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                    <text>The “Stone Four Legged Quern” (Bench) recovered in
the oldest Maritime Archaeological Site at Godawaya
(Ambalantota) in Sri Lanka
Mr Sanath Karunarathna

Abstract
The stone bench that was recovered at the oldest Maritime Archaeological site at Godawaya
(Ambalantota) in Sri Lanka is an unusual archaeological artifact which has become instrumental
in turning the history of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka in a new direction It has been
recovered for the first time in the area of Godawaya (Ambalantota) in the Hambantota District in
Sri Lanka. The particular object is a Stone Bench with four legs where the whole thing is carved
out of a single stone. The main purpose of this article is to describe this stone bench and to
discuss the symbols it carries with its making. Also an attempt will be made to look into the site
where the object was found and other certain related aspects as well.
In August 2008, Maritime Archaeologists attached to the Department of Archaeology and
Central Cultural Fund (CCF) under the aegis of UNESCO launched an exploration in the area
where this stone bench had been found. The location was around 30 meters under the sea at a
place 4 km away from the fishery harbor in the coastal area of Godawaya village in the proximity
of Ambalantota Town in the Hambantota District in Southern Province of Sri Lanka.

Stone Bench
An unusual artefact, which has become instrumental in turning the history of
maritime archaeology in Sri Lanka towards a new direction, has been recovered
for the first time in Godawaya (Ambalantota) in the Hambantota District. This
particular object is a stone bench with four legs carved out of a single stone. The
main purpose of this article is to describe this object and to discuss the symbols it
carries. Also an attempt will be made to analyze the site and associated
materials where the object was found.
In October 2008, maritime archaeologists of the Maritime Archaeology
Unit (attached to the Central Cultural Fund and the Department of Archaeology)
under the aegis of United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) launched an exploration in the area where this Stone
Bench was found. The location was around 30 m under the sea, 4 km away from
the fishery harbour in the coastal area of Godawaya village.
This exploration did lead to recovery of a number of significant artefacts.
The MUA observation of remains spread over the area of concern pointed to the
possibility that this place could very well be the oldest maritime archaeological
site to date to have been found in Sri Lanka. Accordingly, a number of significant
samples have been collected for further studies and, at present, the research
work is in progress.

�Figure 1. Stone Bench Site. (Photo by R. Muthucumarana - M.A.U)
In fact, the story behind the recovery of this stone bench found in the
Godawaya area is rather interesting. One day in March 2003, I was participating
as the officer in charge of the excavation work carried out on the premises of the
Godawaya (Buddhist) Temple. In the meantime, two people named Peminda and
Sunil who were commercial divers who collect conch shells for their living
brought an object they had over their shoulders and placed on it the ground
before me. They said that they had found it in the sea while diving and discussed
it uniqueness in finding something like this on the seabed around this area. They
went on to say that there was a large number of pottery shards widely scattered
over the same area.
Having listened to them attentively, I examined the Stone Bench very
carefully. Some parts of the object were covered with sea shells and plants. On
the flat surface (top part of the bench) there were three symbols which were very
artistically carved. Those Symbols can be identified as Nandipada, Sri Vatsa and
Mathsya (fish). Interestingly a number of similar stone benches had been
recovered in the excavations performed at the Yatala stupa terrace and the
surrounding area which are now kept in the Yatala museum in Tissamaharamaya
In addition, some stone benches which are similar to those mentioned above,
have been found in the past excavations carried out at Akurugoda and
Sarwodayawatta in Tissamaharamaya (Sanath 2008:9). It was clear to me that
this stone bench possessed a significant historical value in addition to its unusual
recovery from the seabed. Therefore I chose to show this stone bench to Mr.
Oliver Kessler, a German Archaeologist, who had come here to assist in the
excavation work. His opinion was the same as mine. When I explained the
situation to Peminda and Sunil, they agreed to keep it at the Godawaya
(Buddhist) Temple to be preserved as an archaeological object. Subsequently
this stone bench paved the way to the underwater archaeological exploration
around the Godawaya area.

�Figure 2. Profile of bench showing legs / close-up of symbols in bench.
(Photos by Gamini Saman – MAU)
This bench measures 37.5 cm in length, 16cm in width and 17cm in height
and has four legs. There are three symbols finely carved along a border at the
top. However, when those symbols are closely studied with the available
historical evidence it becomes clear that those symbols have their origin from
Hindu religious symbols but were later treated as Buddhist symbols
(Wimalarathana 1991:63), It is also a fact that those symbols have been
simultaneously accepted in both Buddhism and Hinduism during a certain period
(Wimalaratana1991:63), Nandipada and Sri Vathsa can be seen on Amarawathie
Stupa in India while the same symbols are found among Buddhist carvings
available in Sri Lanka (Sanath 1979:167-193), Samuel Beal holds the view that
those symbols are used to depict Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha in Buddhist
iconography (Beal 1884:60), The opinion of Samuel Bell is that the Nandipada
has been employed to depict the Triple Gem (Rathnatra) and Buddhahood
(Beal1884:60), "Sri Vathsa" is considered to be a symbol found on the chest of
the god Vishnu (Basham 1995:385; Senaratna 1992:26).
There are ideas which argue that the Nandipada is only another symbol or
a figure representing the Trishula symbol (Wimalaratana 1991: 64), which can be
found in Hinduism. However as the Trishula is not accepted in Buddhism, a
majority of scholars agree that this symbol is used to denote the Triple Gem
(Rathnatra) (Beal 1884:60). The Sripada Stone (The Buddha‟s Footprint carved
on a stone slab) which was recovered in Anuradhapura and is, at present,
preserved in the museum in Colombo carries all three symbols and is thought to
belong to the second century Anno Domini (A.D.) (Karunaratna1979:167-193).
The widely recognized view is that they tend to symbolize the Chakrawarthi
Status (Holding Universal Sovereignty) or Buddhahood (Karunaratna1979:167193). There is also evidence available to show that the Mathsya or the "fish"
symbol had been used to imply auspiciousness (Subha mangala Sanketha or the
auspicious symbol) (Senaratna1992: 26).
A Sripada Stone (Buddha's Foot Print) bearing the Symbols of Mathsya
(fish) Nandipada and Sri Vathsa has been found at Amarawathie Stupa in India
which is also identified as belonging to the second century A.D. (Senaratna1992:
26). This further supports the hypothesis that during a certain period those
symbols had simultaneously been employed in Buddhist iconography in both Sri

�Lanka and India. In addition to use in contemporary works and creations, those
symbols have been utilized in the gateway structure (Archway for Entrance) of
the Sanchi Stupa in India, Also, a few similar stone benches found in the
excavations carried out at the Yatala site in Tissamaharama have been identified
as artefacts from the first and second centuries B.C.E; (Somadeva 2006:197198). Further, there is one stone bench on which a few Brahmi letters, which are
believed to be of first or second century B.C., have been inscribed (Somadeva
2006:197-198). Karunarathna, in his book Shanthiya, has classified the eight
Auspicious symbols (Asta mangala Lakshanas) by allocation them to different
cardinal directions (Karunaratna1979:167-193); only four of them given here:
 Sri Vatsa
Ravi (Sun)- East
 Mathsya
Rahu (Shadow of the moon) - South
 Nandipada Shani (Saturn) - West
 Conch
Budha (Mercury) - North
Therefore, it has been suggested, that the symbols were used to indicate
direction (Karunaratna1979:167-193). The begging - bowl (Patra) recovered in
Abhayagiri bearing those three symbols along with the eight auspicious symbols
(Asta Mangala Lakshanas) has been judged to belong to the sixth century A.D.
(Senaratna1992: 26).
However there is available evidence to suggest that there have been
instances where stone benches of similar shapes have been utilized as grinding
stones for domestic purposes - perhaps for kitchen work or medicinal
preparations (Karunaratna 2008:9; Somadeva 2006:197-198). A number of such
quern stones as well as a host of grinder stones and upper grinder stones (or
Doogala,) have already been recovered in the excavations performed at
Sarvodaya wattha and Akurugoda in Thissamaharamaya (Karunaratna 2008:9).
Hans Josim Waighsaar (Director KAWA project-Tissamaharama), who inspected
the marks on the quern, said these objects were used for domestic purposes or
medicinal preparation (KAWA Excavation Unpublished Report 2008-2010).
It was allowed to sit on those noble symbols which had highly and widely
been accepted and respected in both Sri Lanka and India altogether? If the
symbols inscribed on the stone bench represent the Lord Buddha, Buddha hood
or the triple gem there is no way that these benches were used for the purpose of
sitting. Some scholars argue that these comparatively shorter stone benches
could possibly have been constructed to go with the Rank / hierarchy of the chief
reverent / Bhikkus (Buddhist Priests) so they may have been prevented from
sitting on comfortable seats in terms of a disciplinary code enacted then
(Anandamaithree 2006:135-140).
My idea is that either those structures could very well be the direct
offerings for the Lord Buddha himself or the structures upon which offerings
would be placed before being proffered to the Lord Buddha. Such structures, in
this case the stone benches, in my opinion would be placed in the image House
of the Temple (Aramaya). (It represents the “Great Enlightenment of the Buddha”
Scholars believe it was the first brave step by the Greek Buddhists, who wanted
to create a sculpture of Buddha according to the style of the more familiar Greek
tradition of sculptures. Before the image of the Buddha was created, Buddhists

�believed should never be created or represented as a figure of The Buddha with
His Great Qualities (Wimalaratana 1991:64). Hence Buddhists considered some
of the symbols in Buddha‟s likeness to be the “Representation of the Buddha”
Bodhi tree (Picas Religiosa), which provides shelter, and the Seat (AsanaVajrasana), which provides seating facilities for attaining "The Great Buddha
Hood” under the Bo Tree (Basham 1995:134). These were venerated as a great
honour from the beginning of Buddhism. It is very obvious in early paintings and
sculptures that these represent those objects on behalf of the Buddha
(Anandamaithree 2006:135-140). Wherever Artist wants to show the Buddha it
appears as “Asana” or “Bo Tree". And this practice has been continuous for a
long time, even after the introduction of the Buddha sculpture. I believe it is a
very reasonable and widely accepted view that sailors carried “Asana” to areas of
religious practices while they voyaged. It mean, they may have used these
“Asanas” as the representation of their religious leader and as the protector of
their life.

