6 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/e5437f1323681fdd18f5a57a92a2ef56.pdf 02c8cd13e8024965162da571d520b67d PDF Text Text A Manila Galleon in Oregon: Results of the “Beeswax Wreck” Research Project Scott S. Williams Naga Research Group 1324 Eskridge Blvd SE Olympia, WA 98501 USA Email: Beeswax.wreck@gmail.com Abstract The results of a seven-year, multi-disciplinary investigation into the identity and origin of the “Beeswax Wreck” are discussed. The “Beeswax Wreck” is the name historically given to a 17th century source of marked beeswax blocks and candles found along beaches of the north Oregon coast. Artifact analysis, remote sensing, geoarchaeological investigations, and archival research indicate the Beeswax Wreck was an Acapulco-bound galleon that wrecked near Nehalem Bay prior to AD 1700, and is most likely the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos. The Santo Cristo de Burgos sailed from the Philippines on July 1st, 1693 and disappeared. No trace of the vessel was ever found despite years of searching by the Spanish in the islands of the west Pacific and along the Mexican coast. Keywords: Manila, Acapulco, Philippines, Beeswax, Porcelain, Geoarchaeology Introduction At the turn of the 19th century, the first Euro-American settlers in the Oregon Territory of the Pacific Northwest coast noted wreckage on the beach of the Nehalem Bay sandspit in what is now Tillamook County, Oregon (Fig. 1). The unknown ship was constructed of teak and carried a large cargo of beeswax in the form of large blocks and candles, which were strewn for miles over the spit and shores of the lower Nehalem Valley. The amount of beeswax scattered over the beach and lower valley was so great that mining the beeswax became a source of income for early settlers in the area. Both the “Beeswax Wreck” as it was called and its cargo were the topic of much speculation in the scientific and popular press throughout 19th and 20th centuries, because the ship 1 �wrecked at least a century prior to Euro-American settlement of the region and its large cargo of beeswax made its origin a mystery to the settlers. Since 2006, a volunteer group of professional archaeologists, historians, coastal geomorphologists, and interested community members, in coordination with Oregon State Parks and the Oregon State Archaeologist, have researched the origin and identity of the Beeswax Wreck. The goal of the research has been to locate wreck remains and confirm the identity of the vessel. Archaeological evidence indicates that Fig. 1 Portion of NOAA Chart 18520 showing the Beeswax Wreck Project Area. The Nehalem sand spit extends from the town of Manzanita to the river mouth, in the area marked “Nehalem Beach” on the chart. Short Sands Beach is the large cove at Cape Falcon. (NOAA Chart 18520) the Beeswax Wreck was a Manilla galleon en route to Acapulco, sailing or drifting north of the normal galleon trade route when it wrecked off Nehalem at 45 degrees north latitude. Based on stylistic analysis of design motifs on recovered sherds of the porcelain cargo that the ship carried, the vessel wrecked sometime between 1670 and 1700, during the reign of the Kangxi Emperor of the Qing Dynasty (Lally, 2008). Project Location and Environment Nehalem Bay is located on the Nehalem River in Tillamook County, northwest Oregon (Fig. 1). Nehalem Bay is protected by a 5-6 km long sand spit that varies in width from 0.5-1.0 km, extending south from Neahkanie Mountain. Neahkanie Mountain is a large headland that rises abruptly from the ocean to an elevation of 497 meters and marks the north limit of the Nehalem River watershed, the Manzanita dune field, and the Nehalem littoral cell (Peterson et al., 2011). The seaward side of Neahkanie Mountain presents sheer cliffs, broken by the large sandy cove known as Short Sands Beach and 2 �other, smaller coves and natural rock arches (Fig. 2). Today, Nehalem spit is vegetated with introduced non-native beach grass, shrubs and trees. The fore dune along the beach reaches 10-15 m in elevation. Prior to the mid 20th century, however, the Nehalem Spit was an active dune field with little to no vegetation and dune heights of 58 m (Cooper, 1958). Starting in the 1950’s, Oregon State Parks undertook an intensive program of planting non-native beach grass to stabilize the dunes for park development. Between the fore dune and a large sand ridge known as Cronins Point to the east lies a low-lying deflation basin. Prior to revegetation efforts and construction of the Nehalem Airstrip, this deflation basin often became a lake in winter and portions of it still pond water to this day. Historically, much of the wreck debris and beeswax was found in this area as windblown dunes migrated over the spit, alternately exposing and covering wreck materials. The introduced beach grass and other non-native vegetation has since stabilized the dunes, and wreck materials are now only found through chance excavations associated with development in the area (Peterson et al., 2011). Historical Accounts The Lewis and Clark expedition noted that the local Clatsop Indians brought beeswax to trade with the explorers when they were camped on the Columbia River in the winter of 1805-1806 (Moulton, 2003). The wreck itself was first recorded in 1813 by the fur trader Alexander Henry (Coues, 1897). Local Indians told Henry the wreckage and beeswax were from a large ship that had wrecked many years before the fur traders Fig. 2 Shoreline cliffs and offshore pinnacles, Neahkanie Mountain. Short Sands Beach is the large sandy beach in the left background; Neahkanie Mountain rises out of the picture to the right. View to northeast. (Richard Rogers, Beeswax Wreck Project). settled the area in 1811 (Coues, 1897: 768). The origin of the ship was a mystery, 3 �although Henry referred to the wreck as that of “the Spanish ship… cast away some years ago, and the crew all murdered by the natives” (Coues, 1897: 841). The wreck and the mystery of its beeswax cargo were written about extensively in newspapers and regional journals as settlement of the region increased in the latter half of the 19th century (cf. Giesecke, 2007; Williams, 2007, 2008). Popular novels were even written describing the supposed adventures of the wreck survivors (Rogers, 1898; 1929). When conditions were right and wreckage was exposed or beeswax was found, newspapers in Oregon and across the country carried stories about the wreck, speculating whether the beeswax was truly the cargo of a ship or a natural deposit of mineral wax (Cotton, 1915). Arguments over whether the material was beeswax cargo from a wrecked ship or petroleum wax seeping from underground continued through the early decades of the 20th century, and exploratory wells were drilled to locate the presumed vast fields of oil thought responsible for the wax. In the latter half of the 20th century archaeologists and historians became interested in the wreck (Gibbs, 1971; Marshall, 1984). Its origin and identity were the focus of several archaeological investigations (Woodward, 1986; Scheans and Stenger, 1990). Some investigators suggested the vessel may have been an Asian junk, a Portuguese merchant, or a Dutch or English pirate rather than a Manila galleon (Stenger, 2005; Woodward, 1986). Much of the accessible wreck material was collected by local residents and souvenir hunters in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and only small pieces of beeswax and sherds of late 17th century Chinese export porcelain and earthenware are rarely collected by beachcombers in the area today. The Beeswax Wreck Project The Beeswax Wreck Project is as an all-volunteer organization bringing together various professionals and community members interested in the Beeswax Wreck. The first phase of the project synthesized known historical and archaeological information pertaining to the wreck and prepared a research design to guide the project (Williams, 2007). Information on the wreck includes 19th and 20th centuries newspaper and journal articles; physical remains such as beeswax blocks and candles, ceramic sherds, and wooden artifacts in museums and private collections; and reports of previous 4 �archaeological and geotechnical investigations in the area. Evidence indicates that the Beeswax Wreck carried goods typically transported by Manila galleons, including Chinese export porcelain, earthenware dragon jars, and Philippine beeswax in large blocks marked with Spanish shipping symbols, material not normally transported on Asian junks. The quantity of the beeswax is a significant clue to the nationality of the vessel that wrecked. Historic accounts indicate that during the 19th century anywhere from 5 to 20 or more tons of beeswax was shipped from Nehalem to markets in Oregon, California, and Hawaii (Cotton, 1915). The volume of beeswax was so large that several 19th century observers assumed the source was natural petroleum wax, as they could not conceive of any “ancient” ship carrying so much beeswax, despite the shipping symbols carved into the beeswax blocks, the presence of candles with wicks, and even bees preserved in the wax. Radiocarbon dating of the beeswax and diagnostic Chinese porcelain associated with the wreck indicate the vessel sailed during the mid to late 17th century (Erlandson et al., 2001; Lally, 2008). In the comprehensive and detailed Spanish records of galleon sailings and losses, only two Acapulco-bound galleons went missing during that time: the Santo Cristo de Burgos, which disappeared in 1693, and the San Francisco Xavier, lost in 1705 (Blair and Robertson, 1909; Dahlgren, 1916; Levesque, 2002; Schurz, 1939). The San Francisco Xavier has been identified as the likely candidate for the Beeswax Wreck by previous researchers (Giesecke, 2007; Marshall, 1984). Our initial research focused on the San Francisco Xavier as the most likely vessel for the Beeswax Wreck for two reasons: 1) Schurz’s (1939) statement that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned and wrecked near the Marianas Islands, citing Hill’s (1928) account; and 2) a large tsunami struck the Oregon coast in 1700 AD, and we expected such an event would have obliterated evidence of Fig. 3 Remote sensing survey areas on Nehalem Spit and offshore. (Scott Williams, Beeswax Wreck Project) a vessel that wrecked prior to that year. 5 �Fieldwork began in 2007 with terrestrial magnetometer survey of the Nehalem spit, from the town of Manzanita to the river mouth during the lowest tide of the year. This survey covered the length of the spit, from the fore dune crest to the low tide level (Fig. 3), to determine if any ferrous objects such as cannons or anchors were present from a ship wrecked on the tsunami-eroded beach and covered by sand redeposited on the spit after the tsunami. Additional survey was done in the deflation basin near the airstrip, in areas reported to have contained wreckage into the 20th century (Giesecke, 2007). With no magnetic anomalies detected either along the shore or in the deflation basin, a limited marine survey was conducted just offshore and parallel to the spit, using a Zodiac and magnetometer. Several potential anomalies were located (Fig. 3), but deteriorating weather conditions prevented accurately locating the sites. Ground penetrating radar surveys were started in 2007 as well, to characterize the geomorphology of the spit and the effects of the tsunami (Peterson et al., 2011).Also in 2007 analysis was started on a large collection of porcelain sherds collected over the previous fifteen years by a resident beachcomber who recognized the sherds as potentially associated with the wreck. The dispersed pattern of these sherds in terrestrial sites suggests an offshore source is “feeding” a beach deposit at Neahkanie (Fig. 1), perhaps off the wreck. Further evidence of an offshore source is suggested by an area of the spit with tsunami deposits incorporating the porcelain sherds (Peterson et al., 2011), which limits the date of their arrival in the bay. Based on these factors, our focus shifted to the possibility of a pre-tsunami wreck, with lower hull deposits offshore and the historically described distribution of terrestrial wreck materials being the result of tsunami deposition. In 2008, a second magnetometer survey was conducted from the river mouth to Arch Cape, north of Neahkanie Mountain (Fig. 3). Weather and ocean conditions prevented diving on the magnetic anomalies identified during that survey. Analysis of the porcelain was completed that same year, confirming that the cargo represented Chinese export ware intended for the markets in New Spain, and dated to the period between 1670-1700 with 1690 AD as the mean manufacturing date (Lally, 2008; In Press). Geotechnical surveys continued through the summers of 2008 and 2009 (Peterson et al., 2011). A terrestrial magnetometer survey was conducted of Short Sands Beach in 2010 to determine if anchors or other large 6 �metallic artifacts might be present there (Fig. 4). None were found. Continued mapping of porcelain finds resulted in the identification of a likely search area for the offshore source (Fig. 4). In late 2011, a multi-beam sonar survey identified two potential wreck sites in the area. Dive surveys to examine the two sites were undertaken in the summer of 2012, but were limited due to adverse weather conditions. No wreck materials were found. Additional magnetometer and side scan sonar surveys were undertaken on the offshore anomalies in the summer of 2013. The surveys produced promising signals, but poor visibility, rough ocean conditions, and equipment issues limited our ability to finish Fig. 4 USGS 7.5 minute quad maps showing the Beeswax Wreck Project Area showing areas of remote sensing surveys by type. (Beeswax Wreck Project) the systematic survey and dive on the sites. No offshore wreck deposits were located before bad weather forced an end to the dive season. Discussion The Pacific Northwest is a tectonically active area that has undergone repeated megaearthquakes and associated subsidence-generated tsunamis, with the last major rupture in 1700 (Atwater, 2005; Peterson et al., 2011). Based on our analysis of the historical record along with recovered ceramic types and their association with dated tsunami deposits, we know that the Spanish vessel carrying these ceramics wrecked before the last sailing of the San Francisco Xavier. We now believe that the Beeswax Wreck is instead the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos, lost in 1693. Reports of its demise in the Marianas Islands are based on a fictional story first offered by Hill (1925; 1928) and then repeated by Schurz (1939) as fact. We propose that the 7 �following sequence of events distributed and then buried debris from a single galleon, which wrecked on pinnacle rocks or in shallow water offshore of Neahkanie Mountain prior to 1700 AD. After the vessel wrecked, the Cascadia earthquake of 1700produced a large tsunami that swept onshore wreck debris over the spit and into Nehalem Bay and the river channel, depositing material on inflow strandlines (Peterson et al., 2011). Heavy materials such as ballast, cannons and porcelain likely remained offshore where the galleon sank, while lighter materials such as timbers and beeswax floated south onto the spit. The returning tsunami wave deposited more material on the outflow strandlines, including debris described as the inland wreck and porcelain sherds found in the tsunami drape deposit. One section of superstructure, historically described as the offshore river-mouth wreck, lodged in the bar at the river mouth. Following interseismic rebound and uplift, the beach began recovery and sand washed into the ocean by the tsunami was redeposited on the beach, eventually burying wreck debris by the mid-1900s. The study by Peterson et al., (2011) showed that the spit did not subside or erode enough for a post-tsunami wreck (e.g., the San Francisco Xavier) to have been washed over the spit by normal ocean processes. Therefore, historical accounts of wreck materials in the back-dune basin of the spit and the lower reaches of the Nehalem valley indicate those materials had either washed into the back-dune area through nowburied channels, or were carried over the fore-dune by the tsunami wave. The GPR survey revealed that there were no relic river channels through the spit, and that the spit has been stable for at least the last 1000 years in terms of size, elevation, and river mouth location (Peterson et al., 2011). The only viable mechanism for ship timbers and beeswax to get over the fore dune and up the river valley is a tsunami cresting over the spit. To explain Schurz’s (1939) account that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned and sank near the Marianas Islands, we note that other sources (Blair and Robertson, 1909; Dahlgren, 1916) make no mention of any known wreckage or survivors from the Santo Cristo de Burgos, only that the ship disappeared without any knowledge of its fate. Schurz cited Hill (1928) as the source for his assertion the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned, yet Hill’s account is clearly apocryphal. Additional archival work in Seville in 8 �2012 located documents (Archivo de Indies, 1699) confirming that as of 1699 the Santo Cristo de Burgos was still missing, with no survivors and no wreckage having been found up to that date. In conclusion, the multi-year, multi-disciplinary research conducted on the Beeswax Wreck has resulted in the development of a working hypothesis on the identity of the vessel and potential locations where underwater wreck deposits are likely to be found. Archival research for the project has confirmed the total loss of the Santo Cristo de Burgos in 1693, and refutes the claims by Hill (1925; 1928) and Schurz (1939) that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned in the west Pacific. The research also revealed a number of sources that can be used to correlate future finds with archival records, including 998 pages of documents detailing the crew and construction details of the Santo Cristo de Burgos, and accounts of the 1692 aborted voyage and the refitting for the 1693 voyage. In the near future, as weather and funding allow, we plan to expand the survey area and conduct additional dive surveys on the targets identified in 2013. If we can confirm the identity of the Beeswax Wreck, we will likely solve the mystery of the fate of the Santo Cristo de Burgos, as well. Acknowledgments The Beeswax Wreck Project has been possible through the generous financial and technical support of Naga Research, Dr. Mitch Marken and the Nehalem Valley Historical Society. This paper has benefitted from the insight and research of Dr. Mitch Marken, Dr. Curt Peterson, Richard Rogers, and numerous others, although any errors or omissions are the sole responsibility of the author. The paper has greatly benefited by review of earlier drafts from Dr. Lance Wollwage and Craig Holstine. References Archivo de Indies., 1699. Letter dated 29 April 1699. Filipinas 26, R.7, N.27, Audiencia de Filipinas, Archivo General de Indias, Seville. Atwater, B., 2005. The Orphan Tsunami of 1700: Japanese clues to a Parent Earthquake in North America. U.S. Geological Survey Professional Paper 1707, University of Washington Press, Seattle. Blair, E., and Robertson, J., 1909. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803: Explorations by 9 �early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and their Peoples, their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European Nations to the beginning of the Nineteenth century / translated from the originals. A.H. Clark Co., Cleveland. Cooper, W., 1958. Coastal sand dunes of Oregon and Washington. Memoir Series of the Geological Society of America No. 72, Geological Society of America, Boulder. Cotton, S., 1915.Stories of Nehalem. M.A. Donohue and Company, Chicago. Coues, E., 1897. New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest: the Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry Fur Trader of the Northwest company and of David Thompson official Geographer and Explorer of the same company 1799-1814,Vol. II. Francis P. Harper, New York. Dahlgren, E., 1916. Were the Hawaiian Islands visited by the Spaniards before their discovery by Captain Cook in 1778? A contribution to the Geographical History of the North Pacific Ocean especially of the relations between America and Asia in the Spanish period. AMS Press, New York. Erlandson, J., Losey, R., and Peterson, N., 2001. Early Maritime contact on the Northern Oregon Coast: Some notes on the 17th Century Nehalem Beeswax Ship. In Jason Younker, Mark A. Tveskov, and David G. Lewis (Eds.), Changing Landscapes: “Telling our stories,” Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Coquille Cultural Preservation Conference, Coquille Indian Tribe, North Bend: 45-53. Gibbs, J., 1971. Disaster Log of Ships. Superior Publishing Company, Seattle. Giesecke, E., 2007. Beeswax, Teak and Castaways: Searching for Oregon’s lost Protohistoric Asian Ship. Nehalem Valley Historical Society, Manzanita. Hill, P., 1925. Romantic Episodes in Old Manila: Church and State in the Hands of a Merry Jester -Time. Sugar News Press, Manila. Hill, P., 1928. Romance and Adventure in Old Manila. Philippine Education Co., Manila. Lally, J., 2008. Analysis of the Chinese Blue and White Porcelain associated with the “Beeswax Wreck,” Nehalem, Oregon. Unpublished thesis, Department of Anthropology, Central Washington University. Ellensburg. Lally, J., In Press. Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain collection, Nehalem, 10 �Oregon, USA. Harvard-Yenching Institute, Cambridge. Lévesque, R., 2002. History of Micronesia, Vol. 20.Lévesque Publications, Québec. Marshall, D., 1984. Oregon Shipwrecks. Binford and Mort, Portland. Moulton, G., (Ed.), 2003.The Definitive Journals of Lewis & Clark, Vol. 9, John Ordway and Charles Floyd. U. of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Peterson, C., Williams, S., Cruikshank, K., and Dube, J., 2011. Geoarchaeology of the Nehalem Spit: Redistribution of Beeswax Galleon wreck debris by Cascadia Earthquake and Tsunami (~AD 1700), Oregon, USA. Geoarchaeology: An International Journal, Vol. 26 (2): 219-244. Rogers, T., 1898. Nehalem, A Story of the Pacific AD 1700. H. L. Heath, McMinnville, OR. Rogers, T., 1929. Beeswax and Gold: A story of the Pacific AD 1700. J. K. Gill, Portland. Scheans, D., and Stenger, A., 1990. Letter Report: 35-TI-1A and Related Porcelains. Ms. on file, Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem, OR Schurz, W., 1939.The Manila Galleon. E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., New York. Stenger, A., 2005. Physical evidence of shipwrecks on the Oregon Coast in Prehistory, Current Archaeological Happenings in Oregon (CAHO), Vol. 30 (1): 9-13. Williams, S., 2007. A Research design to conduct Archaeological Investigations at the site of the “Beeswax Wreck” of Nehalem Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. Manuscript on file at Oregon State Parks and Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem. Williams, S., 2008. Report on 2007 Fieldwork of the Beeswax Wreck Project, Nehalem Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. Manuscript on file at Oregon State Parks and Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem. Woodward, J., 1986. Prehistoric Shipwrecks on the Oregon Coast? Archaeological Evidence. Manuscript on file, Oregon State Historic Preservation Office., Salem. Biography Scott Williams received his Bachelor’s in Anthropology from the University of Hawaii in 1985 and his Master’s in Anthropology from Washington State University in 1989. He has conducted archaeological research throughout the Pacific Basin and in various Pacific Rim nations for government agencies, private consultants, and the Bishop Museum, Honolulu. He currently resides in Olympia, Washington, and is the Cultural Resources Program Manager for the Washington State Department of Transportation, 11 �overseeing the agency’s archaeology and history program. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Results of the "Beeswax Wreck" Research Project Description An account of the resource The results of a seven-year, multi-disciplinary investigation into the identity and origin of the “Beeswax Wreck” are discussed. The “Beeswax Wreck” is the name historically given to a 17th century source of marked beeswax blocks and candles found along beaches of the north Oregon coast. Artifact analysis, remote sensing, geoarchaeological investigations, and archival research indicate the Beeswax Wreck was an Acapulco-bound galleon that wrecked near Nehalem Bay prior to AD 1700, and is most likely the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos. The Santo Cristo de Burgos sailed from the Philippines on July 1st, 1693 and disappeared. No trace of the vessel was ever found despite years of searching by the Spanish in the islands of the west Pacific and along the Mexican coast. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Scott S. Williams, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/30555d26a7f90eef1e67f92fdb2e8ddb.pdf 9f849186d9f22f7904f4e4b483be583f PDF Text Text An Ethno-archaeological perspective of Maritime Cultural interaction between Southeast China and the West world during the 16th and 17th centuries Chunming Wu The Center of Maritime Archaeology Research, Xiamen University, China Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, USA E-mail: chunmingwu@fas.harvard.edu Abstract The Portuguese and Spanish navigation from Europe to East Asia and America opened the early globalization, one of the most important periods of cultural interaction in human history. The broad and deep maritime cultural exchange and conflict between Eastern Asia and the Western world resulted in this period after the arrival of the first European navigators. In the Southeast China region, a series of tangible and intangible cultural heritages as shipwreck with cargos’ content of different cultures, maritime trading remains, East-West mixed seaport building, and the exchange of agricultural goods have been identified and studied through archaeological and ethnographical methodology. The results show a significant cultural change in eastern Asia resulted from maritime cultural interaction and early globalization since the arrival of Spanish and Portugal ships to the region in the 16the and 17th centuries. Keywords: China, Spain, Portugal, Maritime Background: the early contact of Portuguese and Spanish with China The early contact between Portuguese and Chinese in the southeast coastal region of Guangdong, Fujian and Zhejiang was full of difficulties due to the policy of Ming Dynasty to ban commerce (Lin Rengchuan, 198: 32-50; Wu Chunming, 2003: 283-287) . After Vasco da Gama sailed pass the Cape of Good Hope好望角in 1498, Portugal quickly controlled the maritime trade of the Indian Ocean, replacing the Arabs. A series of Portuguese trading halls and military fortress were set up along the coasts of the Indian Ocean from 1501 to 1511, such as Cochin科钦, Cali Carter卡利卡特, Goa果阿, Colombo科伦坡, and Malacca马六甲. The Portuguese struggled to trade with the Ming Dynasty for all most a century. From 1515 to 1522, the governor of Malacca Jorge d'Alboquerque and F. P. de Andrade sent two ambassadors to the Ming court to no avail. They were relegated to desolate islands like Wuzhou浯屿 in Zhangzhou of Fujian, Shuangyu双屿 in Ningbo of Zhejiang where they traded with smugglers at risk of confronting imperial authority (Lin Rengchuan, 1987, P.131-175). The situation changed when the Portuguese were allowed to settle at Nakasaki长崎 (Japan) in 1543 and were permitted in 1557 to colonize Macau 澳门, which had connections to Manila马尼拉, 1 �Timor帝汶, Vietnam越南 and Siam暹罗. However, they were not permitted to dock in Canton (now Guangzhou广州) and Quanzhou泉州. The success of Portuguese colonies in Eastern Asia resulted in a long distance maritime trade route between Eastern Asia and Europe connecting Nagasaki, Macau, Malacca, Hormuz霍尔木兹海峡, Cape of Good Hope and Lisbon里斯本. The Spanish navigated to East Asia slightly later than the Portuguese, they arrived in East Asia from America and set up a permanent trading base in the Philippines. Their fleet tried to open another Europe-Asia maritime route across the Pacific between 1519 and 1522. During this period, the Portuguese Fernando de Magellan led a Spanish fleet that sailed across the Atlantic, and the Pacific to arrive in the Philippines. His ship sailed west to the Indian Ocean and back to Europe through the Cape of Good Hope and succeeded in the earliest circumnavigation of the world. This pan-Pacific experience set great benefit for the Spanish, but they met similar difficulties with the Ming ban. After their arrival in the Philippines, the Spanish took almost half a century to conquer the archipelago. They fought the Portuguese to control the Moluccas摩鹿加群岛 in 1529, they confronted Philippine aboriginals and established the pan-Pacific trade route to link Asia, America and Europe through the Manila Galleon马尼拉帆船 in 1565. They also sought to expand into Southeast China. Their requests to settle in Amoy (now Xiamen厦门) in 1574, and in Guangdong广东in 1598 were refused by the Ming Dynasty. In 1626, the Spanish fleet occupied Keelong鸡笼 in Taiwan from where they engaged in smuggling activities until they were defeated by Dutch colonists in 1642. After their unsuccessful colonizing experience in southeastern China, the Spanish carried out indirect maritime trade with Chinese merchants. The Spanish established the Manila Galleon, which sailed across the Pacific to Acapulco阿卡普尔科, the cargo was transferred to Veracruz维拉科鲁兹, and the goods were sailed to Europe. They developed a series of extension routes linking Manila to Amoy, Macau, Canton, Siam, Borneo婆罗洲 and other regional Eastern Asian seaports, connecting them with this early global maritime trade system. 