63 10 700 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Vermilion Bird: T’ang Images of the South Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Edward H. Schafer Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of California Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Edward H. 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Title A name given to the resource The Voyage of Captain John Saris Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Saris Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Hakluyt Society Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1900 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author John Saris Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1900 Place Lichtenstein Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Hakluyt Society Title A name given to the resource The Voyage of Captain John Saris Japan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Yamato Kingdom Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Brown, Delmer M. Brown, Delmer M. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1993 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author Brown, Delmer M. Editor Brown, Delmer M. Item Type Book Section Book Title Ancient Japan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1993 Pages 108-62 Place Cambridge Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Series The Cambridge History of Japan Title A name given to the resource The Yamato Kingdom Volume 1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Yavana Presence in Ancient India Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Himanshu Prabha Ray Marie-Françoise Boussac Jean-Francois Salles Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Manohar Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1995 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author Himanshu Prabha Ray Editor Marie-Françoise Boussac Jean-Francois Salles Item Type Book Section Book Title Athens, Aden, Arikamedu: Essays on the Interrelations between India, Arabia, and the Eastern Mediterranean Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1995 Pages 76-82 Place New Delhi Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Manohar Title A name given to the resource The Yavana Presence in Ancient India India https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/d63fdde43cca0fac3b8bbf220158f42a.jpg d1bacc7acaa443452d481bb8ee3e98eb Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. Width 3181 Height 2247 Bit Depth 8 Channels 3 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples of still images are: paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type "text" to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource They Have Stories to Tell - Poster Description An account of the resource A shipwreck is like a book from the past, waiting to be opened and interpreted for the enjoyment of all humanity. Each object has an important story to tell, which can only be read if its location relative to other objects in the wreck is scientifically analyzed. Indiscriminate excavation displaces objects, preventing us to read the secrets each item wish to divulge. So, let us preserve them in situ until we have adequate resources to discover their secrets. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Montakarn Suvanatap Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Asia Pacific Regional Capacity Building Programme on Underwater Cultural Heritage UNESCO Bangkok Field Office Email: m.suvanatap@unesco.org www.unescobkk.org/culture/uch Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Poster https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a04596c95094d335a8db86e0270d06c7.pdf 882271ff5bfeedde5a84e95df79fbd95 PDF Text Text Tracking environmental and historical footprints on Clarence: Comparative XRD analysis of clay-rich sediment samples from a 19th century wreck site in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria, Australia Adele Zubrzycka and Anthony J. Barham Archaeology and Natural History School of Culture, History and Language ANU College of Asia and the Pacific The Australian National University ACT 0200 Australia E-mail: a.zubrzycka@gmail.com Ulrike Troitzsch Earth Materials Group Research School of Earth Sciences ANU College of Physical and Mathematical Sciences The Australian National University ACT 0200 Australia Abstract Little is known about shipbuilding in Australia in the early to mid 19th century. Under the Australian Research Council (ARC) funded Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) (www.ahspp.org.au), underwater excavations were carried out in AprilMay 2012 on the historic trading schooner Clarence, wrecked in shallow waters at Port Phillip Bay, Victoria in September 1850. During excavations, cores collected by lead investigator Peter Veth and principle investigator Vicki Richards were found to contain clay-rich sediment, thought to be ballast. This discovery stimulated investigations of the micro-sedimentary environments and taphonomy associated with the vessel, especially fine-grain sediment supply to the wreck and current and tidal influences on the stability of sediments lodged in and around the site. In order to address these questions, sediment samples were collected from the wreck, seabed and adjacent shorelines. Clay fractions were analysed at the Australian National University (ANU) using X-Ray Diffraction (XRD). Key objectives were to compare mineral signatures in the 'ballast' from clay-rich sources on the seabed and coastal foreshores possibly incorporated as the vessel foundered. Results successfully differentiate a) individual samples by seabed location and b) “ballast” samples in the wreck structure from sampled points around the wreck. The findings suggest that fine sediment within the Clarence shipwreck is likely to be clay ballast, emplaced at some point during the schooner's working life. The results also inform questions regarding the longer-term conservation of Clarence and similar wrecks located in Australian and Southeast Asian shallow-water settings. 1 �Key words: Clarence, Shipwreck, X-ray Diffraction, Sediment, Ballast, Schooner, Conservation. Introduction Clarence, one of Australia's best preserved carvel-built, two-masted wooden trading schooners (Gesner, 1985), was constructed on the Williams River in New South Wales by Sydney merchants Gordon Sandernais and Thomas Ayers in 1841 (Coroneos, 1991). At the time, the Williams River shipbuilding industry was in its early stages of growth, producing unique examples of early shipbuilding techniques in Australia (Taylor, 1977). Small wooden coastal trading vessels were integral to the survival and development of Australia in the early to mid-19th century before the adoption of steam transport (Taylor, 1977). For the next nine years, Clarence worked as a trade vessel, transporting goods and passengers to and from Victoria, New South Wales and Tasmania. On the 2nd of September 1850, the vessel foundered on a sand bank in Port Phillip Bay while transporting sheep and other goods from Melbourne to Hobart. The vessel remained partially submerged for a number of years until eventually retreating to the sea floor (Gesner, 1985). In the mid-1980s the wreck, now protected under the Victorian Heritage Act 1995, was rediscovered and its historical and archaeological significance acknowledged as a result of investigations conducted by the Maritime Archaeology Association of Victoria (MAAV) (Gesner, 1985; Harvey, 1986, 1989). These findings were subsequently reported to the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Victoria Archaeology Survey (VAS). In turn, an environmental monitoring program and report was compiled by Coroneos (1991). Today the wreck is located in shallow waters (4-5 m deep) where natural processes and small vessel anchorage are negatively impacting the vessel's structural preservation. In April-May 2012, in accordance with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, the first phase of excavation, reburial and in-situ preservation of Clarence was undertaken