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                    <text>The Old Biray in Pandan, Caoayan:
An underwater cultural heritage assessment
Eliza Agabin1, Michael Armand P. Canilao2, Marie Grace Pamela G. Faylona3

Abstract
This paper presents the preliminary assessment arising out of a survey of Pandan Site (NM Site Code I4
2011-I1) , a maritime site featuring an abandoned traditional Biray vessel located along the Mestizo River
in Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, Northwest Luzon. The site position is perpendicular to the West Philippine Sea
(formerly South China Sea) and lies under an abandoned Abra Delta. It is considered as an inland and
coastal boat. The structural remains of the vessel have a length of 18 meters (m) and a width of 5m. It is
visible during low tide and is characterized by flat hull with ribs, pointed bow and stern. Initial investigation
did not observe any evidence of a keel. Based on local oral histories, the boat may be between 80 to 150
years old.
The role of this traditional vessel is re-examined in the Northern Luzon trade network extending
as far south as Manila to as far North as the Babuyan Channel. An integral part of this research is the reevaluation of Biray and its cargo that traces old Biray trading routes. The paper also covers “historical
data” on structure and construction of the boat that can come in handy for future maritime excavation of
the vessel.
The context, environment and condition of the site are also described. Moreover, it identifies the
significance and vulnerability of the site. This concludes with an evaluation of the vessel and the position
of the site as regards to underwater cultural heritage (UCH).

Introduction
Underwater archaeological investigations and related histories is a fairly new field that
started in the 1960s as compared to terrestrial archaeology which dates back to the 14th
century. As such land-based archaeology has yielded enormous information on our
cultural heritage but the world’s water still retain many secrets that need to be
discovered and explored.
The Philippines is one of the biggest archipelagos in Asia which features different
types of bodies of water. These bodies of water namely, oceans, seas and major
waterways, played an integral role in Philippine navigation and maritime prehistory.
In this paper, development of trade routes and boats used for trading is the focus
of research. However, this research only confines itself to the province of Ilocos Sur
located in Northern Luzon where a local boat called biray was reported. A biray or
(sometimes called as virey, birey or viray) was described as an “unsteady” vessel
navigated only near the shore (Galang 1941:304). This vessel is commonly found in
Cagayan, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur and La Union.

1

Heritage Affairs Office, Provincial Government Ilocos Sur eliza@eccena.org
Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines DIliman migscanilao@yahoo.com
3
Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines pamelafaylona77@gmail.com
4
the site is the 9th (letter I) archaeological site documented within the Ilocos political- administrative
Region (Region I) and it was discovered in the year 2011.
2

�The Study Area
Ilocos Sur Physical Background
The province of Ilocos Sur lies on a north- south basin bounded on the east by the
provinces of Abra, Mountain Province and Benguet provinces within the Grand
Cordillera Mountains. The basin is divided into three main regions, namely: the Laoag
embayment, the Vigan- Abra high, and the coastal folded belt. Folding and faulting are
active in the region.
It is said that the Ilocos plain is actually an uplifted deep marine sedimentary
basin. This was caused by the active subduction of the West Philippine Sea seafloor
under the Philippine plate (Dado 1997:3). This in turn resulted in active volcanism in the
Western flank of Northern Luzon, wherein Ilocos served as the forearc basin.
The coastal Ilocos plain measures almost 300 kilometers north to south with
notable variance only in width. Some places are as wide as 120 kilometers. The Abra
River breaking through the steep and high mountain chain is perhaps the grandest
scenery in Ilocos - aptly called the Banaoang Gap.
The West Philippine Sea puffs this plains area with the summer or southwestern
monsoon from the West. Fortunately it is shielded on the east by the Grand Cordillera
Mounts. This is the reason why the region is occasionally spared from the wrath of fully
developed Pacific formed typhoons.
Monsoon climate has also maintained the interchange of extremely rainy from
May to October, and extremely droughty from November to April. Drought increases as
one moves from Ilocos Sur to Ilocos Norte (Wernstedt and Spencer 1967:328-342). The
Ilocos plain is not as agriculturally viable as the central Luzon plain mainly due to this
extreme climate and the fact that stream-wash deposition causes a discontinuum in the
agricultural cycle. Only hardy field crops like tobacco and corn can withstand such
conditions.
It has been said that the physical setting of Ilocos largely contributed to the
hardiness and resilience of the Ilocano.
Steep slopes, thin soils, strongly seasonal precipitation, and limited arable land have
required maximum labors for survival. The Ilocano is well known, both in the Philippines
and abroad for his willingness to work and his work capacity… An overcrowded
homeland has encouraged out migration into other areas where his presence is quickly
evidenced by his hardwork and attendant economic success (Wernstedt and Spencer
1967:332)

Ilocos Sur Cultural Background, Ethnohistory and the Trading Routes
Ilocos Sur has been straddled with ancient coastal maritime trading centers and
secondary maritime trading centers long before the Spanish Contact period (16th c).
This was further elucidated by Grace Estela Mateo talking about the history of Ilocos
Sur:
Geography favored Ilocos as a site for a trading entrepot. It’s location in the far north
meant that it was the gateway to the Philippines for traders from Eastern Asia… the
irregular coastline of Ilocos Sur and La Union formed fine harbors… it is not surprising
then that it became a center of a regional and international trading network in the 16th c
(Mateo 2004:43)

�The Vigan- Caoayan trading center was probably the most sizeable entrepot to
have developed in the area. Secondary centers may have included Santa Lucia,
Salomague, Candon, Tagudin, and Sinait among others (Keesing 1962:97-98, 123124).
In the pre-Hispanic Ilocano-Itneg epic Biag ni Lam-ang (The Life of Lam-ang),
one of the earliest recorded oral literatures in the Philippines, one may get an idea of
the close connections between the peoples of Ilocos and China as linked by trading
routes (AA, Manila). The hero Lam-ang boasts:
Dua pay ti sasakayan
a balitok a bulawan
nga agbubunag ti pinggan
idiay ili a Kasanglayan,
ta nalpas met a naikamang
iti ari idiay Puanpuan.

I have two gold tradeships
plying between here and the
Chinese country trading in
porcelain. I have commercial
connections with the
king of Puanpuan,

Isu ti partesko ken kabagian
idiay ili a Kasanglayan,
isu ti napanna nagbiahian
tay barangayko a sampan;
pamayak adda itan,
ta napan nagkarga ti pinggan.
(Yabes 1935: 38)

My relative in that Chinese
land. My boat sampan has gone
there on a voyage, and probably
now it has returned with its
cargo of porcelain.

The existence of pre-Hispanic trading entrepots in Ilocos was also confirmed in
the documented initial Spanish incursion in the area led by the conquistador Juan de
Salcedo ( de San Agustin 1572 in delos Reyes 1890). The Historical or Contact period
in Ilocos was, in fact, ushered in by the entry of this youthful Spanish conquistador when
his ship hugged the Ilocos coastline as he sailed around the northern tip of Luzon. Juan
de Salcedo moved up North the coast of Ilocos Sur in 1572. He left Dumanquake
(present day Santa Lucia) in early June that year then landed on Caoayan by nightfall.
He sailed inland and reached the pre-Hispanic trading settlement of Vigan, where he
was engaged by the Ilocanos in combat. Aside from the pueblo of Vigan, he also
mentions that the very old neighboring pueblo called Bantay had a well protected port
(Keesing 1962:123).
The Ilocos shipping tradition probably paralleled the opening of port- entrepots in
Ilocos Sur. The ports of Caoayan (Vigan), and Cagayan traded with Manila from as
early as the 16th century (c). This exchange was mentioned in Description of the
Philippine Islands, an unsigned document dated 1618. Cargo coming from Ilocos
included agricultural products notably surplus rice and cotton. This surplus Iloko rice
became an annual export to Manila during the dry season, when the northeast winds
were favourable for sea travel between Ilocos and Manila.

