvage company in 1954 from which a total of 4,500 tons of scrap iron was
recovered.
At a depth of 12 meters many artifacts can be found lying on the sandy
seabed amongst the debris field; some completely exposed and others with just
pieces showing above the sand. The debris field spans around 150 meters in a
north-south direction and 20 meters in an east-west direction, displaying the
shape of the foregone vessel. A bomb crater can be seen alongside the debris
field. Artifacts that have been found and identified include compressed gas
cylinders, fire bricks, shoe soles, tires, beer bottles, ceramics and canteens.

�Amatsu Maru
Location: West Malakal Anchorage
Depth: The ship is resting upright at 40 meters. The deck is at 30 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Northeast
General Information:
Type: Tanker (converted)
Length: 153 meters
Beam: 20 meters
Tonnage: 10,567 tons
Speed: 15 knots
Built: 1943 by Mitsubishi
Owned by Nihon Kaiun
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Amatsu Maru was originally built for the private company Nihon Kaiun in
1943 as a part of the War Standard Construction Program. She was one of 15
vessels of her class that were built as Standard Type 1 TL 10,000-ton steam
tanker. She was assigned to the Combined Fleet in January 1944. She is the
largest shipwreck in Micronesia and the deepest Japanese wreck in Palau. She
was hit directly by several 1000 pound (lb.) bombs. USA Navy archives of aerial
photos taken during the attack clearly show heavy smoke rising from the engine
compartment (Bailey 1991:79), but the remains exhibit little hull damage.
The bridge was constructed of three decks. The upper-most was the
navigational deck and some instruments can still be found there. The wooden
walls and floor structures were destroyed by fire or have deteriorated over time.
At the stern the twisted remains of a circular gun platform can be seen. The gun
was a 12 cm Armstrong-type rapid firing gun but nothing remains of it.
The Amatsu Maru was salvaged partially after the war. The Fujita
Salvage Company originally sought to raise the ship but later decided to
dismantle it instead. During an attempt to cut through the plates, it is believed the
flame of a torch hit trapped gases and set off an explosion that killed two men.
Then they abandoned the salvage attempt, believing the accident to be an omen
of foreboding (Tanaka 2007:51).

�Chuyo Maru
Location: West Malakal Anchorage
Depth: The ship is resting upright at 40 meters. The deck is at 30 meters and top
of the forward tower is at 12 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Southeast
General Information:
Type: Cargo ship (converted)
Length: 89 meters
Beam: 12.4 meters
Tonnage: 1,941 tons
Speed: 10 knots
Built: 1943 by Namura Zosenjo
Owned by Toyo Kisen Kaisha
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Chuyo Maru was built as a coastal freighter of the Amakasu No. 1 or Goei
Maru class. The ship was completed for the private company Toyo Kisen Kaisha
in 1943 and converted into an Army cargo ship soon after. The ship was reported
to be initially attacked shortly after 1300 hour (h) on March 30th by a 500 lb.
bomb, and on the following day an air attack hit the ship on the port side
amidship with a single 500 lb. bomb. The ship was reported afterwards to have
major fires aboard and then sank at 2000h on April 1st.
The bridge structures were burned during the bombing and have since
disintegrated, however, remains of the brass compass and ship’s telegraph can
still be seen. The engine room and boiler room is raised above the main boat
deck. Two separate sections of engine room hatches, with a cylindrical steam
condenser apparatus between them, can be found above the engine room. A
gun stands on a platform on the aft section of the boat deck. The gun is a
1.86-ton, 12 cm dual purpose “Short Gun”. This type of gun was typically placed
on ships of under 5,000 tons for anti-submarine and anti-aircraft use.
Although the exact location of this wreck was recorded, the wreck was
not considered worth salvaging after the war. She was forgotten until April 1989
when wreck hunters Francis Toribiong and Klaus Lindemann rediscovered her.
The ship’s identity was possible by the discovery of associated ceramics found

�aboard the wreck bearing the logo of the ship’s commercial owner Toyo Kisen
Kaisha (Bailey 1991:131). In May 2006 an English man illegally looted some
artifacts from the Chuyo Maru and other shipwrecks in Palau and faced two
months in jail and a fine of $ 40,000(USA) (Tanaka 2007:67).

Helmet Wreck
Location: Malakal Harbor
Depth: The ship is resting upright, at the base of a hill, with bow lower than the
stern. The bow is in 35 meters and the stern is in 15 meters.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Southwest
General Information:
Type: Cargo ship (probably converted to a minelayer)
Length: 58 meters
Beam: 9.4 meters
Tonnage: Unknown (less than 1,000 tons)
Speed: Unknown
Built: Unknown
Owned by Unknown
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
The Helmet Wreck, formerly known as the Depth Charge Wreck, is a rare
example of an intact shipwreck in Palau. Wreck hunter Dan E. Bailey discovered
the ship on January 18th 1990. The true name of this ship is unknown and she
was not documented in any of the navy archives. Potentially the ship was
confiscated in Southeast Asia during the war (Tanaka 2007:89).
On the aft starboard side of the ship a massive explosion tore open the
hull revealing the ribs of the ship and scattering drum-like depth charges onto
the sea floor. The exposed main-cargo-hold reveals stacks of depth charges
neatly arranged on the port side and, due to a massive explosion, scattered
around on the starboard side. Under the port upper deck stacks of helmets can
be found, now cemented together by decades of underwater corrosion. In the
starboard side of another cargo hold are stored two “Lewis-type” machine guns.
These apparently were the guns that would normally be mounted on the bases
positioned on each side of the bridge. These machine guns were not prepared