by the ARC funded AHSPP. During excavations, it was apparent that there was a shallow layer of loose marine sediment overlying a dense clay-rich unit (appearing to have retained marks possibly 2 �produced by bucketing of clay into the hold of the schooner) (Veth et al., 2013) lodged within the vessel structure on top of the schooner's ceiling timbers, between 30-50 cm in depth (Taylor, 2013). A number of finds including cask staves and lids; coir cordage; leather patches and other items were also found within the clay deposit (Veth et al., 2013). Chief investigators Peter Veth, Vicki Richards and project diver Mike Nash, collected cores of the deposit and sediment in and around the wreck. Although clay is proposed to have been a popular form of ballast material in the 19th century (Taylor, 2013), little contemporary or historic material exists regarding its use in Australia. This material makes it difficult to pinpoint particular locations in which clay was collected or how widespread the practice was. If clay-rich sediments are confirmed to be ballast, Clarence could be the first example of a clay ballasted vessel to be located and sampled in the country (Veth et al., 2013). This discovery and questions surrounding future preservation of the wreck stimulated investigations into micro-sedimentary environments and taphonomy associated with the site and the stability of sediments lodged in and around the wreck. Key objectives were to compare mineral signatures in the 'ballast' from clay-rich sources on the seabed and coastal Fig. 1 Short core and grab sample locations in the wreck of the Clarence. (A. Khan) foreshores to confirm the likelihood of clay-rich sediments being ballast. In order to address these questions, sediment samples were collected from the surrounding onshore landscape and analysed using XRD in March 2013 along with samples collected in April-May 2012 from the wreck and adjacent seabed at the Research School of Earth Sciences (RSES), ANU. This analysis was also undertaken to identify the extent of sediment preservation or damage within the wreck. XRD is considered a cheap, fast and relatively effective method for identifying and analysing clay minerals. Although some criticisms have been made in regards to its overall accuracy, if correct precautions are taken it can be a useful tool in identifying clay mineral variations in sediments (Kahle et al., 2002). 3 �Procedures and Methods Sample Sets and Sampling and Preparation Techniques. Initial XRD analysis was carried out on nine sediment samples collected by project divers as part of the Clarence excavations.  Set A: CLI1-0006-9. Samples retrieved as either grab samples or undisturbed cores from the wreck site. Locations are shown in (Fig. 1).  Set B: CLI2-0001-4 and CLI2-0010. Samples retrieved as either grab samples or undisturbed cores from the seabed surrounding the wreck. Locations are shown in (Fig. 1). XRD analysis was then carried out on 15 samples taken from offshore geography directly associated with Port Phillip Bay during a field trip to the area in March 2013. At the Clarence site, the major mechanism by which terrestrial-derived fine grain sediments enter the near shore zone will be run-off plumes after heavy rain. Cliff collapse and direct wave erosion of regolith at cliff bases will make minor contributions (Cardno, 2011). The bedrock and saprolites sampled also approximate the range of deposits likely to be forming seabeds around and beneath the locations where Clarence foundered. The following samples were collected based on the above assumptions.  Set C: SPA1-15. 50-200g of well sorted deposits were collected from five locations across the headlands of Port Arlington and St Leonards (Fig. 2) and stored in clear zip-lock bags. Samples were retrieved from exposures and sections along low cliffed shorelines and one low elevation intertidal clay-pan. Locations and sampling design aimed to produce representative examples of sediments in the complex weathered geology and regolith of Bellarine shorelines, which are actively eroding and releasing sediments into the near shore zone.  SPA1-5 and 12-15 were collected from eroding cliff sections.  SPA 6 and 7 were collected from an intertidal weathered outcrop.  SPA 8, 9 and 10 were collected from Edwards Point, where a salt-pan and mudflat are situated. This site was chosen and sampled as an example of a sediment sink where fine clay-silts have settled from an intertidal water column 4 �behind a bay bar sand barrier. These provide a first-order proxy for sediments/clay mineralogies likely to deposit out of the Port Phillip Bay water column.  SPA11 was sampled from St Leonards Beach, seaward of the adjacent mudflat at Edwards Point. Methods Analysed sediment from Set A was carefully removed from cores in order to avoid contamination of clay-rich deposits with overlying loose marine sediment. Analysed sediment from Set B was sampled at 2cm intervals in order to collect a representative sample of surface and underlying sediments on the sea floor. Therefore, XRD analysis on all Set B samples (except CLI2-0004 and CLI2-0010) Fig. 2 Locations of SPA1-15 sediment samples surrounding Port Phillip Bay. (Google Earth, 2013) was conducted twice per core and conducted on all aspects of the sample, including miscellaneous marine sediment. Analysed sediment from Set C was prepared in order to produce an accurate representation of coastal landscape formations. All remaining sediment from Sets A, B and C were retained in separate storage containers at the RSES, ANU. All sample sets were prepared and analysed using powder XRD and clay separation methods. Powder XRD was carried out with a SIEMENS D501 BraggBrentano diffractometer equipped with a graphite monochromator and scintillation detector, using Cu K-alpha radiation. Bulk samples were milled for 10 min in ethanol with a McCrone Micronizing Mill, and dried at 40°C. Samples were suspended on a side-packed sample holder and analysed from 2 to 70° 2-theta, at a step width of 0.02° 5 �and a scan speed of 1° per minute. Clay separation was performed by the settling method and samples prepared according to the Millipore Filter Transfer Method (Moore and Reynolds, 1997). Clay samples were analysed after Mg-saturation (scan range 242° 2theta, step width 0.02°, scan speed 1°/min), saturation with ethylene glycol (2-32°, 0.02°, 1°/min), and heating to 350°C (2-28°, 0.02°, 1°/min) and to 550°C (2-28°, 0.02°, 1°/min). Results were interpreted using the Bruker AXS software package Diffracplus Eva 10 (2003) for identification, and Siroquant V3 for quantification (using the bulk scan). Results Results are shown in Tables 1, 2 and 3 and Fig. 3. Table 1 represents results from Set A, collected from within the wreck. Table 2 represents results from Set B, collected from the sea floor surrounding the wreck site. Table 3 represents results from Set C, collected from surrounding coastal geologies in Port Phillip Bay. Fig. 3 illustrates variations in mineralogical compositions in Sets A and B, specifically with regards to kaolinite, plagioclase and clinopyroxene quantities. Small quantities of vermiculite were present throughout all sample sets: Set A contained an average of 0.50 ± 0.03%, one sample in Set B contained 0.4% vermiculite and three samples in Set C contained traces of the mineral (SPA5, 0.1%, SPA7, 0.4% and SPA 14, Fig. 3 Mineralogical percentages of kaolinite, plagioclase and 0.6%). Calcite and aragonite clinopyroxene in Sets A and B. (A. Zubrzycka) were not well represented in Set A, however CLI-0009, contained 5.1% calcite and 6.2% aragonite. Quartz, likely to be associated with loose sand particles from the surrounding seabed, was abundant in Sets A (Mean (M) = 29.9 ± 6.0%) and B (M = 27.5 ± 1.0%). Sets A and B contained halite that can be attributed to trace levels of salt water retained in samples during preparation. Small quantities of illite/smectite were present in the 6 �majority of Set B samples (M = 0.4 ± 0.3%) while only one sample in Set A, CLI-0005, contained the clay mineral (5.6%). The presence of clinopyroxene