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                    <text>The Archaeology of Manila Galleons
Roberto Junco

Abstract

Manila Galleons are the stuff of legend. Active for 250 years they were the vehicle for people,
products and ideas between Asia and the Spanish World. Among the biggest ships of their time,
they were built to endure one of the most difficult navigations, the crossing of the Pacific Ocean which sometimes lasted half a year on the way to New Spain. As a topic of archaeological
research, little has been done regarding these important ships. This paper deals with the known
Manila Galleons found to date. Unfortunately treasure hunters have salvaged most of them and
little information if any is accessible to researchers. However, archaeological projects are
currently active on sites regarding such ships. The Archaeology of Manila Galleons has the
potential to understand diverse aspects of the exchange and interaction that took place between
Asia and the Spanish Empire, as well as to shed light on the ships themselves, which were built
in the Philippines to Spanish shipwright traditions and remain a mystery in many ways.

Introduction

This paper presents a brief recount of the Manila Galleon sites investigated to
date. It also proposes, some ideas of what the archaeology of Manila Galleons
could consider in its research objectives. The Manila Galleons, loaded with their
rich cargos of oriental goods are still a great mystery to researchers, especially
those belonging to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Furthermore, studies
of Asian ceramics and other products of exchange in New Spain and beyond are
scarce. While the work of historians and art historians has contributed
significantly to the topic, archaeological studies are rare given the few sites
located. In this paper, I shall mention the Manila Galleon sites that have come to
my attention, and then present some ideas that I deem relevant in the pursuit of
what can be termed the archaeology of Manila Galleons.

The San Agustín (1595)

By the end of the sixteenth century, the route between New Spain and the
Philippines had been firmly established. The piratical endeavours of Drake in
1579 and Cavendish in 1587 alerted the Spanish authorities of the need to
explore the northern Pacific coast (Gerhard 2003). Thus, Viceroy Luis de Velasco
commissioned the skilful Portuguese sailor Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeño to
explore those latitudes on his return voyage from the Philippines (Bancroft
1886:96). Cermeño´s San Agustín, was a 200 ton ship carrying considerable
volumes of porcelain and other goods. It left Manila in July 1595 and on early
November, reached California (Junco and Fournier 2008:70). The shipwreck
occurred during a storm in what is today known as Drakes Bay (Bancroft
1886:88). The surviving crew built a craft that made the trip south in an almost
fictional account (Wagner 1924): the crew starving to death ate the
accompanying dog and even the rotting corpse of a beached whale. None the
less, they survived the ordeal and finally arrived at the port of La Navidad. Years
later, in 1603 Sebastian Vizcaino's expedition entered the Bay with some of
these sailors, and found no trace of the ship. It was not until 1940, when
archaeologist Robert Heizer (1941) excavated a dozen Indian sites in the vicinity

�and found traces of iron and Chinese porcelain. In 1982 the Submerged Cultural
Resource Unit (SCRU) of the National Park Service (NPS) carried out a survey
with a magnetometer in the bay, possibly identifying the wreck site (Delgado
1998:357). A few years later, Robert Marx got a license to exploit commercially
the wreck, but the strong position of NPS officials stopped the treasure hunter
who planed to sell some of the artefacts found (Ibid.). Some of the porcelain
picked up by beachcombers has been studied and compared to other collections
such as the Drake cargo, helping to establish a chronology (Shangraw and Von
der Porten 1981; Shangraw and Von der Porten 1997; Von der Porten 1972).

Nuestra Señora de la Concepción (1638)

In 1990, the popular magazine National Geographic published an article about
the salvage operation of the Manila Galleon Nuestra Señora de la Concepción,
which sank on route to Acapulco in 1638 (Mathers 1990). Pacific Sea Resources
undertook the salvage operation between 1988 and 1999 with the intention to sell
the entire collection to a Japanese hotel chain with plans to create a touristic
project on the island of Saipan in the Northern Mariana Islands (Delgado
1998:277). The wreck site was known since 1674, when a Spanish recovery
expedition secured most of the 36 cannons on board (Mathers 1993:33). This
type of salvage operation was very common throughout the Spanish empire and
not just by the Crown, but also by commercial contracts (Serrano 1991). Thus,
thanks to the historic document and the Chinese porcelain washed out in the
beach, treasure hunters located the archaeological site (Galvan 1998:88). The
ship sank while the crew brewed a mutiny in the midst of a great storm that
destroyed the masts, and left the ship at the mercy of wind and currents (Mathers
1993:29). On September 1638, the Concepción broke up on a southern reef of
the island of Saipan (Mathers 1990:45). The Chamorro Indians (given this name
by Magallanes) attacked the castaways and only 28 survived of which only six
finally arrived to the Philippines starved and thirsty to tell the story (Schurtz
1992:236). Several years later, priests visiting the islands found gold chains
hanging from the trees and iron tools being used by the natives (Fish 2011:14).
Among the many objects recovered by the operation, is a collection of gold
objects such as rings, chains, and other objects, some Chinese coins of the Wan
Li period (1573-1620), and a sixteenth-century Spanish silver coin. Among the
highlights of the collection are the 156 glazed Southeast Asian ceramic
containers used to transport supplies, with interesting markings in Spanish,
Tagalog and Chinese, as well as fragments of porcelain and glass, and a number
of objects related to the construction and operation of the ship (Mathers, et al.
1990).

Santa Margarita (1601)

In 1995, the Seattle based company IOTA Partners got a permit to salvage the
Santa Margarita wrecked off the island of Rota in the Northern Mariana Islands. It
is not entirely clear what their work has been - although there is a report that I
have not been able to consult (IOTA Partners 1996). What can be said is that
they have had legal problems, because of violations of contract with the local

�government involving the destruction of part of the reef where the galleon is
located (Deposa 2006). Several pieces of ivory, porcelain and gemstones have
been recovered (Shen 2007). An anchor from the ship has been located and
rests in the ocean (Galvan 1998:93). The ship sank in 1601 with a crew of over
300, however only a few survived the incident (Driver 1983:200). The following
year, a galleon that carried the missionary Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora, came
into contact with a survivor of the Santa Margarita, that shared information with
him about the Chamorro Indians (Ibid.).