�for use by the ship’s crewmembers. There is a round aft gun platform and the
gun barrel is pointing to port amid the mangled steel of the collapsed gun mount
(Figure 3). Aboard the wreck was found a ceramic wash-basin bearing the logo
of Toyo Toki, a ceramic making company in Japan. This suggests that this ship
was renovated to some extent by Japanese.
A two-headed winch is mounted just forward on the bow. The anchor
chain extends from the port hawsehole pipe, while the starboard anchor is in its
stowed position. This suggests that the ship was anchored close to shore in a
group of small coral islets in the south of Aurapushekaru Channel, for the
protection against the bombs and torpedoes of the attacking aircraft. On an islet
near the sinking point many bullet holes can be seen.

Figure 3. Round aft gun platform of the Helmet Wreck (T.Ishimura).

Buoy # 6 Wreck
Location: Malakal Channel
Depth: The wreck is resting upright near marker # 6 at 27 meters. Deck is 21
meters deep. The hull is perpendicular to southwest slope and the bow is

�pointing to the northeast.
Orientation (from stern to bow): Northeast
General Information:
Type: Bonito fishing boat (probably converted to a submarine chaser)
Length: 30 meters
Tonnage: Unknown
Speed: Unknown
Built: Unknown
Owned by Unknown
Destroyed on March 30th, 1944
Brief description:
This small vessel known as Buoy #6 wreck was a bonito fishing boat converted
to a submarine chaser. The original name of this ship is unknown, and she is not
documented in any of the navy archives.
A pair of outlet conduits can be seen on the portside, which is a feature
of bonito fishing boats. A circular gun platform is mounted on the bow but the gun
is missing. Two sections of superstructure can be seen amidships.
A survivor of Iro related that he was rescued by a group of bonito fishing
boats from Yaizu, Shizuoka Prefecture in Japan (Tanaka 2007:87). It is a known
fact that, not only, commercial vessels but also many fishing boats were used for
military purposes during the War. The ship of Bouy # 6 may have been a
member of such a group.

Interpretations and discussion
The research on the wrecks revealed that most of the vessels sunken in Palau
were not main-force vessels of Japanese forces but auxiliary vessels and
converted vessels originally built for non-combat purposes. The Iro was not an
original military vessel but an oil tanker and was not suited for direct combat. In
addition, the ship was old and slow in speed. The Akashi was heavily damaged
by the attack in Truk and hardly managed to escape with the other vessels of the
fleet. The other vessels were not genuine military vessels but former commercial
vessels such as cargo ships and bonito fishing boats. Some of them have not
been documented in military records. This implies that the number of military

�vessels were so insufficient that commercial vessels were used for military
purpose in the later part of the War.
These vessels were also “slow boats”. They were too slow to catch up
with other members of the fleet such as battleships, cruisers and destroyers.
They were left behind as a “third wheel” of the Combined Fleet.
Moreover, the vessels were not well-equipped for combat activity. Most
of them had only one or two gun turrets to fight against enemy aircrafts. Lack of
ammunition forced them to be engaged more difficult battles. Nonetheless, much
of the vessels anchored in the harbor and continued intercepting against
aircrafts until they sunk. Due to these factors it is considered that this was a
suicidal mission, as is the case with the “banzai” and “kamikaze” suicide
bombing attacks in battles on Peleliu and other islands in the Pacific region.
The evidence provided here demonstrates the difficulties and the
desperate campaign of the Japanese forces in the later part of the WWII. Studies
on shipwrecks and other war-associated sites will provide further evidence that
are thus far not known to exist in documents.
Underwater investigations on wrecks also indicate the importance of
documentation by underwater archaeological methods and implementation of
proper conservation management for the UCH in Palau. The vessels and
artifacts have deteriorated due to the combined causes of bombing, aging and
salvaging activities, therefore it is necessary to record the current state of
conservation of these properties. The Akashi site also needs to be protected, for
a number of artifacts are distributed in the debris field even though the vessel
itself has been removed. The Palauan government has designated the WWII
wrecks as cultural properties and protects them by law (UNESCO 2010:77);
however, some of them are still under threat by illegal treasure hunters, like the
case of the Chuyo Maru. Such looting activity is impermissible and must cease,
since it harms not only the cultural property of Palau but also the dignity of the
dead in the wrecks and the sentiments of the bereaved families in Japan.

Bibliography
Bailey, D. E.,

WW II Wrecks of Palau, North Valley Diver Publications,

1991

California.

Fish ’n Fins,
n.d.

D-log Palau (CD-ROM). Koror: Fish ’n Fins.