The Biray in Ilocos Sur
Biray in the Know

�The vessels used to facilitate the Manila- Iloko- Cagayan exchange were the Biray.
Such vessels usually docked in Manila between February and March (Scott 1982:88).
Maharlika Cuevas and Rey Santiago also give a brief description of the biray:
(Biray) is a very light boat with
two or three tiers of rowers per
band, when they have people for
it
sitting
down.
It
has
counterweights
made
of
bamboos and placed outside the
body of the vessel on both sides.
This boat is manufactured in the
Ilocos region, while garay is used
in Manila Bay and Laguna Lake
areas. (Cuevas and Santiago
2004:8)

Figure 1: Parts of a Biray (after
Cuevas and Santiago 2004; C.Q.
Caoayan)
There are local terms for the different parts of an Iloko biray (see Figure 1). The
vessel shell is called the kaha. The anchor is called angkla. The rudder is called the
timon. The cabin is called the camarote. The two biray masts are called palo. The sail
which is supported by the palo is called the layag, made of abel Ilocos, the thick and
sturdy handwoven cloth of the region. Abacca rope or arsia is generally used as vessel
rigging especially for the pala and layag. The pulley suspended in the palo is called the
moton, which is itself suspended on a kawit moton. The bowsprit is called the cabrisante
(CQ, Caoayan).

The Site of Biray
The Occular of the Biray in Pandan
The remains of biray vessel are located in Brgy. Pandan in the coastal plain of
Caoayan, Ilocos Sur (see Figure 2). It is located in the former delta of Abra with Global
Positioning System (GPS) bearings of N 17.534266°, E 120.373916° with the bow
oriented at 21° N-NE (stern at 201°). Further inland of the coastal plain are the ridges of
Mount Binitalo and Mount Gusing. The biray is within the shore sands of Barangay
Pandan. It is interesting to note that the vessel is visible only during low tides this
indicates that the area has an active marine and land milieu.

�Figure 2. Location map of the biray (after Googleearth 2010)
The biray was observed to be leaning on its Starboard side. In fact, the stem post
tilts starboard at 48° from upright position. Vessel dimension based on exposed ribs
shows an overall length of approximately 18 m, and a widest possible width of between
4.5 to 5 m.

�Figure 3: Photo of the Biray at Pandan site in situ circa 1980s
(courtesy of G.S., Caoayan)
The vessel is conclusively identified as a biray because oral historical accounts
of Caoayan locals indicate that this biray is within living memory of the locals. In fact a
maximum possible age of 100 was suggested (MI, Vigan). A photo of the Biray in situ
was even made available by Mayor Goulart for reference (see Figure 3).

�Figure 4: Biray in situ at Pandan Site with stem post at foreground (by Michael Canilao)

Surveys Conducted in the Site
Two surveys of the biray at Pandan site (NM site code I-2011-I1) were conducted in the
second quarter of 2011. The first survey was initiated by the Provincial Government of
Ilocos Sur through Vice Governor DV Savellano in coordination with the Municipal
Government of Caoayan through Mayor Germelina Goulart. An authority for
archaeological exploration of Caoayan Municipality was secured from the Director of the
National Museum (CPD-SA-2011-05) by National Museum (NM) Research Associate
Michael P. Canilao. The survey was, in fact, a component activity of a province-wide
undertaking dubbed the Ilocos Sur Archaeological Project (ISAP). The Pandan survey

�was done in conjunction with archaeological excavations done at Sapilang Site (NM site
code I-2011-H1) in Sinait Municipality from late May to early June 2011. Caoayan
Barangay officials have suggested that the survey be conducted at low tide in order to
maximize visibility of the biray. Working closely with Eliza Agabin, the Heritage
Consultant of the Province of Ilocos Sur, a survey was implemented in the first of May
2011 after due consultation with the San Fernando, La Union tide chart. A rakit (bamboo
raft) was boarded for transit to the site.
A second survey was led by a Museum Researcher Pamela G. Faylona of the
Archaeology Division NM together with Barangay Captain John Subrano and Padre
Burgos Museum personnel, Efren Vista in mid-June. Besides noting the vessel’s
provenance, they also observe the geomorphology of the area. The vessel was located
in a former delta and within the small to medium river channel. This shows that the
present coastline is dynamic. The coastline is fed by a river and backed by a coastal
plain with more than 5 km width. Moreover, it presents the shoreline change and coastal
landscape development in Caoayan and neighboring coastlines.
Observed in situ, what remains of the biray are boat ribs partially protruding out
of the murky and brackish water. These ribs are visibly joined or fastened with what
appears to be metal pegs. It can be surmised that most of the biray structure laid buried
in sand since water depth at the time of survey was barely two feet. This indicates that
there is a good chance that the buried part is still well-preserved. However, the exposed
ribbing is also in tact because it is afforded protection from the elements by brackish
water shells/ barnacles that have completely adhered to the exposed wood.

Significance
The Biray
The biray played a very important role to the people of Ilocos, Cagayan, and Manila. Its
operation brought in valuable goods to the Christianized population in the Cagayan
valley (starting from the 16th c) which remained isolated for the most part of the
Spanish- Contact Period. The birays travelling via the Babuyan Channel, north of the
valley, were the only means of bringing in supplies to the valley which was bordered by
the Sierra Madre to the east and the Cordillera Mountains to the west, both of which
intersect to the south.
For the local coastal communities in Northern Luzon, the cargo-carrying biray
was central to traditional product exchange system from the pre-Spanish-contact (14th
to 15th c) until the American contact period (late 19th to early 20th c). To Cagayan went
rice, salt, garlic, onions, tobacco, damili earthenware, stoneware burnay, raw maguey
fibers, and fish nets from Ilocos, as well as salt and bagoong (fermented fish paste)
from Pangasinan (MI, Vigan). To Ilocos the biray carried forest items such as lumber
and palm leaves from Cagayan (JL, Manila). The biray also served as a vessel not only
facilitating the exchange of goods, but as well as people, technologies, ideas, and
cultural communications among Ilocos and Cagayan. A significant number of the
population of Cagayan are of Ilocano-descent.
During the Spanish contact period its route to Manila was considered noteworthy,
so much so that the vessel was defined as “Embarcacion pequeña que costeando llega
hasta Manila” (Carro 1888:58). The biray was also important for Manila because Iloko

�and Chinese products that were to be loaded on the Manila- Acapulco galleons (see
Junco this volume) had to be transported to Manila through these highly dependable
vessels. Birays eventually started to fade away from the Iloko scene with the advent of
modern ships in the area during the post-World War 2 period (1950’s- 70s).