Nuestra Señora del Pilar (1690)

The Manila Galleon, Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Zaragoza, sank off the island of
Guam in 1690 on route to the Philippines. It has a history that resembles the
Nuestra Señora de la Concepción in that it was also salvaged at the time and
has been pursued by several treasure hunters such as the Australian company
Maritime Archaeological Investments, Pilar Proyect Ltd. (related to the former)
(Surry 2001). In 1989, they located in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville the
record of 5000 silver coins recuperated from the wreck. According to this
document (Cruzat 1700), the three hundred ton galleon lost the majority of the
crew in the event. Supposedly, Tresure hunters have only found 36 silver coins
minted in Mexico City, Lima and Potosi, several sheets of lead belonging to the
hull, timber, iron nails, cannon balls and musket shot, and five tons of stone
ballast (Surry 2001). Further more, iron fasteners, hundreds of fragments of olive
jars and three claws from Mexican black bears have been recovered in continuos
operations (Showronek 2009:497). According to The New York Times
(Richardson 2001), in 2001 they went on the hunt for investors in Australia to
raise half a million dollars to finance their operations

The San Diego (1600)

The San Diego, built on the island of Cebu, sank in battle against the Dutch near
Manila in 1600 and is often cited as a Manila Galleon (Brown 2009:178). The
wreck was located by Franck Goddio of the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical
Archaeology in partnership with archaeologists of the National Museum of the
Philippines (1994; see Orillaneda and Ronquillo this volume), who recovered
more than a thousand pieces of blue and white Wan Li porcelain, Japanese
sword guards, 570 storage jars (the largest collection found to date), a gold and
ivory crucifix, a brass astrolabe (only six known prior to 1600), a glass and
bronze compass (one of the few in those days), gold rings, cannons, anchors
and other artefacts (Harper 2010). It is true that the San Diego shares common
features with the ships that are the subject of this work, however it should not be
considered as such, because the ship was on a combat mission and in that
sense, at the time of sinking it was not fulfilling the functions of a Manila Galleon
if ever it was intended to.

The Manila Galleon in Oregon

Archaeological evidence of a Manila Galleon has been located on the west coast
of the United States in Nehalem, Oregon. Preliminary investigations point to a

�ship of the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century, and two candidates are
already proposed, the Santo Cristo de Burgos (lost in 1693), or the San
Francisco Xavier (lost in 1705), whose contemporary testimony is as follows,
Nothing has been heard from it, nor a plank, or object of any kind, big or small,
has served as clue to speculation that it crashed into an unknown rock or that it
was swallowed up by the waves with all that was on board [….] The Ocean kept
the secret of this horrific tragedy (Fernandez 1898).

The on going project, called "Beeswax Wreck" is currently headed by
Scott Williams, a specialist in the area of Cultural Resources at the Service of
Natural Resources in Washington State, and has the support of volunteers and
researchers who have analyzed the archaeological material collected to date
(Williams 2006). Since the nineteenth century, wax blocks have been
documented in the area, some with interesting markings engraved on them. The
marks have been compared with those recorded in ceramics from the shipwrecks
of Nuestra Señora de la Concepción and the San Diego already mentioned,
finding some similarities (Rogers 2008). In addition, work has been done on the
porcelain recovered from the site, concluding that it dates to the early Kangshi
period (1662-1722) (Lally 2009). Also, studies have been done on wooden
nautical items recovered in the coastal dunes confirming an oriental origin, teak
(Williams 2009). Interestingly, oral histories have been recorded that testimony
Indians in the area who claim to be descendants of shipwrecked sailors, some
with European features (Williams 2010).

The Manila Galleon in Baja California

For 12 years now, there have been several field seasons by American
researchers and the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Histoira (INAH) in the
Pacific coast of Baja California, where thousands of pieces of Chinese porcelain
dating to the sixteenth century, as well as coins, blocks of wax, and other objects,
whose origin no doubt, is a Manila Galleon shipwreck have been documented
(INAH 2005; INAH 2007; INAH 2009; INAH 2010). The porcelain collection is one
of the most important in Mexico and opens a window into the early trade of the
New Spain and Asia. In July 1751, the tireless Jesuit missionary Father Consag,
in his explorations of Baja California records the site:
By mid morning those who went to survey the spit of sand brought a bowl, a
cup, a big cup, a plate of Chinaware and a good portion of white wax paste.
They informed that the area is full of vases, large plates and the like, nails and
pieces of iron that disintegrate into powder with contact, even the nails that are
still tucked into the broken timbers; lead pieces can be found, several medium
and small pieces of bronze, but what is more abundant and easily found is the
wax. For lack of water they cannot stop for much time, because the nearest is
very salty, and if it does not give thirst, it does not quench it. All these things,
clearly indicate that in this sandy beach or contours, a vessel sank, which can
even happen without a big storm, or because the coast is unknown (Ortega
1887:524).

�Although there are historical records of the site, as the one above, it was
ultimately the archaeological material found by beachcombers that led to the
investigations by Maritime Historian Edward Von der Porter -who had analyzed
the porcelain of the San Agustín- and organized the first site visit with Jack
Hunter in the year 1999. So far, it has been concluded that the porcelain
collection of 1500 sherds corresponds to a period between 1574 and 1576,
placing it in the early part of the route (Von der Porten 2008). This led to the
possibility that it could be one of the galleons lost in that period: Espiritu Santo,
San Juanillo, San Felipe or San Antonio, making it very likely that it is the San
Felipe of 1576 (Von der Porten 2010). Beside the rich porcelain and stoneware
collection, other materials such as sheets of lead used to cover the hull have
been documented - some with the remains of iron nails that testify to the spanish
construction of galleons of the period (Von der Porten 2008:4). Also, wax blocks
of up to nine kilograms, some analyzed in the laboratory to confirm that it is
beeswax. These blocks contain important information in the form of three
centimeter diameter holes made by worms. They give a clue as to the formation
of the archaeological context as they would have needed to be submerged in the
sea at least a year for the worms to eat the wax (Von der Porten 2010). Thus, the
galleon in Baja with all the crew dead ran aground and remained stranded at
least one year in the water until it broke and dispersed the materials on the
beach (Von der Porten 2010). Furthermore, other interesting objects have been
collected such as a plate of Chinese cloisonné, a compass gimbal, a sounding
lead and a bronze figure of a Fu dog.