�Ishimura, T.,
2005

“WW II archaeology and recovery of the remains: a case in
Palau”, paper presented at Inter-Congress in 2005, World
Archaeology Congress, World Archaeology Congress,
Osaka.

Ishimura, T.,
2010a

“Research on the WW II sites and the cultural heritages of
the Japanese Mandate Territory period in Palau”, in Bulletin
of Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties
2010, pp. 12-13. (in Japanese)

Ishimura, T.,
2010b

“Memories and sites of the war in Palau: archaeology and
recovery of Japanese soldier remains”, in Kindai Koko 66,
pp. 1-3. (in Japanese)

Tanaka, M.,

Palau: Underwater Spirits of the War Dead,

Namiki Shobo,

2007

Tokyo.. (in Japanese)

UNESCO,
2010

Underwater Cultural Heritage in Oceania (edited by Ulrike
Guérin, Barbara Egger and Vidha Penalva). Paris:
UNESCO.

Yoshimura, A.,
1976

Navy Otsu Incident. Tokyo: Bungei Shunju. (in Japanese)

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                <text>Over forty Japanese vessels were sunken in the water of Palau during WWII. Some wrecks sunk in the shallow water at a depth of 20 meters or less and were salvaged. Other wrecks at 30 meters depth or more still remain and are legally protected by the authority of Palau Government but are seriously threatened by illegal treasure hunters. Initial efforts to identify human remains of Japanese soldiers were made in 2005. As part of an archaeology advisory team for the Japanese Government I carried out underwater surveys of sunken WWII vessels in Palau. In 2010 and 2011, I conducted investigations of the WWII vessels again, together with on-shore research on sites and features associated with the Japanese occupation period, funded by the Takanashi Foundation for Arts and Archaeology (Japan).&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>Ancient Seascape of Japan: Burial Mounds as Navigation Points
Tomo Ishimura (Tokyo National research Institute for Cultural Properties, ishimura-t6y@nich.go.jp)
ABSTRACT
Research of landscape using GIS is progressing in archaeology in recent years, and the significance of the
research of landscape from the sea or seascape is also being stressed. Seascape research has important
implications for understanding how people perceive the sea and adapt to the sea environment and may contribute
to the development of maritime archaeology. This study applies landscape research to Japanese archeology, so it
fit in the session of ‘History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia’. This paper
examines the sea scape of the Kofun period, from the third to sixth centuries, from the viewpoint of the location
of the burial mounds and shows the possibility that some burial mounds were built as navigation points. GIS
analysis and field surveys were conducted to investigate how the burial mounds located near the coast look from
the sea and indicate that the burial mounds with good visibility from the sea were located at strategic points of
marine routes, such as lagoons and straits. The survey also revealed that the most of these burial mounds were
built in the specific period from the first to third quarters in the fourth century. This paper proposes that these
burial mounds were built as navigation points to reflect the intention of the Yamato dynasty to control maritime
traffics.
List of Figures and Table:
Figure 1: Map of Research Area and Locations of the Sites
Figure 2: Photo of the Goshikizuka Burial Mound (https://www.feel-kobe.jp/); Topographic Map around
Goshikizuka; Seascape around Goshikizuka
Figure 3: Topographic Map around Yanai Chausuyama; Seascape around Yanai Chausuyama
Figure 4: Topographic Map around Shinmeiyama; Seascape around Shinmeiyama
Figure 5: Topographic Map around Amino Choshiyama; Seascape around Amino Choshiyama
Table 1: A Chronology of the Kofun Period

INTRODUCTION
The Kofun period in Japanese history, spanning from the 3rd to 6th centuries, is characterized by the
construction of tens of thousands of burial mounds throughout the Japanese archipelago. These burial
mounds, known as Kofun, were monumental structures, with the most distinctive type being the
keyhole-shaped plan view; the largest exceeds 500 meters in length. These colossal mounds served as
symbols of power and were erected to commemorate kings and chiefs.
The burial mounds were built in various locations, including hills, ridges, plains, and coasts. The
coastal burial mounds, referred to as ‘seashore type burial mounds’, are believed to have been
constructed by chiefs who were involved in maritime activities and trade (Hirose 2015). Others
suggest the burial mounds served as navigation markers for seafarers (Mori 1986). Despite their
historical significance, few studies have explored how these burial mounds appeared from a maritime
perspective (Ishimura 2017).
In this paper, GIS software is utilized to visualize the view of these burial mounds from the sea. The
research reveals that the burial mounds were strategically situated at key points along maritime routes,
such as ports and straits. Furthermore, the study indicates that these burial mounds were constructed
within a relatively specific timeframe, from the first to the third quarter of the 4th century.
The author proposes the construction of these burial mounds coincided with a historical event, namely
the expansion of political power in the Kinai region and the exertion of control over maritime traffic in
the Japanese archipelago.