The site and the 2001 UNESCO Convention
Based from the preliminary surveys and study conducted in Pandan, the biray remains
holds intrinsic value and is significant in terms of archaeological, historical and scientific
value. The vessel remains are archaeologically and scientifically significant because, at
present, it is considered rare and a representative of a particular trading vessel for the
Ilocos region. It has historic value, for though it is relatively young (tentatively dated at
100 years), the technology and development of the traditional boat building is preserved
with the biray remains. Moreover, the site is a historic port having been part of a local
maritime trading route from c 1300 to 1950s. The vessel and the site demonstrate a way
of life, particularly, maritime culture and traditional trading activities that transpired in the
area that had influenced the Ilocos region and the greater area of Luzon island.

The Biray as an Underwater Cultural Heritage: Issues, Challenges,
and Recommendations
The biray in Pandan site has archaeological, scientific and historic significance and thus
may be considered an UCH site. An in-depth archaeological study has yet to be
undertaken for the site and the current conservation plan is to keep the vessel in situ.
The local oral history (MI, Vigan) and the 1980s picture of the biray (G.G. Caoayan)
indicate that the vessel is not more than 100 years old. Even so, a study in the future
can provide information on vessel structure.
The surrounding environs of the vessel is highly unstable with an imminent threat
of alluvial deposition and erosion as it is located in the deltaic floodplain of the mighty
Abra River. This threat is magnified whenever the typhoon season sets in the
Philippines from as early as May to December. Should a systematic archaeological
excavation of the biray vessel be undertaken, the first task will be to secure the
immediate vicinity of the vessel with a cofferdam structure that will protect the vessel
from the Abra River. It is recommended that steel cofferdam be utilized for the site. A
series of water pumps will then be used to remove the water prior to the systematic
archaeological excavation of the vessel.
It is fortunate that the Provincial Government of Ilocos Sur upon having learned
of the significance of the underwater archaeological site, have pledged support in terms
of funding for future archaeological studies on the site. There is a need to raise
awareness and appreciation of the biray, to keep the memory, history, and linkages
alive not only among the last generation biray sailors and builders but especially among
the youth.
The local municipal government is keen on establishing a small maritime
museum featuring a replica of a biray to raise awareness among locals and tourists.
However, along with the museum, it is being proposed as well to develop the banks of
the Pandan port into a tourism area comprising of floating restaurants. While this may
be viewed as an opportunity as it may mean income generation, on the conservation
side, it may be considered as a threat to the biray remains and the site. The area

�becomes more vulnerable and at-risk, without an in-depth archaeological study,
appropriate legislation, and a comprehensive management plan in place yet. Thus first
and foremost, the conservation of the biray should be undertaken to ensure protection
of the biray prior to the area being utilized as a tourist site. A close coordination among
the National Museum, academe University of the Philippines- Archaeological Studies
Program (UP-ASP), with the local and provincial government is crucial to conserve the
biray of the Ilocos, its adventures, and its memory alive for the present and the future
generations to come.

Oral Sources
Arnold Azurin, Manila, 04 June, 2011, cited as AA, Manila.
Carl Querubin, Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, 01 May 2011, cited as CQ, Caoayan.
Germelina Goulart, Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, 29 April 2011, cited as GG, Caoayan
James Ligero, Manila, 15 August, 2011, cited as JL, Manila.
Malot Ingel, Vigan, Ilocos Sur, 29 April 2011, cited as MI, Vigan.

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An underwater cultural heritage assessment</text>
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Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia</text>
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                <text>This paper presents the preliminary assessment arising out of a survey of Pandan Site (NM Site Code I-2011-I1) , a maritime site featuring an abandoned traditional Biray vessel located along the Mestizo River in Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, Northwest Luzon. The site position is perpendicular to the West Philippine Sea (formerly South China Sea) and lies under an abandoned Abra Delta. It is considered as an inland and coastal boat. The structural remains of the vessel have a length of 18 meters (m) and a width of 5m. It is visible during low tide and is characterized by flat hull with ribs, pointed bow and stern. Initial investigation did not observe any evidence of a keel. Based on local oral histories, the boat may be between 80 to 150 years old.&#13;
&#13;
The role of this traditional vessel is re-examined in the Northern Luzon trade network extending as far south as Manila to as far North as the Babuyan Channel. An integral part of this research is the re-evaluation of Biray and its cargo that traces old Biray trading routes. The paper also covers â€œhistorical dataâ€ on structure and construction of the boat that can come in handy for future maritime excavation of the vessel.&#13;
&#13;
The context, environment and condition of the site are also described. Moreover, it identifies the significance and vulnerability of the site. This concludes with an evaluation of the vessel and the position of the site as regards to underwater cultural heritage (UCH).</text>
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&#13;
Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports.&#13;
&#13;
Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organizations.&#13;
&#13;
Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome.&#13;
&#13;
Session Organizer:&#13;
&#13;
Sila Tripati</text>
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                  <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>The ORU of Sri Lanka: A single outrigger craft of the northern Indian Ocean&#13;
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                <text>The signature watercraft of Sri Lanka, and other interconnected areas, is the ‘Oru’, which is presented here: a log-based single outrigger craft. Unlike most outrigger craft of the Pacific, south-east Asia and east Africa, the ‘Oru’ was a single-outrigger craft. It is possible to trace its roots to purely indigenous conditions but the use of an outrigger makes it necessary to consider it in parallel with other Indo-Pacific outrigger cultures. The ‘Oru’ culture lay beyond the typical Indian Ocean boatbuilding culture. &#13;
Originally an inland water dugout, the ‘oru’ developed, first, into a seagoing craft and then into a single-outrigger cargo ship. Craft belonging to the ‘Oru’ culture sailed the waters off Sri Lanka, the Coromandel Coast, Kerala and Lakshadweep, the Maldives and the Andamans. It is a nautical craft-culture in its own right, specific to this northern Indian Ocean region, with Kerala-Sri Lanka as the axis. Kerala is seen as the preserver of this craft culture and Sri Lanka the innovator: reinventing the ‘Oru’ to challenge mechanized craft. Its origins, how it links Kerala and Sri Lanka, how it adapted itself to a marine environment, and how the resultant morphological changes led to the evolution of an outrigger cargo vessel, are dealt with: so are recent studies into the sailing characteristics and issues of stability of the classical ‘Oru’. The way the Sri Lanka ‘Oru’ faced and coped with challenges of a post-craft culture is traced in the paper. Craft often confused with ‘Oru’, namely the double outrigger of southeast Asia and the multiple-hull craft of the Pacific, are re-visited as early opinions stubbornly persist. Some opinions are expressed to seed a dialogue.&#13;
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                <text>Somasiri Devendra</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>Devendra, Somasiri. 2021. “The ORU of Sri Lanka: A single outrigger craft of the northern Indian Ocean.” Edited by&#13;
Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific&#13;
Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The&#13;
Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/693</text>
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                    <text>The outfitting and sailing of early sixteenth-century vessels in the Pacific:
The Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions (1525-1536)
Jose Luis Casabán
Nautical Archaeology Program
Department of Anthropology
Texas A&amp;M University
College Station, TX, 77843-4352
USA
Email: jlcasaban@tamu.edu
Abstract
This paper examines the information provided by primary written sources in relation to
the outfitting and sailing of the ships used in the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions,
which took place between 1525 and 1536. On July 24, 1525, seven vessels, under the
command of Garcia Jofre de Loaysa, departed from La Coruña, Spain, to take the
Moluccas for the king of Spain, Charles I. Only one nao reached its destination where
the Spanish managed to thwart the Portuguese for several years with the help of the
natives. In 1527, Hernán Cortés sent Alvaro de Saavedra with three ships from New
Spain to find Trinidad, a ship from the Magellan’s expedition, and to find out the
outcome of the Loaysa expedition. He never returned. A close examination of eleven
documents written by survivors of both expeditions revealed one hundred and twelve
references regarding the use of nautical technology and operational aspects of
seafaring in the Pacific Ocean in the early sixteenth century. This data includes ship
typology, rigging, navigation techniques, equipment, provisions and containers, ballast,
hull maintenance, seagoing disasters and their remedies, ordnance, and naval warfare.
This type of information is useful for nautical archaeologists since it can be compared
with the data provided by contemporary nautical and shipbuilding treatises and be used
to interpret the archaeological data. The analysis of such primary documents is
analogous to the way an archaeologist approach an excavation site – the data is
gathered and then interpreted by the nautical archaeologists.
Keywords: Loaysa, Pacific Ocean, Outfitting, Saavedra, Sailing