Some thoughts to go forward

The future study of Manila Galleons is promising in several aspects. First, the
plausible chance of locating the physical remains of a galleon would open an
interesting line of research in the investigation of shipbuilding of these famous
ships, especially those of the sixteenth or seventeenth century of which there are
few references. Let us remember, that these ships were built mostly in the
Philippines, and although their design adhered to the canon of Iberian naval
architecture, their large size and local solutions may show substantial differences
with Atlantic ships of the time. Secondly, although there are currently two projects
investigating Manila Galleon sites today – Baja California and Oregon, other sites
might be discovered in the future, especially in the Philippines, giving more
information to compare between sites. As new technology to explore deep waters
becomes widely available and surveys carried out, sites will be located.
All Manila Galleons found to date are by the coast. An important research
objective should deal with the impact that these shipwrecks might have had on
the indigenous populations (see Nayati this volume). Already the historical
references provide clues, such as the gold chains hung in trees by the Chamorro
Indians already mentioned, but archaeological materials, like reused porcelains
to make arrowheads for example, at the San Agustín and Baja California wreck
sites, will shed more light on this topic. Furthermore, the possibility that some of
the wreck survivors might have mixed with the local population makes an

�interesting case for the archaeology of contact, as these shipwrecks happened in
many cases before the “official” contact period (Mathes 2010:63).
Interesting questions could center upon aspects of life on board - given
that most of the studies center on the cargo; what was it like to spend up to six
months on board a galleon amidst the uncertainty of arriving to safe port in
between the storms of the north Pacific? Historical references can help in this
matter, but often leave out the mundane daily activities, material culture might be
in a position to shed light on this topic, as well as to the ethnic nature of the crew.
Furthermore, what navigational equipment did these ships carry? And did it
change at the same pace as it did in Atlantic navigation? Although ceramic
studies might have been more abundant than those of other materials – such as
typology and interpretation of motifs, what other ways can be devised to study
the materials (see Craig this volume)? As is the case of other products; what was
the perception of these objects for the people that produce them in China, the
people that exchange them in the Philippines, and the people that consumed
them in New Spain and beyond? This kind of studies could unveil a richer
understanding of the societies involved. Furthermore, what changes in the choice
of transported products can we infer in our research (Showronek 2009:498)? Silk
and porcelain were always transported in galleons but do percentages shift
through time? How were products transported? The questions are endless, but
they should be posed before going out to the field.
Another line of enquiry, resides in those archaeological sites and materials
that are related to the trade and route of the galleon and which serve as
comparative evidence to the materials found in shipwrecks. For example, a
recorded site in the coast - north of Acapulco, where Chinese porcelain of the
sixteenth century suggests a smuggling point on the trade of the Manila Galleon
(Junco 2006). Likewise, documentation of Chinese porcelain within the territory
of New Spain has yielded significant insight into the distribution of oriental
products that arrived in the galleon (Junco and Fournier 2008) which can be used
for comparative purposes as well as to show, for example, the impact of oriental
products on local ceramic traditions (Kuwayama 1997). To conclude, there are
few archaeological studies of Manila Galleon to date, as can be seen from those
presented in this paper, in which I have also stated some of the research
questions that can help us move forward in the study of Manila Galleons.

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                <text>Manila Galleons are the stuff of legend. Active for 250 years they were the vehicle for people, products and ideas between Asia and the Spanish World. Among the biggest ships of their time, they were built to endure one of the most difficult navigations, the crossing of the Pacific Ocean -which sometimes lasted half a year on the way to New Spain. As a topic of archaeological research, little has been done regarding these important ships. This paper deals with the known Manila Galleons found to date. Unfortunately treasure hunters have salvaged most of them and little information if any is accessible to researchers. However, archaeological projects are currently active on sites regarding such ships. The Archaeology of Manila Galleons has the potential to understand diverse aspects of the exchange and interaction that took place between Asia and the Spanish Empire, as well as to shed light on the ships themselves, which were built in the Philippines to Spanish shipwright traditions and remain a mystery in many ways.</text>
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                <text>This poster deals with the known Manila Galleons found to date. Unfortunately treasure hunters have salvaged most of them and little information if any is accessible to researchers. However, archaeological projects are currently active on sites regarding such ships. The Archaeology of Manila Galleons has the potential to understand diverse aspects of the exchange and interaction that took place between Asia and the Spanish Empire, as well as to shed light on the ships themselves, which were built in the Philippines to Spanish shipwright traditions and remain a mystery in many ways.</text>
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                <text>Roberto Junco</text>
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                <text>November 2011</text>
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                    <text>All our vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without, Spanish
and European Colonial Reception of Philippine Indigenous Craft
Roderick Stead
Centre for Maritime Archaeology
Southampton University
Southampton SO17 1BJ
UK
Email: mrs1e08@soton.ac.uk
Abstract

When the European visitors arrived in the Philippines from the Sixteenth century,
they encountered a range of indigenous craft ranging from logboats to plank-built
vessels. These boats, especially the plank-built vessels, were built in a very
different style to their own. They were particularly interested in the single and
double outriggers employed on these craft. The plank-built craft used hand
carved strakes rather than sawn timber and were held together by dowels and
treenails. The hull strakes were fastened together by the lashed-lug technique or
sewn. No metal fastenings were used in the construction. Similar techniques
were used throughout Island Southeast Asia. They recognised the maritime skills
of the Filipinos and soon used them as crew on their own vessels and as
craftsmen to build European-style vessels using local materials. The Spanish
noted the suitability of the local vessels in the Philippine environment, due to their
speed and ability to cross shallow coral reefs, even though they were largely
ineffective in fighting against European vessels. They continued to employ boats
built in the local tradition for communications and to suppress maritime raiders
from the areas not under colonial control. These vessels continued in this role
until replaced by steam vessels in the nineteenth century. This paper will explore
the European views on these traditional craft and the way they were utilised and
adapted by the Spanish and other Europeans powers.
Keywords: Plank-built vessels, Colonialism, Sail, Paddle, Philippines

Introduction
The first recorded European visit to the Philippines was by Magellan in 1521, whilst
in the service of the Spanish crown. This visit was well documented by his
chronicler, Pigafetta (1874) (translated by Stanley, 2010). He was immediately
impressed with the local plank-built boats he saw, the balangay, which he
transcribed as ballanghai. Pigafetta records “we came upon two long boats, which
1

�they called ballanghai, full of men. In the largest of them was the king sitting under
an awning of mats” (Stanley, 2010: 76). He also records a conference near Samar
“the king… led us under a place covered with canes, where there was a ballanghai,
that is to say, a boat, eighty feet long or thereabouts, resembling a fusta. We sat
with the king upon its poop” (Stanley, 2010: 78). The fusta was a kind of light galley
from this period, used mainly in the Mediterranean, with a single mast, a lateen sail
and usually up to 18 oars.
The picture below (Fig. 1) is
of a Portuguese fusta, with
22 oars, from a book by Jan
Huygen van Linschoten, a
Dutch traveller. Despite this
comparison,

most

commentators of this period
were

struck

differences
Philippine

by

the

between

the

indigenous

craft

and the European tradition.
They

were

Fig. 1 Portugese fusta from Jan Huygen van Linschoten,

particularly 1595
interested in the shallow draft,

which was necessary to sail over the numerous coral reefs and the use of the
double outrigger in order to give lateral stability. The practice of sitting o n the
outriggers in order to paddle was remarkable and was feasible only in the warm
tropical waters of the islands. The Asian lug sail was also a novel approach
compared to the square sails or lateen sails to which they were accustomed. The
Philippine vessels were part of a larger tradition that was found through much of
Indonesia. Therefore many of the comments referred to vessels in the Moluccas or
Sulawesi as much as in the Philippines.