was unique to Set A samples CI10008 (13.8%) and CLI10009 (7.7%), which were collected in direct association with clay-rich deposits in the wreck (Fig. 3). Large quantities of kaolinite were present in Set A (M = 43.7 ± 16.7%). In comparison, Set B samples were clay poor, containing only trace levels of kaolinite (M = 1.1 ± 0.2%) (Fig. 3). Plagioclase was present in both Set A and B with Set A containing an average of 6.8 ± 7.9% and Set B an average of 2.7 ± 0.5% (Fig. 3). Calcite and aragonite were found in abundance in Set B (M = 51.2 ± 2.5% and 13.5 ± 0.8%, respectively). All Set C samples, except SPA11 (beach sand), were clay rich and contained little to no traces of feldspars, such as plagioclase (0%) and K-feldspar, which was only present in SPA3 (1.8%). In comparison, Set A contained an average of 3.3 ± 2% K-feldspar. Only one sample in Set C, SPA10, contained aragonite (15.3%) probably associated with a midden deposit or activity associated with higher sea levels or storm surges. Clay fractions from SPA1 and 8 were dominated with illite/muscovite (27.4% and 32.9%, respectively). Clay fractions from SPA4 (74.3%), SPA5 (89.3%), SPA6 (85.6%) and SPA15 (87.8%) were dominated by kaolinite. SPA7 contained the largest quantity of kaolinite at 96.3%. Overall, the mean quantity of kaolinite within Set C was 40.1 ± 37.8% (as opposed to M = 43.7 ± 16.7% in Set A and 1.1 ± 0.2% in Set B). SPA2 was dominated by goethite (52.6%), which was not present in Set A or B. Set C contained a mean average of 24.8 ± 25.3% quartz. This average was reached by excluding SPA11, a sample of beach sand containing 97.7% quartz. Average quartz quantities in Set C including SPA11 is 29.7 ± 30.8%. Anatase was present in SPA4 (3.9%), SPA5 (4.6%), SPA6 (2.9%) and SPA 7 (2.7%), all collected from low lying cliff sections. Because a number of samples, especially those within data sets A and B contained halite and/or calcite inaccurate results relating to quantification of minerals and clays in the final stages of data analysis were present. In order to account for these irregularities total clays with and without these minerals have been included in all tables. 7 �Discussion The hypothesis that clay deposits accumulated in Clarence after becoming submerged in its present position as a result of slack water “fines settling” within the vessel is inconsistent with data accumulated from the XRD analysis of all samples. This can be observed by comparing mineralogical variability and clay quantities from all sample sets, especially those in Set A and B. Some of the most significant results came from samples CLI1-0008 and CLI1-0009, collected from clay-rich deposits thought to be ballast. These were the only collected and analysed samples to contain clinopyroxene. All samples in Set A contained high percentages of kaolinite, however, CLI1-0008 and 0009 contained significantly less kaolinite (21.1% in CLI1-0008 and 32.3% in CLI1-0009) than analysed samples collected from the wreck, which contained an average of 55.1 ± 6.5% kaolinite (Fig. 3). CLI1-0008 and 0009 also contained higher quantities of plagioclase and K-feldspar than other samples (see Table 1 and Fig. 3). Thus, clay-rich sediment, thought to be ballast, found near the schooner's ceiling planking contains a unique mineralogical composition compared to other sampled sediments within the wreck structure. The hypothesis that clay-rich sediments may have accumulated on the wreck over time, taking on the appearance of clay ballast, is also unlikely based on results from Set B. If clay rich sediments derived from the surrounding landscape had settled on the wreck via storm surges or tidal and current activity, it is likely that similar clay minerals would be present on the adjacent seabed. However, low quantities of kaolinite and a complete lack of clinopyroxene in Set B suggest that this is not the case (Fig. 3). XRD results from Set C also indicate that there is no mineralogical relationship between sediments collected from surrounding coastal geologies and clay-rich sediments found within the wreck. In regards to the stability of sediments within the wreck, comparing mineralogical data from sample Sets A and B indicates that bioturbation and damaging ocean currents have had minimal effect on what may be in situ clay sediments directly associated with the wreck. This can be observed via the presence of calcite in Set A where the mineral is only present in CLI-0009 (5.1%). However, biased sample 8 �preparation in the lab may be associated with this result, i.e. shell fragments and other material being removed from Set A and B samples prior to milling. Conclusion The wreck of the Clarence can provide researchers with valuable information on the history of shipbuilding and ballast use in Australia during the early to mid-19th Century. The location of the wreck also carries the potential to inform researchers of the detrimental effect environmental and anthropogenic activity may have on the survival of the Clarence and other wrecks in similar locations. The discovery of clay-rich sediment during the 2012 excavation gave researchers a unique opportunity to investigate both of these questions using identical methodologies. Results from XRD analysis successfully differentiated samples collected from the seabed adjacent to the wreck, clay-rich sediments collected within the wreck and sediment collected from the surrounding coastline. This suggests that clay-rich sediments are unlikely to have been transported to the wreck via factors such as storm surges or ocean currents carrying fine grained sediments from the adjacent coastline. Findings suggest that clay sediment within the Clarence shipwreck is likely to be clay ballast or another form of clay material, emplaced in the vessel at some point during its working life. Results were further emphasised due to the presence of clinopyroxene, plagioclase and kaolinite in samples directly associated with clay-rich deposits found near the hull of the vessel. The survival of clayrich sediment within the wreck suggests that although natural and anthropogenic activity can have a detrimental effect on the preservation of underwater cultural heritage, it is possible for archaeologically significant material to be well preserved within these contexts. In order to reach a more definitive conclusion on the likelihood that clay-rich deposits are indeed ballast, more data from Australian built wrecks and archival material is required. It is also suggested that further comparative analysis of clay-rich sediments found on the wreck and the surrounding landscape be undertaken using alternative analytical methods. 9 �References Cardno, 2011. Sediment Transport Modelling – Great Sands, Port Phillip. RM2271/LJ5518 Version 1.0. Report prepared for Port of Melbourne Corporation, 6 March 2011, Cardno Victoria Pty Ltd, Collingwood, Victoria. Coroneos, C., 1991. Historical Shipwreck, The Clarence (1841-1850) Conservation Plan. Unpublished report submitted to the Victoria Archaeological Survey, Melbourne, Victoria. Gesner, P., 1985. Clarence Report: Historical Documentation. Unpublished report submitted to the Victorian Archaeological Survey, Melbourne, Victoria. Harvey, P. 1986. A Pre-disturbance Survey of the Shipwreck Clarence in Port Phillip. Unpublished report submitted to the Victorian Archaeological Survey, Melbourne, Victoria. Harvey, P. 1989. Excavation of the Shipwreck Clarence: Port Phillip Bay, October 1987. Unpublished report submitted to the Victorian Archaeological Survey, Melbourne, Victoria. Kahle, M., Kleber, M. and Jahn, R., 2002. Review of XRD-based quantitative analyses of clay minerals in soils: The suitability of mineral intensity factors. Geoderma, Vol. 109 (3-4): 191-205. Moore D. M., and Reynolds, R. C., 1997. X-ray Diffraction and the Identification and Analysis of Clay Minerals. 2nd edition, Oxford University Press. Taylor, P., 2013. Shipwrecks: A Practical Guide to Research and Discovery. Scuttlebutt Press, Australia. Veth, P., Philippou, C., Richards, V., Staniforth, M., Rodrigues, J., Khan, A., Creagh, D., Viduka, A., Barham, A., MacLeod, I., and Harvey, P., 2013. The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project 2012: First report on the background, reburial and insitu preservation at the Clarence (1841-50). Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 37: 1-19. 10 �Biography Adele Zubrzycka is a Masters of Archaeological Science candidate at the Australian National University. Her Masters thesis examined built structures and material culture associated with the first Presbyterian mission station established in Vanuatu (1848). Her research interests lie in historical archaeology with an emphasis on the colonial period in South Asia, specifically the production and trade of indigo in India. Anthony Barham is a geoarchaeologist by training with a specific interest in landscape stratigraphy and archaeological site environments. His research spans Regolith and Soil Science, Quaternary Science and Archaeology. He has a long-standing interest in the Holocene geomorphological development and human occupation record of Australian tropical coastlines, especially regional syntheses of archaeological and palaeoenvironmental records in Torres Strait, and recently on the Kimberley coast of Western Australia (WA). Current research includes evaluating impacts of past tsunami events (and cyclone storm surges) in WA using archaeological data sets. Dr Ulrike Troitzsch is the X-ray Diffraction Laboratory Manager at the Australian National University, Canberra. Her thesis was based on the crystal structure and thermodynamic properties of titanite solid solution Ca(Ti,Al)(O,F)SiO4. Her research interests lie in experimental and metamorphic petrology, mineralogy, crystal chemistry, solid solutions, ceramics granites and migmatites crystal structure determination and refinement. 11 �CLI1-0005 CLI1-0006 CLI1-0007 CLI1-0008 CLI1-0009 Location Close to Near keelson, Centre ceiling stern end wreck planking near foremast stump of Close to Near ceiling ceiling planking, bow planking near end foremast stump Goodness of 2 fit X 3.16 3.80 3.31 4.09 3.55 Quartz 34.9 22.5 25.2 36.6 30.4 Plagioclase - 3.9 2.3 20.2 7.9 K-feldspar - 3.6 3.2 4.8 5.0 Halite 1.2 5.9 2.5 0.5 0.6 Calcite - - - - 5.1 Illite/smectite 5.6 - - - - Vermiculite - 0.2 0.7 0.6 0.8 Aragonite - - - - 6.2 Gypsum - - - - 2.1 Illite/muscovite 10.4 7.0 5.5 2.4 1.9 Kaolinite 47.9 56.9 60.6 21.1 32.3 Clinopyroxene - - - 13.8 7.7 Total 100 100 100 100 100 Total clay 63.9 64.1 66.8 24.1 35.0 Total clay w/out carbonates or halite 64.7 68.1 68.5 24.2 39.7 Minerals Table 1 CLI1 samples collected from the Clarence wreck site, April/May 2012. (A. Zubrzycka) 12 �CLI20001 0-2 cm CLI2CLI-0002 0001 2-4 cm CLI20003 0-2 cm CLI20003 2-4 cm CLI20004 CLI20010 Location Stern end, starboard side. Stern end, starboard side. Bow end, Stern starboard end, starboard side. side. Bow end, starboard side. Bow end, Bow end, port side. port side. Goodness of fit X2 2.76 2.55 2.52 2.43 2.47 2.29 2.38 Quartz 28.5 30.6 28.4 28.7 25.4 24.8 26.1 Plagioclase 2.5 3.0 3.8 2.7 2.3 2.7 2.2 Halite 1.3 0.6 1.2 1.0 1.6 0.9 1.1 Calcite 51.3 48.7 48.2 49.3 53.6 54.7 52.5 Dolomite 1.6 1.1 1.1 1.2 1.0 1.0 1.2 Aragonite 12.5 12.5 14.2 14.7 13.6 13.3 13.9 Vermiculite - 0.4 - - - - - Illite/muscovite 1.3 1.0 1.5 0.5 1.2 1.0 1.8 Illite/smectite - 1.0 0.5 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.3 Kaolinite 1.0 1.1 1.1 1.6 0.9 1.3 0.9 Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Total Clay 2.3 3.5 3.1 2.4 2.5 2.6 3.0 Total clay w/out carbonates and halite 6.9 9.4 8.8 7.1 8.3 8.6 9.6 Minerals Table 2 CLI2 samples collected from adjacent sea floor associated with the Clarence wreck site, April/May 2012. (A. Zubrzycka) 13 �SPA1 SPA2 SPA3 SPA4 SPA5 SPA6 SPA7 SPA8 SPA9 Goodness of fit X2 SPA1 SPA1 SPA1 SPA1 SPA1 SPA1 0 1 2 3 4 5 2.97 2.55 3.39 3.57 4.85 4.51 5.15 4.32 4.07 3.42 3.04 3.89 3.99 4.59 4.51 Minerals Quartz 44.1 28.1 64.9 - 0.5 0.3 - 14.9 13.9 25.9 97.7 74.4 55.4 17.6 8.4 K-feldspar - - - - - - - - - - - Goethite 10.7 52.6 - 1.6 3.4 7.4 - - - - - - 10.9 14.9 - Hematite - - - 14.8 3.1 - - - - 2.3 2.8 - - - Halite - - - 5.4 1.8 0.7 0.6 14.7 42.8 9.4 - - - - 1.9 Calcite 14.7 4.4 6.5 - - - - 1.8 - 11.0 - - - - - Aragonite - - - - - - - - - 15.8 - - - - - Gypsum - - 1.6 - - - - 1.3 3.7 1.5 - 1.1 0.7 - - Smectite - 9.6 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0.1 - 0.4 - - - - - - 0.6 - Vermiculite - - 1.8 - - Illite/ muscovite 27.4 3 20.8 - 0.30 - - 32.9 16.8 18.8 - - - 1.9 1.9 Illite/ smectite - - - - - - 17.5 10.6 7.5 - - - - Kaolinite 3.1 2.3 4.4 74.3 89.3 85.6 96.3 16.9 12.2 10.1 - 21.7 33.0 65.0 87.8 Anatase - - - 3.9 - Total 100 100 100 100 100 Total Clay 30.5 14.9 25.2 74.3 89.7 85.6 96.7 67.3 39.6 36.4 0.0 Total clay 35.8 15.6 27 w/out carbonates and halite 4.6 - 2.9 2.7 - - - - - - - 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 78.5 91.3 86.2 97.3 80.6 69.2 57.1 0.0 100 21.7 33.0 67.5 89.7 22.3 33.0 67.5 91.4 Table 3 SPA samples collected from geology surrounding Port Phillip Bay, March 2013. (A. Zubrzycka) 14 - � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Tracking environmental and historical footprints on Clarence: Comparative XRD analysis of clay-rich sediment samples from a 19th century wreck site in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria, Australia Description An account of the resource Little is known about shipbuilding in Australia in the early to mid 19th century. Under the Australian Research Council (ARC) funded Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) (www.ahspp.org.au), underwater excavations were carried out in April- May 2012 on the historic trading schooner Clarence, wrecked in shallow waters at Port Phillip Bay, Victoria in September 1850. During excavations, cores collected by lead investigator Peter Veth and principle investigator Vicki Richards were found to contain clay-rich sediment, thought to be ballast. This discovery stimulated investigations of the micro-sedimentary environments and taphonomy associated with the vessel, especially fine-grain sediment supply to the wreck and current and tidal influences on the stability of sediments lodged in and around the site. In order to address these questions, sediment samples were collected from the wreck, seabed and adjacent shorelines. Clay fractions were analysed at the Australian National University (ANU) using X-Ray Diffraction (XRD). Key objectives were to compare mineral signatures in the 'ballast' from clay-rich sources on the seabed and coastal foreshores possibly incorporated as the vessel foundered. Results successfully differentiate a) individual samples by seabed location and b) “ballast” samples in the wreck structure from sampled points around the wreck. The findings suggest that fine sediment within the Clarence shipwreck is likely to be clay ballast, emplaced at some point during the schooner's working life. The results also inform questions regarding the longer-term conservation of Clarence and similar wrecks located in Australian and Southeast Asian shallow-water settings. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Adele Zubrzycka Anthony J. Barham Ulrike Troitzsch, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade and Statecraft in the Age of Colas Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kenneth R. Hall Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Abhinav Publications Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Kenneth R. Hall Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980 Place New Delhi Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Abhinav Publications Title A name given to the resource Trade and Statecraft in the Age of Colas Southeast Asia Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Chandra, Moti Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Abhinav Publications Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Chandra, Moti Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 Place New Delhi Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Abhinav Publications Title A name given to the resource Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India India https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a5abc9ca81b4ad21cb6e9d761268bd5b.pdf 14e82aadf2c299c3d4c2e718fa36c821 PDF Text Text Trade in Ceramics on Guam in the Wake of the Manila Galleon Lon E. Bulgrin Archaeologist/Cultural Resources Manager Navy Base Guam Abstract Various colonial factors led to the Mariana Islands being one of the most economically isolated areas of the Pacific from the late 17th century until the late 18th century. This isolation is reflected in the dearth of artifacts of European and Asian origin in the archaeological record. Starting in the late 18th century rules on public trade were relaxed and outside goods became more readily available in the Marianas, if still uncommon. This paper considers the ceramic collection from the Rosario House located in Hagatna, Guam. The Rosario House has the largest data set of imported Euro-American and Asian historical artifacts that has been discovered in the Mariana Islands to date. The collection is dominated by Provincial Chinese porcelains and stonewares but also includes a sample of refined European earthenwares. Key words: Guam, Pacific Islands, Manila Galleon, Ceramics Introduction The Mariana Islands are some of the most geographically isolated islands in the Western Pacific. They lie on the western periphery of Oceania, located approximately 1200 miles southeast of Japan and 1500 miles east of the Philippines (Fig. 1). Spanish colonial policies of the late 17th century further isolated the Chamorro people of the Marianas from other indigenous polities in the Pacific. This solitude and segregation from the rest of Oceania would last through the late 19th century. This isolation extended to economic exchange even as they acted as a key nexus in the Manila Galleon trade. This paper will examine Guam’s place in world trade �at the end of the Manila Galleon trade through archaeologically recovered ceramics. Fig. 1: Map of the Mariana Islands. (Mike Carson) Historic Background Guam was the first landfall in the Pacific of an occupied island by Magellan and his exhausted scurvy-ridden crew in his quest to reach the Spice Islands. When Magellan and his crew made anchor on Guam on that first long trek across the Pacific they felt both saved and threatened in the initial lifesaving exchanges of food and water that were made with indigenous Chamorro inhabitants. The day after contact Magellan’s men launched an assault on a Chamorro village and burnt most of it down in the course of recovering a ships boat needed to sound future anchorages. Yet, at the same time that these Europeans were conducting a raid against one Chamorro village they were busy trading for fresh food and water with others. This ambiguity involving violence continued through the early Manila Galleon trade (Rogers 1995; Giraldez 2015). �For the next 150 years or so, the Mariana Islands were common stopping places on the southern leg of the Manila Galleon route to take on water, fruit, and fresh food. Trade was done at a distance with laughing Chamorros making sea-borne trades of rice and other victuals that often turned out to mostly consist of baskets of rocks and sand or coconut oil heavily diluted with seawater (Pigafetta 1521 and Legaspi 1564 in Barratt 2003: 56 and 61-62). The Chamorros had to maintain a safe distance from the Spanish ships or they might them find themselves impressed as involuntary translators for future voyages or worse yet working the pumps all the way to Manila in the stinking, over heated bilges of leaking galleons (Giraldez 2015:49). The Spanish mission and the colonization that rapidly followed in the Marianas were directly related to the glimpses of the islands from the passing galleons that inflamed the imaginations of various churchmen who saw them as fertile fields for the harvest of souls (Driver 1989). The Spanish crown showed initially little interest in acquiring a string of tiny islands without spice, textile, or mineral resources. Zealous religious first jumped ship to convert the Chamorro. After a campaign conducted by the politically connected Father San Vittores a Jesuit mission was established (McDonough 2004; Coomans 1997). The Marianas mission rapidly found itself embroiled in cultural and political conflict with local power structures and called for protection from the Crown (Lesveque 1995; Levesque 1996). However, the military companies sent for their protection were “like a rich armor worn in heat of day that scalds with safety” (Shakespeare Henry IV PtII.). The churchmen spent much of the next century or so complaining about the character and behavior of the troops and their captains. Still without the military presence the Catholic Church would have been unable to further their mission of conversion. The Spanish �controlled islands became safe harbors for galleons battered by typhoons or just poorly captained or incompetently crewed in the Acapulco crossing. These islands were also a welcome stop to take on fresh fruit and vegetables during the Manila crossing. Prior to European Contact the Chamorro people had maintained limited trading contact and social ties with the Caroline Island groups of Chuuk and Yap to the south and with the Philippines to the west (Farrell 2011:211; Quimby 2011). The punctuated natures of these trade ties are reflected in the sparse evidence of long distance trade in the archaeological record. Linguistic and historic accounts have been interpreted to represent a limited trade in iron with the Philippines (Quimby 2011) and perhaps iron fragments discovered at the Obyan latte site (Spoehr 1957) on Saipan may reflect a Pre-Contact trade in iron. Ethnohistoric evidence and historical accounts of the Carolinian contacts with the Marianas, however, are clear on the trade and interaction. The descendents of migrants from the outer islands of Yap and Chuuk make up a small but significant population of the Northern Mariana Islands and their relatives still visit Saipan using the traditional navigation chants to guide their way. At some time in the late 17th century the navigation routes disseminated and controlled by chants between the islands to the south to Guam were magically closed by the master navigators of the Carolines in response to stories of Spanish cruelty related by Guam Chamorros (Smith 2003:79; Farrell 2011:211). The Marianas were now isolated from their traditional Pacific trade partners. By the early 19th century Spanish policies of isolation, the Catholic mission, and the relentless hammering taken by the Chamorro people from introduced European and Asian diseases had eliminated the limited ties that once had bound them with their neighbors in the Pacific (Farrell �2011). The Spanish mission in the Marianas concentrated not only on the introduction of the Catholic faith but also inculcation and enforcement of European social and gender roles (Russell 1998). A primary goal was to eliminate the animistic beliefs and ancestor worship of the Chamorro. To this end, indigenous songs, dances, and oral histories were actively discouraged by the Jesuit Fathers. Indigenous knowledge systems that did not explicitly find favor with the Church rapidly eroded. Proprietary knowledge of all kinds was made vulnerable by the need to limit transmission to chosen heirs, the association with non-Catholic ancestors, and the unpredictable appearances of diseases that swept away the living repositories. Seafaring and navigational knowledge and expertise were heavily impacted by this social revolution. A people capable of making rapid voyages up and down the Marianas chain and of delivering passengers from Guam to Manila in 4 to 6 days as late as 1704 were barely capable of sailing beyond the northern tip of Guam by 1819 (Freycinet 2003, Originally 1827). The Spanish were interested in maintaining this isolation for geo-political as well as religious reasons, primarily to deny access to rival European powers. The Marianas were an important stop off point for the Manila galleons making their voyages between Manila and Acapulco, carrying New World silver in exchange for the