Introduction
This paper examines the information provided by primary written sources in relation to
the outfitting and sailing of the ships used in the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions,
which took place between 1525 and 1536. Between 1825 and 1837, Martín Fernández
de Navarrete, a Spanish Navy Officer and historian, published a collection of five
volumes about the voyages and discoveries of the Spanish since the fifteenth century.
1

�The original documents used for this collection were compiled and transcribed by
Navarrete in different Spanish archives and libraries since 1789.The Loaysa and
Saavedra expeditions were narrated in the fifth volume published in 1837. The account
was based on the original manuscripts written by members and survivors of both
expeditions and published as an appendix in the same volume. Navarrete cited thirtyseven documents to narrate both expeditions although only eleven of them provided
references related to ship outfitting and sailing in the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans (Table
1). The data gathered includes references to ship typology, rigging, navigation
techniques, equipment, provisions and containers, ballast, hull maintenance, seagoing
disasters and their remedies, ordnance, and naval warfare.
Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions (1525-1536)
On July 24, 1525, seven vessels, under the command of García Jofre de Loaysa,
departed La Coruña, Spain, where a Casa de las Especias (House of Spices) was
briefly established (Spate, 1979). The objective of the expedition was to occupy the
Moluccas and to control the spice trade. The expedition was a succession of disasters
and only one ship, the nao Victoria, reached its destination where the Spanish managed
to thwart the Portuguese for several years with the help of the natives. In 1527, Hernán
Cortés sent Alvaro de Saavedra with three ships from New Spain to find the nao
Trinidad, a ship from the Magellan’s expedition, and to find out the outcome of Loaysa’s
expedition. He never returned. In 1532, the Spanish survivors learned through the
Portuguese that king Charles I had sold his rights on the Spice Island to the king of
Portugal in exchange for 350.000 ducats in 1529 (Pigafetta, 2002). Between 1534 and
1535, the last survivors of both expeditions were taken to Cochin (India) and from there
to Lisbon, where they finally arrived in 1536.

Types of ships
The ships that took part in Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions are the typical oceanic
vessels of this period such as naos and caravels although there are also a pataje and a
bergantín (brigantine) (Table 2). However, the term nao (ship) is also applied to all
these vessels in a generic manner. Moreover, the caravel Parral is defined as a galleon
in some documents while Saavedra’s ship, Florida, is named caravel in another
document (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). With respect to the other two ships of
2

�Saavedra expedition, they are simply called navíos (vessels) without providing any
other details about them (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).The documents also refer to
two fustas built at the Moluccas by the Spanish, and one galera (galley) used by the
Portuguese in a naval combat. The variety of definitions for the same types of vessels
reminds us that the debate about sixteenth-century ship typology still needs to be
addressed. Additionally, the Spanish and Portuguese also adapted local boats from the
Moluccas such as paroles (prahu) and caracoras (kora-kora).

Sails
The types of sails mentioned in the documents are the main, fore and mizzen sails.
These references provide useful information about the sailing techniques during this
period. For instance, all ships used the fore course for sailing while the nao Victoria’s
main mast or Parral’s mizzen mast were repaired (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).
Moreover, the nao Victoria sailed 20 leagues only using the fore and mizzen sails while
crossing the Pacific Ocean due to the bad weather (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).The
documents also inform us about the sailcloth carried on board the ships. The nao San
Gabriel transported cañamaza (hemp canvas) and holandesa (Dutch canvas) which
might be used to tailor new sails during the voyage (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).
During this period sailcloth was known in Spain as olona because a large proportion of
sails mentioned on shipbuilding contracts came from Brittany’s towns such as Nantes
and Olone (Smith, 1993). The word holandesais indicating a Dutch origin for this
material. The San Gabriel’s pilot also tells us about the ship’s rigging lifespan that he
estimates up to seven years (Smith, 1993).

Navigation
In his logbook, the pilot of the nao Victoria mentions that the position of the sun was
measured every day at noon to determine the latitude. This routine was only interrupted
when the sun was not visible because of the clouds. However, he does not indicate the
type of instrument used for the observations, probably an astrolabe. In the same
document there are several references to the use of sounding leads. This instrument
was used to measure the depths and to identify the type of seabed. This data was
crucial when ships navigated close to shore and it also helped to establish the position
of the ship in relation to the coast (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).
3

�An emergency communication system was proposed by Elcano before the fleet crossed
the Atlantic (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). If any ship got separated from the fleet
before reaching the Strait of Magellan because of the weather, or any other reason, it
would have to wait for twenty days at All Saints’ Bay (Brazil). After that time, a letter
would be placed inside a clay pot buried under a cross placed on a visible spot. Then
the ship would continue the voyage until the next meeting point where it would leave
another message. This system was employed by the pataje Santiago which left a letter
at Santa Cruz River that was found by the naos Victoria and San Gabriel. The letter
informed the other ships that the Santiago and the rest of the fleet were on their way to
the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).The same
system was employed in the Pacific by Saavedra. On his way to the Moluccas he left a
letter buried in an island of the Marshals where his ship got separated from the rest of
his fleet (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Richard Hawkins used a similar system
during his expedition to the South Sea in 1593. He left the messages inside a musket
barrel place on the top of a hill instead of in a pot (Hawkins, 1970).