Figure 3. Grinding stones. Photo by Sanath karunarathna
Considering the above information it can be deduced that the symbols that
we have discussed were used during the period of the second century Before
Christ (B.C.) to the second country A.D. So far a number of Sri Vathsa Symbols
carved out of the copper material have been recovered from the Katharagama
area (Somadeva 2006:197-198). It could therefore be said that similar symbols
had been very popular during that period.
The fact that this object has been recovered from the deep seabed, away
from the shore, we also can think they were transported as merchandise on
vessels. At the same time it could be assumed that those objects had acquired a
degree of social recognition and were honoured with a sense of respect and
sacredness. Nandadasa Samaraweera (Nandadasa 2010: 1-5) Has clearly

�expressed his opinion that the glazed ingots found from the same site belong to a
period spanning from the first century BC to the second century AD.
It has been firmly established that the Godawaya harbour, by the second
century AD, (Gamini 2010:32-35) had been a well organized and highly active
centre where even the tariffs and customs charges were duly collected (Kessler
2001:290-300), The stone inscriptions found at the Godawaya Buddhist Temple
actively help to support this view (Kessler 2001:329). However, it is possible that
this harbour was functional long before the specified period. Namely, the
excavations carried out by Somadeva in the area surrounding the Kirinda
Harbour (Somadeva 2006:163-165) can be cited as proof that the Kirinda
Harbour had been operational prior to the Christian era. Considering the
archaeological findings obtained in that area, Somadeva holds the view that the
functional city situated in the Akurugoda area in Tissamaharama was linked to
the Kirinda Harbour while the settlement, situated at Ridiyagama close to
Ambalantota, had been linked to the Godawaya Harbour via the Walave River
(Somadeva 2006:115-120).

Figure 4. Bench like stone object with Brahmi Letter's perod between 250-100
BCE (Somadeva 2006:197-198). Photo by R. Muthucumarana
When the above facts are carefully studied and analyzed we could readily
accept that those archaeological findings and the old Harbours could easily be
traced to the same social era in the 2nd century AD (Paranavithana 1983: 101).
However, the research is still ongoing so a valid conclusion has not been
reached.

Other Findings
After the 2008 exploration another two small scale explorations have been
conducted. The main one took place at the end of 2010 as a collaboration project
of MAU, UNESCO and the Government of Netherlands. The Godawaya
shipwreck discovery generated much interest among the local archaeologists as
well as international historians and archaeologists with interests in Asian

�underwater cultural heritage. It caused for much enthusiasm in the international
layer, which provided allocation of funds towards a UNESCO training programme
in maritime archaeology (post-field activity MAU 2010). The international team
comprised of experts in diving and underwater archaeology from India,
Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines who participated in the assessment with
the MAU team on the shipwreck at Godawaya. According to the previous
exploration the site was identified as spread over an area of 40 X 22 m. Before
initiation of the actual site survey, the team had to explore what had been
previously collected such as jars, cooking vessels, stone benches and
unidentified parts of the main wreckage (possible timber stacks).
 Investigation of the exploration was mainly concern with the following:
 To inspect and survey of the site and identify possible artefacts and
antiques apparently visible on the sea bed.
 To make a surface plan with the finds using measuring equipments.
 To photographically document the site with digital cameras and other
documentary equipment.
 To make an evaluation of the site with available data and resources.
The exploration team was comprised of underwater archaeologists,
selected on the basis of their experience in multi-disciplinary approaches A well
balanced team was thus engaged in the exploration activities for extracting
maximum information and taking firsthand experience through non-disturbance
survey. This survey produced observation of a large number of artefacts on the
seabed, including varieties of pottery and a large area in the north-western
quadrant covered with the remains of shipwreck (including the unidentified
cargoes). During the exploration we found that there were more stone benches
scattered around the site and most of them are different in style and size from
each other and required close inspection to identify any symbols carry on them. I
suppose that early mariners may have carried these stone benches in their
personal belongings for making individual religious rituals and offerings. Keep in
Possession these benches as in personal properties which brings symbolic
message of the “Great Victory” (The Attainment of Buddha hood) of their
religious leader may bring them self-esteem to do the uncertain voyages
The main obstacle in this case is the fact that all the recovered
archaeological objects seem to have relationships to regional countries,
especially to India and Sri Lanka during certain time periods. Nevertheless,
wooden remains of the wreck are in very fragile condition and worn out, so its
origins deduced by construction methods is difficult. This problem could hopefully
be reached by proper documentation of the site and the scientific analysis of the
findings in the near future.

Bibliography
Anandamaitree, B.,
2006
Basham, A. L.,
1995

“Vinaya Pitakaya”, in Senasana Khandaka
Chullawaggapali, Part 11, government of Sri Lanka.
Asirimath Indiyawa , Educational Publication
Department, Reprint, Colombo.

�Beal, S.,
1884
Fouche , A .,
1918
Gamini , P.A.L.,
2010
Karunarathna, T.B.,
1979
Nandadasa,S.M;
2010
Paranavithana, S.,
1983
Roth, W., Kessler,
O., Rocker.,
Wijepala W,.
2001
Sanath, W.K.,
2008
Samuel, B.,
1884
Senarathna, W.,
1992
Senavirathna, A.,
1979

Somadeva, R.,
2001
Weisshar, H.J.,
Wijepala, W., Roth,
H.,
2001
Wimalarathana, B.,
1991

Buddhist Record of the Western World, London.
The Beginning of the Buddhist Art, London.
Godawaya, S &amp; S Printers, Colombo.
“A new Interpretation of The Buddhist Trirathna
Symbol”, Ancient Ceylon, Journal of the Archaeological
Survey, Department of Archaeology, Colombo.
“Sri Lankawe Glaze bhavitaya saha Godawaya
muhuden hamu u Glaze kutti ”, in MAU News Letter,
Volume ιι, Part 1, Central Cultural Fund, Colombo.
Inscription of Ceylon ,Archaeological Survey of Sri
Lanka, Volume II, Part 1, Colombo.
“Sri Lankan -German Archaeological Project in
Southern Province”, in Ancient Ruhuna, Volume Ι,
Germany.
Excavation report, „tissa-3 “, Regional Archaeology
Office, Galle, 2008.
Buddhist record Of the Western World, London.
“Ashtamangala Patraya”, in Sanskrutika Puranaya,
Volume 1, Part II, Central Cultural Fund, Colombo.
“A Symbol Which Represent the Buddha in early
Singhalese Sculpture, Ancient Ceylon", in Journal of the
Archaeological Survey, Department of Archaeology,
Colombo, 1979.
"Urban origins in Southern Sri Lanka", in Studies in
Global archaeology, 7, Uppsala University
Uppsala.
“Sri Lankan -German Archaeological Project in
Southern Province”, in Ancient Ruhuna, Volume 1,
Germany.
Budu Pilimaya asana saha Mudra, Sedevi printers, Dehiwala.

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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>The stone bench that was recovered at the oldest Maritime Archaeological site at Godawaya (Ambalantota) in Sri Lanka is an unusual archaeological artifact which has become instrumental in turning the history of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka in a new direction It has been recovered for the first time in the area of Godawaya (Ambalantota) in the Hambantota District in Sri Lanka. The particular object is a Stone Bench with four legs where the whole thing is carved out of a single stone. The main purpose of this article is to describe this stone bench and to discuss the symbols it carries with its making. Also an attempt will be made to look into the site where the object was found and other certain related aspects as well. &#13;
&#13;
In August 2008, Maritime Archaeologists attached to the Department of Archaeology and Central Cultural Fund (CCF) under the aegis of UNESCO launched an exploration in the area where this stone bench had been found. The location was around 30 meters under the sea at a place 4 km away from the fishery harbor in the coastal area of Godawaya village in the proximity of Ambalantota Town in the Hambantota District in Southern Province of Sri Lanka.</text>
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                    <text>New approach to protect the underwater cultural heritage in Sri Lanka

Sanath Karunarathna
Department of Archaeology (Regional Office - Southern Province)
Galle, Sri Lanka
Email: sanathgalle@yahoo.com

Abstract
In 2001 the Minister of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Development passed a bill in
the Parliament of Sri Lanka entitled the “Long–Term Management of Maritime Wrecks
and Underwater Cultural Heritage of Sri Lanka”.. A committee, known as the Inter
Ministerial Committee chaired by the Secretary of the Ministry of Fisheries, was formed
to give effect to the bill. Four general meetings have been held and many important
decisions have been taken, including stopping salvage and destroying wrecks. This is a
very important step towards protecting of the UCH in Sri Lanka. Apart from this, the
draft amendment for the Antiquity Ordinance no 9, 1940; brought into effect in 2012,
provides that any vessels that had run aground more than one hundred years ago, or
built more than one hundred years ago, shall be considered underwater cultural
heritage. An amendment brought in 1998 for the same ordinance had extended the
meaning by adding “found in the Sri Lankan waters”, bringing greater protection for
UCH in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan Navy is assisting by giving coverage for protection as
a whole and it was strengthened with the request of the Director General of
Archaeology for stopping any attempt to destroy UCH in our waters. A newly formed
department for protecting coastal zones is well educated for the prevention of any
harmful activity on UCH. There are several other rules and regulations related to the
protection of UCH in Sri Lanka, which will be covered in this paper.
Key words: Sri Lanka, Underwater Archaeology, Heritage, Management, Trincomalee,
Mannai, Godawaya

Introduction
Sri Lanka, which has been known around the world as a beautiful island in the Indian
Ocean, was also famous for its naval activities since the beginning of the 1st century AD
and its recently discovered, 2,000 year old archaeological evidence. It is interesting to
note here that carbon dating technique has confirmed that the sunken ship which was
recovered from the Godawaya area is more than 2000 years old. The maritime
archaeological heritage of Sri Lanka is enriched as the famous maritime silk route
between Europe and Asia went past this island. As mentioned above there were several
1

�important harbors along the coastal belt. Some of these well-known ports are Mannai
(Mannar)

Trincomalee,

Galle

and

Godawaya.