spices, silks, and gold of Asia. The Pacific route of the galleons was composed of extremely empty distances with very few points where fresh water and food could be brought on board. The galleon routes could be approached by pirates from only a few points and the Spanish wanted to limit this. Denying access to the Marianas was a way to keep English and Dutch at bay. Accordingly the Spanish crown did not allow trade with foreign nationals in the Marianas. They maintained their own garrison and mission on Guam with an annual �situado or subsidy (Farrell 2011:192) that arrived on a very irregular basis. A series of venal governors usually managed to reacquire the majority or entirety of this subsidy before they were recalled, actively cheating their troops as well as the local subjects. The economies on the inhabited islands of Guam, Rota, and Saipan were subsistence based with limited internal trade and no outside trade to speak of. Local people saw little to no benefit from the galleon trade or the government (Rogers 1995). After the political unrest and revolutions in South and Central America starting in 1808, the Spanish money making machine, trading silver mined by encomienda labor in the New World for Asian gold and goods in the Philippines totally broke down (Giraldez 2015). The structural position of the Mariana Islands changed for the Spanish crown. No longer were the islands an essential supply stop and defensive shield for the Manila galleons located within a “Spanish lake”. Now they were at the ends of the earth, just beyond the Philippines, and a fiscal drain. Accordingly, the yearly situado, of New World silver, that provided payment for the Mission and the garrison was radically reduced (Rodgers 1995:93). Economically, changes had already been made in the trade policy in the Marianas before the revolutions. Governor Cerain, 1776-1786, had issued a proclamation allowing both internal trade as well as trade with passing ships. This was due to a deteriorating economy and the increase of foreign whaling vessels in the Pacific. The 19th century saw a slow opening and reintegration of the Marianas with the rest of the world. The Pacific whaling fleet composed primarily of U.S. and British vessels consistently wintered a few ships at Guam and Saipan. Sailors came ashore looking for leisure, fresh food, liquor and companionship, not necessarily in that order. The 19th century also saw a reappearance of Carolinians in the Marianas. The chief and master- �navigator Aghurubw reopened the navigational ways to the Marianas and led a fleet of canoes of Carolinean families north (Driver and Brunal-Perry 1996; Smith 2003). settle on Saipan. The governor of Guam gave them permission to More canoes would come north in the continuing decades and would help to spur interisland trade. The Marianas remained underdeveloped with land ownership becoming more concentrated in the hands of the Church and elite families (Rogers 1995:75). Many of the smaller landholding families slipped into debt peonage (Rogers 1995). During the stay over on Saipan and Guam, many whalers lodged with local families and presumably paid primarily in goods for room and board. The annual supply ship from the Philippines usually also wintered in the Marianas until the trade winds were steady. Some wealthy families also contracted with visiting ships to provide provisions. Providing fresh foods and salt meats would have required large land holdings so presumably only those families with significant crown grants would have been major players in the trade (Madrid 2006:14). Regardless of the participants this trade would have decreased, as the whaling fleets declined, through the mid to late 19th century (Rogers 1995:105). The lives of average Chamorro families were not much affected by these economic changes. They continued in their yearly rounds of religious festivals. They conducted small scale agriculture, fished and hunted, collected wild foods, and practiced limited animal husbandry. Most Chamorros retained two residences under the Spanish. During the week they lived on small farms called lancho and returned to their formal residence on the weekend to attend religious services (Madrid 2006:8; Rogers 1995). In 1898 the United States seized Guam during the Spanish American War. Following its defeat Spain sold the remainder of the archipelago, the �Northern Mariana Islands, to Germany. Japan seized the Northern Marianas from Germany in 1914 during World War I and Guam from the U.S, in 1941during World War II. The United States took Saipan, Tinian, and Guam in amphibious assaults in 1944 and retained the entire archipelago after WWII (Rogers 1995). Historical Archaeology and Rosario House Historical archaeological investigations into the Spanish Period in the Marianas have been limited. Almost all investigations have focused on the island of Guam where the vast majority of the population, the Catholic Mission, and colonial government were located. There are two principle challenges in conducting historical archaeology in the Mariana Islands. The first is the paucity of identifiable historic artifacts and the second is the direct involvement of the island chain in the ground combat of World War II. The paucity of identifiable historic artifacts is rooted in two separate factors. The primary factor is the economic isolation of the archipelago previously discussed. The second is the hostile preservation conditions. High heat and humidity, acidic soils and high levels of salt combined with termites, mildew, and periodic typhoons, rapidly decay most materials including metal. The effects of WWII can not be overemphasized in the historic archaeology of the Marianas. The majority of Saipan and Tinian and a significant portion of Guam were subjected to naval and aerial �bombardment and combat ground operations. More importantly, post battle cleanup and the WWII logistical buildup subjected huge portions of the islands to the not so tender mercy of the Seabees, who never did anything with hand tools when it could be done mechanically. Their “Can Do” spirit was a war winning attitude but it wreaked havoc on the archaeological sites of the Marianas. This damage was particularly acute because of the aforementioned lancho residence system. The three largest towns and commercial centers on Guam; Hagatna, Sumay, and Agat were destroyed and built over, as was Garapan, the largest town on Saipan. In the case of Hagatna significant portions were bulldozed into the sea to create additional land. Garapan also suffered extreme earthmoving. These actions eliminated most of the formal residences in the Marianas where imported materials were present for archaeologists to study. Asian and European artifacts have been discovered at former lancho sites but they are not common finds and they are present in low densities. The Rosario House (Fig. 2) is one of the few surviving Pre-WWII buildings and intact archaeological sites remaining in Hagatna on Guam. The site was investigated by archaeologists from Micronesian Archaeological Research Services in 1988 (Moore et.al. 1993). The largest historic ceramic collection discovered in the Marianas was recovered from these excavations. In 2009 the Guam Preservation Trust funded the cataloging of this important collection (Bulgrin 2010). �Fig. 2: The Rosario House. (Guam Preservation Trust) Stratigraphical interpretation of the excavations at the Rosario House indicates historical processes that caused disturbance and soil mixing in the areas tested. A leaching field and potential excavation for garbage disposal appear to have mixed PreContact and historical deposits. Laboratory analyses agreed with these interpretations. Uncertain contexts have limited chronological interpretations so the collection needs to be addressed as a totality. The Rosario House Ceramic Collection A large variety of European and Asian ceramics were recovered from the initial testing at the Rosario House. The vast majority of the ceramics dated from the late 18th century to the late 19th century. European ceramics made up 24% of the Rosario House collection and were dominated by wares manufactured in the United Kingdom. This is no surprise given the English domination of ceramic production at that time (Tames 1995:39). Asian ceramics present at Rosario House were manufactured in both China and Japan. The Chinese ceramics, porcelain and stoneware, composed 71% of the collection and tended to cluster in the late 18th to mid-19th century. Japanese porcelain and stoneware made �up the remaining 5% of the collection and dated from the late 19th century to the 20th century. Fig. 3: European Ceramics. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) European ceramics (Fig. 3) are uncommon finds on historic sites in the Marianas and the Rosario House is unique in the quantity and richness of their discovery. European refined earthen wares present were produced for food service or hygienic purposes. The more utilitarian earthenwares of the time produced for food preparation and storage such as yellow ware, Rockingham glazed yellow wares, and annular whitewares were present but in very low numbers. Decorated refined earthenwares predominated. Creamwares, pearlwares, whitewares, and a very few semi-porcelain sherds were recovered. The only wares that were not decorated were the creamwares and a single tin glazed earthenware sherd. These are presumably some of the earliest European ceramic type introduced into the Marianas (other than a very few majolica vessels, none of which were discovered at the Rosario House). Decoration ranges from inexpensive shell edged wares �and sponge stamped wares to transfer prints. Transferprints were recovered in all colors produced, but blue was the most common. Plates and large serving or hygienic vessels predominated as vessel forms with cups and bowls making up the majority of the rest of the collection. Unusual vessel types include an open vegetable dish, a chamber pot or spittoon, a child’s chamber pot, a possible candlestick and a teapot. Importantly, none of the recovered ceramics matched any other within the collection and it appears that they were acquired individually. Two unusual finds include a copper luster sherd and a fragment of an animal figurine. Chinese porcelains and stonewares made up by far the largest proportion of the ceramics collected from excavations at Rosario House. This study does not address the large quantity of utilitarian stoneware recovered at the site. Asian stoneware jars of various makes and national origins were ubiquitous in trade within Southeast Asia and the Manila Galleons, being the shipping containers of their day. Almost all of the Chinese porcelain (Fig. 4) present was of the type commonly referred to as Provincial ware whose production was centered in Fujian province (Macintosh 1977; Sheaf and Kilburn 1988). These wares were produced for Asian tastes rather than European and are of a different quality and aesthetic to the porcelain exported to the West. Porcelain bodies were a uniform light grey. Glazes ranged from pale blue through pale grey for most sherds. More unusual glaze tints included pale greenish grey and pale cream colored. Most vessels were decorated with blue underglaze handpainting but there are examples of underglaze block printing and overglaze hand painting as well. Unglazed rings on both the interior and exterior are another common technique present. Unglazed footrings and sand adhesions are also common. Several sherds were �clearly of inferior production runs as they appeared to be over oxidized perhaps due to an early opening of the kiln. Fig. 4: Chinese Porcelain. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) A small number of porcelain sherds were clearly produced for the European export trade based on quality, form, and painting style. One sherd has characteristics of early 19th century English porcelain and another higher quality painted sherd has an Empire Shape lobed body (Berthoud 1990:105). Many porcelain sherds from Rosario House are identical to ceramics recovered from the wreck of the Junk Tek Sing that sank in 1822 (Pickford and Hatcher 2000). These include motifs such as stylized peach sprays, stylized Sanskrit printing, floral sprays, and lingzhi fungus and flower heads within a spiral or bloom. Koh (2013) has identified the majority of the porcelain from the Tek Sing as Dehua Blue and White. Dehua blue and white porcelains were a lesser quality ware that was principally marketed to Southeast Asia. Koh (2013) has also proposed that the Tek Sing cargo serves as a reference collection for the late �Qianlong/Daoguang period (late 18th century – 1850). Nevertheless, the variety of glazes present and different painting techniques and quality among the porcelain collection make it unlikely that all of the collection is the product of the Dehua kilns. Porcelain vessel types are overwhelmingly for food service, predominantly bowls and cups. The general impression from working with the collection is that sets of bowls and cups are present at the site but this can not be stated with certainty due to the small size of most of the sherds recovered and the few cross mends that could be made. A number of sherds from small plates with a dark blue edge with lotus blossoms was found in two of the excavation units and were almost certainly a set. Similar decorated plates are dated from 1825-1850 (Mudge 1986:182). Block printed “debased Sanskrit” pattern bowls are another possible set present in the assemblage. The availability of these as sets is reinforced by block printed “Sanskrit” bowl sherds recovered from excavations at the Governor’s palace at Hagatna (Schuetz 2007:139). Fig. 5: Chinese Stoneware. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) �Chinese stoneware (Fig. 5) makes up a small proportion of the Rosario House collection. Two distinct types are present in the collection. The first type has a buff body and cream colored glaze. Decoration consists of crimson overglaze painting. The second type has a body varying from grey to pale buff to pinkish buff, glazes ranging from pale greyish blue to cream, and underglaze blue painting. The ceramic collection from Rosario House seems to be a direct reflection of economic opportunities for an elite family on Guam. The earliest architectural remains at Rosario House date to approximately 1750 but there are no imported artifacts from that period. Upon legalization of private trade, foreign artifacts immediately appeared but in low quantities. With the advent of the whalers quantities increase and more varied goods are available. European ceramics appear to be individually acquired and may reflect lodging and board transactions for whaling crews. Chinese ceramics are available in greater quantity and possibly in sets. However, the porcelain’s quality is low and lower quality stoneware copies are sometimes substituted for porcelain vessels. Provincial porcelain is difficult to date, particularly as fragmented as it is in the Rosario House collection. However, the porcelain recovered from the Rosario House site is extremely similar in style to the cargo recovered from the Tek Sing wreck of 1822 (Pickford and Hatcher 2000). Logically the porcelain at both location dates to approximately the same date. Given that cargoes may have been assembled over time from wares in storage a time frame of the late 18th century – 1830s seems appropriate for the porcelain. Ceramics at Rosario House dating to the late 19th century and early 20th century are almost entirely Japanese stenciled porcelains. Two different ceramic types, Chinese Provisional porcelain and English refined earthenwares are predominant in the Rosario House collection. �Clearly these ceramics were manufactured in two different areas of the world under very different conditions and their distribution in tandem is unlikely. It is also interesting that European ceramics appear to have been acquired singly while Chinese ceramics were available in sets or small lots of similar decoration. These patterns indicate two different streams of availability. It is likely that the European ceramics were acquired in serial