Ships equipment
The documents often mention the ships’ pumps although they do not indicate their type.
Pumps are normally cited in plural so it is possible that the ships were equipped with
two pumps or carried a spare pump in case the main one failed during the voyage. Two
pumps were recovered from the Sancti Spiritus wreck at the Cape of the Eleven
Thousands Virgins (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837), and the nao Victoria used two
pumps while crossing the Pacific Ocean because of the heavy leaking of its hull
(Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).It has to be noted that the House of Trade issued an
ordinance during the reign of Charles I which made mandatory for oceanic vessels to
carry two pumps, one of them as a spare (Consejo de Indias, 1943). On the other hand,
archaeology provides examples of ships equipped with two operational pumps such as
the Highborn Cay shipwreck, an early sixteenth century caravel, and the Emanuel Point
I wreck dated in 1559 (Oertling, 1996). Saavedra also mentions how exhausting was
working at the pumps and how he had to transfer men to his ships to helpwith the work
(Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). In the same way, the naos San Gabriel and
Victoriakidnapped natives from various islands to work at the pumps (Fernández de
4

�Navarrete, 1837). This could indicate that the ships were equipped with burr pumps that
require a lot of manpower to ensure their effectiveness in comparison with the suction
pumps.
The documents also include references to small service boats such asesquifes and
bateles. According to O’Scanlan (1974), these terms were equally used to name both
types of boats although bateles were larger than esquifes. During the Loaysa
expedition, esquifes were used to carry people and messages between ships, to
explore the shore and provisioning, and to transport materials and equipment from one
ship to another such as during the salvage of the Sancti Spiritus remains (Fernández de
Navarrete, 1837). The loss of a small boat meant that the crew of a ship could not go
ashore to get provisions because the larger ships were unable to anchor in shallow
waters. In that case, the crews depended on the natives to get food and supplies which
was often uncertain. That was the case of Saavedra’s first attempt to return to New
Spain across the Pacific. He had to return to the Moluccas because of the contrary
winds and the loss of the batel that prevented him to get provisions during the journey
(Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Moreover, various ships had to share one esquife
after theirs were lost during a storm in Bay of la Victoria (Fernández de Navarrete,
1837).
The references to the ground tackle provide information about the number of anchors
carried on board the ships, their effectiveness, and strength. In several occasions,
anchors started to drag even when more than one had been deployed. That was the
case of the nao Victoria that ran ashore in Bay of la Victoria despite deploying five
anchors (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). A few days later, the same ship was at risk
again in Gallegos River when its anchor broke near the stock and had to set sail to
Santa Cruz River (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Saavedra’s ship also experienced
difficulties with its ground tackle while anchoring at the Marshalls. In this case, two
anchor cables were damaged due to the rocky bottom and the ship had to kedge off to
abandon the anchorage (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Moreover, a few days later
the natives stole one of the two anchors he had deployed without a marker buoy
(Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). On the other hand, there are no references to the
weight and dimensions of the anchors.
5

�Table 1. List of documents containing references to ships outfitting and sailing.
(Navarrete, 1837)

6

�Provisions, containers and ballast
These types of ships could not carry all the provisions needed by the crews to sail
across the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean. The documents tell us how the Loaysa’s fleet
had to get provisions from various islands before crossing the Atlantic and once they
reached the American coast, the crew of nao Victoria killed a sea lion in Santa Cruz
River to get fresh meat (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). After leaving the Strait of
Magellan, the fleet got separated. The crew of the pataje Santiago realized that part of
their provisions was carried on board the nao Victoria because its hold as too small. The
ship only carried four quintales of biscuit and eight pipas of water that were insufficient
for a journey of 2,200 leagues (12,100 km) across the Pacific Ocean. Moreover, the
ship had lost its esquife getting provision before arriving at the Moluccas seemed almost
impossible. For that reason the crew decided to abandon the expedition and to sail to
New Spain that was only 1,000 leagues away (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Finally,
when Saavedra arrived at the Marshalls, he ordered to fill some pipas with saltwater to
be used as variable ballast (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). This was an unusual
procedure because this type of ballast generally consisted of cobbles and pebbles of
rock, or even sacks of sand (Smith, 1993).

Hull maintenance
Although the documents indicate that emergency repairs were carried out on the ships
of both expeditions, these references are not common. The lack of facilities such as
shipyards, tools and materials limited the type of repairs that could be made. For
example, the nao Victoria had to be abandoned in Moluccas because its hull was so
damaged that it could not be repaired. Frames and knees were broken after running
aground at Bay of la Victoria, the seams between planks were opened while navigating
across the Pacific, and the vibrations produced when the naval ordinance was fired on
board (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). Additionally, the documents also indicate that
the ships carried materials for hull maintenance such as the cauldron of pitch that
caught fire on board the nao Victoria (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).On the other
hand, the expedition members adapted local materials to repair their ships or to build
new vessels. That was the case of the solution provided to mitigate the effects of the
ship worms on the hull of Saavedra’s ship before departing from the Moluccas to New
7

�Spain. A sacrificial planking layer was added to the ship’s hull with a coat of local
bitumen used by the natives to caulk their own boats (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).

Table 2. Types of ships used in the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions. (Navarrete, 1837)

Seagoing disasters and their remedies
The demanding sailing conditions of the oceanic voyages increased the chances of
seagoing disasters. The texts provide several examples and also show the vital
importance of the ships’ carpenters in these expeditions. Carpenters were sent on
8

�anesquife from the Sancti Spiritus to fix the mainmast of the nao Victoria when it broke
after departing from La Gomera. It took them three days to repair it. Meanwhile, the nao
Victoria rammed the stern the caravel Santa Maria del Parral and, once again, an
esquife with carpenters and planks was sent to repair the ship (Fernández de
Navarrete, 1837).
Storms could also disperse damage or sink the ships. The caravel Lesmes was driven
south by a storm before arriving at the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, and
probably saw Cape Horn before rejoining the fleet (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The
nao Victoria run aground during a storm near the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins
and damaged the rudder, keel and sternpost. The carpenters used planks and lead
sheathing to fix the keel and sternpost and put the rudder back in place (Fernández de
Navarrete, 1837). This situation demonstrates that these ships carried on board enough
spare materials to face this type of incidents, at least for limited period of time. Finally,
another storm separated the Victoria, Lesmes, Parral and Santiago when they were
leaving the Strait of Magellan (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837), and due to rough seas,
the hull of the nao Victoria started to leak. In fact, the crew worked continuously at
pumps until the ship reached the Moluccas Islands. Various members of the crew died
of exhaustions due to the work and the food shortage (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).

Ships ordnance and naval combats
The members of Loaysa’s and Saavedra’s expeditions fought during several years
against the Portuguese at the Moluccas with the help of the natives. For that reason,
there are also references to ship’s ordnance and naval combats in the documents.
While sailing across the Pacific, the ordnance was probably stored in the hold of the nao
Victoria and it was only put on deck when they were approaching the Moluccas, in case
they encountered the Portuguese (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The ordnance had
no use in the Pacific because the possibility of finding enemy vessels was highly
unlikely. In addition, if the artillery was carried in the hold, its weight improved the ship’s
stability. The documents also mention the combat between the nao Victoria and various
Portuguese vessels, including one fusta, one batel and several prahus. The vessels
were equipped with pieces of artillery as they intended to sink the Spanish ship. Part of
the ship’s ordnance had been disembarked to defend the Spanish base on land
9