According

to

the

established

archeological evidence, the maritime activities of this island were intensified after the
colonization of the country. Most shipwrecks that have been found along the coast
belonged to the Dutch and English period. The maritime exploration of Sri Lanka was
started by the well-known scientist and author, Sir Arthur C Clarke and some of his
colleagues in the 1960s. As such, the No. 9 ordinance of the Maritime archaeology of
1940 did not mention maritime archaeology. Moreover, the extent of the maritime zone
was also officially decided and declared in 1976 by the Maritime zone law No. 22 which
was ratified by the State Council. Until then, there was not any decision taken of
ownership of the maritime resources in this area (The Act No. 73 of the cultural property
in 1988).
By taking all these things into consideration, the government introduced a new
ordinance in 1976 called the Cultural Property Bill no. 73. It bans the exportation of any
cultural property from Sri Lanka. Also it requires approval from the commission of
archaeology for exporting any registered cultural property out of the country. Even today
this law is valid and it functions under the Ministry of Cultural and Arts. So according to
the law, any archaeological property situated on land as well as in the sea is regarded
as a cultural property of Sri Lanka and so it is prohibited to export them. Also according
to clause 2(1) in the first chapter of the Archaeological Ordinance of no. 9 in 1940, even
where archaeological property in situated on private land, it nevertheless belongs to the
State. If the person wants to keep it as his property he must prove ownership of that
property. So, according to this clause it is a punishable crime to keep for oneself
archaeological property which was from the territorial sea or removed from a ship.
As there were some shortcomings in the main ordinance, it was revised again in 1998
by introducing the revised bill of the 194 ordinance. Basically, the sub-clause of the
second clause of the 194 ordinance was revised. In the main ordinance, the territorial
sea had not been regarded as part of the territory of Sri Lanka. It only mentioned the
word

“vilaka” (in

a lake). Now it has been revised

by using the

word

“deshayesamurdayathula” (inside the territorial sea of the country). So according to the
Maritime zone law of No. 22 in 1976, the “deshayesamurdhayathula” means the
2

�territorial sea area belongs to Sri Lanka. As such, the archaeological ordinance provides
the power and authority to protect and look after all the monuments and other
archaeological artifacts in the country. Another revision was made to this bill. The
phrase “the constructions made before 1850” was changed in order to cover
constructions made more than one hundred years ago. So the relevant Minister could
declare those constructions as the monuments from a Gazette notification, with the
recommendation of the Director of Archaeology. According to the clause of this Act, a
shipwreck in the sea could be declared a monument, including ships which were sunk,
or built, more than one hundred years ago, and are regarded as archaeological
monuments because a shipwreck is an immovable object. When a ship is sunk it is
regarded as stuck at that place forever and can therefore be regarded as a monument.
The artifacts found from the sea, however could be moved to another place. Also it
doesn’t do any harm to its content by doing so. So, if we could make sure the relevant
artifact is made before 1815 AD, it surely could be regarded as an artifact under the
define terms. In 1998, the AIA law (Archaeological Impact Assessment) was introduced.
According to this law, the relevant authorities who are going to start a new project
should get an archaeological impact assessment done with the help of the Department
of Archaeology before starting any project. The expenses for this assessment should be
paid by the project itself, allocating about 1% from the total cost of the project. The
Department would give its approval to carry on the project after assessing the result of
it. They could apply conditions also if necessary.
The revision of clauses of 43A and 43B has greatly helped to protect the cultural
heritage on the land and at sea. For instance, many archaeological assessments have
been done in the recent years, before starting several big projects such as the harbor
airports and highways.
In 2012, measures were taken to revise the Archaeological Ordinance again. The
necessary drafts has been done and presented to the parliament for its approval.
Because of this revision, the authority which was vested on the Minister to declare a
construction as a monument which was built more than one hundred years ago has
been removed and included that authority into the ordinance directly. It would help
further to protect the artifacts in the land and also in the sea. Moreover, another very
3

�important rule has been introduced. The fine that could be charged for an offence
relating to destroying the artifacts have been increased from 50,000 to one million
rupees and a two year prison sentence has been made mandatory.
So, it must be emphasized and reiterated here that the Sri Lankan government is very
serious about protecting the archaeological heritage and has already taken very
important and strict measures to affect this policy. On top of all these ordinances and
laws, a new law has been introduced by the president and cabinet in 2011. According to
this new law, it is prohibited to dissemble the parts of a shipwreck. The Minister of
Fisheries and the Aquatic Resources presented a cabinet paper called, “Long term
management of maritime works and underwater cultural heritage of Sri Lanka”.
According to its directions, a new committee, called the inter-ministerial committee, was
established. Approval must be sought from this committee if anyone wants to remove
any sunken ship. Whilst the authority may give directions, it has to be done with the
consent and recommendation of the archeological department, navy, ministry of
fisheries and NARA (National Aquatic Resources Research &amp; Development Agency)
The following institutions are represented on the committee:
1. Ministry of defense
2. Ministry of National heritage
3. Ministry of cultural and arts
4. Ministry of fisheries
5. Ministry of Ports and highways
6. Ministry of economic development
7. Ministry of environment
8. Ministry of social services
9. National Aquatic Recourses Agency
10. Sri Lanka Navy
11. Department of Coastal Guard
12. Sri Lanka Police
If anyone wants to remove a shipwreck they must make a written request to the
committee. Committee decisions are final and absolute. Only one of these organizations
has to object to a proposal to remove a shipwreck, for that proposal to be denied. So, it
4

�is clear the decision would be taken by deeply considering national interest. Sri Lanka
has clearly understood the importance of working collectively to protect the underwater
cultural heritage. Also, all the governmental institutions have the authority to control the
removal of the relevant ship wrecks which is under their field of activity. Even according
to the rules of the Navy, the Ministry of Fisheries, and the Coast Guard, it is illegal and
prohibited to remove anything from the seabed and bring them to the shore without their
permission. When we consider of all these measures it is very clear that Sri Lanka has
already taken strict measures and implemented tough laws to protect the UCH. The
relevant ordinance and acts have been revised several times whenever it is necessary
and the penalties for the offenders also have been increased. It is important to note
here that all the governmental institutions which are relevant to this field have come
together to work as a group to achieve common goals. Because these laws and
committees have placed such a high standard on our maritime culture, maritime
technology is taught as a prominent subject in most universities in Sri Lanka. It will help
to broaden the knowledge, understanding and the attitude of the younger generation
about this field. Several high level official discussions also have been done to ratify the
UNESCO convention. All these things related to this subject are coordinated by the
division of the underwater archaeology of the Department of Archaeology, Ministry of
National Heritage and the Maritime Archaeology Unit of the central cultural fund which is
under the authority of the Ministry of Cultural and Arts. They are all doing a wonderful
job to share the knowledge and their practical know how with academics.

References
Antiquities act, No.o9 of 1940.
Antiquities (Amendment) act, No: 24 of 1998.
Antiquities act Amendment –draft 2012.
Cultural Property act, No: 73-of 1988.
Nara act, No: 54 of 1981.
Fisheries act, No 2 of 1996.
Merchant Shipping act, 1972.
Sri Lanka Port Authority Act, No 51 of 1979.
5

�UNESCO Convention.
National principles of Archaeology in Sri Lanka.
Coast Conservation act, No 57 - of, 1981.
Maritime Zones Law, No: 22 of 1976. Cabinet Paper on.
Long term management of underwater cultural heritage in Sri Lanka, No:
11/0127/532/004 of 2011.
Convention on the Protection of the Under Water Culture Heritage, 2001.
Biography
Sanath Karunarathna is a Maritime Archaeologist in Sri Lankan, working as a Regional
Exploration Officer in the Department of Archaeology of Sri Lanka. He is a visiting
lecturer at the University of Ruhuna. He began Maritime Archaeological work in 2004
with the Avondster Project. Sanath participated in the UNESCO Maritime Archaeology
field Schools held in 2006 and 2007. He is currently based in Galle working with the
Archaeological Diving team of the Maritime Archaeology Unit. He has done NAS Part 1
and participated in the first foundation course in Thailand 2011.

6

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                  <text>The legal framework for the protection of the underwater cultural heritage has gained momentum throughout the Asia-Pacific with a number of States turning their attention to this issue. For some this is due to concerns raised though specific incidents that have damaged or destroyed the underwater cultural heritage or the information that could be gleaned from its excavation, whilst for others, it follows from consideration being given to the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage.&#13;
This session considers the Legal Framework for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in a number of Asia-Pacific states. The objectives of session are to explore the various national approaches and to seek aspects of commonality and uniformity that provide frameworks for other state that have not yet addressed the issue. </text>
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                <text>In 2001 the Minister of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Development passed a bill in the Parliament of Sri Lanka entitled the â€œLongâ€“Term Management of Maritime Wrecks and Underwater Cultural Heritage of Sri Lankaâ€.. A committee, known as the Inter Ministerial Committee chaired by the Secretary of the Ministry of Fisheries, was formed to give effect to the bill. Four general meetings have been held and many important decisions have been taken, including stopping salvage and destroying wrecks. This is a very important step towards protecting of the UCH in Sri Lanka. Apart from this, the draft amendment for the Antiquity Ordinance no 9, 1940; brought into effect in 2012, provides that any vessels that had run aground more than one hundred years ago, or built more than one hundred years ago, shall be considered underwater cultural heritage. An amendment brought in 1998 for the same ordinance had extended the meaning by adding â€œfound in the Sri Lankan watersâ€, bringing greater protection for UCH in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan Navy is assisting by giving coverage for protection as a whole and it was strengthened with the request of the Director General of Archaeology for stopping any attempt to destroy UCH in our waters. A newly formed department for protecting coastal zones is well educated for the prevention of any harmful activity on UCH. There are several other rules and regulations related to the protection of UCH in Sri Lanka, which will be covered in this paper.</text>
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                    <text>Underwater Excavation of Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan
Sangjun Park (Curator of the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
In Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan, explorations and underwater excavations have been conducted by the
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage since 2021, and a total of 570 artifacts have been
recovered. This study introduced limitations and problems stemming from investigation progress and method. The
characteristics of Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan were identified through analysis on the recovered artifacts.
Based on the exploration conducted in 2021 and the contents of the excavation in 2022, the progress of the
examination for the entire sea area, and the limitations and problems stemming from the examination method were
identified. Through the analysis of the distribution patterns, types, and periods of recovered artifacts this study
established the date and characteristics of the remains, and the direction for future investigations. A significant
area where the artifacts are estimated to be buried, has not been investigated so results may change in future. The
waters of Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan have been frequented by ships from the past. Many pottery sherds,
wooden structures constituting ships, and daily items on ships, have been excavated. A minimum of two ships are
believed to have sunk in this area based on artifacts from various periods (i.e. Three Kingdoms to the Joseon).
Currently, only about one per cent of the total investigated area are dredged, so future work will likely reveal
maritime exchanges centered on the Gogunsan Islands.
Keywords: Gunsan, Gogunsan Archipelago, underwater excavation, exploration
List of Tables and Figures
Table 1 Status table of artifacts recovered from underwater excavations in the Sea of Gogunsan Archipelago,
Gunsan in 2022
Figure 1 Underwater dondition of the bundles of celadons
Figure 2 Recovered all artifacts from Seonyudo

OVERIVEW OF THE INVESTIGATIONS
Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan is an archipelago located in the southern part of the West Sea of Korea
and consists of 63 islands including Seonyudo, Munyeodo and Shinsido. The name, Gogunsan
Archipelago, was derived from the central island, Seonyudo. Seonyudo has been called Gunsando since
the Goryeo Dynasty, and during the reign of King Taejo of the Joseon Dynasty, a naval base called
Gunsanjin was established to defend against Japanese invaders along the west coast. Later, during the
reign of King Sejong, as Gunsanjin moved to the mainland, the name of this area was prefixed with the
Chinese character '古', which means old times, and it was called Gogunsan Archipelago.
Gogunsan Archipelago played an important role as a port of call on the route with China's Song Dynasty
during the Goryeo Dynasty. According to Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong of Seo Geung, who came
as an envoy from the Song Dynasty in 1123 (the first year of King Injong), in Gunsando, there was a
building called Gunsanjeong, which was used as a reception hall for envoys, and it was recorded that
there were government office buildings and Buddhist temples.
Waters where the investigation was conducted is located on the eastern side of Seonyudo, the central
island of the Gogunsan archipelago. The remains became known in December 2020 when a report was
received that a diver who was working on a dive in the waters of Seonyudo Island found pottery and
hull fragments. Afterwards, the location was reported by the reporter, and in 2021, an exploration of the
entire sea area of the Gogunsan Islands, including Seonyudo, was conducted.
The exploration was targeted on a wide area around Seonyudo and Munyeo Islands, including the
reported points, to find out whether there were ancient ships, whether or not artifacts were buried, and
the distribution range. As a result of the investigation, about 200 artifacts such as pottery and anchor
stones were recovered from the entire Gogunsan Islands area, and it was confirmed that various artifacts
from different eras were distributed.