2

�The European Colonial Settlement in the Philippines
The main Spanish interest was initially in the Moluccas and in the trade with China
and so the colonial regime developed slowly in the Philippines. After a number of
exploratory voyages, Miguel López de Legaspi founded the initial settlement at
Cebu, which was an established emporium for Chinese and Southeast Asian
traders. Fort San Pedro was built there in 1565. A further settlement was built on
the island of Panay. In 1571 Legaspi moved the capital to Manila, another
established trade emporium. The young colony was threatened by Chinese and
Japanese pirates and Moslem raiders from the south, but the main danger was the
rivalry with other European colonial powers, particularly the Portuguese and later
the Dutch. Few Spanish settlers came to the Philippines, but it proved a fertile
opportunity to convert the animist inhabitants to Christianity and the Church
maintained a strong grip on the colonial administration (Phelan, 1959).
Indigenous Philippine Craft
Our knowledge for the Philippine craft in the pre-colonial world is limited. The
evidence we have is drawn essentially from the accounts of early travellers or
colonisers, referred to below. There is little archaeological information available,
although this is expanding steadily as new discoveries are made. There is a single
archaeological site with preserved vessel hulls, at Butuan in Northern Mindanao
(Scott, 1981: 1). There is also some, very limited, iconographic evidence such as
the Manunggul Jar, which appears to illustrate a logboat conveying a dead soul to
the afterlife. This is one of the most famous prehistoric artefacts from the
Philippines, currently in the National Museum in Manila, which was discovered in a
cave of the same name in Palawan and has been dated to 800 BC (Dizon and
Ronquillo, 2010: 22). The jar is for a secondary burial and the figures on this
ceramic show a log boat used to transport the soul. The dead soul is the first figure
with crossed arms conveyed by a boatman who is paddling the logboat. The front of
the boat is carved with anthromorphic details of eyes, nose and mouth. The boat
appears to have had a pole mast, which is now missing. There is considerable
evidence from ethnographic sources that many of the traditional skills and design
features have been retained until the present day. The banca remains the standard
3

�small fishing boat and means of local communication throughout the islands (Fig. 2).
This is a plank built vessel with double outriggers with many similarities to traditional
craft. However there is now a very rapid rate of change as engines have largely
replaced sails and paddles to power these vessels.
The vessels observed by the
initial

visitors

fall

into

two

categories; logboats and plankbuilt

boats.

category

An

was

intermediate

the

log

boat

expanded by the addition of
washboards or strakes of wood
or rattan to increase freeboard
and

make

the

boats

more

seaworthy. The logboats were
more familiar to the visitors as

Fig. 2 Modern banca. (M. R. Stead)

they follow closely examples
from other parts of the world including the Americas, Africa and Europe. The plankbuilt boats were more exotic in that they were constructed of hand carved planks
rather than sawn timber. The hulls were fastened together using dowels recessed in
the planks and lashings to the ribs. There were no nails in these vessels at all. It
was these plank-built vessels that generated most comment. They were perceived
to be very insubstantial for maritime voyages. There are extensive European textual
descriptions from the sixteenth century and later years. The Spanish sources are
most extensive, but are supplemented by a range of accounts from other European
visitors in English, Portuguese and Dutch. The Tagalog/Spanish dictionary of Pedro
de Buenaventura, Vocabulario de La Lengua Tagala, elromance castellaño presto
primero (Vocabulary of the Tagalog language with Castillian Romance given first)
published in 1613 is particularly valuable. It lists sixteen types of boats from the log
boats, bilog and bawoto, to the plank-built boats, the balangay, kopit, birok and
biroko. Many words for nautical activities and boat equipment are included. These
are, of course, just the Tagalog names and the dictionary does not include the
4

�names in Visayan or other Philippine dialects. However there are other dictionaries
for those areas, such as the later Diccionario Español-Bisayaparalasprovincias de
Samar y Leyte (De la Rosa-Alcázar, 1914).
Accounts by Europeans who had sailed vessels built in the local tradition, or had
even constructed such craft, are particularly valuable. The most complete guide to
the indigenous ships and the shipbuilding techniques used to construct them are
contained in Ignacio Francisco Alcina’s unpublished text, Historia de las Islas e
Indios de Bisayas (Alcina 1668: 159-215). He recorded that he had actually built
and sailed more than twenty such plank-built boats. He discussed the balangay, the
biruk and the caracoa, after stressing that these plank-built boats were all
constructed in a similar way. The biruk was mostly for carrying cargo and the
balangay was a general-purpose vessel. The caracoa was used for raiding and
warfare and built in a style to accommodate a large crew.
Logboats
The logboats are simple dugout vessels cut from large tree trunks. As the Philippine
forests were well supplied with large trees suitable to construct such boats then
these were the most likely vessels utilised since prehistory for local fishing and
communications. A recently discovered example is the logboat found at Rosales in
Pangasinan province, northwest Luzon. This is a 7.10 m logboat found in a tributary
of the Agno River, one of the largest rivers in Luzon, which drains into the Lingayen
Gulf. This has been radiocarbon dated to between 1480 and 1650 AD with a 95%
probability (Stead, 2014: 12). Alcina (1668: 197-199) describes the construction
process for a logboat in detail and all his technical terms are in Visayan with some
use of Iberian terminology. He refers to a logboat as a balato. A fresh trunk was
felled and stripped to a depth of two fingers. This reflects the experience that the
soft outer wood would tend to rot. A centre line (called a kutur) was provided to give
a guide to the carpenter. The upper part of the trunk was removed by axe or adze,
often leaving an upstanding bow and stern. They would carve out the inside leaving
protrusions in the wood to support the thwarts (agar). The ends would be trimmed
into a boat shape.