1

�Method and Materials
In this study, the researchers utilized GIS software called 'Kashimir 3D®' to recreate the visual
representation of how the burial mounds appeared from the sea. This particular GIS software is
capable of generating 3D landscapes from any chosen viewpoint and altitude. To simulate the view
from the sea, the researchers set the altitude to 1 meter, taking into account the likely low height of the
viewpoint from a boat during the Kofun period.
The analysis focused on four specific sites of 'seashore type burial mounds': the Goshikizuka burial
mound in Hyogo Prefecture, the Yanai Chausuyama burial mound in Yamaguchi Prefecture, the
Shinmeiyama burial mound in Kyoto Prefecture, and the Amino Choshiyama burial mound, also
located in Kyoto Prefecture (Figure 1). The first two sites are situated near waterways, while the latter
two are near ports.

Figure 1: Map of Research Area and Locations of the Sites

In this paper, the Kofun period was divided into four distinct phases based on variations in burial
structures and diagnostic burial goods. The four phases are: the first half of the Early Kofun period
(approximately AD 250-300), the latter half of the Early Kofun period (approximately AD 300-375),
the Middle Kofun period (AD 375-475), and the Later Kofun period (AD 475-575). Table 1 likely
provides further details on the distinguishing features of each phase and the associated burial practices
and artefacts.
Table 1: A Chronology of the Kofun Period
Phase

Date

Burial facility

Diagnostic burial goods

Early KofunPeriod
(first half of)
Early KofunPeriod
(latter half of)
Middle Kofun Period

AD 250-300

Chinese bronze mirrors

Later Kofun Period

AD 475-575

Vertical stone chamber
with wooden coffin
Vertical stone chamber
with wooden coffin
Vertical stone chamber
with stone coffin
Horizontal stone
chamber with stone coffin

AD 300-375
AD 375-475

2

Variety of Japanese bronze
mirrors
Iron armors
Decorated swords

�CASE STUDY 1: Goshikizuka Burial Mound
The Goshikizuka burial mound, which has a keyhole-shaped plan view and measures 194 meters in
length (Figure 2), is believed to have been constructed during the latter half of the Early Kofun period
(around AD 300-375).

3

�Figure 2: Photo of the Goshikizuka Burial Mound (https://www.feel-kobe.jp/); Topographic Map around
Goshikizuka; Seascape around Goshikizuka

It is situated along the coastline of Honshu, the main island of Japan, overlooking the Akashi Strait
(Figure 2). The location of the Goshikizuka burial mound offers a clear view from the sea (Figure 2).
The Akashi Strait serves as the gateway to Osaka Bay and is known for its turbulent waters and swift
currents within the Seto Inland Sea. The positioning of the Goshikizuka burial mound holds significant
strategic importance along the maritime route of the Seto Inland Sea.
CASE STUDY 2: Yanai Chausuyama Burial Mound
The Yanai Chausuyama burial mound is another keyhole-shaped mound, measuring 80 meters in
length. Its construction is estimated to have taken place during the latter half of the Early Kofun period
(around AD 300-375).

4

�Figure 3: Topographic Map around Yanai Chausuyama; Seascape around Yanai Chausuyama

Situated near the entrance of a channel (Figure 3), this channel served as a shortcut for maritime
traffic, allowing vessels to avoid circumnavigating the Murotsu peninsula. The channel held great
significance as a crucial point along the maritime routes of the time. The Yanai Chausuyama burial
mound is easily visible from the sea near the entrance of the channel (Figure 3).
CASE STUDY 3: Shinmeiyama Burial Mound
The Shinmeiyama burial mound is a keyhole-shaped mound measuring 190 meters in length. It is
believed to have been constructed during the latter half of the Early Kofun period, around AD
300-375.

5

�Figure 4: Topographic Map around Shinmeiyama; Seascape around Shinmeiyama

Situated near a lagoon (Figure 4), it is speculated that this lagoon served as a natural harbor in the past.
The Shinmeiyama burial mound, being easily visible from offshore (Figure 4), is thought to have
served as a navigational landmark, indicating the position of the port.
CASE STUDY 4: Amino Choshiyama burial mound
The Amino Choshiyama burial mound is a keyhole-shaped mound measuring 201 meters in length. It
is believed to have been constructed during the latter half of the Early Kofun period, around AD
300-375.

6

�Figure 5: Topographic Map around Amino Choshiyama; Seascape around Amino Choshiyama