1

�In particular, around the reef on the eastern side of Seonyudo, 81 pieces of celadon bowls and plates
were found in the form of stacked cargoes, and tools used by ships such as wooden anchors, oars, and
anchor stones presumed to be lost at the time of the wreck were found. Judging from these aspects, it is
estimated that the possibility that an ancient ship was wrecked in the vicinity is very high. From April
to October 2022, a full-scale excavation was conducted in the waters of Seonyudo to confirm the
concentration of artifacts and the sunken ancient ship.
INVESTIGATION DETAILS
The excavation was conducted in the eastern waters of Seonyudo from April 19 to October 22, 2022. In
the exploration of underwater cultural property in 2021, a range of 500 m from north to south and 500m
from east to west was set as the investigation area, centering on the area where a bundle of celadon and
a large number of artifacts were identified, and the total area is measured to 235,00 m². As for the total
investigation range, 25 zones with a size of 100 × 100 m were set and named as A to Y zones, and 100
grids of 10 × 10 m units were set in detail for each zone.
As the targeted area is shallow and has reefs, it is difficult to anchor the Nurian, an underwater
excavation vessel. Therefore, a barge exclusive for underwater excavation equipped with the necessary
equipment for the survey was used, and the Nurian served as a support ship providing board and lodging
for the investigators.
The excavation was aimed to identify the distribution patterns of artifacts widely identified in the
investigated waters, and concentrated artifacts burial sites and sunken ships. To this end, after installing
a 1m-wide reference line for dredging in each grid, a trial excavation was conducted along the line to a
depth of about 1m. According to the distribution of artifacts and the quality of the soil, full-scale
dredging was carried out simultaneously, and a dredging pump installed on a barge for underwater
excavation investigation was used.
In the south of the soil investigation area and on the east side of Seonyudo, a RIB (Rigid inflatable boat)
was used for search, and the distribution of artifacts was identified. For search, a search line was installed,
circular and zigzag methods were used along the line, and the search was conducted using a probe rod.
The investigated area is a partial grid of area M and L. Initially, the investigation was intended to be
conducted around area L, where bundles of celadon, ship accessories, and a large amount of pottery
were found, but the investigation was conducted around area M, as the cruise ship route was formed
around the area. In the areas L, Q, and V, where cruise ship routes are located, investigations were
conducted only temporarily for two months (September-October) with the cooperation of shipping
companies and people of the fishing village, and it is now in progress.
Along with the excavation survey, exploration was conducted in the sea area outside the total range of
500 × 500 m using Seamuse, an underwater cultural property exploration ship. In this exploration, not
only were Seonyudo, but also the Gogunsan Archipelago, such as Sinsido and Munyeodo, investigated
with expanded scope of the exploration.
In the meantime, in order to overcome the poor marine environment and conduct efficient investigations
during the excavation, state-of-the-art marine exploration equipment such as scanning sonar, which can
identify abnormalness in dark underwater visibility, and USBL (Ultra Short Base Line), which can
accurately measure the location underwater were used. In addition, parametric sub-bottom profiler
investigations were conducted on the surrounding waters by Seamuse to detect abnormal points, and
detailed investigations and diving investigations were conducted on the points. The investigation found
that most of abnormal bodies were marine waste including discarded fishing gear, but a small amount
of ceramics were confirmed at some points.
RECOVERED ARTIFACTS
In 2002, a total of 286 artifacts were recovered through an underwater excavation in the waters of the

2

�Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan. Ceramics, which account for the largest number of recovered artifacts,
are mainly from the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties, with celadon being the most common, and plates and
bowls being the main ones. In addition, white porcelain cups, pottery bottles, and pottery kettles have
been identified, and one piece of Naesommyeong Buncheongware, which was also identified in the
underwater excavation of Mado no. 4 shipwreck, was recovered. Moreover, during the exploration, the
plate of earthenware, which is presumed to be from the Three Kingdoms period, was also found.
As for stone materials, one anchor stone was found and 100 stone tools presumed to be grinding stones
were excavated in the form of shipments. They are long rod-shaped artifacts of fine-grained sandstone
or rhyolite, similar to whetstones, but without signs of wear or grinding. As for metals, coins, bronze
spoons, and iron pots for cooking were identified as metal items, and anchor branches were extracted
from wood items.
The fact that a large amount of pottery has been found is proof that pottery carriers or cargo ships
frequently came and went in the past. In particular, the excavated Naesommyeong Buncheongware
shows the possibility that ships from the Joseon Dynasty may have sunken. In addition, anchor stones,
bronze spoons, and anchor branches among those excavated are shipboard items used on ships, which
also show that there is a possibility that ancient ships were sunken in the waters of Gogunsan
Archipelago.
Table 1. Status table of artifacts recovered from underwater excavations in the Sea of Gogunsan Archipelago, Gunsan
in 2022
Ceramics
Stone Materials
Metals
Wood
Project
Total
BunchWhite
PotAnchor Whetstone Co
Iron materName
Celadon
Spoon
ials
eong
porcelain
tery
stone
(?)
in
pot
Underwater
excavation
of Gogunsan
Islands
2022

78

16

63

21

1

100

1

Figure 1. Underwater condition of the bundles of celadons

3

4

1

1

286

�Figure 2. Recovered all Artifacts from Seonyudo

CONCLUSIONS
The waters of Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan have been recorded as a sea area frequented by ships
since the Goryeo Dynasty. In the Goryeo Dynasty, there was Gunsanjeong where envoys from the Song
Dynasty were accommodated, and in the Joseon Dynasty, a naval base was installed to prevent invasion
by Japanese raiders. Demonstrating it as proof, various artifacts such as anchor stones, anchor branches,
bronze spoons, and iron pots presumed to have been used in ships along with a large amount of pottery
artifacts were recovered during the excavation and exploration.
The point where the artifacts are mainly identified is near the reef, about 300 m east of Seonyudo.
Including this reef, large and small reefs are scattered all over the waters of the Gogunsan Archipelago,
which is a major danger to navigation even today. In the past when navigation technology was less
developed than now, these reefs can be seen as the cause of many ships sinking, indicating the possibility
that ancient ships may have sunk in this area.
In the investigation until 2022, only 1,955 m², less than one per cent of the total area of 235,000 m², was
investigated after dredging due to various limitations. Large and small pebbles are widely distributed
throughout the seabed, which makes it difficult to dredge, and some of the major excavation points have
not yet been investigated because some of the investigation ranges overlap with the route of the cruise
ship. In particular, the area near the coast of Seonyudo where Naesommyeong Buncheongware was
identified and the point where bundles of celadon were excavated should be investigated through fullscale dredging. Fortunately, with the cooperation of Gunsan City and the shipping company, an
agreement was reached to change the route of the cruise ship from 2023, and it is possible to investigate
major points from the 2023 investigation.
If the full control of the main finds, excavation point is made through continuous investigation in the
future, it is expected that traces will be discovered that will more clearly identify the nature of the
underwater ruins in Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan, including the ancient ship.

Bibliography
NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No.4 Underwater Excavvation, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of
Maritime Cultural Heritage 40. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2016 (In Korean).
Roh, Kyeong-jung. “Underwater Excavation of Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan.” The 10th International Conference on
Underwater Cultural Heritage of Korea and China, (2022): 3-20 (In Korean).

4

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                <text>In Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan, explorations and underwater excavations have been conducted by the&#13;
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage since 2021, and a total of 570 artifacts have been&#13;
recovered. This study introduced limitations and problems stemming from investigation progress and method. The&#13;
characteristics of Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan were identified through analysis on the recovered artifacts.&#13;
Based on the exploration conducted in 2021 and the contents of the excavation in 2022, the progress of the&#13;
examination for the entire sea area, and the limitations and problems stemming from the examination method were&#13;
identified. Through the analysis of the distribution patterns, types, and periods of recovered artifacts this study&#13;
established the date and characteristics of the remains, and the direction for future investigations. A significant&#13;
area where the artifacts are estimated to be buried, has not been investigated so results may change in future. The&#13;
waters of Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan have been frequented by ships from the past. Many pottery sherds,&#13;
wooden structures constituting ships, and daily items on ships, have been excavated. A minimum of two ships are&#13;
believed to have sunk in this area based on artifacts from various periods (i.e. Three Kingdoms to the Joseon).&#13;
Currently, only about one per cent of the total investigated area are dredged, so future work will likely reveal&#13;
maritime exchanges centered on the Gogunsan Islands.&#13;
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                <text>Sangjun Park</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>2023</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Park, Sangjun. 2023. “Underwater Excavation of Gogunsan Archipelago in Gunsan.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1927 </text>
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                    <text>A Manila Galleon in Oregon:
Results of the “Beeswax Wreck” Research Project

Scott S. Williams
Naga Research Group
1324 Eskridge Blvd SE
Olympia, WA 98501
USA
Email: Beeswax.wreck@gmail.com

Abstract
The results of a seven-year, multi-disciplinary investigation into the identity and origin of
the “Beeswax Wreck” are discussed. The “Beeswax Wreck” is the name historically
given to a 17th century source of marked beeswax blocks and candles found along
beaches of the north Oregon coast. Artifact analysis, remote sensing,
geoarchaeological investigations, and archival research indicate the Beeswax Wreck
was an Acapulco-bound galleon that wrecked near Nehalem Bay prior to AD 1700, and
is most likely the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos. The Santo Cristo de
Burgos sailed from the Philippines on July 1st, 1693 and disappeared. No trace of the
vessel was ever found despite years of searching by the Spanish in the islands of the
west Pacific and along the Mexican coast.
Keywords: Manila, Acapulco, Philippines, Beeswax, Porcelain, Geoarchaeology
Introduction
At the turn of the 19th century, the first Euro-American settlers in the Oregon Territory of
the Pacific Northwest coast noted wreckage on the beach of the Nehalem Bay sandspit
in what is now Tillamook County, Oregon (Fig. 1). The unknown ship was constructed
of teak and carried a large cargo of beeswax in the form of large blocks and candles,
which were strewn for miles over the spit and shores of the lower Nehalem Valley. The
amount of beeswax scattered over the beach and lower valley was so great that mining
the beeswax became a source of income for early settlers in the area.