�(Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The lack of weight made the ship’s deck float too high
on the water, making its artillery quite ineffective despite of the crew spending twelve
quintales of gunpowder in firing the cannons. The cannon recoil caused more damage
to the already weakened ship’s structure than the three shots taken from the
Portuguese (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). After this combat, the nao Victoria was
abandoned and two fustas were built using local timbers (Fernández de Navarrete,
1837). The Spanish carpenters ignored the characteristics of the local timbers and only
one fusta was finally used because the other rotted before being launched (Fernández
de Navarrete, 1837).The documents also refer another naval combat between the
Spanish fusta and a Portuguese galley. This reference includes the typical pieces of
artillery of this period such as bronze pedreros, sacres, versos as well as iron versos,
large falconetes, and culebrinas (Fernández de Navarrete, 1837). The ordnance was
very versatile and could be used in different types of ships or on land. Finally, during the
sixteenth century, the proportion of foreign condestables and gunners in the Spanish
fleets was important although the number of Spanish gunners increased by the end of
the century (Pérez-Mallaína, 1998). This situation is also reflected by the documents
which mention the presence of Flemish constables between the Spanish crew
(Fernández de Navarrete, 1837).
Conclusions
The analysis of these eleven documents written by the survivors of the Loaysa and
Saavedra expeditions reveal numerous references regarding the use of nautical
technology and operational aspects of seafaring in the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean in the
early sixteenth century. This data includes ship typology, rigging, navigation techniques,
equipment, provisions and containers, ballast, hull maintenance, seagoing disasters and
their remedies, ordnance, and naval warfare. On the other hand, most of the information
is provided in an indirect manner because the authors do not intend to teach us
outfitting methods or techniques. They were just describing the situations in which they
become involved and how they solve the difficulties encountered while traveling to the
other side of the world. This type of information is extremely useful for nautical
archaeologists because it can be compared with the data provided by contemporary
nautical and shipbuilding treatises and archaeological data. The accounts also contain
10

�practical descriptions about the use and maintenance of numerous elements of the
ship’s outfitting. However, the data is not provided in a direct manner as a nautical
treaty does. The analysis of such primary documents is analogous to the way an
archaeologist approach the excavation of an archaeological site – the data is gathered
and then interpreted by the nautical archaeologists.
References
Consejo de Indias, 1943. Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de la Indias, mandadas
imprimir y publicar por la Magestad Católica del Rey don Cárlos II. Nuetsro Señor. 4
impresión. Gráficas Ultra S.A., Madrid.
Hawkins, S. R., 1970. The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins. Da Capo Press, New
York.
Fernández de Navarrete, M., 1837. Colección de los viajes y descubrimientos que
hicieron por mar los españoles desde fines del siglo XV. Volumen V. Expediciones al
Maluco, viages de Loaisa y de Saavedra. Imprenta Real, Madrid.
O’Scanlan, T., 1974. Diccionario marítimo español: que además de las definiciones de
las voces con sus equivalentes en francés, inglés e italiano, contiene tres vocabularios
de estos idiomas con las correspondencias castellanas: redactado por orden del Rey
nuestro señor. Museo Naval, Madrid.
Oertling, T. J., 1996. Ships’ Bilge Pumps: a History of Their Development, 1500-1900.
Texas A&amp;M University Press, College Station.
Pérez-Mallaína, P. E., 1998. Spain’s Men of the Sea: Daily Life on the Indies Fleets in
the Sixteenth Century. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore.
Pigafetta, A., 2002. Primer viaje alrededor del mundo. Dastin, Madrid.
Smith, R. C., 1993. Vanguard of Empire: Ships of Exploration in the Age of Columbus.
Oxford University Press, New York.
Spate, O. H. K., 1979. The Spanish Lake. University of Minessota, Minneapolis.

11

�Biography
Jose Luis Casabán is a PhD candidate in the Nautical Archaeology Program at Texas
A&amp;M University. His dissertation research focuses on the study of the 16th century
Spanish seafaring and shipbuilding technology. He is also specialized in the
applications of photogrammetry for underwater mapping and GIS. Since 2012, Jose is
one of the co-directors of the Finisterre Project, whose objectives are the underwater
survey, mapping, recording, and study of the remains of 1596 Armada shipwrecks
discovered near Cape Finisterre, in the northwest of Spain.

12

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                  <text>The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepÃ´ts that stood along the way.</text>
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                <text>This paper examines the information provided by primary written sources in relation to the outfitting and sailing of the ships used in the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions, which took place between 1525 and 1536. On July 24, 1525, seven vessels, under the command of Garcia Jofre de Loaysa, departed from La CoruÃ±a, Spain, to take the Moluccas for the king of Spain, Charles I. Only one nao reached its destination where the Spanish managed to thwart the Portuguese for several years with the help of the natives. In 1527, HernÃ¡n CortÃ©s sent Alvaro de Saavedra with three ships from New Spain to find Trinidad, a ship from the Magellanâ€™s expedition, and to find out the outcome of the Loaysa expedition. He never returned. A close examination of eleven documents written by survivors of both expeditions revealed one hundred and twelve references regarding the use of nautical technology and operational aspects of seafaring in the Pacific Ocean in the early sixteenth century. This data includes ship typology, rigging, navigation techniques, equipment, provisions and containers, ballast, hull maintenance, seagoing disasters and their remedies, ordnance, and naval warfare. This type of information is useful for nautical archaeologists since it can be compared with the data provided by contemporary nautical and shipbuilding treatises and be used to interpret the archaeological data. The analysis of such primary documents is analogous to the way an archaeologist approach an excavation site â€“ the data is gathered and then interpreted by the nautical archaeologists. </text>
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                    <text>The Past, Present, and Future Regeneration Opportunities of Stone Tidal
Weirs - The Case of Taiwan
Tung Ying-Ying

ABSTRACT
Stone Tidal Weirs can be found all around the world and were once an important way for our
predecessors to sustain their livelihood through fishing. However, in recent years, due to technological
advancements, stone tidal weirs have lost their economic value and many have been left to deteriorate
and collapse. Studying stone tidal weirs has become an obscure topic. Nevertheless, stone tidal weirs
were an important fishing method for coastal residents in human history, and have had a significant
impact on human culture in tangible and intangible ways. Although there are few surviving "live" stone
tidal weirs today, as they periodically appear above sea level, they are an underwater cultural heritage
that the public can see and access without diving. They are one of the best materials for advocating and
promoting education on protecting underwater cultural heritage.
Taiwan has many beautifully shaped and numerous stone tidal weirs around its periphery. The
government has made significant efforts in subsidizing restoration, cultivating talent for building stone
tidal weirs, and researching and promoting education in hopes of preserving Taiwan's precious stone
tidal weirs. Local communities and organizations in Taiwan are also making efforts to combine the
cultural landscape of stone tidal weirs with tourism, utilizing the unique features of local stone tidal
weirs to create diverse new opportunities for reuse. By combining the efforts of local residents and
tourists, the shape and good condition of stone tidal weirs can be preserved, and the beauty and fishing
culture of stone tidal weirs can be passed down to future generations, allowing them to exist
sustainably.
Keywords: Stone tidal weirs, fishing, underwater cultural heritage, Penghu
List of Figures
Figure 1. 2018 International symposiums poster (left), 2023 International symposiums poster (middle),
2021 4th APCONF web site (right).
Figure 2 Research results of the Stone tidal Weir investigation provided. by Professor Lee, Ming-Ju.
Figure 3 Jibe Stone Tidal Weirs.
Figure 4 Research project results list.
Figure 5 Publication (left), Media report (right).
Figure 6 Xinwu Stone Tidal Weir Story House DB (left), The "Isle. travel” Studio facebook (right).