Situated near a lagoon (Figure 5), it is believed that this lagoon also served as a natural harbor, similar
to the Shinmeiyama mound. The Amino Choshiyama mound is easily visible from offshore (Figure 5).
This suggests that it, too, served as a navigational marker, indicating the position of the nearby port.
RESULT
Based on the four case studies presented, several outcomes can be observed. Firstly, the seashore type
burial mounds were clearly visible from the sea. Secondly, these burial mounds were located at
significant points along sea routes, including waterways, ports, and entrances to channels. Thirdly, it is
likely that these burial mounds served as navigational landmarks. Lastly, all four burial mounds were
constructed during the latter half of the Early Kofun Period (AD 300-375).
These outcomes collectively suggest the presence of a common factor behind the construction of these
seashore type burial mounds. It is plausible to consider that the construction of these burial mounds
was influenced by the political situation of the time. As monuments symbolizing the power and
authority of chiefs, these burial mounds can be seen as political products.
DISCUSSION
The period when the seashore type burial mounds were constructed coincided with significant changes
in maritime traffic, particularly the alteration of the route from the Japanese archipelago to the Korean
Peninsula. The emergence of rituals on Okinoshima during this period provides valuable insights into
these changes. Okinoshima, situated between Kyushu Island and the Korean Peninsula, was the site of
ceremonies conducted from the latter half of the 4th century to the end of the 9th century. These rituals
aimed to ensure safe voyages and involved the dedication of Chinese bronze mirrors and various
treasures to the island's rocks and rock shelters. These artifacts resemble burial goods found in tombs
and were primarily distributed in the Kinai region, the political center of that era. Based on this
evidence, it is believed that the rituals on Okinoshima were led by an elite group from the Kinai region
with the objective of establishing a new and more efficient route from the Japanese archipelago to the
Korean Peninsula. The Okinoshima route offered a shortcut, compared to the previous island-hopping
route via Iki Island and Tsushima Island.
It is postulated that the changes occurring during this period were instigated by the political powers in
7

�the Kinai region, who sought to assert control over maritime routes. The construction of the seashore
type burial mounds, as discussed in the paper, was likely undertaken by local chiefs with support from
the Kinai powers. These burial mounds served to enhance and facilitate maritime routes within the
Japanese archipelago. They not only acted as practical navigational markers but also visually
demonstrated the control exerted over maritime traffic by the powers in the Kinai region.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hirose, K. (Ed.) The Period of Seashore Type Burial Mound. Tokyo: Doseisha, 2015.
Ishimura, T. Reconstruction of Ancient Port: A Geoarchaeological Study. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 2017.
Mori, K. “Excavating Port and Lagoon.” In Ancient Japan 3: Interaction beyond the Sea, edited by T. Obayashi. Tokyo:
Chuo Koron-sha, (1986): 39-82.

8

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                <text>In this study I demonstrate that lagoons were generally used as ports in ancient Japan. A lagoon is not suitable for anchoring large boats because of its shallow water depth; however, it was the best anchorage for shallow draft boats in ancient times. Based on archaeological evidence, it is likely that many of the ancient Japanese boats were dugout canoes, or enlarged ones by adding side boards to the hull of dugout canoes. In the Kofun period, around 4th century, it is often the case that a huge burial mound was built near the lagoon and used as a port. I consider that it was a landmark made visible from boats sailing along the coast.&#13;
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                    <text>Understanding the Interactions Between the Sea and Humans Through an
Anthropological Study of Wooden Boatbuilding in Indonesia
Tsukiko Myojo (Kanazawa University)

Abstract
This paper fits best within Session 3 because the topic, which is the anthropological study of wooden boatbuilding
today, will provide a specific ethnographic case to understand the interactions between the seas and humans in a
contemporary local context. The case study under consideration is the wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region
of South Sulawesi, Indonesia, where the local knowledge and skills have been inherited by the present generation.
This study mainly employs data collection based on anthropological fieldwork done by the author in 2019 and
2022, including observations and interviews in the shipwright community in the region, to examine the unique and
universal aspects of the way of life with/by the sea. The study explores how people's skills, philosophy, and social
relations are shaped through boatbuilding. The Konjo people have used local resources and developed their
knowledge and skills to make seaworthy vehicles. The construction process has been symbolized as human
procreation. Boatbuilding also illustrates the working networks of boatbuilders. This case indicates that boats are
not just a means of transportation but also a microcosm of the interaction linking people to the sea.
Keywords: wooden boat building, indigenous knowledge, maritime culture, Indonesia
List of figures
Figure 1. Map of the Bira Peninsula
Figure 2. Photo of boatyards on the Tanahberu coastline
Figure 3. Image of traditional fortune-telling of boat
Figure 4. Photo of sinkolo liners

1. INTRODUCTION
The topic of this paper is best within Session 3 because this anthropological study of wooden
boatbuilding in Indonesia can provide a specific case in this session for examining the interactions
between the sea and people from a local context. From the perspective of 'how the sea shapes human
society', this paper examines how people's skills, philosophy, and social relations are formed through
the practice of boatbuilding, which is directly related to the sea.
As historian Anthony Reid has demonstrated that Southeast Asia has a long history of development as
a centre of the global commerce (Reid 1988); in Indonesia, which was a part of this historical arena, the
'sea' is still a major social space today, and the sea-crossing 'boats' are also an integral part of people's
lives there (cf. Horridge 1986). In many parts of Southeast Asia, boatbuilding is more than just a
technical task. It is a matter that can be related to procreation and the birth of a child.
The boatbuilding process often involves various rituals, and the boat may have decorations and designs
that are not necessarily practical. Nor are boats of the same type built in a standardized size. Each boat
is supposed to be in harmony with the size of the owner's body. It is also important to maintain a good
relationship between shipowners and boatbuilders as well as among boatbuilders, otherwise misfortune
would occur during the voyage (Horridge 1986; Lapian 1997; Myojo 2021). Thus, boatbuilding
illustrates the various practices and creativity of people living with such a natural environment of the
sea. In other words, the sea is not only a natural realm but also a social space that shapes people's
technical and ritual practices as well as communication.
In Japanese studies of Southeast Asia, many researchers also consider the sea and coastal geographic
space as a social realm to be analysed. Mainly, they have discussed the fluid characteristics of the social
relations commonly seen in the maritime world of Southeast Asia. For example, Narifumi Tachimoto,
who studies the Malay world, pointed out the network type of social relations as one of the features of
maritime society. Such a network-type society is based on interpersonalism, which values individual
1