2 �Shipwrecks and early international maritime trade in eastern Asia during 16 th and 17th centuries Although Spain and Portugal had to face the difficulties of the Ming ban, they nonetheless carried out trade with Southeast China. In the last 20 years, underwater archaeological investigation has yielded a series of shipwrecks dated to 16th to 18th centuries identified as the remains of private endeavors of maritime trade from Southeast China. (1) Nanao shipwreck The Nanao南澳 shipwreck is located at the south of Nanao Island (Sun Jian, 2012). The site was discovered in 30 m of water, and was surveyed and excavated in 2000-2013. The wooden wreck remains are 27 m by 7.8 m and had 23 compartments. The shape of hull was identified as local traditional shipbuilding technique of Fujian and Guangdong. More than 30,000 artifacts have been salvaged from the site, including export ceramics, bronze, iron, tin, stone, wooden, bone, lacquer, more than 10 species of vegetation dry food. These contents are dated to the late 16th century. 95% of the artifacts from the site are blue and white from the Zhangzhou and the Jingdezhen kilns. This blue and white porcelain are similar to Swatoware or Clark artifacts. The Zhangzhou kiln漳州窑 was located next to Wuyu (浯屿) and Moon seaport (月港), harbors famous for their smuggling activities. The Ming ban had forced private merchants to move away from local official harbors such as Canton and Quanzhou and carried out smuggling activities with the Portuguese and Spanish. They sailed out from Wuyu, Suangyu, Nanao or Zhangzhou Moon ports to meet European maritime traders at Macau, Malacca, Nagasaki and Manila. The Zhangzhou kiln which produced Clark ware had specialized in products for European consumption. Preliminary studies show that Clark ware from Nanao shipwreck share great similarities with material recovered from Portuguese, Spanish, and early Dutch shipwrecks like the San Diego and the San Felipe (Fujian Provincial Museum, 1997; Edward Von der Prrten, 2013). This appears to indicate that the Nanao wreck was involved in this type of illicit activities. Most of the content of Nanao was export goods, therefore the ship could have been in its outbound route. There does not seem to be European material on board, but there are artifacts of European influence (Fig.1). 3 �The presence of firearms in ships is probably of European influence, since pre-European era junks have not yielded this kind of material. (2) Donggu shipwreck Donggu冬古 is another island in the border region of south of Fujian province also involved in smuggling Fig.1: Iron Cannon from Nanao shipwreck. Its use in a activities during the Ming ban. The commercial ship points to European influence shipwreck was discovered in the small bay of Donggu, south of Dongshan, one of camp site of Zheng Chenggong troops during late Ming to early Qing Dynasty (Chen Liqun, 2001; Donggu Underwater Archaeology Team, 2003; Ao Jie and Zhao Jiabin, 2005; Li Bin and Sun Jian, 2005 ). The underwater survey and excavation on the site uncovered many artifacts as ceramic, bronze, iron, tin, stone and wooden. A coin with inscription of Yongli Tongbao 永历通宝was discovered, which had been casted and used during the regime of Zheng’s family in Taiwan and Fujian (1647-1683). Taking into account the weapons and armor found in the site, the boat could have been part of the military fleet of Zheng’s clan. The ceramic artifacts from the site include bowl, plate, dish and cup of blue and white porcelain, of which most are daily necessities. Most of this porcelain is from the local kilns of Zhangzhou, Dehua德化and others around Fujian. A few blue and white might be from the Izink kiln in Japan from the 17th century. This shows the close connection between Zheng’s clan with Japan (Li Jianan 2012). Some artifacts from the shipwreck are interesting for the understanding of maritime cultural contact between Zheng’s clan and European colonists. Many firearms including iron cannons and gunpowder have been identified as imitations from Portuguese or Spanish, some of clear Mediterranean or European influence (Fig.2). The arms trade of Zheng’s clan had been recorded in detail in European documents (William Campbell, 1903; Iwao Seiichi, 1959). The popularization of European firearms in China during 16th and 17th century could be a result of maritime cultural exchange. A bronze tobacco pipe 4 �from the site (Fig.2) –the oldest recorded in China– highlights this interaction, since tobacco originated from the Americas and was introduced in Asia by Europeans. (3) Other shipwrecks of 16-17 century in southeast China More than ten further wrecks from the 16th to 17th centuries have been identified in the seas of Southeast China. They are Baijiao 2白礁二号 and Longwenyu龙翁屿 (Zhao Jiabin and Wu Chunming, 2010), Laoniujiao老牛礁, Jiuliang九梁, Wanjiao 1 碗礁一号 (Zhou Chunshui 2013), Guangao 广澳, Baolinggang宝陵港 (Wu Chunming, 2003, P. 22-24), Yuzhuojiao 1玉琢礁一号, Langhuajiao 1浪花礁一号, Panshiyu 1盘石屿一号, Shiyu 3& 4石屿三号、四号, Huaguangjiao 4华光礁四号，in Xisha 西沙archipelagoes (Zhao Jiabin 2012), and etc. They were identified as the remains of local Junks. Fig. 2: Bronze Armor (left) and Bronze tobacco pipe (right) The Baijiao 2 shipwreck is located in Dinghai bay in the estuary of Minjiang. Dinghai had been the key fort defending the provincial capital Fuzhou in Ming and Ding dynasty. 5 �Most of the artifacts from the site are celadon and blue and white, these bowl, plate, pot were identified as products of Pingnan, Wuyishan, Pucheng in north of Fujian province, dated to middle of 17 century. Similar thing had been discovered in Akita, Aomori, Kumamoto counties of Japan, showing the possible maritime cultural contact in this region. Longwenyu locates 1000 m south of Baijiao 2. A Bronze cannon with inscription of “Guo Xing Fu” (国姓府) was collected from the site (Fig.3, left 1-2). The name Guo Xing is associated with Zheng (Chen Lijun, 2010). According to historical records, Zheng’s fleet sailed Dinghai bay in 1654-1657 and fought with the the Qing Dynasty (Yang Ying and Chen Bisheng, 1981,P. 7, 79, 138— 141, 158—160). The Guangao shipwreck is also related to Zheng’s family where the bronze seal of Zheng’s subordinate Zhongzhenbo and bronze canons with inscription of “Guo Xing Fu” were salvaged (Chen Lijun, 2010). (4) Private maritime business groups of Southeast China After the establishment of the Ming Dynasty in 1368, the Chinese empire carried out maritime tributary trade朝贡贸易 and enforced the Ming ban that forbade maritime commercial activities. From the Ming and beginning of the Qing Dynasty (1368-1683), maritime trade was controlled by the government. Nevertheless, private merchants counteracted the ban with illicit trade, though facing grave reprieves should they be found. The arrival of the Europeans encouraged and favored the development of these activities. They organized themselves in family groups and armed their junks with firearms in European style to fight the government’s fleet. They were names as pirates by the officials of the Ming Dynasty, and they kept close connections to Portuguese, Spanish and Dutch traders (Lin Rengchuan, 1987, P. 183-200, 204-208; Wu Chunming, 2003, P.283-287). According to historical documents, more than 15 different families took part in smuggling activities in the Southeastern coast of China in the Ming and Qing dynasties (Lin Rengchuan, P.85-130). Zheng’s family was the largest and strongest; they had been active in the eastern Asian sea between Fujian, Guangdong, Vietnam, Japan, Taiwan, and the Philippines. The first generation of this family is Zheng Zhilong 6 �(郑芝龙1604-1661) who was born in Shijin石井village in Fujian province. He was the adoptive son of a Portuguese wealthy business man in Macau. He migrated to Hirado平户in Japan and joined the local Chinese business family Li Dan李旦when he was eighteen years old (1622). Zheng Zhilong married a Japanese woman and strengthened his own maritime trading business with Portuguese, Spanish and Dutch traders. His son Zheng Chenggong (1624-1662) carried on and expanded this family business, controlling international maritime trade of eastern Asia for half century. Indeed, all of these private maritime business groups played a key important role in the process of cultural exchange between East Asia and western world when the Chinese government was absent from international trade. The shipwrecks as Nanao, Donggu and others appear to be the remains of these private endeavors. According to historical nautical guide’s Books as Sun Feng Xiang Song 顺风相送and Zhi Nan Zheng Fa指南正法 (Xiang Da, 1961) dated to late Ming and early Qing dynasties, these private merchants were concentrated on the Eastern and Southeastern Asian seas. Their smuggling routes connected the region with the outside world, to Europe and America. Maritime cultural heritages in Southeast China resulted from early globalization Apart from the shipwrecks, other factors attest to the cultural exchange that occurred from this early globalization, both tangible and intangible: architecture, maritime settlement pattern, plants, life style, trade, religion, culture, science, and so on. (1) European Architecture and change of settlement landscape of China The most significant cultural change after interaction of east and west in southeast China is the introduction of European-style architecture, which started with the Portuguese and Spanish. Their settlements in Macau, Wuyuan, Shuangyu and Keelong were rooted out by the official army of the Ming empire enforcing the Ming ban, except for Macau. But other buildings remain; in 2004, more than twelve European-style buildings were evaluated as UNESCO world heritage (Wang Guoqiang, 2004). The oldest European building in Macau is Sao Paulo Church which was built between 1555 and1562 by the Portuguese (Fig.4). St Dominic’s Church is another early building of Macau which was built in 1587 (Fig.5). Nossa Senhora da Guia church was built in 1622 at East Wangyang mount. The city library and town hall were built in 1656 and 1784, with the typical characteristic of 7 �Portuguese architecture. Further European influence from the 18 th and 20th century has conferred a distinctive Western landscape in many port cities in China, such as Amoy (Fig. 6). Fig.4: The front wall ruins of Sao Paulo Church of Macau (1595) The cultural dissemination of European architecture in the last 500 years has impacted local construction in Taiwan, south of Fujian, and east of Guangdong, which uses red brick of European influence. The red brick building in south of Fujian, east of Guangdong and Taiwan might have been the result of architecture cultural mix of east and west from the 16th century onwards. (2) Foreign plant species, change of agriculture and life-style The Portuguese and Spanish brought not only a large amount agricultural and industrial product as maritime cargo, but also introduced a series of foreign plant species directly or indirectly into China such as sweet potatoes, potatoes, corn, peppers, tomatoes, pumpkin, peanut, ipomoea, bitter and cigarette. This new products changed the Chinese agricultural system, the diet and their life style. 8 �Fig.5: St Dominic’s Church of Macau (1587) Fig. 6: The landscape of European architectures in Amoy, Fujian 9 �Fig. 7: The red brick house in South of Fujian Most of these foreign species were imported by the Portuguese and Spanish from South America to Southeast Asia (Philippines, Vietnam and Indonesia), and were introduced to China through maritime trade (Lin Rengchuan, 1987, P371-379). The name of sweet potato in China was Fan Shu (番薯) which means foreign (Fan) potato (Shu). It was first taken to Fujian and Guangdong in 1580, and then it spread to Zhejiang, Jiangsu, Sichuan, Guangxi, Jiangxi, Anhui, Hubei, Hunan, Shandong, Henan, Hebei, Shanxi and Guizhou in the beginning of Qing Dynasty. The corn was another important crop introduced in Fujian and Guangdong in the middle of the 16 th century. The peanut was introduced to Haicheng 海澄county in Fujian in the beginning of the 16th century. It then spread to Zhengjiang and beyond at the end of 16 th century. Potatoes, peppers, tomatoes, pumpkin, ipomoea, and bitter were also introduced to China in the middle and late 16th century. The cultivation of all of these foreign crops enriched the Chinese diet. Tobacco was introduced from America to the Philippines via the Manila Galleon in the middle of 16th century. It was taken into China through the Moon sea port in Fujian at the end of 16th century. It spread to Southwest China and beyond in the middle of 17 th century. (3) Christian missionaries and change of religion, culture and science of modern China There were two waves of Christian missionaries prior to the maritime arrival of the Europeans in the 16th century. The two waves arrived through the land Silk Road during the Tang (618-907) and Yuan (1271-1368) Dynasties, respectively called Jing Jiao景教 and Yelikewen Jiao (也里可温教). The arrival of Spanish and Portuguese brought about a 10 �third wave that arrived with the Portuguese and Spanish maritime expansion. Religious beliefs were accompanied by other European knowledge of science and culture that had a effect on Chinese socio-cultural life (Lin Rengchuan, 1987, P. 414-418). The Catholic Diocese of Macau was established in 1576, which was the first and most important missionary center in the Far East. Matteo Ricci利玛窦 and Jules Aleni 艾儒略 were two of the most famous and most productive missionaries in China during 16th and 17th centuries. Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) was the pioneer missionary of the Jesuits in China (Zhang Xiping, 2002). He arrived at Macau in 1582 and was permitted to go to Guangzhou and Zhaoqing in 1583. He stayed in Zhaoqing for 20 years and then went north to Nanchang, Nanjing, and finally he arrived in Beijing in 1600. He studied Chinese and preached in that language, and he also learned Chinese traditional literature and culture. He preached by way of "reconciliation strategy,” making friends with Chinese scholars and officials. Jules Aleni (1582-1649) was another great missionary of Catholicism who arrived in Macau in 1610 (Jules Aleni, 2011; Pan Feng Chuan, 2006). He was sent to Beijing, Shanghai, Yangzhou and other places to preach, and was active in Shaanxi, Shanxi, Hangzhou and Fuzhou. He had stayed in Fujian for 23 years and set up dozens of churches before he died in 1649. Soon after the works of these missionaries, Catholicism developed quickly in China. There were more than a hundred thousand Catholics in China in the middle of 17th century, many of whom were senior officials of the imperial court of the Ming Dynasty. The dissemination of Catholicism influenced Chinese religious life and philosophy, complying with the original Confucian and Buddhism. The introduction of new knowledge by missionaries also had great influence in China. Matteo Ricci was the most famous academic missionary in China, who specialized on western mathematics, surveying, geography, and surveying. He published more than 10 different Chinese books as 6 volumes Geometry Theory《 几何原本》 , 8 volumes Mathematics Compare of East and West《 同文算指》 , Survey and Cartography Theory《 测量法义》, Pythagorean Theorem《 勾股义》, Similarities and Differences of Measurement《 测量异同》， Principles of Astronomy《 乾坤体义》. These publications were co-authored by his students Li Zhizao 李之藻and Xu Guangqi 徐光启who 11 �had been senior officials of Ming Dynasty (Zhang Xiping, 2002). Other missionaries like Jules Aleni also contributed to the spread of knowledge (Jules Aleni, 2011; Pan Feng Chuan, 2006; Alexander Wylie, 2011). All of these works greatly promoted the development of modern science in China, the mutual understanding of East and West, and advance in the progress of China and eastern Asia. References: Lin Rengchuan, 1987, Mingmo Qingchu Siren Haishang Maiyi, Huadong Shifan Daxue Chubanshe. ( A Study on Private Maritime Trade in the End of Ming and Beginning Of Qing Dynasty, Eastern China Normal University Press, Shanghai) Wu Chunming, 2003, Huan Zhongguohai Chenchuan, Jiangxi Gaoxiao Chubanshe. (The Shipwreck in Seas Surrounding China——Preliminary Study on Ancient Chinese Junk, Navigation and its’ Cargo Economy, Jiangxi Higher Education Press, Nanchang.) Sun Jian, 2012, Guangdong Nanao Yihao Mingdai Chenchuan he Dongnan Diqu Haiwai Maoyi, in Wu Chunming edited, Haiyang Yichan Yu Kaogu, Kexue Chubanshe. (A preliminary research on the Nanao No.1 shipwreck in Guangdong Province and related oversea maritime trade of Ming Dynasty in southeastern China, in Wu Chunming edited, Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas Surrounding China, Science Press, Beijing.) Zhou Chunshui, 2012, Fujian Pingtan Yutou de Gudai Chenchuan, in Wu Chunming edited, Haiyang Yichan Yu Kaogu, Kexue Chubanshe.(The ancient shipwrecks from Yutou region in Pingtan county, Fujian province, in Wu Chunming edited, Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas Surrounding China, Science Press, Beijing.) Zhao Jiabin, 2012, 2009-2010 Xisha Shuixia Kaogu Xinshouhuo, in Wu Chunming edited, Haiyang Yichan Yu Kaogu, Kexue Chubanshe. (The new discovery of underwater archaeological investigation in Xisha islands region in 2009-2010, in Wu Chunming edited, Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas Surrounding China, Science Press, Beijing.) Li Jian, 2012, Luetan Woguo Chenchuan Yizhi Chushui Taociqi ji Xiangguan Wenti, in Wu Chunming edited, Haiyang Yichan Yu Kaogu, Kexue Chubanshe.(A general study on ceramics from shipwreck sites of China, in Wu Chunming edited, Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas Surrounding China, Science Press, Beijing.) 12 �Edward Von der Prrten,2013, Sixteenth-Century Manila Galleon Cargoes on the American West Coast and Kraak Plate Chronology, paper for “Early Navigation in the Asia-Pacific Region: A Maritime Archaeological Perspective”——An Academic Workshop at the Harvard-Yenching Institute ，June 21-23, 2013. Fujian Provincial Museum, 1997, Zhangzhou Yao, Fujian Renmin Chubanshe. (Zhangzhou Kiln, Fujian People Press, Fuzhou.) Chen Liqun, 2001, Dongshandao Donggu Chenchuan Yizhi Chutan, Fujian Wenbo. (A preliminary investigation on Donggu shipwreck in Dongshan island, Fujian Cultural Relics and Museology， No.1.) Donggu Underwater Archaeology Team, 2003, 2001 Niandu Dongshan Dongguwan Shuixia Kaogu Diaocha Baogao, Fujian Wenbo.(A underwater archaeological report of Donggu Bay in Dongshan in 2001, Fujian Cultural Relics and Museology, No.3) Ao Jie and Zhao Jiabin, 2005, 2004 Nian Dongshan Dongguwan Chenchuan Yizhi A-qu Fajue Jianbao, Fujian Wenbo. (A preliminary report of the excavation on region A of Donggu shipwreck site of Dongshan county in 2004, Fujian Cultural Relics and Museology, special issue) Li Bin and Sunjian, 2005, 2004 Nian Dongshan Dongguwan Chenchuan Yizhi B-qu Fajue Jianbao, Fujian Wenbo. (A preliminary report of the excavation on region B of Donggu shipwreck site of Dongshan county in 2004, Fujian Cultural Relics and Museology, special issue) Zhao Jiabin and Wu Chunming, 2010, Fujian Lianjiang Dinghaiwan Chenchuan Kaogu, Kexue Chubanshe. (The Shipwreck Archaeology of Dinghai Bay, Lianjiang County of Fujian, Science Press, Beijing) Chen Lijun, 2010, Minyue Yanhai Chutu “Guoxingfu” Ming Tongcong yu Zhengchenggong de Haiyang Huodong, in Dongnan Kaogu Yanjiu, Disiji, Xiamen Daxue Chubanshe. (A preliminary study on the bronze canons with inscription of “Guo Xing Fu” discovered in Fujian and Guangdong, in Wu Chunming edited, Archaeological Study on Southeast China, Vol.4, Xiamen University Press, Xiamen.) William Campbell, 1903, Formosa under the Dutch, Described from contemporary Records, Kegan Paul, Trench , Trubner, Lodon. 13 �Iwao Seiichi, 1959, Shiqi Shiji Taiwan Yingguo Maoyi Shiliao, Taiwan Yinhang. (Collection of Historical Data of Trade between Taiwan and England in 17 Century, Bank of Taiwan Press, Taipei ) Yang Ying and Chen Bisheng, 1981, Xianwang Shilu Jiaozhu, Fujian Renmin Chubanshe. (Notes and Explanation on the Record of Old King, Fujian People’s Press, Fuzhou.) Xiang Da, 1961, Liangzhong Haidao Zhenjing, Zhonghua Shuju. (Two Ancient Nautical Guides, Chinese Bookstore, Beijing. ) Wang Guoqiang edited in Chief, 2004, Aomen Lishi Wenhua Mingcheng Xueshu Yantaohui Lunwenji, Aomen Shehui Kexue Xuehui. (Papers Collection of Symposium on Macao Historical and Cultural City in 2004, Macau Society of Social Sciences .) Wang Zhijun, 2008, Jiyu Lulu Wenming he Hailu Wenming Shuangzhong Yingxiang de Minnan Hongzhuancuo, Jianzhushi. (A study of the resource of Red Brick House in South of Fujian on perspective of combination of mainland culture of maritime culture, Architect, No.1) Zhang Xiping, 2002, Limadou de Zhuzuo, Wenshi Zhishi.( An summary of academic works of Matteo Ricci, Literature and History Knowledge, No.12) Jules Aleni, 2011, Jules Aleni Hanwen Zhushu Quanji, Guuangxi Shifan Daxue Chubanshe. (Collections of Jules Aleni Chinese Academic Works, Guangxi Normal University Press, Guilin.) Pan Feng Chuan, 2006, Xilai Kongzi——Mingmo Yesu Huishi Jules Aleni Zaihua Shiji Kao.( Confucius from the West: The Jesuit, Guilio Aleni (1582-1649) in Late Ming China: A Biography, http://moon8512.blog.163.com/blog/static/158197322006112382444322/) Alexander Wylie edited, Ni Wenjun translated, 2011, 1867 Nian Yiqian Laihua Jidujiao Chuanjiaoshi Liechuan ji Zhuzuo Mulu, Guuangxi Shifan Daxue Chubanshe.(Memorials of Protestant missionaries to the Chinese : giving a list of their publications, and obituary notices of the deceased, Guangxi Normal University Press, Guilin.) 14 �Biography Wu Chunming is Professor of Archaeology and Museology, Department of History, Xiamen University. He is also Director of the Center for Maritime Archaeology and Director of the Anthropological Archaeology Laboratory Center at Xiamen University. His research focuses on archaeology and early aboriginal Yue ethnicities ( 百越), the history of Southeast China and the ethnology of minorities in Southern China, and maritime archaeology and cultural history in the seas surrounding China. 15 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Ethno-archaeological perspective of Maritime Cultural interaction between Southeast China and the West world during the 16th and 17th centuries Description An account of the resource The Portuguese and Spanish navigation from Europe to East Asia and America opened the early globalization, one of the most important periods of cultural interaction in human history. The broad and deep maritime cultural exchange and conflict between Eastern Asia and the Western world resulted in this period after the arrival of the first European navigators. In the Southeast China region, a series of tangible and intangible cultural heritages as shipwreck with cargos’ content of different cultures, maritime trading remains, East-West mixed seaport building, and the exchange of agricultural goods have been identified and studied through archaeological and ethnographical methodology. The results show a significant cultural change in eastern Asia resulted from maritime cultural interaction and early globalization since the arrival of Spanish and Portugal ships to the region in the 16the and 17th centuries. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Chunming Wu, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/db333a221a32866af0908e1f8529fbe5.pdf 2ce324676657651adfb93b7c0e6d837a PDF Text Text The construction of a simple sand dumping barge to aid reburial of a shipwreck site Jon Carpenter Western Australian Museum Department of Materials Conservation, Shipwreck Galleries, 45-47 Cliff St, Fremantle, WA, 6160, Australia E-mail: jon.carpenter@museum.wa.gov.au Jim Grehan and Jan Dols Marine Engineer volunteers c/o Department of Materials Conservation Shipwreck Galleries, 45-47 Cliff St Fremantle, WA, 6160, Australia Abstract A gradual and unremitting decrease in the level of the sand forming the seabed in which the wreck of the James Matthews (1841) lies buried (located in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia) became a cause for concern as progressive deterioration of the structures on the site was taking place. The situation led to the innovative use of linked medium density polyethylene Traffic Management Delineator barriers (Omni OB1800) to create a walled enclosure around the site into which sand could be reintroduced to bury exposed structures and prevent its subsequent dispersal, as would be the case if it were simply dumped over the wreck. The shallow, 2.5m depth of water over the wreck site restricted the possibility of delivering a substantial quantity of sand via a large vessel or barge. Commercial dredging and pumping of sand was also considered but financial constraints ultimately ruled out any of these options. The volume of sand required to fill the enclosed area was calculated to be 165 cubic metres. To improve the rate at which a reasonable amount of sand could be added to the enclosure a small budget ($2000 AUD) was provided by the Australian Historic Shipwreck Protection Project (AHSPP) for the Western Australian Museum’s team of retired, volunteer Marine Engineers to design and construct a 3m x 4m sand dumping barge. Costs incurred were mainly for the steel framework and floor components of the barge as they required materials of specific dimensions. A small boat winch and pulley were also specific purchases. Floatation was provided by fourteen steel drums (each 200 litre capacity), which were obtained gratis. Note no labour costs were incurred to construct the barge. 1 �Key words: barge, sand dumping, steel, construct, drums, reburial. Introduction The wreck of the James Matthews (1841) is located in shallow water close to Woodman Point in Cockburn Sound and not far from the Port of Fremantle in Western Australia (Henderson, 2009). At the time of discovery, in the early 1970’s, thesite was completely buried in sand except for one or two small concretions noticeable in the seagrass and a few pieces of scattered roofing slate that proved to be a part of the vessel’s cargo. Excavation of the wreck site, not long after it was found, was extensive and reburial with the dredged overburden undertaken but the level of sand coverage was not completely satisfactory. The loss of extensive areas of seagrass over the years, that in part, afforded some stability to the sands that buried the James Matthews, have prevented the natural build-up of sediment at the site. Over the last few years it has become apparent that structures on the wreck site are deteriorating as they have become progressively more exposed. The nearby activities (approximately 300 m away) of a dredging arm operating off the end of a reclaimer jetty, used to recover shell dredged further out to sea that is regularly dumped by barges, has created an extensive depression (12 m deep) in the seabed. This ‘hole’ and the associated barge channel leading to it have possibly contributed to a general decrease in the level of the nearby seabed, with its consequent impact on the wreck site, as sand in the vicinity gravitates towards these depressions. To rebury most of the exposed structure at the James Matthews site it was determined that a depth of at least 0.8 metres of sand was necessary. Sandtrapping mesh covers have been previously trialled with success on parts of the site but an assessment of the overall area to be covered and the elevation of the structures within it implied that mesh alone was unlikely to be appropriate for total 2 �reburial. The situation led to the innovative use of 36 linked Traffic Management Delineator barriers (Omni OB1800), made of medium density polyethylene, to create a walled enclosure around the site into which sand could be reintroduced to bury exposed structures and prevent its subsequent dispersal, as would be the case if it were simply dumped over the wreck. For more information about the James Matthews and the Australian Historic Shipwreck Protection Project readers are referred to the papers in these conference proceedings by Richards et al. (2014) and Shefi et al. (2014) Methodology The shallow 2.5 metre depth of water over the James Matthews wreck site restricted the possibility of delivering a substantial quantity of sand via a large vessel or barge. Commercial dredging and pumping of sand was also considered but financial constraints ultimately ruled out any of these options. The volume of sand required to fill the enclosed area to the recommended height of 0.8m was calculated to be 165 cubic metres. To improve the rate at which a reasonable amount of sand could be added to the enclosure a small budget ($2000 AUD) was provided Historic by the Australian Shipwreck Protection Project (AHSPP) for the Western Australian Museum’s team of retired, Engineers volunteer to Marine design and construct a 3 x 4 metre sand dumping barge (overall dimensions actually 3050mm x 3900mm). Costs incurred were mainly for the steel framework Fig. 1: The completed sand barge when first launched. (J. and floor components of the Carpenter). barge as they required materials of specific dimensions. A small boat winch and 3 �pulley were also specific purchases. Fourteen steel drums (each 200 litre capacity) were used in the construction, all of which were obtained gratis. Four drums were positioned vertically essentially halving the depth to which they would submerge and therefore halving their effective floatation capacity resulting in an overall buoyancy equivalent to twelve drums. Note no labour costs were incurred in the construction of the barge (Fig. 1). Construction and Operation. The sand barge proposal for the James Matthews reburial project started out with a basic sketch comprising a series of 200 litre drums, arranged in a rectangular formation, including a floor that incorporated two doors, a locking mechanism and a raised-frame structure from which to operate a pulley system for closing the doors after sand was discharged. It was initially envisaged that the ends of the drums would be simply welded together, as a cost saving measure, although this didn’t immediately address the issue of joining the drums at the barge corners. The museum’s team of volunteer Marine Engineers had the necessary skills and tools to construct the barge and would provide a free design process and labour. Construction was to be carried out using welded and bolted mild steel. Due to time constraints during its manufacture the non-galvanized metal parts of the barge were only painted with a corrosion inhibiting zinc undercoat. The engineers advised against direct end to end welding of the drums in favour of constructing a framework into which individual drums could be placed and replaced if no longer airtight. The dual doors were omitted in favour of a single central door. This was done to simplify its construction and operation but importantly to avoid the possibility of one door not operating in unison with the other and potentially resulting in the barge tipping over from the weight of the sand remaining on one side. 4 �The project began with the welded assembly of four individual outer frames made from angle iron (100mmx 100mm) designed to hold two horizontal drums on each of the fore and aft frames(1940 mm x 540 mm) and three horizontal drums and later two vertical drums on each side frame (3850 Fig. 2: The four outer frames with strapped drums installed. (J. mm x 540 mm). Flat steel Carpenter). retaining straps (50mmx3mm) were rolled to conform to the curvature of the drums and welded in place to fit across each frame. A detachable set of the curved straps, each with a screw threaded rod welded on the ends, were made to mate with corresponding holes to bolt the drums to the frame (Fig. 2). As the horizontal drums at the corners of the barge could not be joined easily it was decided to mount an extra drum vertically at each corner. This also presented a curved surface and therefore cleaner ‘entry’ to the sea when the barge would be under tow and added the equivalent of an extra two drums to the overall buoyancy. The vertical drums Fig. 3: The main frames and door in position in preparation to were mounted on extensions to install the floor sections either side (assembly is inverted). (J. Carpenter). the side frames, the base of the drum resting on a flat bar welded to form a triangle at each of the four corners. 