I. INTRODUCTION
This article, "The Past, Present, and Future Regeneration Opportunities of Stone Tidal Weirs The Case of Taiwan," is most suitable for the 12th topic of this conference, "Sticks, Stones, &amp;
Old Fish Bones: The Role and Cultural Heritage of Fish Weir Traditions in the Asia-Pacific
Region." Stone tidal weirs were built by coastal residents in the intertidal zone, where they
worked together to construct embankments to trap fish using the ebb and flow of tides. This
was a way for the village to share their fishing harvest and a marine life culture. Taiwan has
the most stone tidal weirs in the world, with over 574 in Penghu County alone. Some stone
tidal weirs can even be traced back over 300 years ago. However, with the development of
technology and the introduction of new fishing equipment, such as trawling, stone tidal weirs
have easily been replaced in economic value.
The decline of stone tidal weirs is a problem faced by all countries around the world.
Nowadays, many countries leave their stone tidal weirs abandoned and collapsed. Stone tidal
weirs require collective effort to build, maintain, restore, distribute fishing harvests, and
manage registrations, but modern people are reluctant to invest labor and funds. Taiwan has
numerous stone tidal weirs, many of which are still "live," meaning that they can still catch
1

�fish and are operational. This article explores the decline and revitalization methods of stone
tidal weirs in Taiwan, which is in line with the 12th topic of the conference.
II. CASE STUDIES
The case studies being examined pertain to the many well-preserved stone tidal weirs in
Taiwan, which serve as a great example of how proper utilization can not only preserve them
but also transform them into new cultural heritages, resulting in a win-win situation.
Therefore, we are pleased to share Taiwan's methods for preserving stone tidal weirs,
particularly in the face of the issues of revitalization and sustainability. This article explores
Taiwan's case studies, which include:
2.1 Accepting the fact that stone tidal weirs are in decline.
2.2 Ways to revitalize stone tidal weirs - Using Taiwan's preservation of
stone tidal weirs as a case study.
2.3 Transformation and regeneration of stone tidal weirs.
III. RESOURCES
3.1 Data collection: historical records and research reports on the preservation of stone
tidal weirs in Taiwan over the years.
3.2 Interviews: scholars who have studied stone tidal weirs in Taiwan and local
historians and cultural workers involved in the reuse of stone tidal weirs.
3.3 Policy making and budget allocation: the government's initiatives towards the
preservation of stone tidal weirs.
IV. FRAMEWORK
4-1 Facing the decline of the stone tidal weirs
4.1.1 The fishing yield is no match for modern fishing
The economic benefits of stone tidal weir fishing are poor. The catch difference between
stone tidal weir fishing and modern fishing boats is too great. In the past, small fishing
boats had poor safety and could not go out to sea in bad weather, so they relied heavily
on stone tidal weir fishing. Nowadays, fishing boats are safer and can catch more fish,
so residents naturally give up the laborious way of catching fish through stone tidal
weirs.
4.1.2 The technology for building stone weirs is gradually becoming lost.
The construction of stone tidal weirs requires the participation of a certain number of
villagers, and the repair of stone tidal weirs also requires the timing of the ebb tide.
Whether under the scorching sun or in strong winds… building, repairing, and patrolling
the weirs are all high-labor, outdoor work. It is not the best job option for young people
nowadays, and they are unwilling to take over. The lack of inheritance of stone tidal
weir construction and repair skills has resulted in a technical gap.
4.1.3 Stone tidal weir fishing cannot become a major job.
The return on investment is not proportional, and it cannot become the main source of
income for residents, resulting in intergenerational gaps. All declining industries in the
2

�world are due to the development of technology and changes in social lifestyles. Those
engaged in the industry cannot obtain sufficient income to support their lives, and
therefore turn to developing industries that can provide for their basic needs. The catch
from stone tidal weirs is small, and after the investment, no one is willing to invest in the
construction and repair of stone tidal weirs again. The decline of stone tidal weirs is an
inevitable result of the operation of the times.
4-2 Ways to revitalize the stone tidal weirs
4.2.1 The government values the protection of stone tidal weirs.
4.2.1.1 Value the cultural status of stone tidal weirs and restoration techniques (1).
Since 2006 and 2008, the Penghu County Government has successively logged the
"Double Hearts Shihu"(雙心石滬 ) (2)and the "Jibe Shihu Group"(吉貝石滬群)(3) as a
cultural landscape (Figure 1). In 2009, "Penhu Shihu Group" was selected by the
Ministry of Culture as one of the 18 Potential World Heritage Sites in Taiwan(4). In
2010, the Ministry of Culture designated the "Penghu Marine Culture Association - Jibei
Baohu Team"(石滬修造技術)(5) as a national cultural heritage preservation and
technology preservation group. Since 2015, the Houlong WaiPu Stone tide Weirs group(
後龍外埔石滬群)(6) have been registered as a cultural landscape in Miaoli County. The
preservation and maintenance of Stone tide weirs is an important project in the
preservation of cultural heritage in Taiwan. The government actively subsidizes the
restoration of stone tidal weirs throughout the country and holds local and international
symposiums in 2018 and 2023 (Figure 1). In 2021, Taiwan hosted the Asia-Pacific
Underwater Cultural Heritage Conference, with stone tidal weirs as the main topic
(Figure 1). In recent years, the awareness of preserving underwater cultural heritage has
gradually increased, and the study of stone tidal weirs has expanded to include the
perspective of underwater cultural heritage.

Figure 1. 2018 International symposiums poster (left), International symposiums poster (middle),
2021 4th APCONF web site (right)

4.2.1.2 Funding is being allocated to encourage scholars to research and restore Stone
tidal weirs.
Taiwan has a large number of scholars studying stone tidal weirs, and their
research can inspire young students to participate, achieving the goal of
passing down knowledge (Figure 2). The government provides funding for repairing
damaged stone tidal weirs and hiring personnel for restoration work.
Hosting international conferences can help understand the current status of
stone tidal weir preservation in different countries, facilitate knowledge
exchange, and promote the belief of protecting stone weirs among
Taiwanese people.
3

�Figure 2 Research results of the Stone tidal Weir investigation provided by Professor Lee, Ming-Ju.

4.2.2 Research achievements and tourism performance establish confidence.
4.2.2.1 "Taiwan has the world's most densely distributed and beautiful stone tidal weirs.
With over 600 households of stone tidal weirs, the ones in Penghu have unique shape
and structures such as the fish trap houses(滬屋), which have become a popular tourist
attraction due to their stunning and distinctive appearance. The public takes great pride
in Taiwan's beautiful stone tidal weirs, enhancing their confidence.(Figure 3)

Figure 3 Jibe Stone Tidal Weirs.
4.2.2.2 Teachers from schools located near stone tidal weirs actively participate in
research.
This encourages students' curiosity and awareness, as well as a culture of research. Such
as Tamkangz University(淡江大學) and National Central University(國立中央大學) in
northern Taiwan, and Tunghai University(東海大學) investigate Miaoli area. National
Penghu University of Science and Technology(國立澎湖科技大學) conducts research
on stone tidal weirs in Penghu. Through these research efforts (Figure 4), people gain a
deeper understanding of the history of stone tidal weirs, community management
methods, interactive approaches, and the unique characteristics of these structures. This
4

�makes stone tidal weirs a familiar and beloved part of our culture.