Both the

“Beeswax Wreck” as it was called and its cargo were the topic of much speculation in
the scientific and popular press throughout 19th and 20th centuries, because the ship
1

�wrecked at least a century prior to
Euro-American

settlement

of

the

region and its large cargo of beeswax
made its origin a mystery to the
settlers. Since 2006, a volunteer
group of professional archaeologists,
historians, coastal geomorphologists,
and interested community members,
in coordination with Oregon State
Parks

and

the

Oregon

State

Archaeologist, have researched the
origin and identity of the Beeswax
Wreck. The goal of the research has
been to locate wreck remains and
confirm the identity of the vessel.
Archaeological evidence indicates that

Fig. 1 Portion of NOAA Chart 18520 showing the
Beeswax Wreck Project Area. The Nehalem sand spit
extends from the town of Manzanita to the river
mouth, in the area marked “Nehalem Beach” on the
chart. Short Sands Beach is the large cove at Cape
Falcon. (NOAA Chart 18520)

the Beeswax Wreck was a Manilla
galleon en route
to Acapulco, sailing or drifting north of the normal galleon trade route when it wrecked
off Nehalem at 45 degrees north latitude. Based on stylistic analysis of design motifs on
recovered sherds of the porcelain cargo that the ship carried, the vessel wrecked
sometime between 1670 and 1700, during the reign of the Kangxi Emperor of the Qing
Dynasty (Lally, 2008).
Project Location and Environment
Nehalem Bay is located on the Nehalem River in Tillamook County, northwest Oregon
(Fig. 1). Nehalem Bay is protected by a 5-6 km long sand spit that varies in width from
0.5-1.0 km, extending south from Neahkanie Mountain. Neahkanie Mountain is a large
headland that rises abruptly from the ocean to an elevation of 497 meters and marks
the north limit of the Nehalem River watershed, the Manzanita dune field, and the
Nehalem littoral cell (Peterson et al., 2011). The seaward side of Neahkanie Mountain
presents sheer cliffs, broken by the large sandy cove known as Short Sands Beach and
2

�other, smaller coves and natural rock arches (Fig. 2). Today, Nehalem spit is vegetated
with introduced non-native beach grass, shrubs and trees. The fore dune along the
beach reaches 10-15 m in elevation.

Prior to the mid 20th century, however, the

Nehalem Spit was an active dune field with little to no vegetation and dune heights of 58 m (Cooper, 1958). Starting in the 1950’s, Oregon State Parks undertook an intensive
program of planting non-native beach grass to stabilize the dunes for park development.
Between the fore dune and a large sand ridge known as Cronins Point to the east lies a
low-lying deflation basin. Prior to revegetation efforts and construction of the Nehalem
Airstrip, this deflation basin often became a lake in winter and portions of it still pond
water to this day. Historically, much of the wreck debris and beeswax was found in this
area as windblown dunes migrated over the
spit, alternately exposing and covering
wreck materials. The introduced beach
grass and other non-native vegetation has
since stabilized the dunes, and wreck
materials are now only found through
chance

excavations

associated

with

development in the area (Peterson et al.,
2011).
Historical Accounts
The Lewis and Clark expedition noted that
the local Clatsop Indians brought beeswax
to trade with the explorers when they were
camped on the Columbia River in the winter
of 1805-1806 (Moulton, 2003). The wreck
itself was first recorded in 1813 by the fur
trader Alexander Henry (Coues, 1897).
Local Indians told Henry the wreckage and
beeswax were from a large ship that had
wrecked many years before the fur traders

Fig. 2 Shoreline cliffs and offshore pinnacles,
Neahkanie Mountain. Short Sands Beach is the
large sandy beach in the left background;
Neahkanie Mountain rises out of the picture to
the right. View to northeast. (Richard Rogers,
Beeswax Wreck Project).

settled the area in 1811 (Coues, 1897: 768). The origin of the ship was a mystery,
3

�although Henry referred to the wreck as that of “the Spanish ship… cast away some
years ago, and the crew all murdered by the natives” (Coues, 1897: 841). The wreck
and the mystery of its beeswax cargo were written about extensively in newspapers and
regional journals as settlement of the region increased in the latter half of the 19th
century (cf. Giesecke, 2007; Williams, 2007, 2008). Popular novels were even written
describing the supposed adventures of the wreck survivors (Rogers, 1898; 1929). When
conditions were right and wreckage was exposed or beeswax was found, newspapers
in Oregon and across the country carried stories about the wreck, speculating whether
the beeswax was truly the cargo of a ship or a natural deposit of mineral wax (Cotton,
1915). Arguments over whether the material was beeswax cargo from a wrecked ship
or petroleum wax seeping from underground continued through the early decades of the
20th century, and exploratory wells were drilled to locate the presumed vast fields of oil
thought responsible for the wax. In the latter half of the 20th century archaeologists and
historians became interested in the wreck (Gibbs, 1971; Marshall, 1984). Its origin and
identity were the focus of several archaeological investigations (Woodward, 1986;
Scheans and Stenger, 1990). Some investigators suggested the vessel may have been
an Asian junk, a Portuguese merchant, or a Dutch or English pirate rather than a Manila
galleon (Stenger, 2005; Woodward, 1986). Much of the accessible wreck material was
collected by local residents and souvenir hunters in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries, and only small pieces of beeswax and sherds of late 17th century Chinese
export porcelain and earthenware are rarely collected by beachcombers in the area
today.
The Beeswax Wreck Project
The Beeswax Wreck Project is as an all-volunteer organization bringing together
various professionals and community members interested in the Beeswax Wreck. The
first phase of the project synthesized known historical and archaeological information
pertaining to the wreck and prepared a research design to guide the project (Williams,
2007).

Information on the wreck includes 19th and 20th centuries newspaper and

journal articles; physical remains such as beeswax blocks and candles, ceramic sherds,
and wooden artifacts in museums and private collections; and reports of previous
4

�archaeological and geotechnical investigations in the area. Evidence indicates that the
Beeswax Wreck carried goods typically transported by Manila galleons, including
Chinese export porcelain, earthenware dragon jars, and Philippine beeswax in large
blocks marked with Spanish shipping symbols, material not normally transported on
Asian junks. The quantity of the beeswax is a significant clue to the nationality of the
vessel that wrecked. Historic accounts indicate that during the 19th century anywhere
from 5 to 20 or more tons of beeswax was shipped from Nehalem to markets in Oregon,
California, and Hawaii (Cotton, 1915). The volume of beeswax was so large that several
19th century observers assumed the source was natural petroleum wax, as they could
not conceive of any “ancient” ship carrying so much beeswax, despite the shipping
symbols carved into the beeswax blocks, the presence of candles with wicks, and even
bees preserved in the wax. Radiocarbon dating of the beeswax and diagnostic Chinese
porcelain associated with the wreck indicate the vessel sailed during the mid to late 17th
century (Erlandson et al., 2001; Lally, 2008).

In the comprehensive and detailed

Spanish records of galleon sailings and losses, only two Acapulco-bound galleons went
missing during that time: the Santo Cristo de Burgos, which disappeared in 1693, and
the San Francisco Xavier, lost in 1705 (Blair and Robertson, 1909; Dahlgren, 1916;
Levesque, 2002; Schurz, 1939). The San Francisco Xavier has been identified as the
likely candidate for the Beeswax Wreck by previous researchers (Giesecke, 2007;
Marshall, 1984).
Our initial research focused on the San
Francisco Xavier as the most likely
vessel for the Beeswax Wreck for two
reasons: 1) Schurz’s (1939) statement
that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned
and wrecked near the Marianas Islands,
citing Hill’s (1928) account; and 2) a
large tsunami struck the Oregon coast in
1700 AD, and we expected such an
event would have obliterated evidence of

Fig. 3 Remote sensing survey areas on Nehalem
Spit and offshore. (Scott Williams, Beeswax Wreck
Project)

a vessel that wrecked prior to that year.
5

�Fieldwork began in 2007 with terrestrial magnetometer survey of the Nehalem spit, from
the town of Manzanita to the river mouth during the lowest tide of the year. This survey
covered the length of the spit, from the fore dune crest to the low tide level (Fig. 3), to
determine if any ferrous objects such as cannons or anchors were present from a ship
wrecked on the tsunami-eroded beach and covered by sand redeposited on the spit
after the tsunami. Additional survey was done in the deflation basin near the airstrip, in
areas reported to have contained wreckage into the 20th century (Giesecke, 2007).
With no magnetic anomalies detected either along the shore or in the deflation basin, a
limited marine survey was conducted just offshore and parallel to the spit, using a
Zodiac and magnetometer. Several potential anomalies were located (Fig. 3), but
deteriorating weather conditions prevented accurately locating the sites.

Ground

penetrating radar surveys were started in 2007 as well, to characterize the
geomorphology of the spit and the effects of the tsunami (Peterson et al., 2011).Also in
2007 analysis was started on a large collection of porcelain sherds collected over the
previous fifteen years by a resident beachcomber who recognized the sherds as
potentially associated with the wreck.

The dispersed pattern of these sherds in

terrestrial sites suggests an offshore source is “feeding” a beach deposit at Neahkanie
(Fig. 1), perhaps off the wreck. Further evidence of an offshore source is suggested by
an area of the spit with tsunami deposits incorporating the porcelain sherds (Peterson et
al., 2011), which limits the date of their arrival in the bay.
Based on these factors, our focus shifted to the possibility of a pre-tsunami wreck, with
lower hull deposits offshore and the historically described distribution of terrestrial wreck
materials being the result of tsunami deposition. In 2008, a second magnetometer
survey was conducted from the river mouth to Arch Cape, north of Neahkanie Mountain
(Fig. 3). Weather and ocean conditions prevented diving on the magnetic anomalies
identified during that survey. Analysis of the porcelain was completed that same year,
confirming that the cargo represented Chinese export ware intended for the markets in
New Spain, and dated to the period between 1670-1700 with 1690 AD as the mean
manufacturing date (Lally, 2008; In Press). Geotechnical surveys continued through the
summers of 2008 and 2009 (Peterson et al., 2011). A terrestrial magnetometer survey
was conducted of Short Sands Beach in 2010 to determine if anchors or other large
6

�metallic artifacts might be present there
(Fig. 4). None were found. Continued
mapping of porcelain finds resulted in the
identification of a likely search area for the
offshore source (Fig. 4).