5 �Each corner drum was secured by threaded rods (15mm diameter) bolted through the extended frame and through a steel cross-strap positioned on top of each drum. All other nuts/bolts used to assemble the barge were 10mm in diameter. At this stage the four main drum frames (sides and ends, with drums temporarily removed) were bolted to a welded rectangular-shaped central frame (1800mm x 2750mm), made from angle-iron(100mmx 100mm)that was to become the framework for the barge floor incorporating the door. The floor/door frame and frame of the actual door (800mm x 2750mm) were made from welded square section steel tube (75mm x 75mm). The open ends of the tube were fitted with cover plates and welded to be air-tight. To provide a strong floor and improve overall rigidity of the construction, steel ‘C’ section purlins (galvanized) were used (200mm x 75mm x 2mm). The purlins were cut into short lengths and the ends welded to each side of the frames and to each other. This further improved floor strength and the overall rigidity of the barge (Fig. 3). To prevent sand dropping through any small gaps between various spot welded areas of the floor and door they were filled with silicon gap filler. The larger gap in the floor along the hinged side of the door was covered with a strip of sheet rubber adhered with contact cement onto the fixed portion of the floor frame. The hinge for the door was made from a single length of steel rod (20mm diameter)mounted through drilled steel brackets welded alternately to the floor and door frames. This hinged shaft was prevented from sliding out of the brackets by securing it with locking pins incorporating washers to minimise rubbing and wear. The catches holding the door in the closed position operate by rotation of a second full length steel rod, mounted in similar drilled brackets, possessing three welded lugs that come to bear and hold against a flat overlapping steel lip welded along the closing side of the door. This lip laps over the adjacent floor frame and prevents the door from being raised above its fully-closed position. The lip also helps to prevent sand loaded into the barge from dropping through the clearance gap for the door. The door locking shaft is prevented from slipping out of its 6 �mounting brackets by the door locking lugs as each of the three lugs is rotated between two brackets welded to the floor frame. One end of the locking shaft has a right-angle lever welded to it that almost horizontally aligns with a welded ‘U’shaped bracket when the door is in the closed position. The ‘U’ bracket retains a steel ring of sufficient internal diameter for it to slide along the bracket and simultaneously over the door locking lever. This is achieved by applying downward hand-pressure on the lever to bring it into a parallel position with the bracket. Once released the lever locks the ring in place as it attempts to spring back to its former position. To open the door the ring is struck with a long-handled hammer until it drops off the lever (and is retained by the bracket) and the weight of sand on the barge floor forces the door to open. As the door drops down the actuating lever rapidly goes up in the opposite direction (Note this is a safety concern and the person releasing the lever must keep well clear of the lever and descending door). To raise the door and temporarily hold it closed, a small ratchet type boat winch with a stainless steel cable, attached by a shackle to the door, is mounted on a bracket attached to a tripod frame with a pulley wheel fitted to its apex. The ratchet system allows the winch to hold the door in the closed position in order for the lever locking ring to be re-engaged. The winch was inexpensive and its pulling capacity (500 kg) and gear ratio (3:1) more than sufficient to raise the door but it was not intended that it be used to hold the weight of a load of sand. Before the door is opened with a load of sand the winch ratchet must be disengaged to allow the winch to free-wheel and the cable to run out (Note this was a safety concern as the winch handle could not be detached and its rapid rotation seen as a potential risk to the operator who must keep well clear until the door is released and it has to be raised again). 7 �During the construction process the sheer weight of the main components of the sand barge (~700kg), particularly the central frame with its floor and door, presented handling issues both during its manufacture and its physical loading and unloading from the truck at the deployment area. Although it is possible to lift and carry parts of the barge separately albeit with 8 to 10personnel and then assemble it on-site, it is recommended that a truck with a HIAB crane be hired to load the barge in one piece onto the truck and then unload the barge directly into the water. This method of deployment was used when the sand barge was reassembled a second time to dump the remaining sand after the main fieldwork phase had concluded. Field Operation Fig. 4: Manoeuvring the loaded sand barge into position. (J. Carpenter). Initially, during the main fieldwork phase, the sand barge was physically handled as separate components as it was too wide to fit on the tray of the museum’s truck when fully assembled. The components were very heavy and required 8-10 personnel to manually lift and manoeuvre. The disassembled sand barge was delivered to a boat ramp where the barge was unloaded, the floor section placed on a four wheeled support frame, the remaining components bolted to it, the drums installed and the barge launched down the ramp restrained by a rope. The fourteen drums provided adequate buoyancy despite some initial concern that the weight of the overall framework and particularly the floor with its door was excessive. To minimise the possibility for metal fatigue and/or loosening of the retaining bolts, caused by any rocking motion of the corner drums when the barge was underway, 8 �a rope was secured around the drums to minimise any unwanted movement. A tow rope was attached to two shackles fixed near the corners of the bow and the barge towed to the sand loading area. Initially clean, washed proprietary sand was physically loaded into the barge via sand bags (maximum weight 20 kg) Fig. 5: The door opening to release a load of sand onto the directly from a nearby beach and James Matthews site inside the wall of barriers. (J. Carpenter). then subsequently from a larger boat moored adjacent to the wreck site. The loaded barge was not difficult to manoeuvre over the wreck site using a combination of small boats and ropes then, aided by snorkelers, it was easily moved into its final position for discharging the load of sand (1.0 - 1.5 ton) (Fig. 4). The hammering of the ring to release the door and its re-locking was performed by a snorkeler using the procedure described in the Construction and Operation section of this paper (Fig. 5). A second snorkeler disengaged the ratchet on the winch before the door was released and re-engaged the ratchet to close the door after all the sand was removed from the barge. As the single door is centrally Fig. 6: Snorkelers removing sand not directly released when Carpenter). 9 the door opened. (J. �located and it does not cover the entire floor a ledge of fixed floor (480 mm wide) on either side retained sand that snorkelers easily removed by hand (Fig. 6). At the end of the day the barge was left moored over the James Matthews site,, two solar cell charged lamps were attached as riding lights to warn fishers in small boats should they be travelling in the vicinity of the wreck at night. Conclusion In operation the sand barge performed very well. In the restrictive circumstances of budget constraints and the shallow water situation of the James Matthews wreck site the barge provided a means of delivering a reasonable quantity of sand with each load (1.0-1.5 ton). The overall amount of sand delivered to the site at this stage of the project is 20 m3 or 30 ton, which is the equivalent of about 5-10cm of sand coverage over the entire site. Obviously significantly more sand is required, however due to the sand barge’s robust construction an idea that was perhaps, initially, conceived as a basic and relatively cheap construction, to be used only once and then disposed of, is currently held in storage for future use. Acknowledgements The Marine Engineers team comprises of eight retired marine engineers and their manager, Richard Garcia. The two persons, Jim Grehan and Jan Doles, engaged full-time in the barge manufacture, are listed as main contributors to this paper. The additional contribution of the other team members, however small, is still considered significant and is hereby gratefully acknowledged. References Henderson, G., 2009. Redemption of a Slave Ship. The James Matthews. Western Australian Museum, Perth. Richards, V., MacLeod, I. and Veth, P., 2014. The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project – In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence (1850) and James Matthews (1841) shipwreck sites. In S. Tripati and V. 10 �Walker (Eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 12-16 May 2014, Honolulu, Hawaii, Hawaii. Shefi, D., Veth, P., Philippou, C., Rodrigues, J., Richards, V. and Harvey, P., 2014.The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project – interim progress report. In S. Tripati and V. Walker (Eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 12-16 May 2014, Honolulu, Hawaii, Hawaii. Biography Jon Carpenter is a conservator with 40 years of experience working principally with maritime archaeological materials at the Department of Materials Conservation, Western Australian Museum. The work performed is mainly with iron objects recovered from marine sites and he has conserved cannon from the earliest known shipwreck in Australia, the Trial (1622) and from HMS Sirius(1790), the Principle Escort of the First Fleet transporting colonists to Australia in 1788. As a diver and conservator operating in the field he conducts pre-disturbance assessments of shipwreck sites, including digital photography/video and on-site conservation of recovered artefact material. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The construction of a simple sand dumping barge to aid reburial of a shipwreck site Description An account of the resource A gradual and unremitting decrease in the level of the sand forming the seabed in which the wreck of the James Matthews (1841) lies buried (located in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia) became a cause for concern as progressive deterioration of the structures on the site was taking place. The situation led to the innovative use of linked medium density polyethylene Traffic Management Delineator barriers (Omni OB1800) to create a walled enclosure around the site into which sand could be reintroduced to bury exposed structures and prevent its subsequent dispersal, as would be the case if it were simply dumped over the wreck. The shallow, 2.5m depth of water over the wreck site restricted the possibility of delivering a substantial quantity of sand via a large vessel or barge. Commercial dredging and pumping of sand was also considered but financial constraints ultimately ruled out any of these options. The volume of sand required to fill the enclosed area was calculated to be 165 cubic metres. To improve the rate at which a reasonable amount of sand could be added to the enclosure a small budget ($2000 AUD) was provided by the Australian Historic Shipwreck Protection Project (AHSPP) for the Western Australian Museum’s team of retired, volunteer Marine Engineers to design and construct a 3m x 4m sand dumping barge. Costs incurred were mainly for the steel framework and floor components of the barge as they required materials of specific dimensions. A small boat winch and pulley were also specific purchases. Floatation was provided by fourteen steel drums (each 200 litre capacity), which were obtained gratis. Note no labour costs were incurred to construct the barge. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jon Carpenter Jim Grehan Jan Dols, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/be8aef3ec298a4f6a487287c3b42be54.pdf 5515c2008cdb6c76aa9a6ac22451bbd8 PDF Text Text Scientific analysis and conservation of porcelain recovered from the Nanhai I in the South China Sea Nai-sheng Li, Xing-linTian, Zhi-guo Zhang, Da-wa Sheng, and Jing-nan Du Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage 2 Gao Yuan Street Chao Yang District Beijing 100029 China Email: Lineas@126.com Abstract The Nanhai I is a merchant ship which sank in the South China Sea 800 years ago while transporting different kinds of precious porcelain and metal work. The Nanhai shipwreck is 30 m long wooden vessel lay in 25 m of water and was covered by fine sediment. Most of the porcelain artefacts are discs, bowls, vases and pots. Some of them were covered by thick encrustations. In this research, X-ray fluorescence energy dispersive X-ray (XRF-EDX) analysis and ion chromatography (IC) were employed to investigate the contaminants in these porcelains. Distilled water and alternating hot and cold cleaning were used to remove the harmful salts. Conductivity meter and ion chromatography were used to monitor the desalination processes. Based on these results, an appropriate method was selected to desalinate the porcelain from the Nanhai I shipwreck. Key words: Nanhai I shipwreck, Porcelain, Ion chromatography, XRF, EDX Introduction The Nanhai I was a Song Dynasty shipwreck located south of Dong Ping harbor, Yangjiang City, Guangdong Province, China. It was the first shipwreck excavated in China. The Nanhai I is 30.4 m long, 9.8 m wide and 4 m high (not including the mast) and has an estimated tonnage of 600. In 1987, a British marine exploration company found an ancient shipwreck from The Honorable East India Company, which was loaded with 6 cases of silver and 385.5 tons of fine ingots. In August 1987, the British Company applied to the State Administration of Cultural Heritage of China to salvage the shipwreck. Permission was granted and the salvage plan was carried out as a UKChina co-operative project. During this salvage project another ancient Chinese shipwreck site was located. It was named the Nanhai I. Since the discovery, the shipwreck site has been thoroughly investigated by underwater archaeologists. In 2007, 1 �the ship was successfully salvaged in strict accordance with underwater archaeology standards and placed in the “Crystal Palace” of the Maritime Silk-Road Museum of Guangdong. This work was innovative in the history of world underwater archaeology. According to the archaeological investigations conducted over the years and the results of two test excavations, the Nanhai I was loaded with 6000-8000 artefacts, the majority being porcelain. Most of the porcelain came from kilns in Zhejiang Longquan, Fujian Dehua and Jiangxi Jingdezhen. There were over 30 different kinds of porcelain identified; some of them could be classified as Country-level and secondary level based on their estimated value. Many examples had a strong Arabic style, which were identified as the “overseas processing orders” manufactured during the Song Dynasty. In addition, there were some gold items, lacquer-ware and metal artefacts on site. Some of the artefacts had suffered from prolonged seawater immersion and had been adversely affected by the calcareous cement formed by marine organisms and burial in the seabed for an extended period of time. These concretions incorporated many artefacts forming conglomerations of varying sizes (Wei, 2011). After excavation and recovery, due to changes in temperature and humidity, these concretions caused physical damage to the metal or porcelain artefacts incorporated in the conglomerations (Wei, 2012). Meanwhile, because of the high salt environment of the sea water, the porcelain contained high levels of salt. With changes in the local environment, dissolution and crystallization of the salts occurred causing spalling of the glazes. Therefore, it was extremely important that a procedure to safely extract the cultural relics from the concretions and desalinate the artefacts was found urgently. In this research, XRF-EDX analysis and IC were employed to investigate the contaminants in these porcelains. Based on the results from these analyses suitable chemicals were selected to remove the concretions. Distilled water and alternating hot and cold cleaning were used to remove the harmful salts. Conductivity meter and ion chromatographies were used to monitor the desalination processes. Based on these results, an appropriate method was selected to desalinate the porcelain from the Nanhai I shipwreck. 2 �Composition and soluble salt analysis Samples description Ten pieces of porcelain recovered from the Nanhai I were selected for the test analyses. The fragments chosen represent porcelain manufactured at the Jingdezhen Hutian, Dehua, Yaozhou and Cizao kilns from the Southern Song Dynasty and include bluish white porcelain, celadon, brown porcelain and many other varieties (Fig. 1 and Table 1). Instruments and Testing Prior to the desalination experiments, XRF-EDX and IC were used to characterize the chemical elements and ion concentrations in the porcelain samples recovered from the Nanhai I shipwreck. The conductivity meter and IC were used to monitor the desalination process. Constituent testing– XRF-EDX SHIMADZU EDX-800HS, XRF, Rhodium target (Rh), voltage: Ti-U 50kV; Na-Sc 15kV, the analyses were performed under vacuum for 200 seconds. The results are shown in Table 2-1. Soluble salts testing – IC To extract the soluble salts from the ceramics, more than 5g of Fig. 1: Images of the ten porcelain samples recovered from the each sample, normally a powder, Nanhai I.: (L. Naisheng). was mixed with 50 ml of de- ionized water in a 50 ml volumetric flask for more than 24 hours. The chromatograms were recorded with a Shimadzu SCL-10A ion chromatograph. Anions were analysed using a Shim-pack IC-SA3 (G) pre-column, a Shim-pack IC-SA3 column and an Anion Cartridge Suppressor; cations were analysed using a Shim-pack IC-SC3 (G) precolumn, a Shim-pack IC-SC3 column and a Cation Cartridge Suppressor. A Shimadzu CDD-10Asp conductivity detector and a Shimadzu LC Solution workstation were also used. The volume introduced into the injection valve of the instrument was normally 100 3 �µl and the loop volume was 60 µl. Automatic Science Instrument (Tianjin) F filters (0.22 µm-13 mm) were used to remove solid particles. The results are listed in Table 2-2. Conductivity meter The conductivity meter was a portable HANNA HI8733 model, multi-range conductivity/TDS meter with a built-in temperature sensor connected to a HI76302W four ring conductivity electrode. The temperature coefficient compensation is 2.5%/°C and the results of the desalination experiments are shown in Table 2 and 3 and Figs 3 and 4. Desalination of the porcelain Desalination methods The extent of preservation and the composition of the porcelain must be taken into consideration when interpreting the results of the desalination experiments. The number of porcelain artefacts recovered from the Nanhai I was enormous and there were many intact, unbroken objects. So it was decided to experiment with two solutions: 1. a static de-ionized water infusion at room temperature (25°C) and 2 heat the static de-ionized water (50°C) to accelerate the desalination process. The porcelain samples NH1-NH5 were used in this first experiment to select the most appropriate desalination method. Two similar sized pieces of ceramic were cut off from each porcelain sample (NH1NH5) and weighed accurately. One sub-sample was placed in the static de-ionized water at room temperature (200ml) and the other sub-section placed in the heated deionized water solution (200ml). These latter sub-samples were heated in a water bath to 50°C for 8 hours each day and then allowed to stand static for the rest of the time (Fig. Fig. 2: The desalination experiments for the porcelain samples NH1-NH5.: (L. Naisheng). 4 �2). After 24 hours all solutions were changed. After each change the solutions was measured using the conductivity meter and ion chromatography for a total of 21 days. The solutions were heated for 8 hours every day for 21 days. The results of the desalination experiments for NH1-NH5 are shown in (Fig. 3). Fig. 3: The daily variation in conductivity of the Fig. 4: The weekly variation in conductivity (µS) of the desalination solution for NH1~NH5.: (L. desalination solutions for NH6-NH10.: (L. Naisheng). Naisheng). The static de-ionized water infusion method was used to desalinate the other five porcelain samples, NH6-NH10, however the desalination time was extended from 1 day to 1 week and the volume of water increased to 4L. The conductivity results are shown in Table 2 and 3 and (Fig. 4). Results and Discussion XRF Analyses Based on the XRF-EDX data in Table 2-1, the major elements in the surface of the recovered porcelain are SiO2 and Al2O3, which is similar to the chemical composition of common undegraded porcelain in China. However there are still some significant differences. For example, the CaO, Fe2O3 and SO3 content is higher in the glaze of the porcelain samples, NH2, NH3, NH10, while the SO3 content is higher in the body of 5 �sample NH2 than other samples. The reason for the increase in these elements may be due to prolonged immersion in seawater. IC Analyses Based on the IC results in Table 2-2, there are many soluble ions present in the porcelain samples. The major ions are chloride (Cl-), sulfate (SO42-), sodium (Na+), potassium (K+), magnesium (Mg2+) and calcium (Ca2+), which are present in the seawater. The total salt content of each sample ranged from 1,000 ppm to 8,000 ppm. Such high concentrations of soluble salts will tend to recrystallise during changes in the environment and cause damage to the glaze and body of the porcelain, so an appropriate method to remove the soluble salts from marine porcelain is extremely important. Desalination of samples NH1-NH5 Based on the results in Fig. 3, the static de-ionized water infusion method and the heating method to accelerate the desalination process are both very effective and the rates of desalination for both methods are similar. After two days, the conductivity curve of the soak solutions of NH1-NH5 decreased significantly, which means the soluble salts (NaCl, MgCl2, etc.) in the facial layers had been removed. However, after 14 days, the conductivity increased, which indicates that there was still some soluble salts present deeper within the body of the porcelain. After this time the conductivity decreased and plateaued again after approximately 21 days. These results indicate that for the alternating hot and cold water soaked samples, the conductivity of the soak solutions plateaued after 15 days with the average conductivity being under 1μS/cm. This means the samples had almost reached the desalination end point after this short time period (Naisheng, 2012). The total desalination time for the Nanhai I shipwreck porcelain samples (NH1-NH5) was 25-30 days for the heated desalination method and 50-60 days for the static de-ionized water infusion method. Desalination of samples NH6-NH10 Fig. 4 shows that after 9 weeks of soaking, the conductivity of the better preserved porcelain samples like NH6, NH7 and NH9 were steady and the average values were under 1μS/cm (Naisheng, 2012), indicating the desalination process had reached its end point. However, for the porcelain samples NH8 and NH10, the conductivity was still 6 �around 2μS/cm (Naisheng, 2012), which was slightly higher than the better preserved samples indicating that these samples were more degraded and had therefore not reached their desalination end point after 9 weeks of immersion due to a higher initial salt content. Based on the results of these desalination experiments the static deionized water infusion method is an effective and convenient desalination method for the Nanhai I porcelain, especially for the better preserved samples, which easily reached their desalination end point after 63 days. Conclusions Based on the results of the XRF-EDX, IC and conductivity tests on the Nanhai I porcelain samples, the conclusions are as follows: 1. Based on the XRF-EDX analysis data, the major elements in the surface of the recovered porcelain are SiO2 and Al2O3, which is similar to the chemical composition of common, undergraded porcelain in China while the concentrations of CaO, Fe2O3 and SO3 are high and maybe due to their prolonged immersion in seawater. 2. IC analysis data shows that the total salt content of each sample ranged from 1,000 ppm to 8,000 ppm, and the main ions present are Na+, K+, Mg2+, Ca2+, Cl- and SO42-. Such a high content of soluble-salts within the samples will cause damage to the glaze and body of the porcelain. 3. The results of the desalination experiments indicate that the static de-ionized water infusion method is an effective and convenient desalination method for porcelain recovered from the Nanhai I shipwreck, especially for better preserved porcelain. They easily reached their desalination end point after 63 days. Acknowledgements We are grateful for the samples offered by the Curator Huang Tiejian and the Director Lin Tang'ou of the Guangdong Maritime Silk-Road Museum for analysis. This research was sponsored by the Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage. References Naisheng, L., 2012. Scientific analysis and protection on ancient marine porcelains recovered from Huaguangjiao I in South China Sea. Science and Technological Research on Cultural Heritage, Vol. 8: 16-34. 7 �Wei, L., 2012. Research on the composition of the concretion encrusting on ancient marine iron. Science and Technological Research on Cultural Heritage, Vol. 8: 132-145. Wei, L., 2011. Scientific analysis of the concretion on ancient marine iron recovered from three shipwrecks in South China Sea. Journal of National Museum of Chinese History, Vol. 2: 148-151. Biography Naisheng Li received his PhD in 2006 from the USTC, Hefei, China. His research field comprises the analysis and conservation of museum objects and underwater cultural relics, such as porcelain, metals, stone, and wooden shipwrecks. Since 2006, he has worked as a conservation and research staff of ancient objects at the Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage (CACH) in Beijing. He is currently participating in designing the conservation of Nan Hai No.1 Shipwreck. Number Vessel shape bowl(mouth rim） Characteristics Grey porcelain body, celadon glaze, pattern on the surface. NH2 fragment Grey porcelain body, glaze spalling. NH3 fragment Grey porcelain body, brown glaze. NH4 fragment Grey porcelain body, glaze spalling. NH5 fragment White porcelain body, white glaze dish White porcelain body, green white cracked glaze; there is a pattern of hemerocallis on the inner part of the porcelain Pulverization on the body section; fragile, easily broken. NH7 plate（ bottom) White porcelain body, green white glaze; carving on the inner part of the porcelain; there are five nail marks on the inner bottom of the porcelain. Brown sediment on the porcelain body; the glaze is yellow and part of it has black deposits. NH8 bowl（ bottom) Grey porcelain body, green glaze; carving on the inner part of the porcelain. Better extent of preservation; part of the glaze has white deposits. NH9 bowl（ mouth rim） Grey body, green glaze; the space between the body and glaze is wider than others. Glaze corroded; part of the glaze has peeled off; part of the glaze has black and brown deposits NH10 jar（ belly） Grey body, no glaze on the inner part but brown colored; the surface has brown glaze. Body is weak and most of the glaze has peeled off. NH1 NH6 Description Body corroded, pulverized and loose. Body corroded, very porous; sediment on the porcelain. The body is weak; the surface of the glaze is bumpy; part of the glaze has peeled off. The body is weak; the entire glaze has peeled off. Better extent of preservation; black deposits on the surface. Table 1: Description of the ten porcelain samples recovered from the Nanhai I.: (L. Naisheng). 