5

�The most difficult technical issue was to achieve a suitable thickness of wood, so
that the boat was robust, but not too heavy, which was achieved by using a gauge
or auger called a lokob. This would leave trial holes in the timber that would need to
be patched carefully. The tools used to excavate were a square adze (daldag) and a
skewed adze (called a binkong).The thwarts had a key role to provide beam
strength to the hull, as well as seating for the paddlers and as a basis for lashing on
washboards or extension planks. According to Alcina (1668: 167), a typical baloto
would be up to nine (9) m in length with a beam up to one metre. This represented
eight to ten man-day’s construction time. These log boats would often be furnished
with a single or double outrigger to improve stability. Lateral stability has often been
a problem for log boats in any environment and the Philippine solution was very
effective. Due to the difficulties of working nets over the side of a log boat,
outriggers may be absent or they might be removed for convenience whilst fishing.
Planked Boats
The hulls were constructed with hardwood planks attached to a central keel or a
simple centre plank. Sawing technology was not used before the colonial period and
the planks were carved by hand, using axes and adzes. Lugs were left carved as
protrusions on the inner side of the planks to form transverse rows. The usual
method of fixing the planks together was by the use of circular dowels, inserted in
the edges of the individual strakes. The size of these dowels was about 3 cm in
diameter. The boat was then lashed together using the carved lugs on the inside of
the planks and series of ribs. Transverse thwarts were also lashed to the lugs and
ribs to create a firm inverted bell-shaped structure.
Balangay
The planked boat, the balangay, referred to above in the account of Pigafetta, were
very numerous in the pre-colonial period. Antonio de Morga, a senior civil servant in
the Spanish service, referred to them in his Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (De
Morga, 1609: 190). He describes the barangays as “certain quick and light vessels
that lie low in the water, put together with little wooden nails. These are as slender
at the stern as at the bow and they can hold a number of rowers on both sides”.
These early accounts indicate that they were general-purpose, cargo-carrying
6

�vessels widely used in inter-island trade. They were propelled by rowers or paddlers
and by sail. De Morga also noted the palm leaf awnings or cayanes, which gave
protection to the boat and the crew from the fierce tropical sun. He noted that the
ships would not capsize due to the outriggers and, even if flooded, the bamboo
outriggers would prevent the boat from sinking. Alcina (1668: 201-202) described
the barangays “the lightest that were used and are still being used by these natives
here. They are built upon a square keel, adding boards for the side. They are
completed with low sides suitable for rowing…” We are in the fortunate position of
having a number of balangay boats that have been discovered at the Butuan site in
Northern Mindanao (Stead and Dizon, 2011: 3). These were buried in silt deposits in
the estuary of the Agusan River. A total of twelve hulks or wreck fragments have
been reported in total. Three balangay vessels have been fully excavated and a
further hull is currently being excavated. These correspond closely to the
descriptions of these vessels and are between 14 and 20 m long (Stead and Dizon,
2011). Three underwater wrecks in Philippine waters appear to be the remains of
such Southeast Asian vessels, although the hull remains are fragmentary. These
are the Pandanan wreck
and

the

Wreck
and

Lena

from

the

Shoal

Palawan,

Santa

Cruz

wreck

from

Zambales

(Dizon

and Ronquillo,

2010:

201-213)

(see

Fig. 3 for a photo of a
modern replica).

Fig. 3 Replica balangay boat, National Museum, Manila. (P. L. Stead)

The Caracoa
The caracoa was a military version of the balangay. It was considered larger and
faster, and was most suitable for raiding and slave trading. As Retana (cited by
Martínez de Zúñiga, 1803: ii, 513)has pointed out, this word does not appear in
early Tagalog or Visayan dictionaries, but as the word exists in both Spanish and
Portuguese dictionaries, he suggests that this may be a Portuguese rendering of the
7

�Malay root of corocoro. The Spanish documents from the colonial period in the
Philippines consistently refer to these vessels as the caracoa, but in the Moluccas
corocoro was the more normal name. Blair and Robertson (1904) list 117 references
to the caracoa in their compendium of sources from the Spanish archives. Alcina
(1668: 207) refers to this class of vessel and commented that they were traditional
in the Philippines and were widely used in his time. He said “It closely resembles
the brigantines of Spain, although (the caracoa) is larger in size”. He notes that this
is due to the outriggers, paddling seats on the outrigger booms and the fighting
platforms, which were features of the caracoa (Alcina, 1668: 207). He also gave the
opinion that “For these islands they are the best ships or vessels and the most
suitable for war fleets. These people used them in ancient times when, as infidels,
they went out to plunder other enemy islands ….”Alcina (1668: 207). He specifically
mentions that Spanish authorities continued to construct caracoa in the seventeenth
century for military use. The rowers and sailors would be Filipinos, but the soldiers
would normally be Spanish. The same arrangement can be noted on the Manila
galleons that carried many Filipino sailors. He comments that the caracoa was a
more comfortable means of travel in the Philippines than the Spanish ships due to
many being fitted with a thatched palm roof. However, he notes that the Spanish
made these vessels heavier and their boats often could not catch the raiding
vessels built in the traditional style. These vessels were used for carrying
dispatches, defence against pirate attacks from the Sulu Sea and for major assaults
on pirate bases. A manuscript, thought to be by Pedro Gutierrez S.J., describes a
typical example of the use of the caracoa to repulse pirate attacks from the Moslem
south (Gutierrez, 1637). This raid was by four Muslim ships and their repulse by
Spanish-led caracoas is also recorded in Montero y Vidal (1888: 162). William
Dampier, the English buccaneer, describes this type of vessel as used by the Sultan
in Mindanao as seen in his voyage in the seventeenth century. He describes how
the boats were rounded like a half-moon, but with outriggers designed for paddling.
He recounts how
“there run a-cross the Out layers two tire of Beams for the Padlers to sit
on, on each side of the Vessel. The lower tire of these Beams is not
8