In late 2011, a

multi-beam sonar survey identified two
potential wreck sites in the area.

Dive

surveys to examine the two sites were
undertaken in the summer of 2012, but
were limited due to adverse weather
conditions. No wreck materials were found.
Additional magnetometer and side scan
sonar surveys were undertaken on the
offshore anomalies in the summer of 2013.
The surveys produced promising signals, but
poor visibility, rough ocean conditions, and
equipment issues limited our ability to finish

Fig. 4 USGS 7.5 minute quad maps showing the
Beeswax Wreck Project Area showing areas of
remote sensing surveys by type. (Beeswax
Wreck Project)

the systematic survey and dive on the sites.
No offshore wreck deposits were located before bad weather forced an end to the dive
season.
Discussion
The Pacific Northwest is a tectonically active area that has undergone repeated megaearthquakes and associated subsidence-generated tsunamis, with the last major
rupture in 1700 (Atwater, 2005; Peterson et al., 2011). Based on our analysis of the
historical record along with recovered ceramic types and their association with dated
tsunami deposits, we know that the Spanish vessel carrying these ceramics wrecked
before the last sailing of the San Francisco Xavier. We now believe that the Beeswax
Wreck is instead the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos, lost in 1693.
Reports of its demise in the Marianas Islands are based on a fictional story first offered
by Hill (1925; 1928) and then repeated by Schurz (1939) as fact. We propose that the
7

�following sequence of events distributed and then buried debris from a single galleon,
which wrecked on pinnacle rocks or in shallow water offshore of Neahkanie Mountain
prior to 1700 AD. After the vessel wrecked, the Cascadia earthquake of 1700produced
a large tsunami that swept onshore wreck debris over the spit and into Nehalem Bay
and the river channel, depositing material on inflow strandlines (Peterson et al., 2011).
Heavy materials such as ballast, cannons and porcelain likely remained offshore where
the galleon sank, while lighter materials such as timbers and beeswax floated south
onto
the spit.

The returning tsunami wave deposited more material on the outflow

strandlines, including debris described as the inland wreck and porcelain sherds found
in the tsunami drape deposit. One section of superstructure, historically described as
the offshore river-mouth wreck, lodged in the bar at the river mouth. Following interseismic rebound and uplift, the beach began recovery and sand washed into the ocean
by the tsunami was redeposited on the beach, eventually burying wreck debris by the
mid-1900s.
The study by Peterson et al., (2011) showed that the spit did not subside or erode
enough for a post-tsunami wreck (e.g., the San Francisco Xavier) to have been washed
over the spit by normal ocean processes.

Therefore, historical accounts of wreck

materials in the back-dune basin of the spit and the lower reaches of the Nehalem
valley indicate those materials had either washed into the back-dune area through nowburied channels, or were carried over the fore-dune by the tsunami wave. The GPR
survey revealed that there were no relic river channels through the spit, and that the spit
has been stable for at least the last 1000 years in terms of size, elevation, and river
mouth location (Peterson et al., 2011). The only viable mechanism for ship timbers and
beeswax to get over the fore dune and up the river valley is a tsunami cresting over the
spit. To explain Schurz’s (1939) account that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned and
sank near the Marianas Islands, we note that other sources (Blair and Robertson, 1909;
Dahlgren, 1916) make no mention of any known wreckage or survivors from the Santo
Cristo de Burgos, only that the ship disappeared without any knowledge of its fate.
Schurz cited Hill (1928) as the source for his assertion the Santo Cristo de Burgos
burned, yet Hill’s account is clearly apocryphal. Additional archival work in Seville in
8

�2012 located documents (Archivo de Indies, 1699) confirming that as of 1699 the Santo
Cristo de Burgos was still missing, with no survivors and no wreckage having been
found up to that date.
In conclusion, the multi-year, multi-disciplinary research conducted on the Beeswax
Wreck has resulted in the development of a working hypothesis on the identity of the
vessel and potential locations where underwater wreck deposits are likely to be found.
Archival research for the project has confirmed the total loss of the Santo Cristo de
Burgos in 1693, and refutes the claims by Hill (1925; 1928) and Schurz (1939) that the
Santo Cristo de Burgos burned in the west Pacific. The research also revealed a
number of sources that can be used to correlate future finds with archival records,
including 998 pages of documents detailing the crew and construction details of the
Santo Cristo de Burgos, and accounts of the 1692 aborted voyage and the refitting for
the 1693 voyage. In the near future, as weather and funding allow, we plan to expand
the survey area and conduct additional dive surveys on the targets identified in 2013. If
we can confirm the identity of the Beeswax Wreck, we will likely solve the mystery of the
fate of the Santo Cristo de Burgos, as well.
Acknowledgments
The Beeswax Wreck Project has been possible through the generous financial and
technical support of Naga Research, Dr. Mitch Marken and the Nehalem Valley
Historical Society. This paper has benefitted from the insight and research of Dr. Mitch
Marken, Dr. Curt Peterson, Richard Rogers, and numerous others, although any errors
or omissions are the sole responsibility of the author. The paper has greatly benefited
by review of earlier drafts from Dr. Lance Wollwage and Craig Holstine.
References
Archivo de Indies., 1699. Letter dated 29 April 1699. Filipinas 26, R.7, N.27, Audiencia
de Filipinas, Archivo General de Indias, Seville.
Atwater, B., 2005.

The Orphan Tsunami of 1700: Japanese clues to a Parent

Earthquake in North America. U.S. Geological Survey Professional Paper 1707,
University of Washington Press, Seattle.
Blair, E., and Robertson, J., 1909. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803: Explorations by
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�early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and their Peoples, their History and
Records of the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous books and
manuscripts, showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious conditions of
those islands from their earliest relations with European Nations to the beginning of the
Nineteenth century / translated from the originals. A.H. Clark Co., Cleveland.
Cooper, W., 1958. Coastal sand dunes of Oregon and Washington. Memoir Series of
the Geological Society of America No. 72, Geological Society of America, Boulder.
Cotton, S., 1915.Stories of Nehalem. M.A. Donohue and Company, Chicago.
Coues, E., 1897.

New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest: the

Manuscript Journals of Alexander Henry Fur Trader of the Northwest company and of
David Thompson official Geographer and Explorer of the same company 1799-1814,Vol.
II. Francis P. Harper, New York.
Dahlgren, E., 1916. Were the Hawaiian Islands visited by the Spaniards before their
discovery by Captain Cook in 1778? A contribution to the Geographical History of the
North Pacific Ocean especially of the relations between America and Asia in the
Spanish period. AMS Press, New York.
Erlandson, J., Losey, R., and Peterson, N., 2001.

Early Maritime contact on the

Northern Oregon Coast: Some notes on the 17th Century Nehalem Beeswax Ship. In
Jason Younker, Mark A. Tveskov, and David G. Lewis (Eds.), Changing Landscapes:
“Telling our stories,” Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Coquille Cultural Preservation
Conference, Coquille Indian Tribe, North Bend: 45-53.
Gibbs, J., 1971. Disaster Log of Ships. Superior Publishing Company, Seattle.
Giesecke, E., 2007.

Beeswax, Teak and Castaways: Searching for Oregon’s lost

Protohistoric Asian Ship. Nehalem Valley Historical Society, Manzanita.
Hill, P., 1925. Romantic Episodes in Old Manila: Church and State in the Hands of a
Merry Jester -Time. Sugar News Press, Manila.
Hill, P., 1928. Romance and Adventure in Old Manila. Philippine Education Co., Manila.
Lally, J., 2008. Analysis of the Chinese Blue and White Porcelain associated with the
“Beeswax Wreck,” Nehalem, Oregon. Unpublished thesis, Department of Anthropology,
Central Washington University. Ellensburg.
Lally, J., In Press. Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain collection, Nehalem,
10

�Oregon, USA. Harvard-Yenching Institute, Cambridge.
Lévesque, R., 2002. History of Micronesia, Vol. 20.Lévesque Publications, Québec.
Marshall, D., 1984. Oregon Shipwrecks. Binford and Mort, Portland.
Moulton, G., (Ed.), 2003.The Definitive Journals of Lewis &amp; Clark, Vol. 9, John Ordway
and Charles Floyd. U. of Nebraska Press, Lincoln.
Peterson, C., Williams, S., Cruikshank, K., and Dube, J., 2011. Geoarchaeology of the
Nehalem Spit: Redistribution of Beeswax Galleon wreck debris by Cascadia Earthquake
and Tsunami (~AD 1700), Oregon, USA. Geoarchaeology: An International Journal, Vol.
26 (2): 219-244.
Rogers, T., 1898. Nehalem, A Story of the Pacific AD 1700. H. L. Heath, McMinnville,
OR.
Rogers, T., 1929. Beeswax and Gold: A story of the Pacific AD 1700.

J. K. Gill,

Portland.
Scheans, D., and Stenger, A., 1990. Letter Report: 35-TI-1A and Related Porcelains.
Ms. on file, Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem, OR
Schurz, W., 1939.The Manila Galleon. E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., New York.
Stenger, A., 2005. Physical evidence of shipwrecks on the Oregon Coast in Prehistory,
Current Archaeological Happenings in Oregon (CAHO), Vol. 30 (1): 9-13.
Williams, S., 2007. A Research design to conduct Archaeological Investigations at the
site of the “Beeswax Wreck” of Nehalem Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. Manuscript on
file at Oregon State Parks and Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem.
Williams, S., 2008. Report on 2007 Fieldwork of the Beeswax Wreck Project, Nehalem
Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. Manuscript on file at Oregon State Parks and Oregon
State Historic Preservation Office, Salem.
Woodward, J., 1986.

Prehistoric Shipwrecks on the Oregon Coast? Archaeological

Evidence. Manuscript on file, Oregon State Historic Preservation Office., Salem.
Biography
Scott Williams received his Bachelor’s in Anthropology from the University of Hawaii in
1985 and his Master’s in Anthropology from Washington State University in 1989. He
has conducted archaeological research throughout the Pacific Basin and in various
Pacific Rim nations for government agencies, private consultants, and the Bishop
Museum, Honolulu. He currently resides in Olympia, Washington, and is the Cultural
Resources Program Manager for the Washington State Department of Transportation,
11

�overseeing the agency’s archaeology and history program.