8 �Number Na2O MgO Al2O3 SiO2 P2O5 SO3 K2O CaO TiO2 MnO Fe2O3 ZnO NH1body 2.69 0.67 19.77 68.67 0.10 1.43 3.11 0.29 0.44 0.04 2.74 0.02 NH2body 0.58 0.27 19.24 67.16 0.11 6.12 3.15 0.95 0.07 0.15 2.13 0.02 NH3body 0.19 0.51 23.86 67.01 0.00 0.27 3.12 0.41 0.71 0.11 3.73 0.02 NH4body 0.54 0.71 23.59 68.01 0.00 0.11 2.73 0.26 0.72 0.04 3.19 0.02 NH5body 0.20 0.31 17.49 71.75 0.12 0.18 3.45 5.60 0.06 0.02 0.72 0.01 NH1glaze 0.25 1.64 13.07 60.84 1.39 0.30 2.59 16.14 0.34 1.42 1.94 0.03 NH2glaze 1.15 0.58 12.42 37.11 0.79 22.33 1.96 10.09 0.27 0.58 12.67 0.03 NH3glaze 0.49 3.35 13.14 47.59 2.79 0.40 3.23 19.89 0.51 2.12 6.42 0.06 NH4glaze 0.41 0.61 26.48 61.80 0.08 2.13 3.21 0.25 0.92 0.04 3.95 0.01 NH5glaze 0.65 0.54 0.21 0.11 2.88 12.78 0.05 0.10 1.24 0.03 0.87 2.02 3.10 0.07 0.80 2.23 0.45 1.69 1.23 2.04 0.86 15.46 65.92 NH6body 22.42 70.63 HH7body 23.11 73.40 NH8body 24.61 69.48 NH9body 23.61 71.79 NH10body 26.47 69.20 1.19 0.21 NH6glaze 20.64 66.47 2.56 0.29 2.33 6.89 NH7glaze 23.61 63.84 2.60 0.54 2.13 6.04 NH8glaze 19.62 63.55 3.67 0.50 2.12 8.57 0.17 NH9glaze 24.01 68.00 2.22 4.50 0.07 NH10glaze 19.50 52.53 5.24 1.48 1.90 12.07 0.86 0.73 0.22 0.07 1.77 0.13 1.52 0.69 2.20 0.06 0.68 0.07 0.95 0.29 1.39 0.02 0.48 0.64 0.01 0.26 6.19 0.04 Table 2-1: The XRF-EDX results for the porcelains recovered from the Nanhai I (wt%).: (L. Naisheng). Number Cl- SO42- Na+ K+ Mg2+ Ca2+ NH1 493.05 809.13 611.02 NH2 1870.53 631.03 3887.56 400.03 434.95 538.63 NH3 1018.16 237.82 1947.14 260.86 180.59 268.29 NH4 497.17 141.40 862.06 72.98 130.45 98.98 NH5 106.87 73.22 307.99 41.23 95.93 233.94 NH6 493.67 380.95 322.95 52.94 40.25 47.06 NH7 182.28 351.46 487.89 46.14 10.61 113.84 NH8 371.78 382.68 316.03 46.14 37.83 74.63 NH9 136.18 272.00 125.72 46.14 8.30 39.22 NH10 527.85 296.06 644.75 89.50 80.39 119.95 100.17 190.32 342.80 Table 2-2: The IC results for the porcelains recovered from the Nanhai I (µg/g).: (L. Naisheng). 9 �Number 7days 14days 21days 28days 35days 42days 49days 56days 63days NH6 38.71 6.07 1.83 0.53 0.6 0.18 0.15 1.44 0.7 NH7 15.71 0.35 0.08 0.24 0.34 0.09 0.11 0.33 0.73 NH8 29.98 9.25 8.01 7.43 4.36 2.96 2.79 2.94 2.17 NH9 12.84 2.21 3.16 0.32 3.38 2.03 1.64 0.67 0.43 NH10 251.6 14.13 9.21 4.84 4.85 3.51 3.18 0.8 1.07 Table 2-3: The weekly variation in conductivity of the desalination solutions for NH6-NH10 (µS/cm).: (L. Naisheng). 10 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Scientific analysis and conservation of porcelain recovered from the Nanhai I in the South China Sea Description An account of the resource The Nanhai I is a merchant ship which sank in the South China Sea 800 years ago while transporting different kinds of precious porcelain and metal work. The Nanhai shipwreck is 30 m long wooden vessel lay in 25 m of water and was covered by fine sediment. Most of the porcelain artefacts are discs, bowls, vases and pots. Some of them were covered by thick encrustations. In this research, X-ray fluorescence energy dispersive X-ray (XRF-EDX) analysis and ion chromatography (IC) were employed to investigate the contaminants in these porcelains. Distilled water and alternating hot and cold cleaning were used to remove the harmful salts. Conductivity meter and ion chromatography were used to monitor the desalination processes. Based on these results, an appropriate method was selected to desalinate the porcelain from the Nanhai I shipwreck. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nai-sheng Li Xing-linTian Zhi-guo Zhang Da-wa Sheng Jing-nan Du, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/c448dc07fc1e004f3e778774444ae52b.pdf 5a5baab2f4bff3476b0dbbb9ff0f13ec PDF Text Text The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project: In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence (1850) and James Matthews (1841)shipwreck sites Vicki Richards Department of Materials Conservation, Western Australian Museum Shipwreck Galleries, 45-47 Cliff St Fremantle, WA 6160 Australia Email: vicki.richards@museum.wa.gov.au Ian MacLeod Western Australian Maritime Museum, Peter Hughes Drive, Victoria Quay, Fremantle, WA 6160 Australia Peter Veth School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, The University of Western Australia, 35 Stirling Hwy Crawley, WA 6009 Australia 1 �Abstract Increasingly archaeologists are opting for on-site examination, reinterment and in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage sites as the first option in the management of sites at risk as opposed to the more traditional excavation, recovery, conservation and display/storage methods. This decision will inevitably be based on significance assessment, degree of perceived risk and resourcing issues. However, long-term monitoring must become an integral part of these management programmes in order to quantitatively evaluate the effectiveness of the in-situ preservation techniques employed. Absence of monitoring is equivalent to abrogation of responsible management and in some cases can be considered tantamount to cultural vandalism. In 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) commenced, having secured funding through a substantial Australian Research Council Linkage Grant with 10 Australian Partner Organisations and three universities. One of the major aims of the project is to develop a protocol for the excavation, detailed recording and reburial of significant shipwrecks under threat, fostering a strategic national approach for the management of underwater cultural heritage sites at risk. Two historically significant shipwreck sites were chosen for this longitudinal comparative study – the Clarence (1850) located in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia. Both sites have been preserved in situ using two very different but innovative remediation strategies. More importantly a long-term monitoring programme has been implemented which will characterise changes in the reburial environment and the effect on the reinterred materials. In this way, the efficacy of both in-situ preservation techniques will be systematically tested, providing a comparative analysis of practical protocols for the long-term protection and management of underwater archaeological resources. Key words: In-situ preservation, Underwater cultural heritage, Shipwrecks, monitoring, Conservation management Introduction The AHSPP is a national collaborative project funded by an ARC Linkage Grant which commenced in February 2012. With ten state, territory and federal Partner Organisations and three collaborating universities, this is the largest multi-government, 2 �multi-institutional maritime archaeological project ever initiated in Australia. The idea of a national collaborative research project arose from the 2008 review of the Australian Commonwealth Historic Shipwrecks Program (HSP). The report suggested that the HSP had not developed a maritime specific conservation management planning process for underwater cultural heritage (UCH) sites including nationally standardised processes and procedures, capacity for the excavation of UCH sites that are considered under threat and general guidelines for site management and in-situ preservation of UCH material. The ASHPP aims to address some of these issues by investigating and preserving in situ, in accordance with the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, the Clarence (1850) shipwreck located in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia. The Clarence was considered an ideal site for this project for a number of reasons. This early colonial Australian built vessel was test excavated and surveyed in the 1980s (Harvey, 1989), providing a baseline for ongoing longitudinal comparative research. The site is relatively small (16.5m length; 6.2m width) and easily accessible as it lies in 5m of water at a location close to the major population centre of Melbourne. The site is subject to continuing anchor damage by illegal recreational anglers as well as the natural impact of the strong currents experienced in Port Phillip Bay and is considered under serious threat. The ex-slaver turned colonial trading vessel, James Matthews was chosen as the second site. It is also relatively small (24m length; 6m width) and located 12km south of Fremantle, lying approximately 100m off shore in 23m of water. More importantly, it has been the subject of a long-term detailed in situ conservation management research programme with more than 10 years of accumulated data on the efficacy of three different experimental reburial strategies trialled on-site (Richards et al., 2009).The synergistic impact of industrial activity and natural near-shore sedimentary processes has resulted in continued exposure and rapid deterioration of the site. The implementation of appropriate long-term in-situ preservation strategies for both sites, supported by an extensive monitoring programme to assess the viability of the different methodologies, was of paramount importance. However, in order for any in-situ preservation strategy to be successful the following points must be addressed in the overall management plan: 3 �1. Ascertain the extent of the site. 2. Assess the most significant physical, chemical and biological deterioration processes occurring on the site. 3. Assess the pre-disturbed local burial environment and the major factors affecting the long-term stability of the site. 4. Identify the major material types present on the site and their extents of deterioration. 5. Implement an appropriate in-situ preservation strategy or combinations thereof, to mitigate continued deterioration and stabilize the site long-term. 6. Implement a long-term monitoring programme to evaluate the efficacy of the implemented in-situ preservation strategy. 7. Provide alternative plans and procedures if the implemented in-situ preservation strategies are unsuccessful. 8. Conservation, storage and curation of any recovered artefacts. Each of these points is integral to a process-based approach when assessing underwater cultural heritage sites and establishing successful long-term conservation management plans (Richards, 2011). All eight points were addressed through application of previous research results and during the development of comprehensive research designs that included extensive methodology components and monitoring programmes for each site prior to the implementation of any reburial strategies. Clarence - Excavation, Conservation and In-situ Preservation The first fieldwork period on the Clarence occurred from 16 April to 15 May 2012. All activities were conducted from a 18m x 12m jack-up barge, set 3.5m above sea level, located directly adjacent to the site. The deposition of 1700 UV stabilised polypropylene woven sand bags onto the site was Fig. 1 Biological growth on the Clarence site in November 2013. (J. Carpenter) 4 �executed from support vessels. Adverse weather limited the excavation to only 9m of the starboard side, which was fully recorded. Only 35 artefact assemblages were recovered and kept wet at all times with seawater as opposed to fresh water to avoid osmotic shock when reburied. After full documentation the artefacts were prepared for reburial by wrapping them in polyester geotextile (Bidim A14), followed by a high density polyethylene shade cloth protective wrapping (Coolaroo Exterior Fabrics - Extra Heavy (84-90% UV Block) secured by cable ties. The artefacts were then placed in wet storage until the reburial phase of the project commenced. Previous research has established the 50cm datum as the minimum depth of burial for the protection of recovered artefacts (Nyström-Godfrey et al., 2011). It was decided that the few, smaller metal, glass and ceramic artefacts could be reinterred on the wreck site as it would be possible to obtain greater than 50cm of sediment coverage. However, because they were different material types they had to be separated by at least 50cm in order to minimise the chances of unwanted chemical interactions. Owing to the larger size of the packed organic artefacts, it was not possible to rebury them on-site, therefore they were reburied in an off-site storage depot in order to obtain the minimum depth of burial. A proprietary 2000L high density polyethylene water tank was purchased, the ends cut off and the tank sawn in half. This cylinder (1.0m height; 1.2m diameter) was then dredged into the seabed about 10m south of the stern. The sand was dredged from within the confines of the cylinder and the least degraded organic artefacts placed at the bottom of the depot, covered with 10cm of surrounding sand then the more fragile organics were placed on top of this layer. The depot was then backfilled with surrounding sediment, covered with shade cloth and anchored with polypropylene sand bags. Towards the end of the fieldwork period, the excavated area including the reinterred artefacts was backfilled with dredged sediment from the site, however due to the fine nature of the clay deposit some was lost from the sediment traps and therefore the forward section of the excavation trench was backfilled with proprietary sand emptied from the sand bags on the site. Unfortunately, the weather deteriorated so it was not possible to adequately rebury the entire excavation trench and the off-site reburial depot 5 �to the minimum 50cm datum. These areas were stabilised with a layer of shade cloth and additional sand bags as an interim remediation measure. Three weeks later saw the reburial of the excavation area and the depot with further proprietary sand so that an average reburial depth of 1m was achieved. This was considerably deeper than the pre-disturbance sediment profile. The backfilled areas were then stabilised with a layer of shade cloth, anchored with more sand bags until the final phase of the remediation strategy could be completed later in the year. In November 2012 the final phase of the in situ preservation strategy commenced. This entailed filling and depositing a further 1800 sand bags on the site, removing the sand bags and shade cloth deployed in June, repositioning and adding more sand bags to adequately support some of the higher profile structural features on the port and starboard side of the wreck, covering the site with a shade cloth mat and finally protecting the site with polyvinyl chloride (PVC) tarpaulins. A pre-prepared 250m2 shade cloth mat (3 x 25m long x 3.66m wide sections joined together by cable ties) was deployed flush over the entire site conforming to the undulations of the wreck profile. The shade cloth was folded in a concertina fashion, which allowed the entire mat to be fanned out, starting down current, without recourse to deploying it in separate sections. The mat was then anchored with approximately 250 sand bags. The shade cloth mat will encourage the formation of an anaerobic environment in a relatively short period of time. However, because the shade cloth could be severely damaged by anchors it was covered with three 7m x 14m x 2mm PVC tarpaulins for further protection. The tarpaulins could not have been placed directly onto the site without the underlying shade cloth mat because a) the PVC was just negatively buoyant and relatively inelastic so the tarpaulins could not conform closely to the site profile leaving large water spaces around the higher profile structures, which would take too long to become anaerobic and b) the polyethylene mesh allowed the tarpaulins to slip and be easily moved into the correct position so they could be joined together with minimal gaps. Most importantly, 6 �the tarpaulins will minimise the continuing physical damage to the wreck site and should further encourage anaerobic conditions on-site. Each tarpaulin was deployed individually, with each end unrolled from the mid-section of the site. When all three tarpaulins were in the correct position they were joined together with cable ties through pre-prepared plastic eyelets and heavy duty nylon tabs. Sand bags were then tied in place along the seams and edges of the mats with previously installed nylon straps. Another layer of sand bags was then placed on top of these to minimise any gaps along the seams. Approximately 3-6 lines of sand bags were then placed along the bow and stern edges of the tarpaulin and another line of bags along the port and starboard side edges to seal any gaps and minimise water movement under the tarpaulin by strong currents and potential lifting by anchors. Finally, the entire interior of the tarpaulin was covered with approximately 1300 sand bags for added protection. The same procedure was followed for deploying the shade cloth and PVC tarpaulin (2m2) over the off-site reburial depot. Subsequent visits in March, September and November 2013, indicated that the in situ preservation strategy had been successful to date. All sand bags were still in place, there was extensive biological growth on the site and considerably more sediment buildup around the sand bags on top of the tarpaulins (Fig. 1). In addition, the sediment under the shade cloth was grey/black in colour indicating a low oxygen environment. The inspections showed that two of the higher profile ribs had broken through the protection and these will be wrapped in geotextile followed by impermeable black plastic. Any additional breakouts will be managed in the same fashion. Obviously, regular monitoring of any in-situ reburial strategy is essential in order to ensure continued longterm protection of the site. James Matthews – In-situ Preservation A comprehensive pre-disturbance survey and research into broader scale coastal processes and localised sediment level monitoring began in 2000. This work was extended in 2002 to assess the efficacy of sand bags, sediment trapping experiments 7 �using artificial seagrass and shade cloth mats and a cofferdam consisting of four environmentally inert, interlocking, medium density polyethylene ‘road crash barrier’ units (2m length; 0.9m height) filled with surrounding sediment, as site management methodologies. Long-term monitoring of the sediment to changes in micro-environment via microbiological and physico-chemical analyses were initiated (Richards et al., 2009).The crash barrier cofferdam technique appeared to be the best solution. Preparations for this large-scale reburial commenced in April 2013 with a total of 22 personnel(AHSPP Chief Investigator and Acting Project Manager, Western Australian Museum staff, practitioners from Partner Organisations and volunteers) involved duringthe intensive five day fieldwork period from 18-22 November 2013.Personnel were divided into 2 to 4 smaller teams dependent on the activities of the day. The two main teams consisted of a land-based team, which filled 1400 x 20kg sand bags with clean, washed proprietary sand (20m3 or 28 tonne) and the boat-based team, consisting of divers, boat handlers and support crew carried out all sea-based work on the wreck site. In addition two smaller teams were organised during the course of the fieldwork;a sand-barge team, which assembled and dismantled the sand barge and a shore-based team, which transported sand bags from the Museum to a beach about 100m from the wreck site and loaded the barge. Prior to the main program all previous site stabilisation equipment of anodes, sand bags and shade cloth were removed and a rope guideline was placed around the periphery of Fig. 2 Snorkelers sinking a RCB on the James Matthews site. (P. Baker) the site, which assisted in the 3 day deployment of the road crash barriers (RCBs), about 0.5-1.0m away from the wreck site in a semi-elliptical arrangement. Each RCB unit and connecting pin (0.9m length; 0.09m diameter) was filled with 20 kg and 5kg of blue metal (14mm), respectively on board a rented dive boat. The floating RCB and pin were then transported upright to the appropriate position on the wreck site using a small tender, then three snorkelers slowly sank the barrier via air displacement (Fig. 2). Two 8 �divers received the sinking RCB and the connecting pin and physically manoeuvred the barrier into the correct position, inside the guideline and then locked it in position with the pin. The RCBs weighed approximately 15kg under water and were easily manoeuvred on the seabed. Following this procedure 36 RCBs were individually deployed on-site before they were permanently anchored in place with a minimum of 120kg of blue metal per barrier. The initial sealing of the gaps in the Fig. 3 Plastic damp coursing anchored over the gaps between the RCBs with zinc tek screws. (J. Carpenter) coffer dam with 2m long; 1m wide black plastic strips proved to be ineffective due to wave action across the site so they were replaced with high density, plastic roof damp coursing (450mm width; 500µm thick) about 1.5-2.0m in length, placed over the gaps and anchored flush against the inner surfaces of the RCBs with zinc alloy tek screws (Fig. 3). Operation of the sand barge, designed to bring clean, washed sand to the enclosed wreck inside the RCB ring, proved that a beach based operation was not efficient since it involved multiple handling steps and took one day to deliver 3.5 tonnes of sand. The best method involved directly loading the barge from the rented dive boat moored adjacent to the site to minimise the distance the sand barge would need to be towed (Fig. 4).Twenty tonnes (1015 x 20kg bags) of sand was delivered to the site over the last two days of the fieldwork leaving8 tonne of sand at the Museum. The second phase of fieldwork was conducted over four days in early to mid-December 2013. By direct loading from the museum truck alongside the sand barge at the nearby Jervoise Bay Yacht Club, then towing the device to the wreck site a total of 8 tonne of sand was dumped on-site in one day with only 9 personnel. Dead seagrass that had begun to accumulate within the confines of the cofferdam was placed in bags and removed from the site. 9 �A total of 165m3 or 230 tonne of sand is required to achieve the desired 0.8m sediment height within the confines of the cofferdam. The enormity of this task became apparent after dumping28 tonne of sand which only produced a 5-15cm sterile sand layer. By deploying 4m wide strips of Fig. 4 Dumping of sand from the sand barge on the James Matthews site. (J. Carpenter) Armashade70% UV block shade cloth top over the top of the coffer dam it was hoped that the natural entrapment of fine sand particles suspended in the water column will assist in filling the cofferdam and also prevent ingress of dead seagrass. Seven panels with a 30cm overlap were sewn together with cable ties, which also enabled attachment to the RCBs (Fig. 5). In early 2014, the cofferdam will be filled to the required depth by dredging local surrounding sediment onto the site ensuring that minimal organic matter is incorporated within the backfilled sediment. Conservation Monitoring Programme Pre-disturbance Surveys The environmental characteristics of the pre-disturbed local burial environment should be assessed prior to reburial in order to assist in determining the inherent stability of the site and the major degradation mechanisms occurring on-site. In addition, this predisturbance information will be used as baseline data to assist in determining if and when the reburial environment returns to its original pre-burial state and the rate at which this occurs following the changes that necessarily accompany reburial. Analyses on both the Clarence and James Matthews sites included the chemistry of the seawater, pore water and sediments [pH; redox potential (Eredox); salinity, dissolved oxygen levels, total iron and organic content; sulphide and sulphate concentrations; nutrient (nitrogen and phosphorus)levels], the type and nature of the sediments (loss on ignition; particle size distribution; porosity) and the level and type of microbiological activity within the sediment. A 3,000km separation between the Clarence site and specialist microbiological assays in WA precluded microbiological analyses of those sediments. 10 �It is also important to obtain an understanding of the extent of deterioration of the major material types present on a site prior to reburial. Moreover, it is essential to collect this baseline data for long-term comparative analysis to quantify the effect the mitigation strategy is having on the reburied materials. A full pre-disturbance corrosion survey [pH, corrosion potential Fig. 5 The RCB cofferdam prior to the last length of shade cloth being deployed.(J. Carpenter) (Ecorr), total depth of concretion and corrosion (dtotal), the total depth of corrosion (dc)] was performed on the James Matthews site but no such survey was conducted on Clarence due to the lack of exposed metal objects. In addition, in situ pH profiles and pilodyn measurements were taken on exposed structural timbers on the James Matthews site, however only pilodyn data was collected from timbers on the Clarence site. Wood samples were collected from both sites for wood identification, maximum water content (Umax), microscopic and Fourier transform infra-red spectrometric (FTIR) analysis. Post Reburial Surveys The biological and physico-chemical environment of the reburial mound should be monitored at regular intervals. Hence, the same suite of analyses will be performed on sediments recovered annually from the Clarence and James Matthews sites post reburial as was previously described for the pre-disturbed environment. However, since destructive sampling of reburied archaeological materials is inherently invasive, sacrificial modern samples, such as wood blocks and metal coupons, were included in the reburial mounds (Fig. 6). 11 �Fig. 6 The sacrificial wood and iron samples on the Clarence site prior to reburial.(J. Parkinson) Sacrificial wood samples and modern ferrous alloys were reburied on both wreck sites. There were significant amounts of copper alloys (e.g. fastenings, sheathing, etc) present on the James Matthews site, therefore duplicate copper alloy coupons were also reburied on-site. One of the duplicate wood, iron and copper sacrificial samples were wrapped in Bidim A14 geo textile to ascertain its protective effect on reburied artefacts. Each set of samples had to be reburied at least 1m apart to ensure there would be no influence of the metal corrosion products on the degradation of the wood samples and to minimize proximity corrosion. The sacrificial samples will be recovered and analysed annually. The same suite of insitu and ex-situ analyses will be performed on the samples post reburial as was previously described in the pre-disturbance surveys. However, additional analyses [i.e. weight loss, scanning electron microscope/energy dispersive x-ray analysis (SEM/EDAX) and x-ray diffraction spectroscopy (XRD)] will be performed on the metal coupons. The results of the biological and physico-chemical analyses of the sediments can then be correlated to the extents of deterioration of the sacrificial samples and extrapolated to the condition of the reburied archaeological material. Conclusions One of the major aims of the AHSPP is to develop a protocol for the excavation, detailed recording and reburial of historic shipwrecks under threat by anthropogenic or natural forces. On-site monitoring of the sediment and analysis of sacrificial samples on the Clarence and James Matthews sites will continue until early 2015to test the efficacy of different reburial and stabilisation techniques and provide a comparative analysis of practical protocols. This work will be critical to the future development of national policy, 12 �methodology and technical guidelines for in-situ preservation and management of endangered historic shipwrecks. Acknowledgements The AHSPP is supported by the Australian Research Council through Linkage Partner Grant LP110200184. The Partner Organisations are: the Australian Government Department of Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities, the Victorian Department of Planning and Community Development, the Western Australian Museum, Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, NSW Office of Environment and Heritage, Tasmanian Parks and Wildlife Service, Northern Territory Government, Queensland Department of Environment and Heritage Protection, the Norfolk Island Museum and the Australian National Maritime Museum. We are very grateful to our Partner Organisations and particularly their staff and to our phenomenal volunteers for contributing their time, expertise and equipment to the project. Bibliography Harvey, P., 1989.Excavation of the Shipwreck Clarence: Port Phillip Bay, October 1987.Unpublished Report. Victoria Archaeological Survey, Melbourne. Nystrom-Godfrey, I., Bergstrand, Y., and Petersson, H., (Eds.), 2011.Reburial and Analyses of Archaeological Remains – Phase II Results from the 4th retrieval in 2009 from Marstrand, Sweden. The RAAR Project, Bohusläns Museum and Studio VästSvenskKonservering, Uddevalla, Sweden. Richards, V., 2011.In-situ preservation – Application of a process-based approach to the management of underwater cultural heritage. In M. Staniforth, J. Craig, S.C. Jagoon, B. Orillaneda and L. Lacsina (Eds.),Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November 2011, Manila, Jericopim Publishing House, Manila: 769-785. Richards, V., Godfrey, I., Blanchette, R., Held, B., Gregory, D., and Reed, E., 2009.Insitu monitoring and stabilisation of the James Matthews site. In K. Straetkvernand D.J. Huisman (Eds.), Proceedings of the 10th ICOM Group on Wet Organic Archaeological 13 �Materials Conference, Amsterdam, 10-15 September 2007, RijksdienstvoorArcheologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten (RACM), Amersfoort: 113-160. Biography Vicki Richards has been a Conservation Scientist in the Materials Conservation Department of the Western Australian Museum for the past 27 years. One of her primary research areas is devising and implementing appropriate on-site management plans for the long-term in-situ preservation of shipwreck sites. Ian MacLeod has extensive experience in the analysis and interpretation of corrosion products and in-situ corrosion measurements on historic shipwrecks and archaeological sites. His current role is Executive Director of the Western Australian Maritime Museum in Fremantle Peter Veth has directed numerous archaeological projects on the evolution of maritime societies in Australia, Maluku and East Timor. He has published widely on site formation models and heritage conservation strategies. He is Winthrop Professor of Archaeology at the University of Western Australia. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project: In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence (1850) and James Matthews (1841)shipwreck sites Description An account of the resource Increasingly archaeologists are opting for on-site examination, reinterment and in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage sites as the first option in the management of sites at risk as opposed to the more traditional excavation, recovery, conservation and display/storage methods. This decision will inevitably be based on significance assessment, degree of perceived risk and resourcing issues. However, long-term monitoring must become an integral part of these management programmes in order to quantitatively evaluate the effectiveness of the in-situ preservation techniques employed. Absence of monitoring is equivalent to abrogation of responsible management and in some cases can be considered tantamount to cultural vandalism. In 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) commenced, having secured funding through a substantial Australian Research Council Linkage Grant with 10 Australian Partner Organisations and three universities. One of the major aims of the project is to develop a protocol for the excavation, detailed recording and reburial of significant shipwrecks under threat, fostering a strategic national approach for the management of underwater cultural heritage sites at risk. Two historically significant shipwreck sites were chosen for this longitudinal comparative study – the Clarence (1850) located in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia. Both sites have been preserved in situ using two very different but innovative remediation strategies. More importantly a long-term monitoring programme has been implemented which will characterise changes in the reburial environment and the effect on the reinterred materials. In this way, the efficacy of both in-situ preservation techniques will be systematically tested, providing a comparative analysis of practical protocols for the long-term protection and management of underwater archaeological resources. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards Ian MacLeod Peter Veth, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/3287c0c08fd1a9a23617a3b0cf880ef6.pdf acce7ed828087e393451ee686bcfe585 PDF Text Text The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project – interim progress report Debra Shefi, Peter Veth, Cassandra Philippou School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, The University of Western Australia 35 Stirling Hwy, Crawley Western Australia 6009 E-mail: debra.shefi@uwa.edu.au Jennifer Rodrigues, Vicki Richards and Western Australian Museum, Shipwreck Galleries, 47 Cliff St, Fremantle, Western Australia 6160 Peter Harvey Maritime Heritage Unit, Heritage Victoria, Department of Transport, Planning, Local and Infrastructure 1 Spring Street, Melbourne, Victoria 3000 Australia Abstract In early 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) was formally awarded a large Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Grant, enabling ten Partner Organisations to join with four Australian Universities in one of the largest multi-organisational maritime archaeology projects to be undertaken in Australia. The project involved a month-long excavation on the historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in April/May 2012 and a complex reburial program in November 2012. Further in-situ preservation work is also being conducted on James Matthews (1841) in Western Australia to test experimental reburial approaches in an alternative marine environment. The work on Clarence is now in its research, analysis, monitoring and reporting phase, with artefact, sediment and chemical analyses being undertaken. This paper will provide an interim report on AHSPP since its launch at the 1 st Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila in 2011. It will provide analysis of some of the more significant artefacts and features revealed during excavation and approaches to long-term in-situ preservation and management of shipwreck sites. Key words: In-situ preservation, in-situ management, historic shipwreck, artefacts, site management 1 �Introduction In early 2012 AHSPP was formally awarded an ARC grant of $500,000 AUD to investigate the excavation, recording and in-situ reburial of wooden shipwrecks. The historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in Victoria’s Port Phillip Bay was selected as the first case study to test the excavation and reburial methodology. The proposed research plan from the ARC application was presented at the 1st Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage held in Manila in November 2011 (Veth et al., 2011). The project commenced in February 2012 with the appointment of a project manager to organise fieldwork logistics alongside the commercial dive operators, Melbourne based company - Professional Diving Services, and the host organisation, Heritage Victoria. It was decided to commence diving operations in mid-April 2012 to take advantage of autumn tides and weather. In less than two months, a diverse multi-national team of 65 professional and volunteer archaeologists, divers, conservation scientists, photographers, artefact specialists and marine ecologists converged on Portarlington, Victoria to commence the survey, excavation, artefact cataloguing and in-situ reburial of Clarence. The excavation took place from a 12 m x 18 m jack up barge, which was towed by tugboat out to the site on the 12th of April, and placed alongside Clarence, off Edwards Point near the township of St Leonards. The barge was equipped with three shipping containers that held the artefact photography and x-ray systems, conservation and other general equipment and diving communication and safety equipment. Survey operations began on the 16th of April and continued for 29 days. During this time, diving, conservation and support teams were transported daily to the site using Heritage Victoria’s 8 m commercial Kevlacat Trim, with both underwater and topside support teams changing over throughout the day. Dive teams were tasked with placing sandbags along the exterior of the shipwrecked hull to provide structural support prior to reburial, completing a pre-disturbance marine ecology survey, obtaining sediment cores for baseline conservation data, excavating the 2 �starboard side of the wreck from the stern towards the bow (from 0 – 9 m along the baseline), recording the artefacts and exposed timbers in-situ, documenting all recovered artefacts ex-situ and reburying them on site (or in the nearby underwater repository), placing sacrificial wooden and metal samples on site and in the repository and backfilling the excavation trench. This was all achieved in 181 hours of diving over 17 diving days. Non-diving personnel were tasked with topside and off site duties including data input, purchasing, organisation of equipment and housekeeping. Clarence – Artefact and Site Features The artefacts recovered during the 2012 excavation included 109 individual artefact pieces, consisting of 102 database entries. All recorded artefacts were subsequently reburied; organic artefacts were placed in an underwater repository less than 10 m from the stern of the shipwreck, and ferrous and non-ferrous objects were reburied in the excavated trench. The range of materials found consisted of timber thought to be dunnage, a large number of cask components (staves and headpieces), concretions (including a concreted bolt), lead hull-sheathing, fragile pieces of leather, rope related to rigging, clear and olive-green glass pieces, a ceramic fragment, and an animal bone which appeared to be burnt. A leather bag or satchel was also identified in situ, however, this artefact was not raised. To date, analysis of the excavated artefacts continues and here a few selected items will be profiled. A more comprehensive report on the artefacts will be submitted later in 2014. Tierce casks The wooden cask components represented the majority of artefacts raised. The sizes of the staves and headpieces fit closest to the category of tierce casks. A tierce is an old measure of capacity equivalent to one third of a pipe, 42 wine gallons, half a puncheon or approximately 158 to 160 litres. The imperial tierce was 35 imperial gallons (~159 L)  the US tierce was 42 US gallons (~160 L). English stave lengths for tierce 3 Fig. 1: Branding mark on cask. (AHSPP). �casks were usually given at 31.5 inches (~800 mm) (Kilby, 1971: 52). The complete lengths for the Clarence staves averaged between 876 mm and 890 mm for the interior and 911 mm to 930 mm for the exterior. These measurements identify the excavated staves as slightly larger tierce casks than those traditionally described by the English. This variation in size could be because some tierce casks were made to store dry goods, in which case, they could be more rudimentarily manufactured as opposed to wet casks, which required a higher level of skill and precision for storing liquids and preventing leakages. The casks from Clarence have similar features found on casks from other shipwreck sites. These include branding marks, incised lines and circles (made by a scribe tool) for ease of reassembly (Fig. 1) and branded names (either complete or partial due to deterioration or breakage) on headpieces for identification purposes or indication of their contents. Hoop marks are also visible on the exterior of some staves where they are assumed to have been hammered in. Some limited evidence of concreted iron hoops has also been found. The branding names on the headpieces recovered from Clarence, however, suggest that either these casks contained ale or they are reused components. The average diameter of headpieces raised was 55 cm (21.7 inches), which closely coincides with tierce cask head diameters of 20.5 inches (52.1 cm) (Kilby, 1971: 52). The slight difference is understandable considering that the Clarence casks are Fig. 2: Headpiece inscribed with “J & R TENNENT”. slightly larger than the standard English (AHSPP). dimensions of tierce casks. The pitch (widest mid section) of the cask would be approximately 25¼ inches (64.1 cm) in diameter. The headpieces are attached to each other via wooden dowels along the joining flat edges or straight flush joints. Dowels and dowel holes were visible along the joining 4 �edges. The outer circumference is bevelled in order to fit into the bite or croze groove of the staves upon assembly of the cask. The tool marks and striations observed suggest that the staves and headpieces were machine made rather than handmade, which was more common in earlier centuries. In England, for example, the first patent for a coopering machine was taken out by Plasket and Brown in 1811 (Kilby, 1971: 65). At this time, however, most of these machines were crude and inefficient and were mainly used for cutting headpieces. Certainly by the 1870s, a number of cooperages were making tierces and cheap dry casks by machinery (Kilby, 1971: 65). Some sets of headpieces, consisting of the cant and middle pieces, are branded on the topside with the words, either partial or complete, “J & R TENNENT” (Fig. 2). To date, at least one identity of J. & R. TENNENT has been traced to Wellpark Brewery in Glasgow, Scotland, which was in operation in the 1840s. If some of the casks originated from an overseas brewery, it is possible that the casks and similar contents were continuing to be transported elsewhere or the casks or some components were being reused, as was Fig. 3: Headpieces inscribed with “SAMUEL” and “BURTON”. (AHSPP). common practice. Another name branded on other cask heads, again, either partial or complete, is “SAMUEL” and “BURTON” (Fig. 3). Preliminary research identifies a Brewer named 5 �Samuel Allsopp as well as The Burton Brewery Company, both based at Burton upon Trent in Staffordshire, England. Samuel Allsopp entered business in 1807 and during the 1840s, Allsopp’s brewery had an overwhelming superior reputation for their pale ale (Perkins, 2012). Contemporarily, the Burton Brewery Company, founded in 1842, was one of the largest brewers in Burton upon Trent in the nineteenth century and supplied ships in the early 1850s with ale. However, it still may have been too late to be contemporary with casks that were later transported via Clarence. Further research into the connection between the Clarence casks and the abovementioned brewing companies is warranted. Although a few leads for the branded names on the cask’s heads have been obtained, the possibility that some components or entire casks had been re-used has not yet been ruled out. Leather Bag or Satchel A leather bag or satchel was also found on the site partially buried under a semi-circular timber artefact. Based on discussions amongst divers who excavated the area and upon close examination of underwater images, this leather bag, left in situ (Fig. 4), is thought to be a bosun’s bag. The size and thickness of the satchel suggest it may have been used to carry tools (i.e. if one was repairing masts or rigging), as it could be slung over the shoulder via a strap on the side. Interestingly, an image in Kilby (1971: 164) on coopers and their craft shows a nineteenthcentury travelling cooper carrying a Fig. 4: Leather bag or satchel left in-situ. (AHSPP). possible leather bag or basket over the shoulder containing tools. 6 �Clarence – Management Monitoring and Management In June 2012, shortly after the completion of the April/May Clarence excavation, a small team of researchers and volunteers returned to the site to finish backfilling the trench and artefact reburial depot to a minimum of 50 cm sediment coverage, as outlined in the research methodology. Final fieldwork took place in November when the site was covered with shade cloth and PVC tarpaulins to encourage anaerobic conditions and protect the site from anthropogenic and natural impacts (Fig. 5). Sediment core samples were collected for physico-chemical analysis and a marine biological survey was completed. In both March and September 2013, visual inspections were conducted and the site appears to have stabilised. A small team returned to the site in November 2013 to extract sediment core samples and sacrificial wood and metal samples. Management of the site has not ceased with the reburial of Clarence. monitoring, Long-term including Fig. 5: PVC tarpaulins on Clarence (J. Carpenter). visual site inspections and a program of regular compliance patrols, has been established. These site visits are conducted during periods of calm weather and on weekends and public holidays, when recreational boating activities peak. Individuals found within the 100 m protected zone surrounding the site are issued with either official warnings or infringement notices. Regular patrols by Heritage Victoria at Clarence have resulted in a 7 �high level of compliance by recreational anglers, with boats clustering around the boundaries of the site but complying with the exclusion zone itself. Although increased enforcement activities seem the likely driver for the improvement in compliance, consideration should also be given to the fact that stabilisation works on the site have substantially altered the seabed terrain and associated biology. Biological surveys indicate the variation in species on-site has not been greatly impacted, but this could have reduced the numbers of desirable fish catch, possibly also helping to explain the decreased fishing activity over the site. Digital Outreach In addition to on-site visitation and management of Clarence, AHSPP has focused on disseminating information beyond the academic and scientific communities to the wider public. This includes providing Project Updates for meetings of the Commonwealth Historic Shipwreck Act delegates, the AIMA quarterly newsletter and the AHSPP website (www.ahspp.org.au). Public lectures and professional papers have also been presented nationally and internationally with a major paper on the project published in the 2013 AIMA Bulletin (Veth et al., 2013). Moreover, in lieu of tangible displays, upon AHSPP digital dissemination relies media for Fig. 6: Shade cloth cover over the top of the cofferdam surrounding of James Matthews (J. Carpenter). information. This includes the project website and two public-focussed outreach projects. The first project is a triptych display banner that tells the story of the AHSPP Clarence case study using 8 �simple text and images. The pop-up banners are easily transportable and throughout 2013 and 2014 will be used as a travelling exhibition to Partner Organisations and collaborating institutions around Australia. They are also available for further use at presentations and conferences. The second outreach project was a curated digital database entitled ‘Preserving the Colonial Trader Clarence (1850)’ (the Clarence Anthology), which is publically accessible through library database subscriptions to BiblioBoard. This contains both web-based access and applications for mobile devices and Apple iPad and android tablets (http://www.biblioboard.com/libraries.html). The Clarence Anthology was the first Australian project created for BiblioBoard and also the company’s first archaeological and shipwreck database. The concept was to curate a collection of images, documents and multi-media items (including video and audio via web streaming) into an ‘anthology’ as part of BiblioBoard’s new ‘Artifact of History’ module. The module is made up of a wide range of historical sources that are focused on historical artefacts and archaeological discoveries. The Clarence Anthology consists of more than 270 files, primarily underwater site and artefact photographs, topside images and underwater and topside video. It also includes presentations, previous site research, historical research, media interviews and an edited oral history interview with a descendant of the captain of Clarence. This digital resource thus allows for enriched, well-curated content to be accessible to a broader, technologically-progressive audience and also facilitates access to associated grey literature. The Clarence Anthology is currently being utilised as a test case for future online curation of archaeological projects. As such, this method of community outreach may be recognized as an appropriate platform for future presentation of archaeological sites, in particular in-situ preservation projects where artefacts are returned to the seabed with no plan for future conservation and long-term museum curation. James Matthews 9 �Since the inception of AHSPP it was duly noted that to be a truly national research project, other sites around Australia should be included in the longitudinal in-situ preservation study for comparative analysis. Following the reburial success of Clarence in November 2012, and due to prudent project management, it became clear that the AHSPP could expand to a second case study. Partner Investigator Vicki Richards and colleagues at the Western Australian Museum (WAM) subsequently recommended the reburial of James Matthews (1841) in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia using a preferred cofferdam solution. Under the aegis of the AHSPP, WAM began organising this innovative reburial project in April 2013. Background James Matthews, originally known as Voltigeur, was a French-built wooden brig (approximately 24 m length x 6 m breadth x 3 m depth). In 1836 the vessel was sold to a Brazilian slave dealer and registered as Don Francisco under the Portuguese flag. For the following year, the vessel operated in the illegal slave trade between Africa and the West Indies until its capture by the British in 1837. Contemporarily, in 1836, British Parliament passed a Bill establishing an end to slavery. At this time, ships were seized and destroyed, often resulting in the vessel being dismantled and sold for scrap or burnt to the waterline and sunk (Henderson, 1977). This was obviously not the case with Don Francisco, which was sold and re-registered as the trading vessel James Matthews (Henderson, 1980). In July 1841 the ship sailed for the Swan River colony in Fremantle, Western Australia, but shortly after its arrival a violent storm struck the port and the vessel sank. Local divers came across the site in 1973, 12 km south of Fremantle, approximately 100 m off shore in 2-3 m of water (Henderson, 1977). Four seasons of excavation were carried out by WAM between 1974 and 1977. All loose artefacts were recovered and stabilised by standard conservation treatments appropriate for each material type and the excavation trenches were backfilled with the original overburden. The site remained buried for many years and was still relatively stable in the 1990s. However, in early 2000 it was observed that the edges of the 10 �wooden vessel and timbers at the stern and bow were exposed and severely degraded by marine borers and the extent of exposure was increasing every year. Therefore, devising an appropriate in-situ management plan to mitigate continuing deterioration was of paramount importance. Experimental Remediation Strategies and Monitoring Over the next ten years, a number of surveys and experiments were expedited to assess the most significant physical, chemical and biological deterioration processes impacting the site and determine an appropriate long-term in-situ preservation strategy to stabilise James Matthews. This included trialling different in-situ preservation strategies on-site, for example: sand bags; sediment trapping experiments using artificial seagrass, shade cloth mats and a cofferdam consisting of four environmentallyinert, interlocking medium density polyethylene ‘crash barrier’ units filled with surrounding sediment. More importantly, a long-term monitoring programme was also introduced that consisted of measuring sediment and seabed response and any changes in the sediment micro-environment via microbiological and physico-chemical analyses. Based on these results, the crash barrier cofferdam technique appeared to be the best solution for the in-situ preservation of James Matthews (Richards et al., 2009; Richards, 2012). However, due to the significant cost of this mitigation strategy (~$25,000 AUD for 40 crash barriers, geotextile and polymeric sandbags) and the local economic environment, the cofferdam solution could not be funded through WAM’s budget. Therefore, in 2010, the more exposed sections of the site were covered with shade cloth, which was economically more viable but resulted in undesirable toe scouring around the edges of the mats. The site continued to be monitored at regular intervals over the next two years (Richards, 2012). The AHSPP and the Cofferdam Solution Preparations for the reburial of James Matthews commenced in April 2013, with fieldwork occurring from 18-22 November 2013. A total of 22 people, including the AHSPP Chief Investigator and Acting Project Manager, WAM staff from the Materials 11 �Conservation and Maritime Archaeology Departments, practitioners from other Partner Organisations and volunteers, were involved during an intensive five-day fieldwork period. During this time, 36 road crash barriers were deployed on-site in a semi-elliptical arrangement, anchored in place with a minimum of 120 kg of blue metal per barrier and 20 m3 of clean, washed proprietary sand dumped within the confines of the cofferdam via a manufactured sand barge, which provided a sterile sand layer of approximately 515 cm over the entire site. A more comprehensive account of the fieldwork logistics and deployment procedures are outlined in Richards et al. (2014) published in this volume. The amount of sand required to fill the cofferdam to an optimum level of 0.8 m is approximately 165 m3, which was impossible to achieve in the five-day fieldwork interval. With a considerable reduction in personnel after the fieldwork had concluded, it was decided to cover the top of the cofferdam with 70% UV stabilised shade cloth (Fig. 6). The suspended shade cloth aims to a) preclude the ingress of dead seagrass and other organic material and b) encourage deposition of fine sand particles suspended in the water column, through the shade cloth and onto the site. In early 2014, the cofferdam will continue to be filled to the required depth (0.8 m) by dredging local surrounding sediment onto the site ensuring that minimal organic matter is incorporated within the backfilled sediment. On-site monitoring of sediment characteristics and analysis of sacrificial samples will then proceed, replicating the monitoring strategy used on the Clarence site. This should allow for meaningful comparative analyses of these reburial interventions in different contexts. The efficacy of different reburial and stabilisation techniques can thus be systematically tested providing an evaluation of optimal protocols for the in-situ preservation and management of historic shipwrecks determined to be ‘at risk’ in both Australian and other waters. Conclusion The primary aim of the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project is the development of an optimal in-situ preservation protocol for historic shipwrecks at risk. Longitudinal recording, reburial and ongoing monitoring at both Clarence and James 12 �Matthews, occurring in different geomorphic and energetic contexts, will provide an invaluable comparative study towards this end, and will continue throughout 2014. As outlined in this paper, data collection, analysis and interpretation are continuing. The results from the archaeological, conservation, sedimentary and biological studies will be published in a major excavation and fieldwork report due for completion in 2015. Analyses of the artefacts, geochemistry of the sediments, pre- and post-disturbance biological surveys, and condition of the sacrificial tabs, will also be published over the next several years. Bibliography Henderson, G., 1977. Four seasons of excavation on the James Matthews wreck. The First Southern Hemisphere Conference on Maritime Archaeology, Perth, Western Australia. Henderson G., 1980. Unfinished Voyages. Western Australian Shipwrecks 1622-1850. University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands. Kilby, K., 1971. The Cooper and His Trade. Linden Publishing, Fresno. Perkins, B., 2012. Tennent’s India Pale Ale. Retrieval December 20, 2013. From http://barclayperkins.blogspot.com.au/2012/02/tennents-india-pale-ale.html Richards, V., 2012. In-situ preservation and monitoring of the James Matthews shipwreck site. Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, Vol. 14 (1-4): 169-181. Richards, V., Godfrey, I., Blanchette, R., Held, B., Gregory, D. and Reed, E., 2009. Insitu monitoring and stabilisation of the James Matthews site. In K. Straetkvern and D.J. Huisman (Eds.), Proceedings of the 10th ICOM Group on Wet Organic Archaeological Materials Conference, Amsterdam, 10-15 September 2007, Rijksdienst voor Archeologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten (RACM), Amersfoot: 113-60. Richards, V., MacLeod, I. and Veth, P., 2014. The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project – In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence (1850) and James Matthews (1841) shipwreck sites. In S. Tripati and V. Walker (Eds.), 13 �Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 12-16 May 2014, Honolulu, Hawaii, Hawaii. Veth, P., Philippopu, C., Richards, V., Staniforth, M., Rodrigues, J., Khan, A., Creagh, D., Viduka, A., Barham, A., and MacLeod, I., 2013. The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project 2012: First Report on the background, reburial and in situ preservation at the Clarence (1841-50). Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 37: 1-19. Veth, P., Viduka, A., Staniforth, M., MacLeod, I., Richards, V. and Barham, A., 2011. The Australian historic shipwreck protection project. In M. Staniforth, J. Craig, S.C. Jago-on, B. Orillaneda and L. Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November 2011, Manila, Philippines, Jericopim Publishing House, Manila: 753-762. Biography Debra Shefi is a Research Assistant Professor in the Department of Archaeology at the University of Western Australia and is the Acting Project Manager for the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP). She joined AHSPP after obtaining her PhD from Flinders University, where her thesis investigated the relationship between the in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage in law and practice. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project: interim progress report Description An account of the resource In early 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) was formally awarded a large Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Grant, enabling ten Partner Organisations to join with four Australian Universities in one of the largest multi-organisational maritime archaeology projects to be undertaken in Australia. The project involved a month-long excavation on the historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in April/May 2012 and a complex reburial program in November 2012. Further in-situ preservation work is also being conducted on James Matthews (1841) in Western Australia to test experimental reburial approaches in an alternative marine environment. The work on Clarence is now in its research, analysis, monitoring and reporting phase, with artefact, sediment and chemical analyses being undertaken. This paper will provide an interim report on AHSPP since its launch at the 1st Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila in 2011. It will provide analysis of some of the more significant artefacts and features revealed during excavation and approaches to long-term in-situ preservation and management of shipwreck sites. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Debra Shefi Peter Veth Cassandra Philippou Jennifer Rodrigues Vicki Richards Peter Harvey, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/346e893b23bdfe7241e4cb16b4c49dc5.pdf 74c9e8dce5178cff8829f0646a84a1c5 PDF Text Text Study of the corrosion of copper coins from the wreck of “The South China Sea No.1” Xing-ling Tian, Nai-sheng Li, and Zhi-guo Zhang Department of Conservation Science and Technology for Underwater Cultural Relics, Center for Cultural Relic Restoration and Training Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage Beijing, 100029 China E-mail: Tiantian1278[at]sina.com Hengyang University of Science and Technology Beijing, 100029 China Abstract. The South China Sea No.1 is the wreck of the longest, largest and most preserved shipwreck site in China. It is a classic example of bireme construction and navigational technology. The artefacts located on the site may provide many secrets of the Silk Road on the sea. Therefore, the archaeological value is greater than its economic value. In order to know more about the craftwork and the state of the coppers in this wreck, this paper will examine the concretion and corrosion on the surface of copper samples obtained from the upper layer of South China Sea No. 1. The samples were analysed with metallographic microscopy, 3D video microscopy, X-ray diffraction (XRD),X-ray fluorescence（XRF) and scanning microscopy (SEM-EDS). The results show that the copper coin is tin-lead bronze, and the content of Cu is about 94%. The corrosion is mainly Cu2(OH)3Cl, Cu2O, Cu(OH)2, Cu(OH)Cl and Cu(SO4)2. The concretion on the surface of the copper coin is rich, but the matrix becomes thinner. Lead (Pb) is scattered freely in the matrix. Tin (Sn) is high in the corrosion layer, which shows that some Cu has corroded. The electrochemistry of the corrosion was controlled by oxygen depolarization. Selective corrosion occurred between Cu and Sn, and the effect of Clsped up the rate of corrosion in the electrochemical reaction. The results of the study can provide a reference for the protection of the copper artefacts excavated from South China Sea. Key words: The South China Sea No.1, copper coin, archaeology 1 �Introduction Due to being in an underwater environment, undersea bronze has its own corrosion characteristics and corrosion products, which vary from bronze relics found on the land. With the high-speed development of underwater archaeology abroad, more and more resources have been put into the study of undersea relics in China. Internationally, several research projects studying the characteristics, composition, theory of corrosion and composition of the corrosion products in undersea bronzes have been conducted (Beccaria et al., 1982; Gettens, 1933; MacLeod, 1991;MacLeod, 1982;Scott, 2002). Gettens (1964), for example, identified cuprous sulphide (Cu2S) and digenite (Cu18S)in the corrosion products on copper nails recovered from a shipwreck in the Mediterranean. Copper (II) sulphate (CuS)was identified by XRD on a fragile black-blue bar from the wreckage of Herminie. According to studies of the corrosion products on undersea bronze by MacLeod (1985), North(1987) and Nord(1993),copper oxide(Cu2O), cuprous chloride (CuCl), chalcanthite (CuSO4·5H2O), brochatite (Cu4SO4(OH)6), lead carbonate (PbCO3), lead sulfate (PbSO4), stannic oxide (SnO2), and CuS are also common corrosion products. Currently, research on the conservation of bronze artefacts in China is still lacking. Despite the development of underwater archaeology internationally, more and more bronze artefacts are being recovered but domestically, the question of how to protect them is still a problem. Researchers are therefore using The South China Sea No.1 as a case study to research the conservation of bronze relics. This site provides a typical sample for the study of ancient Chinese shipbuilding technology and marine technology. The associated artefacts can also potentially unlock the key to many secrets of the marine Silk Road. The archaeological value of the cultural relics at the South China Sea No.1 site is much greater than the economic value. At present, the excavation of the South China Sea No. 1 and the protection of the bronze relics housed at the Marine Silk Museum not only provide valuable historical information about wreck protection but also provide a strong reference for the study of marine water relics. It will provide reliable support forthe protection of our marine cultural resources. 2 �Analytical instruments The methods utilised to analyse the concretion on the bronze surface and the corrosion products included: an Olympus metallurgical microscope from Japan; the KSTAR Company’s HIROX KH-3000 3D video microscopy; Japan the Science RINT2000 X-ray diffractometer (copper target, slit DS = SS = 1 °, RS = 0.15mm, voltage 40kV, current 40mA); scanning electron microscopy and energy dispersive spectroscopy; Hitachi S3600N scanning electronic microscope (SEM) and the EDAX Genesis 2000XMS Xray energy dispersive spectroscopy (EDS) (SEM-EDS); and XPS. Results and analysis Fig.1a: copper coins from The South China Sea No.1.: (X. Tian). Coins surface morphology analysis Representative samples were taken from the concreted copper coins (Fig. 1a). 3D video microscopy was used to observe the surface morphology of the copper coins and the results are shown in Fig.1b.A metallographic microscope was used to observe the cross-section of the sample coins with the results shown in Fig.1c. Fig.1b demonstrates that the coin has an Fig.1b: The 3D video microscopic image of the concretion and corrosion on the surface of the copper coin.: (X. Tian). uneven distribution of black, brown and green coloured material on the surface. There are also varying degrees of spots, salt crystallization and a dark texture on the surface. 3 �Results of the metallographic microscopy (Fig.1c) identifies that the outside of the coins are corroded. The results also establish that a uniform phase is formed within the coins. This includes the yellow area interspersed with many black spots located inside the coin matrix, also seen in Fig.1c. The grey concretion can only be Fig.1c: The metallographic dark field image of the cross section of the copper coin.: (X. Tian). found on the edge of the thin layer and the corrosion products are located between the concretion and the metal matrix. Additionally, the coin is thin. Chemical composition of corrosion products The corrosion products on the coins from the South China Sea No. 1were analysed by XRD. The results are shown in Table 1. The major corrosion products include basic cupric chloride Fig.2a: SEM image of the metal matrix of the copper coin.: (X. Tian). [Cu2(OH)3Cl], cuprite (Cu2O), copper hydroxide [Cu (OH)2], cupric hydroxyl chloride[Cu(OH)Cl], and cuprous sulfate [Cu 2 (SO4)]. The composition and structure of the matrix of the coins The metal matrixes of the coins were analysed by SEM and EDS to investigate the composition and structure of the substrate shown in Fig.2. Fig.2a shows the SEM images of a sample coin’s metal matrix. Figs 2b, 2c, and 2d provide an example of Fig.2b: distribution image of Cu.: (X. Tian). the distribution of Cu, Pb and Snin the metal matrix, respectively. The SEM image of the copper coin metal matrix shows uneven grey spots, 4 �which are Pb-rich pockets distributed across the coin. Except for these Pb areas, Cu and Sn are evenly distributed throughout the matrix. EDS results show that the composition of the coins is as follows: Cu is about 94%, Pb is approximately 4%and Sn is only about 2%. Fig.2c:The distribution image of Pb.: (X. Tian). Analysis of the corrosion process While cutting the edge of the coins, only a little metal matrix was observed. The first step was to observe the outside of a cross-section of the coins through SEM and then analyse the elements of the different colour regions identified. The analysis results are shown in Fig.3 and Table 2. Fig.3 shows that Zone 1 is a black, loose surface layer along the outside of the coin. This is the concretion layer, which contains a small amount of Cu, but no Pb and Sn. Zone 2 is a white layer of uneven thickness, which contains S and Pb, and therefore may be PbSO4. Zone 3 is a greyish-black, banded structure, containing S, Pb, Cl and Cu, which may be PbSO4 and copper chlorides. Lastly, Zone 4 is Fig.2d: distribution image of Sn.: (X. Tian). grey and the largest area. This section contains Cu, Pb, Sn, Si and Cl, which corresponds closest to the coin metal matrix. Table 2 shows that the main elements in the corrosion products are Cl and S. After comparison of the results, Zone 2 contains the greatest amount of Pb, Zone 3 contains the greatest amount of Cu and Zone 4 contains the most Sn. Therefore, the Cu in the coin has preferentially corroded. 5 �In order to observe the change in the content of each element from the outer surface to the inner regions of the coin, SEM analysis was conducted. The results are shown in Fig.4. Fig.4 shows that the content of Cu, Sn and Ca change significantly in the white area, while the content of Si, Pb and Cl change only slightly. Pb is mainly found in Zone 2, while Sn occurs Fig.3: SEM image of the cross section of the outer layers of the copper coin.: (X. Tian). mainly in Zone4. Overall, the Cu content Cu changes in most zones and in the greyish black zone, Cu is greater, which maybe the residual Cu metal matrix. Discussions The corrosion layer found on thebronze artefacts from The South China Sea No.1 shipwreck was mainly turquoise in colour. The typical powdery rust coloured corrosion that falls Fig.4: The content line of different elements in the cross section of the copper coin.: (X. Tian). off when touched was uncommon on the copper coins. The corrosion products identified were Cu2(OH)3Cl, Cu2O, Cu(OH)2, Cu(OH)Cl, Cu(SO4)2. Copper chloride was one of the main corrosion products (e.g.Cu2(OH)3Cl and Cu(OH)Cl) identified. Chlorine easily induces bronze corrosion, so it is important to take the proper measures to remove as much chloride as possible, via proper desalination to effectively stabilise the metal. The analysis of the corrosion products provides data that will assist in deriving better methods for later desalination work. From the presence of copper chlorides (i.e. Cu(OH) Cl and Cu2(OH)3Cl) and cuprite (Cu2O) corrosion products, it can be deduced that the bronze in the South China Sea No.1 was primarily in anaerobic marine environment, which included Cl- and SO42- in solution. Where oxygen was more 6 �abundant loose concretion formed on the outside of the coins. There are, however, some instances when oxygen was sealed in the space between the original metal surface of the coins and the loose concretion. Thus, the oxygen depolarization controlled the electrochemical corrosion of the bronze. In this type of environment, Sn has a lower electrode potential than Cu, so it corrodes first, with the effect of Clspeeding up the rate of corrosion by combining with Cu and Sn ions to form new corrosion products. Conclusion. 1.The copper metal matrix contains mainly Cu, Sn and Pb at a ratio of 47:1:2, respectively. 2.The copper corrosion products mainly include: Cu2(OH)3Cl, Cu(OH) Cl, Cu2O, Cu(OH)2 and Cu(SO4)2。 3. Selective corrosion occurred between Cu and Sn in the bronze coin and the presence of Cl-increases the rate of corrosion in the electrochemical corrosion reaction. Table 1 sample NHTQ-1-a NHTQ-1-b NHTQ-1-c NHTQ-1-d NHTQ-2-b NHTQ-2-a Main composition Cu2（0H）3Cl、Cu2O Cu2（0H）3Cl、Cu2O Cu（0H）2 、Cu（0H）Cl、Cu2O Cu（0H）2、Cu（0H）Cl、Cu2O Cu（0H）2、Cu（0H）Cl、Cu2O、 Cu（SO4）2 Cu（0H）2、Cu（0H）Cl、Cu2O、 Cu（SO4）2 Table1:The XRD results from the analysis of the corrosion products from the copper coin from the South China Sea No. 1 shipwreck.: (X. Tian). 7 �Table 2 No. Elements（Wt%） Mg Al Si S Cl K Ca Fe Cu Pb Sn 1 3.0 17.4 36.8 7.7 1.8 3.9 2.6 21.7 5.1 — — 2 — — — 3.6 — — — — — 96.4 — 3 — — — 40.5 1.7 — — — 43.1 14.7 — 4 — — 1.8 — 0.7 — — — 5.7 23.1 67.7 Table 2:The elemental distribution of the cross section of the outer layers of the copper coin.: (X. Tian). Bibliography Beccaria, A. M., Mor, E. D., Bruno, G., Poggi, G.,1982. Corrosion of lead in sea water. British Corrosion Journal,Vol.17(2): 87-91. Gettens, R. J., 1964. The corrosion products of metal antiquities. Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, 1963, Vol. 1963: 547-568. Gettens, R. J., 1933. Mineralization, electrolytic treatment, and radiographic examination of copper and bronze objects from Nuzi. Zerox from Technical Studies 1: 118-142. MacLeod, I. D.,1991. Identification of corrosion products on non-ferrous metal artefacts recovered from shipwrecks. Studies in Conservation, Vol. 36(4): 222-234. MacLeod,I.D., 1985.The effects of concretion on the corrosion ofnon-ferrous metals. Corrosion Australasia, Vol. 10:10-13. MacLeod,I. D., 1982.Formation of marine concretions on copper and its alloys. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 11(4): 267-275. 8 �Nord, A. G., Lindahl, K., &Tronner, K., 1993. A note on spionkopite as a corrosion product on a marine copper find. Studies in Conservation, Vol. 38(2): 133-135. North,N.A.,1987.Conservation of Metals, In C. Pearson (Ed.),Conservation of Marine Archaeological Objects. Butterworths, Sydney:207-252 Scott, D. A.,2002. Copper and Bronze in Art: Corrosion, Colorants and Conservation. Getty Publications, USA. Biography. Xing-ling Tian is a conservation researcher who holds a doctor’s degree of Materials Science and Engineering from Beijing University of Chemical Technology. In 2003, Xing-ling Tian joined the Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage (State Administration of Cultural Heritage Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage).In 2006, became a research associate. Past research interests have been predominantly concerned with the conservation of metal and wood, developing and applying research to new materials and techniques and currently I am focused on the conservation of underwater cultural heritage. 9 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Study of the corrosion of copper coins from the wreck of 'The South China Sea No.' Description An account of the resource The South China Sea No.1 is the wreck of the longest, largest and most preserved shipwreck site in China. It is a classic example of bireme construction and navigational technology. The artefacts located on the site may provide many secrets of the Silk Road on the sea. Therefore, the archaeological value is greater than its economic value. In order to know more about the craftwork and the state of the coppers in this wreck, this paper will examine the concretion and corrosion on the surface of copper samples obtained from the upper layer of South China Sea No. 1. The samples were analysed with metallographic microscopy, 3D video microscopy, X-ray diffraction (XRD),X-ray fluorescence （ XRF) and scanning microscopy (SEM-EDS). The results show that the copper coin is tin-lead bronze, and the content of Cu is about 94%. The corrosion is mainly Cu2(OH)3Cl, Cu2O, Cu(OH)2, Cu(OH)Cl and Cu(SO4)2. The concretion on the surface of the copper coin is rich, but the matrix becomes thinner. Lead (Pb) is scattered freely in the matrix. Tin (Sn) is high in the corrosion layer, which shows that some Cu has corroded. The electrochemistry of the corrosion was controlled by oxygen depolarization. Selective corrosion occurred between Cu and Sn, and the effect of Cl- sped up the rate of corrosion in the electrochemical reaction. The results of the study can provide a reference for the protection of the copper artefacts excavated from South China Sea. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Xing-ling Tian Nai-sheng Li Zhi-guo Zhang, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/2c9cbfa92956afba174668da5ca9fedf.pdf 77bf4dab13ec4aff60c85768aaa97573 PDF Text Text Research on the removal of calcareous and iron concretions from marine finds Zhang Zhiguo, Ma Qinglin, Li Naisheng, and Tian Xingling Department of Conservation Science and Technology for Underwater Cultural Relics Center for Cultural Relic Restoration and Training Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage No. 2 Gao Yuan Street, Chao Yang District, Beijing 100029 China Email: zzgwys@126.com Liu Wei University of Science and Technology, Beijing China Abstract In recent years, several shipwrecks have been found in the South China Sea, such as Huaguang Jiao I and South China Sea I, shipwrecks from the Southern Song Dynasty (12-13c AD) and Nan’ao I, a wreck from the Ming Dynasty (14-17c AD). Many ancient archaeological iron objects were found the site. Usually, calcareous and iron concretions exist on these iron objects and some iron objects are concreted together very tightly. This paper discusses methods to remove calcareous and iron concretions from archaeological iron objects found from the sea and separation methods for the concreted iron objects recovered from the Huaguang Jiao I and South China Sea I shipwrecks. Key words: Huaguang Jiao, South China Sea I shipwreck, Iron objects; Calcareous; Iron concretions; Removal techniques Introduction The most striking feature of iron corrosion in a marine environment is the formation of thick concretions. Concretions form on iron buried beneath the seabed and on that exposed to seawater. In both cases the concretion is formed by the iron corrosion products interacting with material adjacent to the iron. Iron is not a biologically toxic material and any iron immersed in seawater is rapidly colonized by marine organisms. These organisms build up a layer of skeletal material, predominantly calcium carbonate (CaCO3). The subsequent diffusion of iron II ions (Fe2+) and iron III ions (Fe3+) from the 1 �underlying corroding iron produces chemical changes in this biological material (North, 1976). In the concretion, Fe2+ ions interchange with calcium ions (Ca2+) in the CaCO3, to produce ferrous carbonate or siderite (FeCO3). Some of the CaCO3 is also dissolved by the hydrogen ions (H+) forming calcium bicarbonate [Ca(HCO3)2], which causes the pH of the solution to increase. The increasing pH then results in the gradual precipitation of Fe2+ and Fe3+ as oxides, hydrated oxides and hydroxy chlorides. These fill holes and pores in the concretion and so form an iron cementing matrix to replace the original calcite matrix, which is slowly dissolving. Under the concretion, in areas of low oxygen content, reactions between iron ions and sulphide ions (S2-) ions produced by sulphate reducing bacteria result in the formation of iron (II) sulphides (FeS) and elemental sulphur (S). The end result of these processes is that the inner concretion becomes a replica of the marine growth but with the CaCO3 of the marine organisms virtually entirely replaced by iron corrosion products (North, 1976). The outer layer of the iron concretions is approximately the same composition as the marine growth on inert materials. The major differences are the presence of up to 2% iron and small, but significant amounts of inorganic CaCO 3. When iron is continuously buried beneath the seabed, negligible marine growth occurs but a hard concretion can still be formed provided the seabed material contains CaCO 3. The mechanism here appears to be basically the same as for exposed iron. As the iron-rich acidic solution diffuses into the surrounding seabed material it dissolves some CaCO3 and precipitate iron compounds which act as a binding cement. Further out from the object the previously dissolved calcium reprecipitates, due to increasing pH, and forms a second cementing layer. As a result any material in the seabed next to the corroding iron is incorporated into the concretion. Magnetite (Fe3O4) is the main iron oxide component of buried concretions compared with iron oxy hydroxides (FeOOH) and haematite (Fe2O3) in exposed concretions (North, 1987a). The concretions from the Batavia shipwreck site in Australia mainly contained FeOOH, Fe3O4, FeCO3 and iron hydroxy chlorides (FeOCl), minor constituents were CaCO3, quartz (SiO2), FeS and S and sometimes contained traces of sodium chloride (NaCl) and gypsum (CaSO4.2H2O) (North, 1976). North (1982) compared the chemical compositions of concretion and iron corrosion products from the Day Dawn shipwreck 2 �site in Australia, the concretions consisted of 46.1% iron (Fe), 0.34% sodium (Na), 7.9% calcium (Ca), 0.33% magnesium (Mg), 2.2% SiO2 and less than 0.05% chlorine (Cl), but the iron corrosion products consisted of 60.8% Fe, 0.06% Na, 0.11% Ca, 0.03% Mg and 6.1% Cl (North, 1982). Concretions found within marine sediment, where oxygen is relatively scarce, contain higher proportions of lepidocrocite (γ-FeOOH), Fe3O4, and the magnetic sulphide, pyrrhotite (Fe1-xS). Other compounds, which are unstable under atmospheric conditions, and thus difficult to identify, may also by present (Cronyn, 1990). The main method of concretion removal is by mechanical methods, such as toothpick, dental drill, riveting gun, hammer and sand-blasting machine (Hamilton, 1999; Mardikian and David, 1996; North 1987b; Rees-Jones, 1972). Chemical methods, such as 20% phosphoric acid (Rees-Jones, 1972) and hot soda baths (Pearson, 1972), have been used, especially for seriously corroded fragile iron, but concreted iron objects cannot be soaked for a long time. Liquid nitrogen (MacLeod, 1987) and electrolytic methods (Montlucon, 1986) can also be used for concretion removal. The liquid nitrogen method is effective in removing thick calcium carbonate layers on iron surfaces. Hydrogen produced by the electrolytic method may cause damage to the surfaces of ancient iron objects. The concretions on some marine iron recovered from three shipwrecks excavated from the South China Sea, HuaguangJiao I and South China Sea I, wrecks from the Southern Song Dynasty (12-13c AD) and Nan’ao I, a wreck from the Ming Dynasty (1417c AD), were analysed using multiple scientific techniques to determine the composition and structure of the concretions. The concretions from the three wrecks are composed primarily of two different types; calcareous/iron concretions or coral and siliceous concretions. The different types of concretion from the three wrecks were comparatively analysed. The results indicated that the concretions from South China Sea I contain calcareous and siliceous concretions, mainly SiO2, mixed calcareous concretions, FeS2, and FeCO3. And concretions from HuaguangJiao I were analogous to those from Nan’ao I except the composition of the iron concretions from the former consisted primarily of Fe3O4, goethite (α-FeOOH), lepidocrocite (γ-FeOOH), Fe2O3 and akaganeite (β-FeOOH), while FeS, FeCO3 and β-FeOOH were the main minerals present in the Nan’ao I iron concretions (Liu et al., 2011). This paper discusses methods 3 �to remove calcareous and iron concretions from marine archaeological ancient iron objects and tests some separation methods for the concreted iron objects from the HuaguangJiao I and South China Sea I shipwrecks. Results and Discussion Removal of the Calcareous Concretions by Chemical Methods Figure 1 shows the white calcareous concretions on the iron object, HTQ-9 from the HuaguangJiao calcareous I concretions shipwreck. are The usually composed of two layers, an outer and inner layer. Two samples of the different layers were collected using a scalpel. The outer Fig. 1 Iron object (HTQ-9) from the HuaguangJiao white surface layer consisted of calcite I shipwreck. (Z. G. Zhang). (Mg0.1Ca0.9CO3) and aragonite (CaCO3) and the inner white layer consisted of kutnahorite (Ca1.11Mn0.89 (CO3)2 and CaCO3. Figures 2a and 2b show the XRD spectrums of the outer and inner layer samples. The calcareous concretions of two layers are both very hard, and the inner layer is harder than outer one. About 0.4g of the white calcareous concretion, removed from the outer and inner layer of iron object HTQ-9, was soaked in a 10% EDTA disodium salt solution (EDTA-2Na), pH value was about 10. Figure 3 shows the transformation process of the concretion sample. The sample had completely dissolved after 102 hours. This experiment demonstrates that 10% EDTA-2Na can remove these types of white calcareous concretions present on this marine iron object. Removal of the Iron Concretions by Chemical Methods The iron object of HTQ-17 from the HuaguangJiao I shipwreck was sectioned into five sub-samples. The size of each sample was about 3.0 square centimeters. The red brown iron concretion on their surface was analysed by XRD. Figure 2c shows the XRD spectrum. The analysis result indicated the concretion mainly consisted of β-FeOOH, γFeOOH, Fe3O4 and α-FeOOH. Five solutions; 5% oxalic acid, 10% oxalic acid, 9.35% aminoacetic acid, 9.35% aminoacetic acid sodium salt and 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid sodium salt, were tested to dissolve the red brown iron concretions on five samples of 4 �HTQ-17. Figure 4 shows the transformation of the red brown iron concretions of HTQ17 in 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid sodium salt. The results of the experiment demonstrated that the dissolution rate of the red brown iron concretions in each solution in decreasing order was: 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid sodium salt, 9.35% aminoacetic acid, 9.35% aminoacetic acid sodium salt, 10% oxalic acid, 5% oxalic acid. So the 9.35% mercaptoacetic sodium salt was the best solution to dissolve the iron concretions. Removal of the Iron Concretions by Mechanical Methods Laser blasting, sandblasting and ultrasonic cleaning methods are effective techniques to remove concretions from marine iron objects (Hamilton, 1999). However, the laser method has the disadvantage that the power is difficult to control; it is an expensive technique and is not suitable for large areas and/or thick concretion layers. Sandblasting is appropriate for the more fragile iron objects with thin concretion layers. Ultrasonic cleaning, such as an ultrasonic dental tool, is useful for deconcreting small areas covered in thin concretion layers, which are not particularly hard and the power is easily controlled. Mechanical and chemical methods are commonly used in combination to remove concretions from marine iron objects. Figure 5a shows a concreted iron nail recovered from the South China Sea I shipwreck. The concretion was removed using a combination of mechanical and chemical techniques, i.e. a solution of EDTA-2Na in conjunction with a chisel and scalpel were used to remove the concretion from this object. Figure 5b shows the iron nail after concretion removal. Separation of a Group of Concreted Iron Objects Figure 6a shows a group of four concreted iron objects, HTQ-2 recovered from the HuaguangJiao I shipwreck. Some mechanical tools, such as an electric drill, an engraver, a chisel and a small hammer were used to mechanically separate the iron objects. Special care was taken during the separation process to avoid any fracture or breakage. When the electric drill was used for separation, the appropriate diameter drill bit was chosen and the power should be controlled according to the extent of corrosion and the distance between the concreted iron objects. Figure 6b shows the four iron objects after separation. 5 �Conclusion This paper presented some experimental results on a variety of removal methods for calcareous and iron concretions from marine archaeological ancient iron objects. Based on the analytical data, 10% EDTA-2Na can remove the white calcareous concretions on marine iron objects and 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid sodium salt solution can dissolve the red brown iron concretions successfully. Commonly combinations of mechanical and chemical techniques can remove block concretions on marine iron objects and separate groups of concreted iron objects. Mechanical techniques are still the most common and reliable method for concretion removal. 6 �Fig. 2 XRD spectrum of HTQ-9 (a = outer layer; b = inner layer) and HTQ-17 (c). (Z. G. Zhang) 3a 3b 3c 3d Fig. 3 Transformation of calcareous concretions from HTQ-9 in 10% EDTA disodium salt after (a) 0 hours, (b) 6.5 hours, (c) 54 hours, (d) 102 hours. (Z. G. Zhang) 7 �Fig. 4 Transformation of the red brown iron concretions from HTQ-17 in 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid sodium salt after (a) 24 hours, (b) 72 hours, (c) 144 hours. (Z. G. Zhang) Fig. 5 Iron nail from the South China Sea I shipwreck. (a) Before deconcretion, (b) After concretion removal. (Z. G. Zhang) Fig. 6 Concreted group of iron objects, HTQ-2 from the HuaguangJiao I shipwreck (a) Pre-separation, (b) After separation. (Z. G. Zhang) 8 �Acknowledgements We would like to thank Mr. Qiu Gang, Director of Hainan Museum, who supplied the marine iron samples. We would also like to thank Prof. Zhan Changfa and Dr. Shen Dawa for their assistance with the analysis and research. This research project was financially supported by the Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage (CACH). References Cronyn, J. M., 1990. The Elements of Archaeological Conservation. Routledge Press, Britain, 181. Hamilton, D. L., 1999. Methods of Conserving Archaeological Material from Underwater Sites. Nautical Archaeology Program. Department of Anthropology. Texas A&M University. College Station, Texas, 54-55. Liu, W., Wang, J. L., and Zhang, Z. G., 2011. Scientific analysis of the concretion on ancient marine iron recovered from three shipwrecks in South China Sea. Journal of National Museum of China, Vol. 2: 145-156. Mardikian, P., and David, R., 1996. Conservation of a French pistol from the wreck of Le Cygne (1808). Studies in Conservation, Vol. 41: 161-169. MacLeod, I. D., 1987. Conservation of corroded iron artefacts - new methods for on-site preservation and cryogenic deconcreting. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration, Vol. 16 (1): 49-56. Montlucon, J., 1986. Electricity: A new implement in archaeology. In J. W. Foster and O. S. Sheli (Eds.), 17th Conference on Underwater Archaeology. Sacramento, California, January 8-12, 1986, Facsimile Reprint by Coyote Press: 75-78. North, N. A., 1987a. Corrosion of metals. In C. Pearson (Eds.), Conservation of Marine Archaeological Objects, London, Butterworths: 77-78. North, N. A., 1987b. Conservation of Metals. In C. Pearson (Eds.), Conservation of Marine Archaeological Objects, Butterworths, London, 209-211, 223-227. North, N. A., 1982. Corrosion products on marine iron. Studies in Conservation, Vol. 27: 75-83. North, N. A., 1976. Formation of coral concretions on marine iron. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration, Vol. 5 (3): 253-258. 