Figure 4. Research project results list

4.2.2.3 The revitalization of stone tidal weirs brings tourism benefits.
The largest quantity and most beautiful stone tidal weirs bring local characteristics and
tourism benefits to the region. In order to revitalize the stone tidal weirs, young people
have returned to their hometowns and combined tourism with innovative ideas to turn
stone tidal weirs into new tourist attractions. This has not only created job opportunities
for themselves but also brought in tourists to benefit the local community, creating a
win-win situation and allowing for the preservation of the stone tidal weirs to continue.
4.2.3 Community involvement creates value for the revitalization of stone tidal weirs.
4.2.3.1 In regions of Taiwan where stone tidal weirs are alive, there is a commitment
from local historians and young people to preserve them. including Tamsui(淡水),
Sanzhi(三芝), Xinwu(新屋), and Houlong(後龍) in Taiwan island, as well as on the
outlying island of Penghu. In addition to the 七美雙心石滬in Qimei(七美)Penghu, Jibe
Village in Baisha Township(吉貝白沙鄉), Penghu boasts 116 stone tidal weirs, which
are highly concentrated and beautifully shaped, earning it the title of "the land of stone
tidal weirs." In these areas, young people have returned to their hometowns and, under
the guidance of their elders, work diligently to learn the lost technology of building and
repairing stone tidal weirs. They also bring new vitality to the stone tidal weirs through
innovative marketing techniques that are unique to their generation.
4.2.3.2 The active reporting and publishing by non-governmental media and NGO are
crucial for the preservation and maintenance of local cultural heritage in Taiwan.
In addition to government efforts, the involvement of the private sector is the most
stable force. NGOs publish various books introducing stone tidal weirs (Figure 5), and
major media outlets report extensively on the history and characteristics of Taiwan's
5

�stone tidal weirs(Figure 5), making them more than just a term. Through media coverage
of the history and unique features of stone tidal weirs, a strong momentum is created for
the promotion of stone tidal weir preservation by the private sector.

Figure 5 Publication (left), media report (right)

4.2.3.3 Active promotion of combining tourism with stone tidal weirs to create new
economic value.
Stone tidal weirs have become a source of pride for local people, and young people are
willing to return to their hometowns to revive and operate them. By combining the
preservation of stone tidal weirs with tourism, a new way of thinking about stone tidal
weir tourism is created, making it possible to turn the preservation of stone tidal weirs
into a viable and sustainable occupation. This approach leads to a win-win situation for
the preservation of Taiwan's stone tidal weirs and the development of local tourism.
4-3 Transformation and Regeneration of Stone Tidal Weirs
It is not only about reviving and preserving the technology of stone tidal weirs, but also
about reviving the cultural value of stone tidal weirs that have lost their fishing value,
creating new economic value, and transforming them into a sustainable industry.
4.3.1 Xinwu Stone Tidal Weir Story House(新屋石滬故事館)(7) is a converted old
Police watchhouse and dormitory building by the seaside, where local cultural and
historical workers introduce the history and stories of stone tidal weirs, exhibitions, and
local cuisine. The locals are also invited to help restore the stone tidal weirs, which has
gained their recognition. In addition, one-day tours and accommodation experiences
centered around the stone tidal weirs have been developed, which are highly favored by
locals and tourists alike (Figure 6).

6

�Figure 6 Xinwu Stone Tidal Weir Story House DB. (left), The "Isle. travel” Studio facebook(right)

4.3.2 Young people returning to their hometown, Penghu, establishing The "Isle. travel”
Studio"(離島出走)(8) bringing an experienced local master to teach them how to build and
repair stone tidal weirs while also documenting each step of the process to preserve the
precious techniques of the master. Also they organize unique and exclusive stone tidal weir
experiences for in-depth travel, setting themselves apart from other travel agencies.
Promoting the experience of repairing stone tidal weirs, led by the local stone masters, to
rediscover the craft of stonemasonry. By restoring the stone tidal weirs, it awakens people's
memories and emotions towards the ocean, and helps them understand the island culture of
stone tidal weirs (Figure 6).
V. CONCLUSION
As human civilization progresses, our way of life has undergone significant changes. With the
advent of large fishing vessels, the income generated by stone tidal weirs can no longer
compete with that of offshore fishing. As a result, many stone tidal weirs have been
abandoned, collapsed, gradually disappearing beneath the sea. Without economic incentives,
these stone tidal weirs have ceased to be popular topics of discussion, and many have quietly
disappeared. However, in Taiwan, stone tidal weirs face the same challenges but are seen as
important historical and cultural heritage. They were vital constructions for coastal
communities hundreds of years ago, serving as important hubs for social interactions. Thanks
to the efforts of scholars, government support, and active participation from the public, young
people are willing to invest in the preservation and revitalization of these stone tidal weirs.
They have become not only exclusive terms for seaside communities but also a unique tourist
attraction where visitors can experience the traditional practices of carrying and stacking
stones and fishing inside the weirs. Through innovation and regeneration, the history and
features of these stone tidal weirs have spread across all walks of life, and the young people
invested in their preservation have found meaning and value in them. Therefore, the
regeneration of stone tidal weirs in Taiwan can be passed down from generation to generation
and become a unique landscape feature that protects these historical structures. We hope that
Taiwan's stone tidal weirs can become a world heritage list, and other countries can also value
their preservation.

Acknowledgements

7

�I appreciate the assistance provided by the consultant Rich Giomanni Wan and ChatGPT in translating.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Website, "Double Hearts Shihu" logged as a cultural landscape. (Accessed 3 April 2023).
https://nchdb.boch.gov.tw/assets/overview/culturalLandscape/20080602000001National Cultural Heritage
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https://twh.boch.gov.tw/taiwan/intro.aspx?id=13&amp;lang=zh_tw#ad-image-0, Bureau of Cultural Heritage,
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https://nchdb.boch.gov.tw/assets/overview/ptp/20100630000005, National Cultural Heritage Website,
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(Accessed 5 May 2023)
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8

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                <text>The Periplus Maris Erythraei</text>
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                  <text>2021 Session 2: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia</text>
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                  <text>Session 2 papers</text>
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                  <text>Papers presented at Session 2 of the 2021 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                  <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>The Port of Uraga: Tokugawa Japan’s Choke Point to Edo&#13;
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                <text>Until the opening of Japan in the mid-nineteenth century, Uraga had been a port with both commercial and military significance on a domestic level arguably for the duration of the Edo period (1603-1868). Its international importance, however, lies in the initial years of the period (1603-1638), with considerable documentation showing a flourishing trade with Spain. Never before or after had a European superpower traded with eastern Japan until the nation industrialised during the Meiji period (1868-1912).  The intent of this research has been to shed light on a period in Japanese maritime history that has remained overlooked to a large extent for over four hundred years with regards to the circumstances of its development and further growth, despite its overwhelming importance, using both archival and archaeological evidence from both Europe as well as Japan. This evidence suggests that the establishment of Uraga as a commercial and later diplomatic choke point with Spain was initiated and managed by William Adams under the auspices of Tokugawa Ieyasu, and that subsequent utilisation of the port as a point of controlled entry to Edo bay was the convention domestically as well until the end of the Edo period. With this trade, we see that the normal colonial relations Europe had over Asian ports had no hold on Japan. On the contrary, this paper puts forth the idea that Japan was successful at staving off such attempts due to Adams’ intercedence, producing a pattern of entanglement with the West that lasts to this day.</text>
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                <text>T. Michael Perrin</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology&#13;
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                <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>Perrin, T. Michael. 2021. “The Port of Uraga: Tokugawa Japan’s Choke Point to Edo.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans&#13;
Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference&#13;
on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater&#13;
Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/675</text>
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        <name>Asia-Pac Session 2 2021</name>
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