12

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                  <text>The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepÃ´ts that stood along the way.</text>
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                <text>The results of a seven-year, multi-disciplinary investigation into the identity and origin of the â€œBeeswax Wreckâ€ are discussed. The â€œBeeswax Wreckâ€ is the name historically given to a 17th century source of marked beeswax blocks and candles found along beaches of the north Oregon coast. Artifact analysis, remote sensing, geoarchaeological investigations, and archival research indicate the Beeswax Wreck was an Acapulco-bound galleon that wrecked near Nehalem Bay prior to AD 1700, and is most likely the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos. The Santo Cristo de Burgos sailed from the Philippines on July 1st, 1693 and disappeared.  No trace of the vessel was ever found despite years of searching by the Spanish in the islands of the west Pacific and along the Mexican coast. </text>
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                    <text>Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong: a collection of living maritime cultural
heritage and oral history
Shadi Kalantar (PhD candidate at University of Naples “L’Orientale”, skalantar@unior.it)
Zeinab Hadi (PhD student at University of Tehran, zeinab.hadi@ut.ac.ir)

ABSTRACT
Bandar-e Kong is a port-town located in the Iranian coasts of the Persian Gulf, which flourished in the 17th
century CE with the presence of the Portuguese. Since then, Bandar-e Kong has been a departure point for
Iranian ships sailing the triangle trade to India, Africa, and the Persian Gulf. The topic of this paper fits best
within the Session: Collections-Based Research because this paper aims to introduce Bandar-e Kong’s living
maritime heritage through the Ethnological Museum’s collections.
The Ethnological Museum collections were donated by the town residents. It was founded in 2011 by retired
captains and mariners of Bandar-e Kong, sailors themselves to Africa and India. These sailors turned curators
preserve the UNESCO’s intangible heritage of Traditional Skills of Building and Sailing Iranian Lenj Boats in
the Persian Gulf. In 2020 the authors were funded by the Municipality of Kong to document the objects curated
at this museum.
Our holistic approach recorded all vessels and related tools. All objects underwent morphological analysis, and
each sailor-curator was interviewed to amass oral histories on the construction and use of the objects. These
details together ultimately produced an oral history of the port-town of Bandar-e Kong during August and
September of 2020.
*All letters and wording not in Latin alphabet are Persian.
Keywords: intangible cultural heritage, maritime ethnography, Persian Gulf, Bandar-e Kong
List of Pictures:
Picture 1: top: the Portuguese remains on the coast of Kong (copyright permission by Ayub Zarei); bottom: boatyard of
Kong looking to the east (recorded by Shadi Kalantar).
Picture 2: left: Nakhoda Ḥạ̣ mūd (copyright permission by Ali Bahri); right: Sarhang (copyright permission by Mohammad
Ḥasanzade).
Picture 3: top left: a jahle, a jar which is also used as a drum (accession number KEM-309); top right: a wooden mortar made
in Africa (KEM-138); bottom left: a fragrance burner for cloths, probably made in India (KEM- 206); a tambūre or tanbūn
which is used in spiritual ceremonies (KEM-095). All images recorded by authors.
Picture 4: top left: qādūfs (accession number KEM- 22-23); top middle: Indian oars (KEM- 24-25); top right: mīdāf (KEM35); bottom left: a glass buoy (KEM- 71); bottom right: mokassar (KEM- 26). All images are recorded by authors.

1

�INTRODUCTION
The Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong is a public effort to safeguard the national intangible
heritage of navigation and ship/boat building in Iran. Objects are donated, entrance is free and
curators volunteer. These curators are retired mariners from the triangle trade between the Persian
Gulf, India, and Africa. Their presence and conversation play integral roles in the museum
collections.
In 2020 the authorities of the Municipality of Kong funded the authors to create an inventory form
and accession each object in the museum collection. The outcome resulted in eight overarching
categories. This process of collections management and the ensuing discussion on our select objects is
why our paper fits best within the Collections-Based Research Session.
Of the 491 objects recorded, we narrow our discussion to four. We selected the four objects as
examples of the richness of intangible heritage in our recording process. Following is a short
introduction to the port-town of Kong, the creation of the Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong,
our inventory framework and results, and discussion of four objects from the collection.

BANDAR-E KONG
Bandar-e Kong or “Kong Port” (‫)بندر کنگ‬, is a town in the west of Hormozgan province, on the
Iranian coast of the Persian Gulf. Today, Kong is approximately 6.5 Km² with a +20,000 population.
The Portuguese had their main port on the island of Hormuz until 1622 when Iranians repossessed it
(Lorimer 1915, 23-27; Al-Salimi and Jansen 2015, 223-235; Vosuqi and Khayrandish 2005).
Subsequently, the Portuguese attacked Iranian coasts to recoup their losses. In response, Iran’s king,
Shah Abbas the Great, agreed the Portuguese could settle along the coast (pointedly not on an island)
(Floor 2006, 238-239) (1625 CE). The Portuguese chose Kong and remained there until 1721-22 CE
(Stiffe 1899, 297; Floor 2006, 429-439; Habibi and Vosuqi 2008, 13-16). The Portuguese presence is
still visible with the castle ruins (picture 1 top) with more likely to the east, based on geomagnetic
survey (Mohammadkhani 2020, 95-99).
Aside from the Portuguese, Kong remained an active port for Iranian ships sailing to Africa, India and
west of the Persian Gulf (Tavernier 1678, 94-95; L’Estrang 1686, 157; Lorimer 1908, 1041;
Noorbakhsh 1996; Hassannia and Bahri 2018). This continues to the present day; the Mihandūst ( ‫میهن‬
‫ )دوست‬voyage from Dubai to Mombasa that Kaplan reported is a good instance (trip completed in
1974 Kaplan 2015). There is still an active traditional (wood) boat-building yard (picture 1 bottom), at
33 hectares (calculated in Google Earth) possibly the largest along the Persian Gulf. The wooden
ships, known as lanj/lenj in Iran, are still built, repaired, and sailed thus continuing nautical traditions.

2

�Picture 1: top: the Portuguese remains on the coast of Kong (copyright permission by Ayub Zarei); bottom: boatyard
of Kong looking to the east (recorded by Shadi Kalantar).

The living knowledge and practice of lanj building, in addition to the high number of old and retired
mariners concentrated in this little town, characterises Kong as a centre for traditional maritime
heritage. So, naturally the Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong’s collection of ship and boat
related objects and traded goods were gathered by retired sailors, captains and boatbuilders. These
mariners continue to carry their maritime cultural knowledge. Some ethnographic and oral history
studies have been previously done, which attempted to record the oral maritime history and intangible
maritime heritage of Bandar-e Kong, specifically the terminology and function of maritime and
navigational tools curated in the museum (Noorbakhsh 1996; Parsa 2013; Hassannia and Bahri 2018;
Hassannia and Zarei 2020).

3

�ETHNOLOGICAL MUSEUM OF BANDAR-E KONG
History of the building
The Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong (‫ ) موزه مردم شناسی بندر کنگ‬is in a building located on the
property of Hadj Mohammad Rashedan (‫ )حاج محمد راشدان‬and descendants. This building was a tradehouse of goods from Africa, India, and the southern countries of the Persian Gulf. After decades of
abandonment, in 2011, captain Ali Bahri (‫)علی بحری‬, better known as Nakhoda Ḥamūd (‫)ناخدا حمود‬
attempted to establish the museum. Serendipitously, Traditional Skills of Building and Sailing Iranian
Lenj Boats in the Persian Gulf was inscribed on the UNESCO’s “List of Intangible Cultural Heritage
in Need of Urgent Safeguarding” (Nomination file No. 00534). So, through the public attempt to
safeguard national maritime heritage the Ethnological Museum of Bandar-e Kong came into
existence.
Nakhoda Ḥamūd, along with the former mayor of the town Ayoub Zarei (‫)ایوب زارعی‬, worked to
support our project funded by the Municipality of Bandar-e Kong. In 2020 the authors documented
the museum collections and recorded oral history of maritime Bandar-e Kong in interviews with the
retired sailors who now volunteer as curators at the museum.

THE PROJECT OF DOCUMENTATION
Our project saw the value of the storytelling of the sailor/shipbuilder-curators. They gather together
every evening for tea or coffee and share stories from their travels to India and Africa. Bystanders,
including researchers or visitors, can listen to their experiences and guidance on the use of the
museum collections. The collections were donated and include a variety of everyday-life objects to
maritime and navigation tools.
Framework
The aim of our project was to document the museum collections for scholarly use and to create an
inventory list for authorities and curators of the museum. This project was carried out from 15 August
2020 to the end of September 2020 on site, over four weeks, and an additional +two weeks to digitise
and edit the pictures. In total 491 objects were measured, photographed and described in the inventory
forms we created; in some cases, drawings were also made.
The utility of many objects, especially boat and ship related objects, were unknown to the authors,
therefore, interviews with the mariners-curators were carried out to figure out the utility as well as
terminology of maritime objects and other unknown elements. Here, the challenge was that these
maritime terms are in the local dialect of Hormozgan which is called bandari (Pelevin 2010) and they
mostly have no synonym in standard Persian. So, it was decided to document the objects with their
bandari terms in the inventory list and define them. As mentioned, bandari maritime terms have been
studied before (Eqtedari 1963; Mohebbi 1996; Noorbakhsh 1996, 86-106; Tabibnezhad 2011; Parsa
2013, 145-150; Hassannia and Bahri 2018, 111-118), however, the terms that were previously
undocumented are now written in the inventory list. In addition, the name of the donator, where
available, is recorded in the inventory list with the accession number.
To record the objects’ function Ali Baḥri /Nakhoda Ḥamūd (picture 2 left) and Mohammad
Hasanzade (‫( )محمد حسن زاده‬picture 2 right), better known as Sarhang (‫ )سرهنگ‬were interviewed.
Ali Baḥri, on the one hand, is a retired captain and his father, whose nickname was Ḥamūd, was a
captain too. Nakhoda (‫)ناخدا‬, could be translated as both captain and shipowner in the past (Tibbetts
1971, 58; Agius 2008, 415), however, today it only refers to captain. In this article, Ali Baḥri, who is
referred to in this article by his reputation as Nakhoda Ḥamūd, was born in 1936 in Kong. Since his
4

�father was a well-known nakhoda as well, he always kept his father’s company onboard as a child. He
soon started to work on a fishing craft and later became a nakhoda himself.