9 �Pearson, C., 1972. The preservation of iron cannon after 200 years under the sea. Studies in Conservation, Vol. 17: 102. Rees-Jones, S. G., 1972. Some aspects of conservation of iron objects from the sea. Studies in Conservation, Vol. 17: 39-43. Biography Zhiguo Zhang received his BSc (2001) and MSc (2004) in Chemistry from Shandong University and Tsinghua University, respectively and attained a PhD (2011) in history of science and technology from the University of Science and Technology, Beijing, China. His research field comprises the analysis and conservation of museum objects and the protection of marine cultural relics, such as ancient Chinese pigments, metals, stone, and wooden shipwrecks. Since 2004, he has worked on the conservation and research of ancient objects at the Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage (CACH) in Beijing. 10 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Research on the removal of calcareous and iron concretions from marine finds Description An account of the resource In recent years, several shipwrecks have been found in the South China Sea, such as Huaguang Jiao I and South China Sea I, shipwrecks from the Southern Song Dynasty (12-13c AD) and Nan’ao I, a wreck from the Ming Dynasty (14-17c AD). Many ancient archaeological iron objects were found the site. Usually, calcareous and iron concretions exist on these iron objects and some iron objects are concreted together very tightly. This paper discusses methods to remove calcareous and iron concretions from archaeological iron objects found from the sea and separation methods for the concreted iron objects recovered from the Huaguang Jiao I and South China Sea I shipwrecks. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Zhang Zhiguo Ma Qinglin Li Naisheng Tian Xingling Liu Wei, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a04596c95094d335a8db86e0270d06c7.pdf 882271ff5bfeedde5a84e95df79fbd95 PDF Text Text Tracking environmental and historical footprints on Clarence: Comparative XRD analysis of clay-rich sediment samples from a 19th century wreck site in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria, Australia Adele Zubrzycka and Anthony J. Barham Archaeology and Natural History School of Culture, History and Language ANU College of Asia and the Pacific The Australian National University ACT 0200 Australia E-mail: a.zubrzycka@gmail.com Ulrike Troitzsch Earth Materials Group Research School of Earth Sciences ANU College of Physical and Mathematical Sciences The Australian National University ACT 0200 Australia Abstract Little is known about shipbuilding in Australia in the early to mid 19th century. Under the Australian Research Council (ARC) funded Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) (www.ahspp.org.au), underwater excavations were carried out in AprilMay 2012 on the historic trading schooner Clarence, wrecked in shallow waters at Port Phillip Bay, Victoria in September 1850. During excavations, cores collected by lead investigator Peter Veth and principle investigator Vicki Richards were found to contain clay-rich sediment, thought to be ballast. This discovery stimulated investigations of the micro-sedimentary environments and taphonomy associated with the vessel, especially fine-grain sediment supply to the wreck and current and tidal influences on the stability of sediments lodged in and around the site. In order to address these questions, sediment samples were collected from the wreck, seabed and adjacent shorelines. Clay fractions were analysed at the Australian National University (ANU) using X-Ray Diffraction (XRD). Key objectives were to compare mineral signatures in the 'ballast' from clay-rich sources on the seabed and coastal foreshores possibly incorporated as the vessel foundered. Results successfully differentiate a) individual samples by seabed location and b) “ballast” samples in the wreck structure from sampled points around the wreck. The findings suggest that fine sediment within the Clarence shipwreck is likely to be clay ballast, emplaced at some point during the schooner's working life. The results also inform questions regarding the longer-term conservation of Clarence and similar wrecks located in Australian and Southeast Asian shallow-water settings. 1 �Key words: Clarence, Shipwreck, X-ray Diffraction, Sediment, Ballast, Schooner, Conservation. Introduction Clarence, one of Australia's best preserved carvel-built, two-masted wooden trading schooners (Gesner, 1985), was constructed on the Williams River in New South Wales by Sydney merchants Gordon Sandernais and Thomas Ayers in 1841 (Coroneos, 1991). At the time, the Williams River shipbuilding industry was in its early stages of growth, producing unique examples of early shipbuilding techniques in Australia (Taylor, 1977). Small wooden coastal trading vessels were integral to the survival and development of Australia in the early to mid-19th century before the adoption of steam transport (Taylor, 1977). For the next nine years, Clarence worked as a trade vessel, transporting goods and passengers to and from Victoria, New South Wales and Tasmania. On the 2nd of September 1850, the vessel foundered on a sand bank in Port Phillip Bay while transporting sheep and other goods from Melbourne to Hobart. The vessel remained partially submerged for a number of years until eventually retreating to the sea floor (Gesner, 1985). In the mid-1980s the wreck, now protected under the Victorian Heritage Act 1995, was rediscovered and its historical and archaeological significance acknowledged as a result of investigations conducted by the Maritime Archaeology Association of Victoria (MAAV) (Gesner, 1985; Harvey, 1986, 1989). These findings were subsequently reported to the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Victoria Archaeology Survey (VAS). In turn, an environmental monitoring program and report was compiled by Coroneos (1991). Today the wreck is located in shallow waters (4-5 m deep) where natural processes and small vessel anchorage are negatively impacting the vessel's structural preservation. In April-May 2012, in accordance with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, the first phase of excavation, reburial and in-situ preservation of Clarence was undertaken by the ARC funded AHSPP. During excavations, it was apparent that there was a shallow layer of loose marine sediment overlying a dense clay-rich unit (appearing to have retained marks possibly 2 �produced by bucketing of clay into the hold of the schooner) (Veth et al., 2013) lodged within the vessel structure on top of the schooner's ceiling timbers, between 30-50 cm in depth (Taylor, 2013). A number of finds including cask staves and lids; coir cordage; leather patches and other items were also found within the clay deposit (Veth et al., 2013). Chief investigators Peter Veth, Vicki Richards and project diver Mike Nash, collected cores of the deposit and sediment in and around the wreck. Although clay is proposed to have been a popular form of ballast material in the 19th century (Taylor, 2013), little contemporary or historic material exists regarding its use in Australia. This material makes it difficult to pinpoint particular locations in which clay was collected or how widespread the practice was. If clay-rich sediments are confirmed to be ballast, Clarence could be the first example of a clay ballasted vessel to be located and sampled in the country (Veth et al., 2013). This discovery and questions surrounding future preservation of the wreck stimulated investigations into micro-sedimentary environments and taphonomy associated with the site and the stability of sediments lodged in and around the wreck. Key objectives were to compare mineral signatures in the 'ballast' from clay-rich sources on the seabed and coastal Fig. 1 Short core and grab sample locations in the wreck of the Clarence. (A. Khan) foreshores to confirm the likelihood of clay-rich sediments being ballast. In order to address these questions, sediment samples were collected from the surrounding onshore landscape and analysed using XRD in March 2013 along with samples collected in April-May 2012 from the wreck and adjacent seabed at the Research School of Earth Sciences (RSES), ANU. This analysis was also undertaken to identify the extent of sediment preservation or damage within the wreck. XRD is considered a cheap, fast and relatively effective method for identifying and analysing clay minerals. Although some criticisms have been made in regards to its overall accuracy, if correct precautions are taken it can be a useful tool in identifying clay mineral variations in sediments (Kahle et al., 2002). 3 �Procedures and Methods Sample Sets and Sampling and Preparation Techniques. Initial XRD analysis was carried out on nine sediment samples collected by project divers as part of the Clarence excavations.  Set A: CLI1-0006-9. Samples retrieved as either grab samples or undisturbed cores from the wreck site. Locations are shown in (Fig. 1).  Set B: CLI2-0001-4 and CLI2-0010. Samples retrieved as either grab samples or undisturbed cores from the seabed surrounding the wreck. Locations are shown in (Fig. 1). XRD analysis was then carried out on 15 samples taken from offshore geography directly associated with Port Phillip Bay during a field trip to the area in March 2013. At the Clarence site, the major mechanism by which terrestrial-derived fine grain sediments enter the near shore zone will be run-off plumes after heavy rain. Cliff collapse and direct wave erosion of regolith at cliff bases will make minor contributions (Cardno, 2011). The bedrock and saprolites sampled also approximate the range of deposits likely to be forming seabeds around and beneath the locations where Clarence foundered. The following samples were collected based on the above assumptions.  Set C: SPA1-15. 50-200g of well sorted deposits were collected from five locations across the headlands of Port Arlington and St Leonards (Fig. 2) and stored in clear zip-lock bags. Samples were retrieved from exposures and sections along low cliffed shorelines and one low elevation intertidal clay-pan. Locations and sampling design aimed to produce representative examples of sediments in the complex weathered geology and regolith of Bellarine shorelines, which are actively eroding and releasing sediments into the near shore zone.  SPA1-5 and 12-15 were collected from eroding cliff sections.  SPA 6 and 7 were collected from an intertidal weathered outcrop.  SPA 8, 9 and 10 were collected from Edwards Point, where a salt-pan and mudflat are situated. This site was chosen and sampled as an example of a sediment sink where fine clay-silts have settled from an intertidal water column 4 �behind a bay bar sand barrier. These provide a first-order proxy for sediments/clay mineralogies likely to deposit out of the Port Phillip Bay water column.  SPA11 was sampled from St Leonards Beach, seaward of the adjacent mudflat at Edwards Point. Methods Analysed sediment from Set A was carefully removed from cores in order to avoid contamination of clay-rich deposits with overlying loose marine sediment. Analysed sediment from Set B was sampled at 2cm intervals in order to collect a representative sample of surface and underlying sediments on the sea floor. Therefore, XRD analysis on all Set B samples (except CLI2-0004 and CLI2-0010) Fig. 2 Locations of SPA1-15 sediment samples surrounding Port Phillip Bay. (Google Earth, 2013) was conducted twice per core and conducted on all aspects of the sample, including miscellaneous marine sediment. Analysed sediment from Set C was prepared in order to produce an accurate representation of coastal landscape formations. All remaining sediment from Sets A, B and C were retained in separate storage containers at the RSES, ANU. All sample sets were prepared and analysed using powder XRD and clay separation methods. Powder XRD was carried out with a SIEMENS D501 BraggBrentano diffractometer equipped with a graphite monochromator and scintillation detector, using Cu K-alpha radiation. Bulk samples were milled for 10 min in ethanol with a McCrone Micronizing Mill, and dried at 40°C. Samples were suspended on a side-packed sample holder and analysed from 2 to 70° 2-theta, at a step width of 0.02° 5 �and a scan speed of 1° per minute. Clay separation was performed by the settling method and samples prepared according to the Millipore Filter Transfer Method (Moore and Reynolds, 1997). Clay samples were analysed after Mg-saturation (scan range 242° 2theta, step width 0.02°, scan speed 1°/min), saturation with ethylene glycol (2-32°, 0.02°, 1°/min), and heating to 350°C (2-28°, 0.02°, 1°/min) and to 550°C (2-28°, 0.02°, 1°/min). Results were interpreted using the Bruker AXS software package Diffracplus Eva 10 (2003) for identification, and Siroquant V3 for quantification (using the bulk scan). Results Results are shown in Tables 1, 2 and 3 and Fig. 3. Table 1 represents results from Set A, collected from within the wreck. Table 2 represents results from Set B, collected from the sea floor surrounding the wreck site. Table 3 represents results from Set C, collected from surrounding coastal geologies in Port Phillip Bay. Fig. 3 illustrates variations in mineralogical compositions in Sets A and B, specifically with regards to kaolinite, plagioclase and clinopyroxene quantities. Small quantities of vermiculite were present throughout all sample sets: Set A contained an average of 0.50 ± 0.03%, one sample in Set B contained 0.4% vermiculite and three samples in Set C contained traces of the mineral (SPA5, 0.1%, SPA7, 0.4% and SPA 14, Fig. 3 Mineralogical percentages of kaolinite, plagioclase and 0.6%). Calcite and aragonite clinopyroxene in Sets A and B. (A. Zubrzycka) were not well represented in Set A, however CLI-0009, contained 5.1% calcite and 6.2% aragonite. Quartz, likely to be associated with loose sand particles from the surrounding seabed, was abundant in Sets A (Mean (M) = 29.9 ± 6.0%) and B (M = 27.5 ± 1.0%). Sets A and B contained halite that can be attributed to trace levels of salt water retained in samples during preparation. Small quantities of illite/smectite were present in the 6 �majority of Set B samples (M = 0.4 ± 0.3%) while only one sample in Set A, CLI-0005, contained the clay mineral (5.6%). The presence of clinopyroxene was unique to Set A samples CI10008 (13.8%) and CLI10009 (7.7%), which were collected in direct association with clay-rich deposits in the wreck (Fig. 3). Large quantities of kaolinite were present in Set A (M = 43.7 ± 16.7%). In comparison, Set B samples were clay poor, containing only trace levels of kaolinite (M = 1.1 ± 0.2%) (Fig. 3). Plagioclase was present in both Set A and B with Set A containing an average of 6.8 ± 7.9% and Set B an average of 2.7 ± 0.5% (Fig. 3). Calcite and aragonite were found in abundance in Set B (M = 51.2 ± 2.5% and 13.5 ± 0.8%, respectively). All Set C samples, except SPA11 (beach sand), were clay rich and contained little to no traces of feldspars, such as plagioclase (0%) and K-feldspar, which was only present in SPA3 (1.8%). In comparison, Set A contained an average of 3.3 ± 2% K-feldspar. Only one sample in Set C, SPA10, contained aragonite (15.3%) probably associated with a midden deposit or activity associated with higher sea levels or storm surges. Clay fractions from SPA1 and 8 were dominated with illite/muscovite (27.4% and 32.9%, respectively). Clay fractions from SPA4 (74.3%), SPA5 (89.3%), SPA6 (85.6%) and SPA15 (87.8%) were dominated by kaolinite. SPA7 contained the largest quantity of kaolinite at 96.3%. Overall, the mean quantity of kaolinite within Set C was 40.1 ± 37.8% (as opposed to M = 43.7 ± 16.7% in Set A and 1.1 ± 0.2% in Set B). SPA2 was dominated by goethite (52.6%), which was not present in Set A or B. Set C contained a mean average of 24.8 ± 25.3% quartz. This average was reached by excluding SPA11, a sample of beach sand containing 97.7% quartz. Average quartz quantities in Set C including SPA11 is 29.7 ± 30.8%. Anatase was present in SPA4 (3.9%), SPA5 (4.6%), SPA6 (2.9%) and SPA 7 (2.7%), all collected from low lying cliff sections. Because a number of samples, especially those within data sets A and B contained halite and/or calcite inaccurate results relating to quantification of minerals and clays in the final stages of data analysis were present. In order to account for these irregularities total clays with and without these minerals have been included in all tables. 7 �Discussion The hypothesis that clay deposits accumulated in Clarence after becoming submerged in its present position as a result of slack water “fines settling” within the vessel is inconsistent with data accumulated from the XRD analysis of all samples. This can be observed by comparing mineralogical variability and clay quantities from all sample sets, especially those in Set A and B. Some of the most significant results came from samples CLI1-0008 and CLI1-0009, collected from clay-rich deposits thought to be ballast. These were the only collected and analysed samples to contain clinopyroxene. All samples in Set A contained high percentages of kaolinite, however, CLI1-0008 and 0009 contained significantly less kaolinite (21.1% in CLI1-0008 and 32.3% in CLI1-0009) than analysed samples collected from the wreck, which contained an average of 55.1 ± 6.5% kaolinite (Fig. 3). CLI1-0008 and 0009 also contained higher quantities of plagioclase and K-feldspar than other samples (see Table 1 and Fig. 3). Thus, clay-rich sediment, thought to be ballast, found near the schooner's ceiling planking contains a unique mineralogical composition compared to other sampled sediments within the wreck structure. The hypothesis that clay-rich sediments may have accumulated on the wreck over time, taking on the appearance of clay ballast, is also unlikely based on results from Set B. If clay rich sediments derived from the surrounding landscape had settled on the wreck via storm surges or tidal and current activity, it is likely that similar clay minerals would be present on the adjacent seabed. However, low quantities of kaolinite and a complete lack of clinopyroxene in Set B suggest that this is not the case (Fig. 3). XRD results from Set C also indicate that there is no mineralogical relationship between sediments collected from surrounding coastal geologies and clay-rich sediments found within the wreck. In regards to the stability of sediments within the wreck, comparing mineralogical data from sample Sets A and B indicates that bioturbation and damaging ocean currents have had minimal effect on what may be in situ clay sediments directly associated with the wreck. This can be observed via the presence of calcite in Set A where the mineral is only present in CLI-0009 (5.1%). However, biased sample 8 �preparation in the lab may be associated with this result, i.e. shell fragments and other material being removed from Set A and B samples prior to milling. Conclusion The wreck of the Clarence can provide researchers with valuable information on the history of shipbuilding and ballast use in Australia during the early to mid-19th Century. The location of the wreck also carries the potential to inform researchers of the detrimental effect environmental and anthropogenic activity may have on the survival of the Clarence and other wrecks in similar locations. The discovery of clay-rich sediment during the 2012 excavation gave researchers a unique opportunity to investigate both of these questions using identical methodologies. Results from XRD analysis successfully differentiated samples collected from the seabed adjacent to the wreck, clay-rich sediments collected within the wreck and sediment collected from the surrounding coastline. This suggests that clay-rich sediments are unlikely to have been transported to the wreck via factors such as storm surges or ocean currents carrying fine grained sediments from the adjacent coastline. Findings suggest that clay sediment within the Clarence shipwreck is likely to be clay ballast or another form of clay material, emplaced in the vessel at some point during its working life. Results were further emphasised due to the presence of clinopyroxene, plagioclase and kaolinite in samples directly associated with clay-rich deposits found near the hull of the vessel. The survival of clayrich sediment within the wreck suggests that although natural and anthropogenic activity can have a detrimental effect on the preservation of underwater cultural heritage, it is possible for archaeologically significant material to be well preserved within these contexts. In order to reach a more definitive conclusion on the likelihood that clay-rich deposits are indeed ballast, more data from Australian built wrecks and archival material is required. It is also suggested that further comparative analysis of clay-rich sediments found on the wreck and the surrounding landscape be undertaken using alternative analytical methods. 9 �References Cardno, 2011. Sediment Transport Modelling – Great Sands, Port Phillip. RM2271/LJ5518 Version 1.0. Report prepared for Port of Melbourne Corporation, 6 March 2011, Cardno Victoria Pty Ltd, Collingwood, Victoria. Coroneos, C., 1991. Historical Shipwreck, The Clarence (1841-1850) Conservation Plan. Unpublished report submitted to the Victoria Archaeological Survey, Melbourne, Victoria. Gesner, P., 1985. Clarence Report: Historical Documentation. Unpublished report submitted to the Victorian Archaeological Survey, Melbourne, Victoria. Harvey, P. 1986. A Pre-disturbance Survey of the Shipwreck Clarence in Port Phillip. Unpublished report submitted to the Victorian Archaeological Survey, Melbourne, Victoria. Harvey, P. 1989. Excavation of the Shipwreck Clarence: Port Phillip Bay, October 1987. Unpublished report submitted to the Victorian Archaeological Survey, Melbourne, Victoria. Kahle, M., Kleber, M. and Jahn, R., 2002. Review of XRD-based quantitative analyses of clay minerals in soils: The suitability of mineral intensity factors. Geoderma, Vol. 109 (3-4): 191-205. Moore D. M., and Reynolds, R. C., 1997. X-ray Diffraction and the Identification and Analysis of Clay Minerals. 2nd edition, Oxford University Press. Taylor, P., 2013. Shipwrecks: A Practical Guide to Research and Discovery. Scuttlebutt Press, Australia. Veth, P., Philippou, C., Richards, V., Staniforth, M., Rodrigues, J., Khan, A., Creagh, D., Viduka, A., Barham, A., MacLeod, I., and Harvey, P., 2013. The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project 2012: First report on the background, reburial and insitu preservation at the Clarence (1841-50). Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 37: 1-19. 10 �Biography Adele Zubrzycka is a Masters of Archaeological Science candidate at the Australian National University. Her Masters thesis examined built structures and material culture associated with the first Presbyterian mission station established in Vanuatu (1848). Her research interests lie in historical archaeology with an emphasis on the colonial period in South Asia, specifically the production and trade of indigo in India. Anthony Barham is a geoarchaeologist by training with a specific interest in landscape stratigraphy and archaeological site environments. His research spans Regolith and Soil Science, Quaternary Science and Archaeology. He has a long-standing interest in the Holocene geomorphological development and human occupation record of Australian tropical coastlines, especially regional syntheses of archaeological and palaeoenvironmental records in Torres Strait, and recently on the Kimberley coast of Western Australia (WA). Current research includes evaluating impacts of past tsunami events (and cyclone storm surges) in WA using archaeological data sets. Dr Ulrike Troitzsch is the X-ray Diffraction Laboratory Manager at the Australian National University, Canberra. Her thesis was based on the crystal structure and thermodynamic properties of titanite solid solution Ca(Ti,Al)(O,F)SiO4. Her research interests lie in experimental and metamorphic petrology, mineralogy, crystal chemistry, solid solutions, ceramics granites and migmatites crystal structure determination and refinement. 11 �CLI1-0005 CLI1-0006 CLI1-0007 CLI1-0008 CLI1-0009 Location Close to Near keelson, Centre ceiling stern end wreck planking near foremast stump of Close to Near ceiling ceiling planking, bow planking near end foremast stump Goodness of 2 fit X 3.16 3.80 3.31 4.09 3.55 Quartz 34.9 22.5 25.2 36.6 30.4 Plagioclase - 3.9 2.3 20.2 7.9 K-feldspar - 3.6 3.2 4.8 5.0 Halite 1.2 5.9 2.5 0.5 0.6 Calcite - - - - 5.1 Illite/smectite 5.6 - - - - Vermiculite - 0.2 0.7 0.6 0.8 Aragonite - - - - 6.2 Gypsum - - - - 2.1 Illite/muscovite 10.4 7.0 5.5 2.4 1.9 Kaolinite 47.9 56.9 60.6 21.1 32.3 Clinopyroxene - - - 13.8 7.7 Total 100 100 100 100 100 Total clay 63.9 64.1 66.8 24.1 35.0 Total clay w/out carbonates or halite 64.7 68.1 68.5 24.2 39.7 Minerals Table 1 CLI1 samples collected from the Clarence wreck site, April/May 2012. (A. Zubrzycka) 12 �CLI20001 0-2 cm CLI2CLI-0002 0001 2-4 cm CLI20003 0-2 cm CLI20003 2-4 cm CLI20004 CLI20010 Location Stern end, starboard side. Stern end, starboard side. Bow end, Stern starboard end, starboard side. side. Bow end, starboard side. Bow end, Bow end, port side. port side. Goodness of fit X2 2.76 2.55 2.52 2.43 2.47 2.29 2.38 Quartz 28.5 30.6 28.4 28.7 25.4 24.8 26.1 Plagioclase 2.5 3.0 3.8 2.7 2.3 2.7 2.2 Halite 1.3 0.6 1.2 1.0 1.6 0.9 1.1 Calcite 51.3 48.7 48.2 49.3 53.6 54.7 52.5 Dolomite 1.6 1.1 1.1 1.2 1.0 1.0 1.2 Aragonite 12.5 12.5 14.2 14.7 13.6 13.3 13.9 Vermiculite - 0.4 - - - - - Illite/muscovite 1.3 1.0 1.5 0.5 1.2 1.0 1.8 Illite/smectite - 1.0 0.5 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.3 Kaolinite 1.0 1.1 1.1 1.6 0.9 1.3 0.9 Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Total Clay 2.3 3.5 3.1 2.4 2.5 2.6 3.0 Total clay w/out carbonates and halite 6.9 9.4 8.8 7.1 8.3 8.6 9.6 Minerals Table 2 CLI2 samples collected from adjacent sea floor associated with the Clarence wreck site, April/May 2012. (A. Zubrzycka) 13 �SPA1 SPA2 SPA3 SPA4 SPA5 SPA6 SPA7 SPA8 SPA9 Goodness of fit X2 SPA1 SPA1 SPA1 SPA1 SPA1 SPA1 0 1 2 3 4 5 2.97 2.55 3.39 3.57 4.85 4.51 5.15 4.32 4.07 3.42 3.04 3.89 3.99 4.59 4.51 Minerals Quartz 44.1 28.1 64.9 - 0.5 0.3 - 14.9 13.9 25.9 97.7 74.4 55.4 17.6 8.4 K-feldspar - - - - - - - - - - - Goethite 10.7 52.6 - 1.6 3.4 7.4 - - - - - - 10.9 14.9 - Hematite - - - 14.8 3.1 - - - - 2.3 2.8 - - - Halite - - - 5.4 1.8 0.7 0.6 14.7 42.8 9.4 - - - - 1.9 Calcite 14.7 4.4 6.5 - - - - 1.8 - 11.0 - - - - - Aragonite - - - - - - - - - 15.8 - - - - - Gypsum - - 1.6 - - - - 1.3 3.7 1.5 - 1.1 0.7 - - Smectite - 9.6 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 0.1 - 0.4 - - - - - - 0.6 - Vermiculite - - 1.8 - - Illite/ muscovite 27.4 3 20.8 - 0.30 - - 32.9 16.8 18.8 - - - 1.9 1.9 Illite/ smectite - - - - - - 17.5 10.6 7.5 - - - - Kaolinite 3.1 2.3 4.4 74.3 89.3 85.6 96.3 16.9 12.2 10.1 - 21.7 33.0 65.0 87.8 Anatase - - - 3.9 - Total 100 100 100 100 100 Total Clay 30.5 14.9 25.2 74.3 89.7 85.6 96.7 67.3 39.6 36.4 0.0 Total clay 35.8 15.6 27 w/out carbonates and halite 4.6 - 2.9 2.7 - - - - - - - 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 78.5 91.3 86.2 97.3 80.6 69.2 57.1 0.0 100 21.7 33.0 67.5 89.7 22.3 33.0 67.5 91.4 Table 3 SPA samples collected from geology surrounding Port Phillip Bay, March 2013. (A. Zubrzycka) 14 - � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Tracking environmental and historical footprints on Clarence: Comparative XRD analysis of clay-rich sediment samples from a 19th century wreck site in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria, Australia Description An account of the resource Little is known about shipbuilding in Australia in the early to mid 19th century. Under the Australian Research Council (ARC) funded Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) (www.ahspp.org.au), underwater excavations were carried out in April- May 2012 on the historic trading schooner Clarence, wrecked in shallow waters at Port Phillip Bay, Victoria in September 1850. During excavations, cores collected by lead investigator Peter Veth and principle investigator Vicki Richards were found to contain clay-rich sediment, thought to be ballast. This discovery stimulated investigations of the micro-sedimentary environments and taphonomy associated with the vessel, especially fine-grain sediment supply to the wreck and current and tidal influences on the stability of sediments lodged in and around the site. In order to address these questions, sediment samples were collected from the wreck, seabed and adjacent shorelines. Clay fractions were analysed at the Australian National University (ANU) using X-Ray Diffraction (XRD). Key objectives were to compare mineral signatures in the 'ballast' from clay-rich sources on the seabed and coastal foreshores possibly incorporated as the vessel foundered. Results successfully differentiate a) individual samples by seabed location and b) “ballast” samples in the wreck structure from sampled points around the wreck. The findings suggest that fine sediment within the Clarence shipwreck is likely to be clay ballast, emplaced at some point during the schooner's working life. The results also inform questions regarding the longer-term conservation of Clarence and similar wrecks located in Australian and Southeast Asian shallow-water settings. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Adele Zubrzycka Anthony J. Barham Ulrike Troitzsch, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/fac8d9e7b4c36736c1fbc7414db4c723.pdf 896e782881c861489ec3a72f1b9da7b9 PDF Text Text Identifying ‘Islamic Motif’ on Chinese blue and white Porcelain recovered from the 15th century shipwrecks in the Philippines Andrea Natasha E. Kintanar Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines, Diliman Philippines Eamil: andreakintanar@gmail.com Abstract This research is based on the raw data of a Master’s thesis that aims to identify Islamic motifs on Chinese blue-and-white porcelains recovered from the 15th century archaeological sites in the Philippines. A stylistic analysis of Chinese porcelains recovered from both underwater and terrestrial sites will be conducted so that the main aims of the thesis will be attained. The Master’s thesis aims to answer questions that concern: a) the participation of the Philippines during the 15th century maritime trade; and b) determine the possible indications of the presence and/or absence of the porcelains. Large amounts of Chinese ceramics have been found in Philippine sites dating from the late 9th to the early 12th centuries, and the 14th-18th centuries. Some Chinese blue-and-white porcelains recovered from Philippine archaeological sites were preliminarily identified to have Islamic motifs, however these were only initial descriptions. The Master’s thesis aims to verify the preliminary analyses. The main objective of this paper is analysis the blueandwhite porcelains recovered from following shipwrecks of the 15th century: Lena Shoal shipwreck, Española underwater site, and Pandanan shipwreck in Palawan, Philippines as well as Santa Cruz shipwreck in Zambales, Philippines. Using the collated motifs from already established ‘Islamic’ art a criteria and checklist was formulated to illustrate the presence of the motifs in Chinese blueandwhite porcelain from the abovementioned underwater sites. The initial results of this research will reveal that porcelains recovered in the Philippines are comparable to those found in West Asia, contrary to some past studies. Key words: Maritime Silk Road, Maritime trade, Islamic, Porcelain, Shipwreck Introduction The Philippines is an archipelago located near the South China Sea, suitable for ancient and present maritime trade. In consequence, the region is home to noteworthy underwater cultural heritage (Orillaneda, 2011). Evidenced by historical and archaeological data, such as the discovery of plank-built and edge-pegged wooden boats and shipwrecks dated from the 14th to the 18th century (Dizon and Ronquillo, 1 �2010; Orillaneda, 2013), the Philippine islands is known to have been involved in the Southeast Asian maritime trade and shipping network beginning the 9th century throughout the following centuries (Goddio, 2002; Guy, 1980). Chinese annals documented during the Song period (950-1279), that the Philippines engaged in long distance trade of porcelain and other goods (Beyer, 1947; Wu, 1959), where the South China Sea and Malacca Straits played a big role in this maritime interaction (Guy, 1980; Junker, 2000; Wu, 1959). Trade route diversion occurred due to the ‘inoperable’ state of the Silk Road caused by the “disintegration of overland commercial networks” (Orillaneda, 2013: 1). From then, a Maritime Silk Road was born, which connected the Mediterranean and South China seas (Hall, 2011; Orillaneda, 2013). Centers of Southeast Asian complex societies which progressed during the 12th-15th centuries became the heart and core of trade in the Maritime Silk Road (Hall, 1992; Orillaneda, 2013; Wade and Sun, 2010). Scholars claim that the Philippine Islands were merely a crossroad and only acted as a peripheral destination between Asia, Southeast Asia and the Pacific (Dizon and Ronquillo, 2010; Guy, 1980; Medley, 1976). With recent archaeological research, it may be argued that the Philippines participated more closely to this Maritime Silk Road than past studies would allow. In the most recent research on this matter, Orillaneda (2013) presented that Philippine society during the 15th-17th centuries utilized traded items and in turn played roles in their cultural fabric. The maritime polities in Manila, Maguindanao, Sulu, and Cebu, for example (Junker, 2000), were competitive when it came to raiding and trading internally, and the goods of this interisland trade also came from overseas or maritime trading elsewhere (Junker,2000; Orillaneda, 2013). One of the major components of this trade is Chinese porcelain. However, Medley (1976) and Macintosh (1994) observed that porcelains bound to Southeast Asia and the Philippines, during the 13th-15th centuries, were simpler compared to those sent to bigger kingdoms (so to speak) or what they would call Islamic nations in West Asia. Medley (1976) pointed out that pieces in the Philippines were more modest in design and smaller - jarlets or small plates - based on her research on the Topkapi Saray and Ardebil Shrine museum collections. Macintosh (1994: 18) stated that when the inhabitants of the Philippines came to like the blue-and-white porcelain, “they therefore 2 �ordered a quantity of small, sturdily potted wares that could be used in the export trade to the southern seas”. Such pieces were produced without care and decorated only in “a sketchily drawn style” as compared to those found in West Asia or Islamic sultanates (Macintosh, 1994: 18). This paper investigates Chinese blue and white porcelains recovered from selected underwater sites in the Philippines as it is possible that those ceramics also depict the same designs seen on porcelains brought to West Asia or Islamic lands. Contrary to accounts of Macintosh (1994) and Medley (1976), the Philippines served more than just an area for cheap trade materials and porcelains recovered from the shipwrecks bare comparable motifs to those found in the Islamic Sultanates of the West Asia. Objectives This paper is the raw data of the author’s thesis. It discusses the initial results gathered from artifact analysis of four underwater sites in the Philippines. The main objective of this paper is to conduct a stylistic analysis on the blue and white porcelains recovered from the following 15th century underwater sites (Fig. 1): Lena Shoal shipwreck, Española underwater site, Pandanan shipwreck, and the Santa Cruz shipwreck, Philippines. Using the collated motifs from already established ‘Islamic’ art (e. g. ceramics, bronze wares, and architecture), this paper presence of illustrates the the on motifs Chinese blue-and-white porcelains from abovementioned concretize author the the sites. To analysis, the formulated a criteria based on earlier studies done on Islamic motifs and Chinese porcelains. The four underwater sites were selected for their time period, i.e. the 15th century. This is a relevant period related to the proposed ‘Age of Commerce’ by Reid (1990) and part of the time when new maritime patterns and ship 3 �technology was being developed in Southeast Asia (Hall, 2011). Sites in the Philippines were mentioned by scholars to have been part of the maritime trade network during the 15th century CE (Junker, 2000; Hall, 2011). Stylistic analysis of Chinese blue and white porcelains will enlighten us on this maritime trade. Exploring the presence of ‘Islamic’ motifs on the recovered Chinese blue and white porcelains will also give an explanation of the term that scholars used in the past Fig. 2a Large dishes with Arabesque Scroll, Lena Shoal Shipwreck. (A. N. for describing Kintanar) decorations Fig. 2b Large dishes with Cloud Collar, Lena Shoal Shipwreck. (A. N. found in porcelain which were Kintanar) from the 15th century (Aga-Oglu, 1951; Crick, 2002; Krahl, 1986; Medley, 1973-1976; Orillaneda, 2008). The Master’s thesis of the researcher will answer more inferences. Discussion of method and criteria The criteria formulated serves as a checklist (Fig. 1) to inspect for indicative design elements considered as ‘Islamic’. This is based on features Medley (1975), Krahl (1986) and other art historians identified as Islamic. Two major characteristics being studied specifically are design elements and forms. When dissected, these may be divided to: a) arabesque; b) cloud collar; c) symmetry or pattern; d) heavy or dense decorations on space; and e.) form or size of wares. Design Elements Islamic decoration had a keenness to elaborate surfaces, where there were layers of decoration, as opposed to the adherence of Chinese potters to simplicity (Bloom and 4 �Blair, 1997; Medley, 1975). The main design elements considered as Islamic are the arabesque (Burckhardt, 1976) and cloud collar (which is still questionable). The arabesque (Fig. 2a) is “an ornament in stylized plant forms, strictly geometrical”, like a vine with leaf-scrolls and branches (Burckhardt, 1976: 56). The arabesque began as a sprawling plant ornament which was characteristic of Sassanian art forms strictly calibrated into lines of grapevine shoots with stylized images of fruits, animals, or people (Piotrvskii, 2006). After the 11th century, the arabesque became a stable characteristic of Islamic art (Piotrovskii, 2006). It became “integral in every Islamic work of art, which evolved to different patterns. In later periods it came to dominate decorative arts around the world”, including some blue and white porcelains (Bloom and Blair, 1997: 283). The cloud collar (Fig. 2b) is considered questionable because opposing sources say its origin is either Mongol or Persian (Orogo 1, 2011; Orinllaneda, 2006; Esguerra, 2004). The cloud collar is “a decorative form possibly derived from the Fungus or Ling Chih as the ‘Plate of Long Life and Immortality’ [But], this decorative motif may also have a Persian or Mongolian origin” (Orogo, 2011). However, Gray (1963) mentioned that the cloud collar could be Mongolian since the same design can be seen in both Persian and Chinese clothing about the same period the Mongols were in control of Central Asia. This design was literally used as a collar in most royal clothing in the Mongolian court and then adapted by the Chinese and the Persian in most of their art (Gray, 1963). Nevertheless, this design was rendered in Persian, Mongolian and Chinese art; ceramics included. It seemed to be more prevalent in ceramics that were produced during the Yuan (1279-1368 AD) and Ming (1368-1644 AD) Dynasties, as seen in the porcelains recovered from underwater sites in the Philippines. Other features under design are pattern and heavy decoration. Scholars like Carswell (2000), Macintosh (1994), and Medley (1973-1976) out that obvious influence pointed the most Islamic seen in Yuan and Ming wares 5 Fig. 3 Collated photographs of ‘Concentric Bands’. (Medley, 1975) �is the heavy and elaborate way the white porcelain was painted. Medley (1975-1976) discovered a pattern most Islamic ceramics display in Yuan and Ming wares. Since scholars mentioned that numerous ceramics found in Islamic nations portray geometric designs (Curatola, 2006; Philon, 1980), it should follow that even the pattern of decorations is geometric, a.k.a. ‘concentric pattern’ (Medley, 1975).Chinese potters made sure there was harmony in porcelain decoration (e.g. bigger feasting plates had to be decorated with organized balanced). Early Islamic metalwork was brought to China as reference for new forms of porcelain (Bennett, 2005; Carswell, 2000; Crick, 2002; Curatola, 2006; Gray, 1963; Medley, 1973-1976; Soucek, 1999). In these references the Chinese potters discovered a systematic way to decorate wares that were new to them. The solution to the Chinese potters’ problem was to render the same concentric pattern in bands or strips (Fig. 3) which Medley (1975) pointed out by showing a picture of one of the collections from the Ardabil Shrine. Form Examples of forms copied from early Islamic metal work are the ewer or crescentshaped kendi (Bennett, 2005). Different forms are dishes, kendis, ewers, and boxes. Large dishes “appear to be derived from a metal prototype possibly of Islamic origin,” (Macintosh, 1994: 13) since West Asians normally used large dishes (diameter 30-46 cm) for feasting or communal eating (Bennett, 2005; Casrwell, 2000; Medley, 1975; Park, 2012). The introduction of large saucers was in the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368) marked by a better relationship between China and the West being the “largest continuous land empire ever existed” (Park, 2012: 91). Before this, Chinese dining style was to serve in individual plates. The crescent-shaped kendi’s form is obviously Islamic. “The elegant shape of this pouring vessel imitates the bronze water containers of Persia and Mughal India, Indian metal versions originally derived from animal hide drinking flasks” (National Art Gallery of Australia website, 2010). The purpose of the kendi in Islamic rituals is for ablution - the ritual washing of a priest's hands or of sacred vessels (Foo and Teo, 2007).Another form is the pen/covered box. Muslim metalworkers are known to have produced large numbers of pen boxes decorated with inlays of gold and silver (Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2011). In the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), numerous pen boxes similar to a typical medieval Islamic calligrapher's pen box were created. 6 �Site information and Presentation of Data Pandanan Shipwreck Pandanan shipwreck is in the southernmost tip of the mainland of Palawan, 250 m from shore, with a depth of 40-42 m (Alba, 1996; Dizon, 1996). It is a Chinese junk due to the use of iron nails connecting the keel to the hull (Dizon, 1996). Total artifacts count is 4,722, consisted of metals, beads, and ceramics. One of the Chinese coins showed that it was from the reign of Yongle Emperor of the Ming Dynasty (1402-1424) and 70% of ceramics is Vietnamese (Dizon, 1996). In this site, 21 blueandwhite porcelains were examined as these were the ones available for research. Only one could be considered as Definitely Islamic, but 9 pieces have Islamic design elements. A summary of the findings of all the four sites will be seen at the end of this section. Española Site This site is located in Sofronio, Española, southeast Palawan, about 166 km south of the capital, Puerto Princesa. Although there were fragments of wood found in the site, this was not enough to qualify for a keel (Dizon et al., 2000). No parts of a ship were found. The total number of artifacts is 652, majority identified as Thai stoneware jars with only 7 blue and white porcelains detailed in Table 2 (Dizon et al., 2000). Lena Shoal Shipwreck Located off the island of Busuanga, northwest Palawan, the shipwreck at Lena Shoal was found 48 m deep, where excavations revealed a part of the bottom of the ship’s hull (Goddio, 2002). The total number of artifacts is 4,789, where 2,084 are blue and white porcelains, the rest are celadon, earthenware, and Sawankhalok wares (National Museum of the Philippines, 1997). Analysis of the ceramics places the shipwreck during the reign of the Hongzhi Emperor (1488-1505) (Crick, 2002). Contrary to the Pandanan shipwreck, the Lena Shoal shipwreck was identified as part of the South China Sea shipbuilding tradition - fusion of Southeast Asian and Chinese shipbuilding techniques (Orillaneda, 2013). With the time and availability of the wares, 62 pieces were closely examined. Santa Cruz Shipwreck The shipwreck was 32 m below sea level, in Santa Cruz, Zambales, North Luzon. The artifact count in this shipwreck is marginally larger with 14,965 pieces, 97% high-fired 7 �ceramics (Orillaneda, 2008). Most numbered ceramics are celadon with 2,512, followed by 1,769 blue and white porcelains (Orillaneda, 2008). The ship is estimated to be from the South China Sea shipbuilding tradition, most probably from Thailand (Orillaneda, 2008). Discussion The Española Report dates the site to 15th century; however, Brown (2004) suggested it could be 16th century. Given that there was no sign of a ship, the artifacts are assumed to be jettisoned cargo (Brown, 2004; Dizon et al., 2000). The bulk of this is large stoneware jars, proposed to be Sawankhalok Fig. 4 Two pieces from the Española site with Arabesque Scrolls. (National Museum of the (National Museum of the Philippines) Philippines, 2000). Both Pandanan and Española sites offer us with more brown glazed wares and Southeast Asian ceramics, while more blue and white wares or Chinese ceramics were recovered from Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz. This may be approached with the factor of time since the Pandanan site is dated mid-15th century (Brown, 2004; Diem, 1996; Dizon, 1996), while both the Santa Cruz and Lena Shoal junks are proposed to have sunk late 15th century (Brown, 2004; Goddio et al., 2002). No other interpretations of Española will be made since the whole assemblage is not present and it is possible that the period is outside the paper’s scope. But it is interesting to note that there are two pieces decorated with an Islamic design element (Fig. 4), however the form and other decoration of these two wares do not make it ‘Definitely’ nor ‘Quasi Islamic’ since the pieces look more Sawankhalok than Chinese. Pandanan reveals that only one ware can be considered as ‘Definitely Islamic’, with 9 pieces with Islamic motifs. Since Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz have more blue-and-white porcelain, more samples were studied. Both wrecks from the late 15th century, tell us of change in traded goods, or a new trend of Chinese ceramic production - a change in how Chinese ceramics 8 �were decorated over time - since 50% of Lena Shoal porcelains can be considered as ‘Definitely Islamic’ while Santa Cruz has almost 40%. Examples of these are heavily decorated, large dishes (Fig. 2a and 2b), crescent-shaped kendi (Fig. 5a), ewer (Fig. 5b), and covered boxes (Figs. 5c and 5d). The growing polities in the Philippine archipelago during the 15th century were most probably the intended market of these shipwrecks; however this could be proven more surely with a comparative analysis of underwater and terrestrial artifacts. These underwater sites were excavated more recently than studies by Medley (1973-1976) and Macintosh (1994), examples of scholars who wrote that Chinese ceramics recovered in Southeast Asia were scantily designed and lower in quality compared to those sent to West Asia. Naturally, earlier claims of scholars could be updated with more recent research. As evidenced by the cargo of Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz, these are comparable to export porcelain described by Medley (1975) West Asia. The area or population does not necessarily have to be a marginally Islamic kingdom for wares with Islamic motifs to be sent or sold. It would be well to update initial claims that the Philippines was not a recipient of elaborately designed export porcelains (Macintosh, 1994; Medley, 1976). 9 �Fig. 5a Crescent-shaped Kendi, Santa Cruz Shipwreck. (National Museum of the Philippines) Fig. 5b Ewer, Santa Cruz Shipwreck. (National Museum of the Philippines) Fig. 5c Pen box, Santa Cruz Shipwreck. (National Museum of the Philippines) Fig. 5d Covered Box, Santa Cruz Shipwreck. (National Museum of the Philippines) Conclusion Since the data is raw, examining more specimens will definitely allow more interpretation. But so far, the objectives of this paper have been met. The different cargoes of the shipwrecks reveal the different time when these sailed and got wrecked. They also reveal a change in supply and demand of trade goods. The Philippine archipelago was also a recipient of porcelains decorated with Islamic motifs and it did not have to be a largely Islamic population. The Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz sites are effective for testing the checklist formulated, which can explore more closely what others reported regarding the ceramics found in these shipwrecks (Crick, 2002; Orillaneda, 2008).Research is in session for the main thesis where a comparison of porcelain from underwater and terrestrial site is being conducted to further prove that wares with Islamic motifs indeed reached Philippine shores. 10 �Table 1. Criteria/Checklist of characteristics formulated for the purpose of identifying Islamic designs motifs on porcelain. (A.N. Kintanar) Table 2. Summary of findings based on the checklist. (A.N. Kintanar) Acknowledgements Special thanks to Bobby Orillaneda, Emil Bersamira, Vergil San Mateo, Allan Quinto, Clyde Jago-on, Paolo Tabirao, Larry Alba, Amelia Alhambra, Louise Bolunia, and E. Z. Dizon of the National Museum of the Philippines for their assistance and encouragements and Dr. Grace Barretto-Tesoro, Kate Lim, Anna Pineda, EnaLuga and especially Derek Sta Ana for the advice and support. Endnote 1A diagram and list of symbols on Chinese porcelain was presented to me by Mr. Fred Orogo from the Archaeology Division of the National Museum of the Philippines. It is a photocopy of an index of terms from a book which Mr.Orogo has forgotten, for this reason, I am citing him as my source. References Aga-Oglu, K., 1951. Blue-and-white Porcelain Plates made for Moslem Patrons. Far Eastern Bulletin, Vol. 3 (3): 12-16. Alba, L. A., 1996. Pandanan Underwater Archaeological Report, Pandanan Island, Balabak, Palawan: The Third Preliminary Report. Manila: UWA Division, National Museum of the Philippines, (Unpublished). 11 �Bennett, J., 2005. Crescent Moon: Islamic art and civilization in Southeast Asia. National Art Gallery of Australia, Australia. Beyer, H. Otley., 1947. Early History of Philippine Relations with Foreign Countries Especially China. National Print Co., Manila. Bloom, J., and Blair, S., 1997. Islamic Arts. Phaidon Press Ltd., London. Brown, R. M., 2004. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast Asia. (PhD Dissertation), University of California, Los Angeles. Burckhardt, T., 1976. Art of Islam: Language and Meaning. World Islam Festival Publishing Company, London. Carswell, J., 2000. Blue and white Chinese Porcelain around the World. British Museum Press, London. Crick, M., 2002. “Traditions and Transitions: Chinese Ceramics at the end of the 15th Century” in Lost at Sea: The Strange Route of the Lena Shoal Junk. Periplus Publishing London Ltd., London. Curatola, G., 2006. Persian ceramics: From the 9th to the 14th Century. Skira, Milan. Dizon, E. Z., 1996. Anatomy of a Shipwreck: Archaeology of the 15th century Pandanan Shipwreck. In The Pearl Road, Asiatype, Inc., Philippines. Dizon, E. Z., Conese, E., Cuevas, M., and Jago-on, S. C., (2000). Caranasan Underwater Archaeological Excavation Project, site Report. UWA Division, National Museum of the Philippines, Unpublished, Manila. Dizon, E. Z., and Ronquillo, W. P., 2010. Maritime and underwater archaeology in the Philippines. In A Passage to Asia, Exhibition “A Passage to Asia”: 25 Centuries of Exchange between Asia and Europe, Brussels: 201-213. Esguerra, Arnulfo N., 2004. Analyses of the painting styles and decorative motifs on Ming blue and white ware with references to ceramic cargoes of Lena and other shipwrecks. Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines, Quezon City. Foo, Check-Teck., and Teo Khay-Chuan., 2007. Contextualizing the design mind of an ancient potter: a case study of the religious context of Islam and Ming Kendi. Leinden Journal of Pottery Studies, Vol. 23: 178-188. Goddio F., M., Crick, P. K. Lam., Pierson, S., and Scott, R., 2002. Lost at Sea: The Strange Route of the Lena Shoal Junk. Periplus Publishing London Ltd, London. 12 �Gray, B., 1963. Persian Influence on Chinese Art from the Eighth to the Fifteenth Centuries. Iran, Vol. 1: 13-18. Guy, J., 1980. Oriental Trade Ceramics in Southeast Asia 10th to 16h century. National Gallery of Victoria, Australia. Hall, K. R., 1992. The Economic History of Southeast Asia. In N. Tarling (Ed.), The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Vol.1: From Early Times to 1800 AD. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hall, K. R. 2011. A History of Southeast Asia: Maritime Trade and Societal Development, 100-1500. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., UK. Junker, L. L., 2000. Raiding, Trading, and Feasting: The Political Economy of Philippine Chiefdoms. Ateneo de Manila University Press, Philippines. Krahl, R., 1986. Export Porcelain Fit for the Chinese Emperor: Early Chinese Blue-andWhite in the Topkapǐ Saray Museum, Istanbul. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No. 1: 68-92. Macintosh, D., 1994. Chinese Blue-and-white Porcelain. Book Marketing, Hong-Kong. Medley, M., 1973. The Yuan-Ming Transformation in the Blue and Red Decorated Porcelains of China. Ars Orientalis, Vol. 9, (Freer Gallery of Art Fiftieth Anniversary Volume): 89-101. Medley, M., 1975. Islam, Chinese Porcelain and Ardabil. Iran, Vol.13: 31-37. Medley, M.. 1976. The Chinese Potter: a practical history of Chinese ceramics. C. Scribner, New York. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, retrieved March 11, 2013 from http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/51.53 National Art Gallery of Australia., 2011. Jingdezhen, Jiangxi Provence, China found in Bukittingi, West Sumatra, Indonesia, retrieved 17 March 2011 from, http://nga.gov.au/CrescentMoon/details/kendi.cfm. National Museum of the Philippines., 1997. Specimen Inventory Record of the Lena Shoal Underwater Archaeological Project. Underwater Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. National Museum of the Philippines., 2000. Specimen Inventory Record of the Caranasan Underwater Archaeological Project. Underwater Archaeology Division, 13 �National Museum of the Philippines, Manila. Orillaneda, B. C., 2008. The Santa Cruz, Zambales Shipwreck Ceramics: Understanding Southeast Asian Ceramic Trade during the Late 15th Century CE. Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines, Quezon City. Orillaneda, B. C., 2011. Protecting and Preserving the Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Philippines. In Mark Staniforth, Jennifer Craig, Sheldon Clyde Jago-on, Bobby Orillaneda, Ligaya Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings on the ASIA-PACIFIC regional conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, National Museum of the Philippines, Manila: 86-102. Orillaneda, B. C., 2013. Maritime Trade in the Philippines during the 15th century CE, paper presented in the 2013 SEAMEO SPAFA International Conference on Southeast Asian Archaeology, Bangkok. Park, H., 2012. Mapping the Chinese and Islamic Worlds: Cross-Cultural Exchange in Premodern Asia. Cambridge University Press, New York City. Philon, H., 1980. Early Islamic ceramics: ninth to late twelfth centuries. Islamic Art Publications, London. Piotrovskii, M. B., 2006. ‘Introduction’ to Beyond Palace Walls: Islamic Art from the State Hermitage Museum, Islamic art in a world context. In M. B. Piotrovskii and Anton D. Pritula (Eds.), National Museums of Scotland Publishing, Edinburgh. Reid, A., 1990. An ‘Age of Commerce’ in Southeast Asian History. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 24 (1): 1‐30. Soucek, P., 1999. Ceramic Production as Exemplar of Yuan-Ilkhanid Relations. Anthropology and Aesthetics, No. 35: 125-141. Wu, Ching-Hong., 1959. References to the Philippines in Chinese Sources. Philippines Social Science and Humanities Review, Vol. 24 (January-June): 1-181. Biography Andrea Natasha Kintanar is a Master of Arts in Archaeology student in the University of the Philippines-Archaeological Studies Program. Currently, she is in the process of completing her Master's thesis while working as a part-time lecturer in two progressive colleges in Manila. She received her Bachelor of Arts degree in History from the University of the Philippines. Her research interests are maritime trade, ceramics, historical archaeology and Islamic art. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 8: Ceramics from Shipwrecks, Harbours, Ports and Related Archaeological Sites Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 8 chair Atthasit Sukkham and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Trade ceramics have usually been found together with other evidence in many ancient shipwrecks, harbours, ports, trade centers, hinterlands and burials around the world which were linked to international maritime trade routes. These were specifically Chinese, Indian, Southeast Asian, Middle East and European trade routes over a long period of history. Trade ceramics are virtually indestructible. They are also one of the most important sources of information for maritime archaeological studies concerning the dating of ceramics and shipwrecks, origins of ceramics, points of departure and destinations of ships and shipments, for instance. This session aims to provide an opportunity for specialists to contribute their knowledge on trade ceramics in multi-disciplinary approaches and foster international collaboration for ceramic studies from the shipwrecks, harbours, ports and related archaeological sites in near future. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Atthasit Sukkham Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Identifying 'Islamic Motif' on Chinese blue and white Porcelain recovered from the 15th century shipwrecks in the Philippines Description An account of the resource This research is based on the raw data of a Master’s thesis that aims to identify Islamic motifs on Chinese blue-and-white porcelains recovered from the 15th century archaeological sites in the Philippines. A stylistic analysis of Chinese porcelains recovered from both underwater and terrestrial sites will be conducted so that the main aims of the thesis will be attained. The Master’s thesis aims to answer questions that concern: a) the participation of the Philippines during the 15th century maritime trade; and b) determine the possible indications of the presence and/or absence of the porcelains. Large amounts of Chinese ceramics have been found in Philippine sites dating from the late 9th to the early 12th centuries, and the 14th-18th centuries. Some Chinese blue-and-white porcelains recovered from Philippine archaeological sites were preliminarily identified to have Islamic motifs, however these were only initial descriptions. The Master’s thesis aims to verify the preliminary analyses. The main objective of this paper is analysis the blueandwhite porcelains recovered from following shipwrecks of the 15th century: Lena Shoal shipwreck, Española underwater site, and Pandanan shipwreck in Palawan, Philippines as well as Santa Cruz shipwreck in Zambales, Philippines. Using the collated motifs from already established ‘Islamic’ art a criteria and checklist was formulated to illustrate the presence of the motifs in Chinese blueandwhite porcelain from the abovementioned underwater sites. The initial results of this research will reveal that porcelains recovered in the Philippines are comparable to those found in West Asia, contrary to some past studies. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Andrea Natasha E. Kintanar, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 8 2014