transactions with Euro-American sailors as payments for lodging, meals, or commodities such as dried meat, coffee or tobacco, that were locally available. Whaling ships may have carried ceramics as part of a suite of trade goods to reprovision and refit ships over the whaling voyage. It is possible that crews were able to draw from these against future wages for their needs or they may have brought their own trade goods in their sea chests against future need. Chinese porcelain availability in sets (Fig. 6) indicates a different kind and direction of trade. These were available for trade or purchase in bulk, if not necessarily on a regular basis. Provincial porcelain was produced for and marketed to the Southeast Asian market. It is unlikely that whaling ships would have chosen to load these ceramics in bulk at their home ports in New England or the United Kingdom when cheaper industrially produced English earthenwares were available. It is also unlikely that these ceramics are tied to the Manila Galleon. These porcelains would have been readily available in Manila but in order to be transported to Guam via the galleon trade they would have had to be trans-shipped through Acapulco and back to Guam. This is an unlikely scenario as separate taxes and fees would have had to be paid and the ceramics could have already been sold for a substantial profit in Mexico. In addition, the bulk of the Provincial porcelain in the Rosario collection postdates the �Manila Galleon. Therefore, it appears that these ceramics were being shipped directly from the Philippines to Guam, most likely by the annual supply ship or mail schooners. It is ironic that the demise of the galleon trade actually led to an increased availability of consumer goods on Guam. It is not clear whether this was speculative trade or orders put in by local consumers or retailers for delivery. Fig. 6: Porcelain Patterns. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) Conclusion Several preliminary conclusions on consumer choice can be made for the family that lived at the Rosario House given the caveats of limited sample size. The first is that the end of the galleon trade and the political turmoil of the South and Central American revolutions expanded the availability of foreign commodities on Guam. This supposes that other non-preserved commodities such as fabric that presumably made up the bulk of trade followed the pattern for ceramics. The second is that options on the products available were still limited. Large serving bowls and other serving vessels, and hygienic vessels such as ewers and basins and chamber �pots were probably only available when European or American ships were in port. This hypothesized punctuated availability likely extended to other commodities as well. Rarity and inherent fragility possibly indicate use of these vessels primarily for display and prestige purposes. In the case of imported ceramics, there was a preference for food service vessels such as cups, bowls and plates, over utilitarian vessels such as pans, mixing bowls, bottles, and jars. Presumably food storage and preparation functions were being taken up by more durable though heavier stonewares. In the case of European ceramics, there was a preference for decorated wares and this continued over time. This is in contrast to the general trend by European manufacturers of producing plainer, whiter vessels such as molded ironstones. There was also a preference for blue decorated wares over other colors. Finally, even when broken, imported ceramics retained some value as there are multiple examples of broken sherds rechipped into circular gaming or tally pieces. Hopefully, more archaeological testing will be conducted at the Rosario House in conjunction with planned rehabilitation and these hypotheses can be tested with additional data. (Please note that this research was conducted privately by the author under Guam Preservation Trust Grant GPTG-08-01 and does not represent the opinion or the policy of the U.S. Navy) References Barratt, G., 2003 The Chamorros of the Marianas Islands, Early European Records, 1521-1721. Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 10, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. Berthoud, M.,1990 A Compendium of British Cups. Micawber Publications: Shropshire. �Bulgrin, L., 2010 Catalog of the Non-Utilitarian Ceramics from the Rosario House Site, Hagatña, Guam. Report prepared under Guam Preservation Trust Grant GPTG-08-01 Coomans, P., 2000 1667-1673. 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Retrieved June 26, 2017, from http://kohantique.com/Dehua/dehua_blue_and_white.htm Levesque, R. (ed), 1995 History of Micronesia: Vol. 6 Revolts in the Marianas. Les Editions Levesque: Quebec. Levesque, R. (ed), 1996 History of Micronesia: Vol. 7: More Turmoil in the Marianas. Les Editions Levesque: Quebec. Macintosh, D., 1977 Charles Ltd: London. Chinese Blue and White Porcelain. David and �Madrid, C., 2006 Beyond Distances: Governance, Politics and Deportation in the Mariana Islands from 1870 to 1877. Northern Marianas Council for Humanities, Saipan. McDonough, J. A. S.J. (ed), 2004 The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis De San Vitores, S.J. MARC Monograph Series No. 3, Richard Flores Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam: Mangilao. Moore, D., J. Amesbury, R. Hunter-Anderson, and E. Wells, 1993 Archaeological Excavations at Rosario House, Agana, Guam. Report prepared for Tanaguchi-Ruth-Smith and Associates. Micronesian Archaeological Research Services: Mangilao Mudge, J., 1986 Chinese Export Porcelain in North America. Clarkson N. Potter Inc,: New York. Pickford, N. and M. Hatcher, 2000 The Legacy of the Tek Sing. Granta Editions: Cambridge. Quimby, F., 2011 The Hierro Commerce: Culture Contact, Appropriation and Colonial Entanglement in the Marianas, 1521–1668. Journal of Pacific History, Vol. 46, No. 1. Rogers, R., 1995 of Hawai’i: Honolulu. Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam. University Russell, S., 1998 Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands. Micronesian Archaeological Survey No.32, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade in Ceramics on Guam in the Wake of the Manila Galleon Description An account of the resource Various colonial factors led to the Mariana Islands being one of the most economically isolated areas of the Pacific from the late 17th century until the late 18th century. This isolation is reflected in the dearth of artifacts of European and Asian origin in the archaeological record. Starting in the late 18th century rules on public trade were relaxed and outside goods became more readily available in the Marianas, if still uncommon. This paper considers the ceramic collection from the Rosario House located in Hagatna, Guam. The Rosario House has the largest data set of imported Euro-American and Asian historical artifacts that has been discovered in the Mariana Islands to date. The collection is dominated by Provincial Chinese porcelains and stonewares but also includes a sample of refined European earthenwares. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lon E. Bulgrin Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Lon E. Bulgrin Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Relations between Bahrain and Iraq in the Middle Ages: A Commercial and Political Outline Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Abdel Jabbar Naji Abdullah bin Khalid al-Khalifa Michael Rice Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Kegan Paul Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1991 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author Abdel Jabbar Naji Editor Abdullah bin Khalid al-Khalifa Michael Rice Item Type Book Section Book Title Bahrain through the Ages: The History Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1991 Pages 423-44 Place London Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Kegan Paul Title A name given to the resource Trade Relations between Bahrain and Iraq in the Middle Ages: A Commercial and Political Outline