�above a Foot from the Water; so that upon any the least reeling of the
Vessel, the Beams are dipt in the Water, and the Men that sit are wet
up to their Waste; their Feet seldom escaping the Water. And thus as all
our Vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without (sic)”
(Dampier, 1797: 230).
Current knowledge of the caracoa is based mainly upon iconography, such as the
representation (Fig. 4) from Thomas Forrest (1779). None of these vessels survive
until today and, as yet, there are no identified examples in the archaeological
record. Forrest was well acquainted with the caracoa as he acquired two small
ones, the ‘Banguey’ and the ‘Borneo’ to assist his proa galley in his eighteenth
century voyage in Southeast Asia. The ‘Banguey’ measured just 18ft (5.5 m) keel
length with a beam of 8ft (2.4 m, and carried a crew of 14 men. Forrest (1779: 23)
gave a particularly clear description in a footnote to his account of his voyage “a
corocoro (caracoa) is a vessel generally fitted with outriggers, having a high arched
stem and stern, like the points of a half moon. They are used by the inhabitants of
the Molucca Islands chiefly, and the Dutch have fleets of them at Amboyna, which
they employ as guarda costas. They have them from a small size, to above ten tons
burthen; and on the cross pieces which support the outriggers are often put fore and
aft planks, on which the people sit and paddle, beside those who sit in the vessel on
each gunnel. In smooth water they can be paddled very fast, as many hands may
be employed in different ranks or rows. They are steered with two commoodies
(broad paddles), and not with a rudder. When they are high out of the water, they
use oars, but on the outriggers they always use paddles.”The caracoa were not
really a match for a European vessel in a fleet action. When Legaspi took Manila in
1571, there was a sea battle in Manila Bay with twenty or thirty local vessels, mainly
caracoas. These mounted one or two culverins each. The Spanish defeated this
fleet without difficulty (Anon, 1572, Relation of the Conquest of the Island of Luzon).
De Morga took two caracoas in his fleet when he sailed out against the Dutch under
Van Noort in 1600. They could not keep up with the European style ships d ue to the
choppy sea and adverse winds (de Morga, 1609: 177). It was reported that
caracoas were used by the Spanish against the Maranao tribes around Lake Lanao
9

�in Mindanao in 1639, by
transporting them overland
as

components

and

reassembling them at the
lake (Scott, 1981: 10). The
joanga was a larger size
version of the caracoa and
typical of the Moluccas,
Mindanao and the Sulu
Sea. A description of the
joanga,

or

juanga,

is

contained in a paper by de
Bobadilla which describes
an action in 1638, “they
were all embarked in a
Fig. 4 Illustration of a caracoa (corocoro). (Reproduced fleet of caracoas, which
from Forrest, 1779: plate 12)
are oared vessels much

used in Filippinas, carrying from fifty to a hundred rowers apiece. There are larger
ones called juangas, and carry from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and
thirty rowers (sic)” (de Bobadilla, 1639). Paris (1841: 91, 92) describes one of these
vessels as observed in the Moluccas, drawing on information from the voyages of
Pagès (1782). He refers to this vessel in French as a buanga. His drawing shows a
total 74 rowers on each side in three banks, rather similar to a classical Roman
trireme, but with a further 18 paddlers on the outrigger platform. Taking the two
sides together this would give a total of 184 crew, engaged primarily in powering the
vessel. The joanga and caracoa remained in service into the nineteenth century for
raiding and piracy in the whole of Southeast Asia from bases in the Sulu Sea area.
However, the outriggers were eventually discarded and the vessels came to have
heavier lines and a broader beam. This may reflect the need to carry heavier guns.
Eventually, they were defeated when the Spanish and British and Dutch navies

10

�brought in steam powered naval units (Warren, 1981: 256-258). One of the last
voyages recorded in a caracoa was by the famous naturalist, Wallace, in 1859,
when he rode on a Dutch government-owned vessel from Bacan to Ternate in the
Moluccas. This boat was of four (4) tons burthen, with twenty rowers (rather than
paddlers), a thatched canopy, a low freeboard, and double outriggers at five (5) feet
either side of the hull. There was a tripod mast and a mat sail. He complained about
the constant drumming, used to keep the rowers in time (Wallace, 1869: 358).
Conclusion
We are indebted to the early Spanish explorers and colonialists, and travelers from
many nationalities for most of the information we have on the indigenous Philippine
boats. Hopefully the progress of maritime archaeology in the area will contin ue to
supplement these early sources.
Acknowledgements
My thanks to my supervisors for this research work, for their guidance, Dr Lucy Blue
and Dr Jesse Ransley, both of the University of Southampton, as well as Dr Eusebio
Dizon of the National Museum in Manila.
References
Alcina, I. F., 1668. Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas…, Part One, Book 3,
Vol. 3: 197-213, re-published in 2005 by UST with a translation by C. J. Kobak and
L. Gutiérrez, Manila.
Anon., 1572. Relation of the Conquest of the Island of Luzon, mss. translated by
Blair and Robertson in their compendium of documents, Vol. 3: 156-7.
Blair, E. H., and Robertson, J.A., 1903-7.The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, 55
Vols, Clark, Cleveland.
de Bobadilla, D., 1639. Glorious victories against the Moros of Mindanao, paper
printedin Mexico and translated by A.B. Myrick, reprinted in Blair and Robertson,
Vol. 29: 86-03.
Dampier, W., 1797. A New Voyage around the World, 1927 edition, Argonaut Press,
London.
Dizon, E. Z., and Ronquillo, W. P., 2010. Maritime and Underwater Archaeology in
the Philippines, from A Passage to Asia. Bozar, Brussels.
11

�Forrest, T., 1779. A Voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas from Balambangan.
G. Scott, London.
Gutierrez, P., 1637. Defeat of Moro Pirates MSS in Academia Real de la Historia,
Madrid, trans by A. B. Myrick and E. H. Blair.
Huygen

van

Linschoten,

J.,

1595.

Reys-gheschrift

vande

navigatien

der

Portugaloysers in Orienten, Cornelis Claesz, Amsterdam.
Martínez de Zúñiga, J., 1803. Estadismo de las islas Filipinas. In W. E. Retana (ed
and annotated) in 1893, Madrid.
Montero y Vidal, D. J., 1888. Historia de la Pirateria Malayo-Mahometana en
Mindanao, Jolo y Borneo, Madrid.
de Morga, A., 1609. Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, trans by J. S. Cummins for the
Hakluyt Society, 1971, London.
Pagès, P. M. F., de 1782 Voyages Autour Du Monde, Et Vers Les Deux Poles, Par
Terre Et Mer, Pendant Les Annes 1767, 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1773, 1774, &amp;
1776, Chez Moutard, Paris.
Paris, F. E., 1841. Essaisur la constructionnavale des peuples extra-Europeens :
oucollection desnavires et piroguesconstruits par les habitants de l'Asie, de la
Malaisie, du Grand Ocean et del'Amerique ... pendant les voyagesautour du monde
de l'Astrolabe, la Favorite et l'Artemise, Arthus Bertrand, Paris.
Pedro de San Buenaventura, 1613. Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala, republished
by Domingo de los Santos in 1835.
Phelan, J.L., 1959. The Hispanization of the Philippines, Spanish Aims and Filipino
Responses 1565-1700. University Press of Wisconsin, Madison.
Pigafetta, A. trans. by J. E. H. Stanley, 2010. First Voyage Round the World by
Magellan: Translated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and Other Contemporary
Writers. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
De la Rosa-Alcázar, S., 1914. Diccionario Español-Bisaya para las provincias de
Samar y Leyte, Santos y Bermal Manila.
Scott, W.H., 1981. Boat Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine Society.
Anthropological Papers No. 9, National Museum, Manila: 1-38.