Picture 2: left: Nakhoda Ḥ̣amūd
(copyright permission by Ali Bahri); right: Sarhang (copyright permission by
̣̣
Mohammad Ḥasanzade).

Mohammad Ḥasanzade, on the other hand, used to be a sarhang onboard. Sarhang, which is also
known as mojaddami (‫ )مجدمی‬and moqaddami (‫)مقدمی‬, oversees all the sailing tasks onboard such as
landing and docking (Tibbetts 1971, 58; Agius 2008, 419, 178-181). Ḥasanzade, himself, says:
‘sarhang gets orders directly from nakhoda and he should know everything about a sailing ship, every
piece of it. He supervises sails, docking, landing, rising, lowering and changing the directions of the
sails’. He is thus referred to, in this article, as Sarhang. He was born in 1945 in Kong and when he
was eleven or twelve years old, he went on his first sea voyage on a sailing ship with his father. They
travelled to Abadan on the west of the Iranian coast of the Persian Gulf and then to Tanzania in Africa
and back to Kong. Sarhang started working on a ship as an unpaid young trainee and slowly, over
time, advanced to the position of being a sarhang.
Now that we’ve introduced our main interviewees, we will explain how we documented oral histories.
The authors posed questions to these sailor-curators, amongst others, at their daily gathering. The
authors followed the conversation amongst them in relation to the question. The questions sometimes
led to disagreements so, different opinions and points of views on a subject were compared. In this
article, where information is provided by Sarhang or Nakhoda Ḥamūd, it is quoted by their names and
where the information is gained from a group’s conversation, it is mentioned as “group-discussion”.
Collections and Objects
The museum’s collections were categorised into seven classifications: Boat and Ship Related ( ‫اجزاء و‬
‫)الحاقات قایق و کشتی‬, Boat and Ship Models (‫)مدل قایق و کشتی‬, Handicrafts (‫)صنایع دستی‬, Vessels (‫)ظروف‬,
Modern Items (‫)اشیاء مدرن‬, Musical Instruments (‫ )آالت موسیقی‬and Others (‫ )متفرقه‬for those that could
not be categorised to any of the above mentioned ones.
The Boat and Ship Related Collection includes paddles and oars, sailing affiliations, navigational
tools, crew’s personal boxes and other tools such as glass buoys (picture 4 bottom left). Boat and Ship
Models is a small collection of few locally made dhow models and some made in India. Vessels
5

�Collection has a variety of locally produced potteries (picture 3 top left), to Chinese and European
fine ceramics and glasses, jars for carrying Indian pickles, and African mortars (picture 3 top right)
that have been traded around the Indian Ocean in the 20th century. Handicrafts Collection has a variety
of locally produced items to Indian and African items that sailors brought as souvenirs from their
voyages (picture 3 bottom left), with handicrafts, such as baskets, that mariners made onboard during
sail. Modern Item Collection includes radios, televisions, phones and clocks that mostly are bought
and brought from Dubai and Kuwait in the second half of the 20th century. The Musical Instruments
Collection mostly has local drums and one tambūre (‫ )تمبوره‬or tanbūn (‫ ) تنبون‬which is a string
ceremonial instrument (picture 3 bottom right). We selected four objects from the Boat and Ship
Related Collection to narrow our discussion.

Picture 3: top left: a jahle, a jar which is also used as a drum (accession number KEM-309); top right: a wooden
mortar made in Africa (KEM-138); bottom left: a fragrance burner for cloths, probably made in India (KEM- 206);
a tambūre or tanbūn which is used in spiritual ceremonies (KEM-095). All images recorded by authors.

Paddles and Oars
Three pairs of wooden oars, one pair of wooden paddles and one single paddle are available in the
Boat and Ship Related Collection. All the three paddles are the same type, but the oars are two
different types. Sarhang and Nakhoda Ḥamūd recalled their names as following and other mariners in
the group-discussion confirmed them: paddles are called qādūf ( ‫( )قادوف‬picture 4 top left) or African
paddle ( ‫)پاروی اِفریقایی‬, one pair of oars are called Indian oar ( ‫( )پاروی هندی‬picture 4 top middle) and
the other two pairs are mīdāf ( ‫( )میداف‬picture 4 top right).
The shafts of qādūfs vary from 170 to 172 cm among the three qādūfs and the widest part of the blade
is 60-61 cm. This type of paddle has an arrowhead shaped blade and in the top of the shaft has a
handle to hold the paddle (grip). The paddles are carved out of wood in one piece and there is no joint

6

�in them. We were informed in a group-discussion that this kind of paddle was purchased in African
ports such as Mombasa. Sarhang remembers that qādūf, or the African paddle, was only used for
paddling on a canoe. The Indian oars, as qādūfs, are carved from the trunk in one piece and the only
joint part is the grip. The shaft is 140 cm and the blade, which is round, is 30 cm. Mīdāf, from which
two pairs are available, has a longer shaft, approximately 200-220 cm, and the blade, unlike the
previous ones, is attached to it with iron nails.
This study brought up a contradiction with previous terminological studies over the terms mīdāf and
qādūf. In Parsa’s glossary for Bandari maritime terms (2013, 234) mīdāf is mentioned as an equivalent
for jaddāf which refers to the wooden structure which is built out of water for ships to stay still when
they are not in the water. Ghādūf or ghādif (qādūf), on the other hand, according to Agius (2008, 183184, 406) means sailor (lit. rower). In addition to that, we faced another controversy, this time among
the mariners in the group-discussion, about the usage of the Indian oars. Some described the objects
as oars, while others described the objects used both as oars for small boats and as paddles for canoes.
Mīdāfs, however, are certainly oars, as Sarhang recalled a song that they used to chant while rowing
with mīdāfs to synch the rhythm of rowing, which is the repetition of two words: ‘hele, yāmāl’ (in
Persian ‫ یامال‬،‫)هله‬.

Picture 4: top left: qādūfs (accession number KEM- 22-23); top middle: Indian oars (KEM- 24-25); top right: mīdāf
(KEM- 35); bottom left: a glass buoy (KEM- 71); bottom right: mokassar (KEM- 26). All images recorded by authors.

Mokassar
Mokassar (‫( )مکسّر‬picture 4 bottom right) is a tool which, according to Sarhang, is for making ropes
from date palm’s fibres or coconuts’ husks. The Arabic word means broken so maybe it refers to the
shape of this tool which has four grooves on the four sides. Linguistic analysis of these words’
etymology requires further study and was not intended for our current study.
7

�Mokassar is 70 cm high and has a quadrangular shape and its lower part is wider than its upper part
like a pyramid with a flat top; the lower part is 15 cm wide, and the upper part is 10 cm. There are
four grooves on the four corners in which fibres cross and there is a hole on the upper part from which
this tool is hung and spun. Rope is made from the spinning fibres. To make thicker ropes, thinner
ropes would be spun together.

CONCLUSION
Cultural heritage belongs to nations and people. They are the best guardians of one’s heritage,
especially intangible heritage. The Ethnological Museum of Kong is a good example of how people,
in a public effort, can preserve their own heritage and without much money for support. Unlike many
great ethnological museums that exhibit collections from locations at a great distance from their
heritage, the Ethnological Museum of Bandar-a Kong is located in its local context and has the
capability of providing close interaction for visitors with the living carrier of intangible maritime
heritage - the knowledge-keepers of traditional sailors and ship-builders. This project is an attempt to
conserve the traditional maritime knowledge and contribute to the body of maritime oral histories.

Acknowledgement
This project was funded by the municipality of Kong which we are grateful for. We especially thank our interviewees,
Mohammad Hasanzade and Ali Baḥri for being very patient and helpful as well as other mariners of Bandar-e Kong that
were present at our group-discussions. We also acknowledge the support of Ayoub Zarei, former mayor of Kong who is an
admirer of maritime cultural heritage.

Bibliography:
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Al-Salimi, Abdulrahim and Jansen, Michael (eds.). Portugal in The Sea of Oman Religion and Politics. Vol. 5. Hildesheim.
Zurich. New York, 2015.
Eghtedari, Ahmad “‫ محمد علی سدید السلطنه کبابی بندر عباسی‬:‫ ”اصطالحات کشتی در جنوب ایران و رساله اوزان چو تألیف‬In ‫نشریه فرهنگ ایران‬
‫زمین‬. Vol. 11 (1963): 135-154
Floor, Willem. The Persian Gulf: a political and economic history of five port cities. Washington DC: Mage, 2006.
Habibi, Hasan and Vosuqi, Mohamman B. The Historical, Political and Social Study of Bandar Abbas Documents. Tehran:
Iranshenasi, 2008.
Hassannia, Mohammad and Bahri, Yaqub. ‫دریانوردی و لنج سازی بندر کنگ با تاکید بر بوم مسی‬. Tehran: Jonub Publications, 2018.
Hassannia, Mohammad and Zarei, Ayub. Lasting Heritage of Sailors and Lanj Builders. Tehran: Jobub Publications, 2020.
Kaplan, Marion. So Old a Ship Twilight of the Arab Dhow. London: Harriman House, 2015.
L’Estrang, R.O (ed.). Travels of Monfieur Thevenot into The Levants. London: Printed by H. Clarck, 1686.
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Lorimer, J.G. Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia. Vol. 2. Calcutta: Superintendent Government
Printing, 1908.
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8

�Mohebbi, “Parvis. A Persian Nautical Glossary from ca. 1900” In Iran. Vol. 34 (1996): 129-133
Noorbakhsh, Hossein. Koung Port: the city of navigators and shipbuilders in the Persian Gulf. Second edition. Tehran:
Tabatabai, 1996.
Parsa, Ali, ‫بادبانهای جنوب‬. Tehran: Nashre No, 2013.
Pelevin, Mikhail. “Materials on the Bandari Dialect” In Iran &amp; the Caucasus. Vol. 14 (2010): 57-78
Stiffe, A.W. “Former Trading Centres of the Persian Gulf: Kung” In The Geographical Journal, No. 13 (1899): 294-297
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Tavernier, John Baptista. Voyages. London,1678.
Vosuqi, Mohammad B. and Khayrandish, Abd al-Rasul. Jarūn Name. Tehran: Miras-I Maktub, 2005.

9

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and human in harmony”.</text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>Shao, Meihua</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>2021</text>
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            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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                <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                <text>English</text>
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            <name>Bibliographic Citation</name>
            <description>A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible.</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="7175">
                <text>Shao, Meihua. 2021. “Fish Guests of the Stone Fish Weirs and Traps - Two Case Studies in Jibei and Qimei Islands, Penghu Archipelago, Taiwan.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung, Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/664&#13;
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        <name>Asia-Pac Session 1 2021</name>
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