�relationships on a personal level (Tachimoto [Maeda] 1997, 199; cf. 1975). Chie Nakane argued that
groups of people without clear boundaries are often seen in many Southeast Asian societies. She
suggested that one of the elements in determining their social relations could be an interpersonaloriented relationship (Nakane 1987, 282–312). The subsequent studies have demonstrated the maritime
network societies through various cases, such as fishery communities and sea traders (cf. Kitamado
2000; Seki 2007; Nagatsu 2019; Ono 2011). In addition to the technical practices and philosophical
features of the rituals in boatbuilding, this case study will also examine the working network of
boatbuilders to demonstrate the characteristics of social relations in a maritime society that previous
studies have pointed out. Therefore, this paper aims to present a way of living with/by the sea from three
aspects: technical, philosophical, and social relations.

2. CASE STUDY: WOODEN BOATS AND BOATBUILDING IN SOUTH SULAWESI
The case study under consideration is the wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region of South Sulawesi,
Indonesia, as an example for considering the relationship between the sea and people through boats. The
Bugis-Makassar people, the majority ethnic groups in South Sulawesi, have been engaged in seafaring
and maritime activities such as navigation, fishing, and shipbuilding for several centuries since the area
was historically located at a strategic point to the Eastern Spice Islands. The wooden boats they have
built and continue to use are not just a means of economic activity but have become a symbol of today's
South Sulawesi society and of Indonesia as a maritime nation. For example, the local government logo
depicts a wooden sailing boat; the pinisi, one of the traditional sailing ships in South Sulawesi, was
inscribed on the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) list of
intangible cultural heritage in 2017 (UNESCO 2017).
In particular, the Konjo region in the Bira Peninsula, located in the southeastern tip of South Sulawesi,
is known as the largest boatbuilding area (Figure 1). This paper examines the entanglements in the
maritime community by showing the technical and philosophical characteristics of boatbuilding and the
social characteristics of the boatbuilders in Konjo based on anthropological research. The Konjo region
is situated by the Selayar Strait on the sea route to eastern Indonesia. According to Nishi and Osozawa,
who investigated the timber used for wooden boats in the region, one of the factors that contributed to
the development of the boatbuilding industry was the abundant availability of high-quality, water- and
insect-resistant timber, known as bitti (Vitex cofassus), in the Konjo area and surrounding islands (Nishi
1998; Osozawa 1999).
Today, the main boatbuilding area in Konjo is the western coastal area known as Tanahberu (Figure 2).
There are shipyards called bantilang along roughly two kilometres of coastline; as of 2019, there were
approximately 25 shipyards in this area, with 40 to 50 wooden vessels being built. Half of these were
boats used for fishing, for instance, purse seining in the local surrounding waters, while the other half

2

�were tourist cruisers used for diving and sailing around Komodo Island and other tourist destinations
(Myojo 2021).
Konjo wooden boats, even relatively large boats of several hundred tonnes, are built by hand by
boatbuilders one by one. Although electric carpentry tools such as chainsaws and electric drills are
widely used today, the shaping of the hull parts and their assembly are still done by hand. This manual
Konjo boatbuilding can be characterised both technically and philosophically. The technical aspect is
the plank-first method, where the hull is built from the outside, and the process traditionally does not
require blueprints. The philosophical aspect entails viewing boatbuilding as a human birth process. The
next section will present these characteristics in more detail, showing the boatbuilding process.

3. RESOURCES: BOATBUILDING AND BOATBUILDERS IN KONJO
3.1 The process of boatbuilding
This section provides an overview of boatbuilding flows in Konjo based on fieldwork conducted
intermittently between 2019 and 2022 and a filed report (Myojo 2020). The resources available for this
research have been extracted from participant observation and interviews in the boatbuilder
communities in Tanahberu. In general, the process can be roughly divided into seven stages. The
following section describes three of those stages, the start of construction, the building of the hull, and
the launching of the boat, which are technically and philosophically distinct.
3.1.1 Commencement of construction
In the past, the first job of a boatbuilder was to find suitable timber in the forests. However, this paper
regards setting a keel part as the first process given that nowadays they purchase the timber since the
division of labour between boatbuilders and timber merchants/sawmills has been differentiated.
Moreover, setting the keel was traditionally considered essential in determining the boat's fortunes.
While the length of the keel is now determined by a technically rational decision using a measuring tool,
it was conventionally determined through a ritualistic procedure involving fortune-telling. This played
a role in adjusting the keel to the best length for the boat's fortune. It is assumed that the practice was
necessary when building fishing and cargo vessels, which were directly affected by fish catches and
profits. According to the interviews with elderly boatbuilders and previous research up to around the
1980s, the fortune-telling of the keel was summarised as follows.