12

�Stead, M. R.,and Dizon, E., 2011. A National Cultural Treasure Revisited – Reassessing the ‘Balangay’ Boat Discoveries. In Mark Staniforth, Jennifer Craig,
Sheldon Clyde Jago-on, Bobby Orillaneda, Ligaya Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings of the
Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Manila: 425 436.
Stead, M. R., 2014. Dating a Philippine Logboat. Nautical Archaeology, Nautical
Archaeology Society, Spring 2014: 12.
Wallace, A. R., 1869.The Malay Archipelago, The Land of the Orang-Utan and the
Bird of Paradise, London, MacMillan, reprinted 1989, Oxford University Press,
Oxford.
Warren, J. F., 1981.The Sulu Zone 1768-1898. Singapore University Press,
Singapore.
Biography
Roderick Stead was originally trained as an economist and accountant. Since 2004 he
has re-trained as an archaeologist with a specific interest in maritime archaeology. His
current research interest is the development of Philippine indigenous craft. He has a BA
in Archaeology from Birkbeck College, University of London and completed an MA in
Maritime Archaeology at the University of Southampton in 2010. Currently he is a PhD
student at the Centre for Maritime Archaeology at the University Southampton

13

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                  <text>Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro </text>
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                  <text>The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepÃ´ts that stood along the way.</text>
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                <text>All our vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without, Spanish and European Colonial Reception of Philippine Indigenous Craft </text>
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                <text>When the European visitors arrived in the Philippines from the Sixteenth century, they encountered a range of indigenous craft ranging from logboats to plank-built vessels. These boats, especially the plank-built vessels, were built in a very different style to their own. They were particularly interested in the single and double outriggers employed on these craft. The plank-built craft used hand carved strakes rather than sawn timber and were held together by dowels and treenails. The hull strakes were fastened together by the lashed-lug technique or sewn. No metal fastenings were used in the construction. Similar techniques were used throughout Island Southeast Asia. They recognised the maritime skills of the Filipinos and soon used them as crew on their own vessels and as craftsmen to build European-style vessels using local materials. The Spanish noted the suitability of the local vessels in the Philippine environment, due to their speed and ability to cross shallow coral reefs, even though they were largely ineffective in fighting against European vessels. They continued to employ boats built in the local tradition for communications and to suppress maritime raiders from the areas not under colonial control. These vessels continued in this role until replaced by steam vessels in the nineteenth century. This paper will explore the European views on these traditional craft and the way they were utilised and adapted by the Spanish and other Europeans powers.  </text>
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                <text>Roderick Stead, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                    <text>Investigating the causes of deterioration and the appropriate conservation treatment
method of an excavated wooden schooner found in coastal area of Bangladesh
Rokonuzzaman S (Dept. of Conservation Laboratory, Bangladesh National Museum)
smrokon.chem@gmail.com

ABSTRACT
A waterlogged wooden schooner was collected from Kuakata, a famous coastal region of Bangladesh, during
the excavation period from 23rd December, 2012 to 27th February, 2013 under the Directorate of Archaeology.
This schooner was measured 72 feet in length and weighed about 90 tons in wet conditions. A lot of valuable
information regarding trade relations with other countries in ancient times, migration of people of certain
communities, species of wood etc. can be obtained from this artifact. Unfortunately, the schooner has been
kept under a canopy in the open for nearly 10 years after excavation without any consultation from
conservation experts. The condition of this artifact was found to be extremely damaged and fragile when
visited on 21st September, 2022. Attacks of various types of microorganisms and insects were observed in
most of the woods. Different types of physical changes were also found in the wood of the schooner. Even the
original shape of the artifact was disfigured by shrinkage, cracking, twisting and splitting of wood. It is known
that the conservation treatment of waterlogged wood consists of four steps such as dehydration, substitution,
consolidation and controlled drying processes. These are very expensive and lengthy processes. Now it is
impossible to apply a conventional conservation treatment method on the wooden schooner, because the
artifact has already lost all characteristics of waterlogged wood. There are three objectives of this study: (i) to
investigate the causes of deterioration of wood, (ii) to revive the characteristics of waterlogged wood and (iii)
to recommend an easy and appropriate conservation treatment strategy for this waterlogged wooden schooner.
Recommendation of treatment strategy is the most important part of this study. Considering the capability,
time duration and financial cost, the treatment strategy will be introduced. After the successful completion of
this study, the countries like Bangladesh will protect their waterlogged wooden heritage using the new method.
Keywords Waterlogged wood, Deterioration, Consolidation
List of Abbreviations
BNM : Bangladesh National Museum
DoA
: Directorate of Archaeology
PEG
: Poly Ethylene Glycol
RH
: Relative Humidity
MC
: Moisture Content
ETP
: Effluent Treatment Plant
SS
: Stainless Steel

1.

INTRODUCTION

Waterlogged wood refers to wood that has been under soil or water for a long time and whose
internal pores, capillaries and micro capillaries are saturated with water. Besides, these places
contain different types of harmful substances like mud, sand, microorganisms etc. along with the
water. Waterlogged wood has special importance among the archaeological artifacts. Through
scientific research, it is possible to uncover many exclusive information regarding ancient cultures
and civilizations from the waterlogged wooden artifacts. Such as:
(i)
(ii)
(iii)

A clear understanding of the historical trade/other relations of one country with another country can be obtained.
Information about the migration of a certain community or group of people in ancient times can be found.
Important guidelines can also be derived from these artifacts in protecting ecological balance.