Figure 1. Map of the Bira Peninsula
(Created by the author)

Figure 2. Photo of boatyards on the Tanahberu coastline
(taken by the author in 2022)

3

�When the size of a boat is determined to some extent according to the boatowner's request, the
approximate length of the keel is calculated based on the experience of the master boatbuilder. Once the
length of the keel is roughly determined, fortune-telling is performed to know whether the length is good
or bad luck (Figure 3). The general way of fortune-telling is firstly to set a section whose width is decided
according to the size of the owner's hand (from the wrist to the tip of the middle finger). Then, a set of
five sections, each section having its meaning. The keel is marked by the sets repeatedly in order from
edge to edge. When the keel is measured with the sets, the boatbuilders and boatowner see which section
comes to the end of the initially planned length. The section at the keel's edge is to tell that boat's fortune.
For example, if the keel ends at the third section, then the length of the keel is considered unlucky. In
such a case, the length of the keel is shortened for one section to make it the final length of the keel,
with the section having good meaning. Or, if it ends in the fourth section, the length of the keel could
be added for two sections so that it ends on the first plot with another good meaning.
3.1.2 Building the outer shell
After the keel is in place, the boatbuilder can start joining wooden planks to make the hull. This plank
jointing consists of five steps: (1) selecting a wooden piece, (2) making a pair of a joint, (3) adjusting,
(4) nailing the plank, and (5) shaving. In this process, relatively short planks are joined together to create
a three-dimensional curved surface of the hull. The joint surfaces are adjusted parallel with a tool called
a sinkolo (Figure 4), a flat steel tool with a 10-centimetre-long, two-parted tip used to draw parallel lines,
like a compass or divider. The planks can be made to fit closely together by using the sinkolo to draw a
line parallel to the edge of a newly installed plank (by copying the shape of the edge of one plank onto
the edge of the other plank). Instead of using a straight ruler, the unique tool enables one to draw parallel
lines according to the curve and distortion of the plank.

Figure 3. Image of traditional fortune-telling of boat (created by the author)

Figure 4. Photo of sinkolo liners
(taken by the author)

3.1.3 Launching
Once the hull is completed, the boat is pushed out or pulled from the sea using human resources or
pulleys to launch it. The work is a simple matter of pushing the vessel out of the water. However, for a
Konjo wooden boat, the launching is as symbolically important as the setting of the keel. The launching
ceremony called the acara annyorong lopi indicates more than just a wish for the boat's safety. The most
vital role of the launching ritual is described as 'giving life to the boat'. A navel/belly button (posi lopi)
is made in the middle of the keel when the hull is completed and the boat is ready to go to sea. In this
ceremony, usually an elderly boatbuilder leading the ritual prays for the safety of the launch in the name
of Allah. Then, a hole is made with a drill to create a navel about two cm in diameter and five cm deep.
The wooden boat, thus 'given life', is then launched into the sea manually. This ritual practice represents
a philosophy linking boatbuilding to human birth.

4

�3.2 The boatbuilder's way of work
As these processes show, boatbuilding in the Konjo region is technically and philosophically
characterised. In addition, the boatbuilders also have social characteristics in their way of work.
Generally, the employer/manager, called punggawa, who has the capital, such as land for the shipyard
and financial resources, gathers workers called sawi each time the punggawa receives an order.
Therefore, most boatbuilders in Konjo are not permanently employed by a particular workshop but work
fluidly, moving from one workshop to another for the next job when one project is finished. For example,
a mature boatbuilder A, I first met in Tanahberu in 2019, had worked under punggawa X for about four
months. When I revisited Tanahberu in May 2022, he was working under another punggawa Y. Indeed,
some boatbuilders who work on large boats that take more than a year to finish or work in large
workshops building several boats may work under the same punggawa for an extended period. However,
most boatbuilders, like A, move between workshops every three to five months. This fluid working style
based on a non-fixed employment relationship is one of the social characteristics of Konjo boatbuilders.

4. RESULTS: INTERACTION BETWEEN THE SEA AND PEOPLE FROM THE
PERSPECTIVE OF BOATBUILDING
The first aspect is that the sea, an environment different from land, has developed the technology for
Konjo boatbuilding. A physically important aspect of wooden boatbuilding is to make balanced threedimensional curved rather than linear components like a house. The local timber of bitti, which has
traditionally been used in Konjo boatbuilding, has a characteristic that makes it difficult to form long
straight timbers with many bends. Thus, in Konjo boatbuilding using bitti, relatively short pieces are
formed and put together like a puzzle. In this process, the combination of planks with sinkolo is crucial.
The tool enables the boatbuilders to form and assemble planks even using irregular wooden pieces.
Through making boats the people have developed their skills and knowledge for using local resources.
Perils at the sea are such extraordinary nature and power that cause the risk of loss and damage to life
and property. The second aspect that shapes people's worldviews and ritual practices is to pacify the
mind by way of fortune-telling at the beginning of construction. This has been put into a framework of
traditional cosmology for explaining and understanding the uncertainties, such as changeable weather,
catches and the conditions of the voyage. Having the navel of the boat as a parallel to the human birth
process is a way to analogise the centre of their microcosmos. Similarly, the house and the region (land)
also have a 'navel', as in the expressions posi bola and posi tanah, respectively. It indicates that
traditionally, the boat was as crucial to the Bugis-Makassar people as the human body and the house as
one of the components of their cosmology.
A third aspect is that the vagueness of the boundaries of the sea can also be seen in the fluid social
characteristics of boatbuilders. As noted in the first section of this paper, previous studies on maritime
societies in Southeast Asia indicate the mobility of people. In such a society, networks based on
interpersonal relationships tend to be valued rather than communities with clear boundaries (Nakane
1987, 282–312; Tachimoto 1996). These characteristics of the maritime societies in Southeast Asia are
thought to have non-fixed patron-client relationships and fluid mobility. The social relations of people
who live with the sea could be influenced by the sea, in which the boundaries are invisible and fluid.

5. CONCLUSION
The wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region is not just an economic activity. As both a natural and
social realm, the sea is one of the key elements shaping human technology, philosophy, and social
relations. The 'uncertainty' of the sea especially indicates that humans can never control it completely.
The Konjo boats are an example of how people have responded to such nature of the sea. Technically,
the boatbuilding shows how people have used their resources (in this case, timber), and philosophically,
5

�it demonstrates the cosmology and ritual practices that may come from fear – or expectation – towards
the sea. It can also be seen as a representation of social dynamics, such as the mobility of people.
However, the technologies, philosophical elements, and social characteristics listed here are not always
common to all maritime worlds and people living with the sea. The sea has a single nature in terms of
connecting the world, however, it also has a plurality that shapes various social realms. The people who
live with it have diverse skills, knowledge, social relationships, and ways of life. In the recent global
movement toward sustainable community development, we tend to think that global issues such as
resource management and climate change should be addressed based on internationally standardized
assessment criteria. However, as the shipbuilding of Konjo shows, the way of living with the sea is not
simple but complex and diverse, depending on the natural environment and social conditions. In light
of this, we cannot simply force international standards and ideals on all kinds of communities in general.
On the one hand, global development goals are necessary to convey and share a common sense of crisis.
Yet, on the other hand, we also need to take into account the local contexts of environment, traditions,
and social systems, as well as people's lives in each region and country, in order to discuss, develop, and
formulate policies for sustainable development with various ethnographic cases.

Acknowledgements
I sincerely acknowledge this work was supported by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) KAKENHI Grant
Number 21J11290. Also, I appreciate the generous support from the Department of Anthropology at the Faculty of Social and
Political Sciences, Hasanuddin University, during my fieldwork in South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Last but not least, my gratitude
also extends to the Tanahberu villagers and the boatbuilders who shared their valuable experience and knowledge.

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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="7272">
                <text>All underwater cultural heritage sites are related to people in land.  To promote and demonstrate the protection of valuable and important underwater cultural heritage works, is not only to establish museums, organize exhibitions, produce films, or publishg related publications, but also can combine elements with the people, things, and affairs related to the land area. Examples such as the lighthouse on the beach, the residents on the shore, the recovery of underwater objects, and the underwater archaeology sites can be used to develop into ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage Culture Routes (UCHCR)’, so that everyone could use the planned ‘UCHCR’ to have a deeper understanding of the ins and outs of the entire underwater cultural heritage and complete historical stories. &#13;
In 1937, the SS President Hoover sank in Zhongliao Bay of Green Island, which was on an important international waterway in the western Pacific, East of the city of Taitung.  In order to thank the local residents that helped rescue the victims, the Green Island Lighthouse was built by the American Red Cross the following year.  We intend to use the Green Island Lighthouse and the SS President Hoover Shipwreck as an example to plan the ‘UCHCR’, combined with the Green Island Lighthouse, the Green Island Visitor Center, and the Green Island Underwater Archaeological Station to tie all the shipwrecks’ story around the island.  Because the island is famous for its clear water and good visibility, richness in corals, diversity of maritime life, and its abundance of underwater cultural heritage, we could also plan for divers the in situ diving guide routes and enlist the local divers to guard the site as volunteers, in order to let the shipwreck site not be a single underwater cultural site, but to enrich the tourist oriented activities and the interest in the island traveling.  &#13;
</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="7273">
                <text>Tung Ying-Ying&#13;
</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="7274">
                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology&#13;
&#13;
</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="7275">
                <text>November 2021</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="7276">
                <text>English</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="91">
            <name>Rights Holder</name>
            <description>A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource.</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="7277">
                <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="80">
            <name>Bibliographic Citation</name>
            <description>A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible.</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="7278">
                <text>Tung, Ying-Ying. 2021. “Underwater Cultural Heritage Culture Routes: Green Island Lighthouse and SS President&#13;
Hoover Shipwreck as Examples.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley&#13;
Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan,&#13;
and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL:&#13;
https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/676</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="80">
        <name>Asia-Pac Session 2 2021</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