Wood is an organic material which is composed of cellulose (40% - 60%), hemicellulose (15% 25%) and lignin (15% - 40%). Cellulose, hemicellulose both are polysaccharide polymer compounds
and lignin is a phenolic polymer compound. Polysaccharides are high polymers of monosaccharides.
1

�Each polymer compound plays the different role in wood. Cellulose is responsible for giving the
strength to the wooden structure, hemicellulose gives the flexibility of wood and lignin is responsible
for stiffness of wood. These three polymers combined together give the remarkable physical and
mechanical support to the wood.
The molecular formula of cellulose is (C6H10O5) n. Cellulose participates in hydrolysis reaction with
water in presence of acid, it gives D-glucose in 95-96 percent. As a result, cellulosic bonds are
broken. If this type of reaction continues in waterlogged wood for hundreds of years, extensive decay
occurs in the wooden artifacts. In addition, microorganisms and other harmful substances stay for a
long time in the pore spaces, capillaries and micro capillaries inside the waterlogged wood and cause
considerable damage to the internal structure of the wood. As a result, the wooden structure
continues to weaken and eventually it is completely destroyed. Therefore, every step from
excavation to conservation treatment period for any waterlogged wooden artifacts needs to be done
with intensive care. Also the long-term management of waterlogged wood is a very important issue.
On site inspection, the mentioned problems have been found in the different parts of the waterlogged
wooden schooner. The water has removed freely from waterlogged wooden parts in uncontrolled
drying. But there has not been any conservation measures of the schooner. As a result, the wood
fibers have compressed and the whole structure has converted into a distorted shape (Figures 1.1).

Figure 1.1: Disfigured structures of the schooner
2.

CASE STUDY

2.1

Missing of Original Wood

As mentioned earlier, the schooner was left for long periods in different environments such as soil
or water, underwent extensive decay and its strength was severely reduced. The various parts of the
schooner were closely observed during the onsite inspection. At that time the original wood was
missing from some parts of the schooner.

Figure 2. Excavation of shipwreck

2

�2.2

Adding New Wood

New wood was added to the different parts of the schooner in order to facilitate its safe lifting and
transport. Addition of new wood was the right decision during excavation period. Later, the new
wood should have been removed and supports were used with the various parts of the schooner in
the rehabilitation process to maintain its original shape. It is known that the stiffness of new wood
is relatively higher than waterlogged wood. In this case, adding new wood of higher strength to the
waterlogged wood of lower strength created additional stress on the waterlogged wood. But not
removing new wood from the schooner caused various physical changes in it. The main structure of
the schooner was not in its original shape. Many of the wooden parts have bent and distorted the
structure. Though, there are many other reasons for distorting the schooner's main structure. Some
new wood may be conditionally added to the missing parts when the schooner's conservation
treatment is fully completed. According to the principles of restoration, the species, age and strength
of the new wood must match the original wood. New wood should also be given a conservation
treatment before being added.
2.3

Insects attack and Rotting

During the inspection several parts of the waterlogged wooden schooner were observed to be rotting,
infested with insects. This attack is quickly spreading to other parts of the wood.
2.4

Microscopic Analysis and Salinity

A few places on the schooner, examined under a small microscope, showed extensive white coating
on the surface of the wood (Figure 3). Despite several attempts with water, the white spots could not
be completely removed. These appear to be salt deposits. It is possible to remove all these white
coatings and other impurities by applying water to waterlogged wood for several years.

Figure 3: Microscopic observations

2.5

Moisture Content

The moisture content is an important part of wood. There are two types of moisture found in wood,
one is ‘free water’ in the cell cavities and vessels, and other is ‘absorbed water’ bound in the cell
walls. Free water evaporates up to the fiber saturation point, when the wood is air-dried. In this case
the wood does not shrink. However, as waterlogged wood is very weak and its fiber loss is high. So,
this rule is not applicable for waterlogged wood. At the fiber saturation point, wood contains only
the ‘absorbed water’ from 20% to 36% of the total moisture content which varies the species of
wood. If ‘absorbed water’ evaporates, then shrinkage starts in wood. Wood is a hygroscopic material
whose moisture content fluctuates with the relative humidity of its environment (Table 2.1).
Table 2.1: Moisture content fluctuates with the relative humidity
SL No.
Relative Humidity (%)
Moisture Content (%)
1.
90
21-22
2.
70
13-14
3.
50
8-10
4.
30
6-7
5.
10
3-4
6.
0
0

3

�The moisture content is determined by the following equation:

Here,
U = Moisture Content (%)
Gu = Weight of normal / waterlogged wood
G0 = Weight of oven dried wood
Physical observation confirmed that the schooner had lost the characteristics of waterlogged wood.
Now reviving its waterlogged wooden nature is very uncertain. But by keeping the schooner in water
long enough, it is possible to revive its few waterlogged wooden characteristics. This can be
confirmed by measuring the moisture content.

3.

RESOURCES

Conservation treatment of waterlogged wood is very expensive and time consuming. Such
treatments are usually initiated while the wood is still wet. There are many types of conservation
treatment methods of waterlogged wood around the world. Five methods have been selected for this
study, which are very much popular in conservation science. These are Poly ethylene glycol-4000
method, Poly ethylene glycol-2 steps method, Sucrose method, Cetyl alcohol method and Dammar
method (Table 2.2). Implementation of these conservation treatments requires extensive technical
capacity, which is not usually available in developing countries like Bangladesh. After analyzing the
five methods, it was confirmed that the Dammar method can be modified and applied as suitable for
Bangladesh. The modified dammar method must be applied to each part of the schooner separately.

No.

1.

2.

Table 2.2: The popular conservation treatment methods over the world
Name of
Dehydration
Substitution
Consolidation Step
Treatment
Step
Step
Method (alcohol in H2O)
PEG-4000
Method

Sucrose
Method

-

-

-

(i) 20% PEG-4000 in H2O
(ii) 40% PEG-4000 in H2O
(iii) ) 60% PEG-4000 in H2O
(iv) 80% PEG-4000 in H2O
(v) 100% PEG-4000 in H2O
(i) 20% Sucrose in H2O
(ii) 40% Sucrose in H2O
(iii) 60% Sucrose in H2O
(iv) 80% Sucrose in H2O

-

4

Controlled Air
Drying
(RH in Drying
Chamber)
(i) At 80%
(ii) At 60%
(iii) At 40%
(i) At 80%
(ii) At 60%
(iii) At 40%

�3.

Cetyl –
alcohol
Method

(i) 20% Methyl

-

(ii) 40%Methyl

(i) 20% Cetyl-alcohol in methyl alcohol

(i) At 80%

(ii) 40% Cetyl-alcohol in methyl
alcohol1

(ii) At 60%

(iii) 60%Methyl

(iii) At 40%
(iii) 60% Cetyl-alcohol in methyl
alcohol1

(iv) 80% Methyl
(v) 100%Methyl
4.

PEG-2
Steps
Method

(i) 20% Ethyl

(iv) 80% Cetyl-alcohol in methyl
alcohol
(i) 50% t-butyl
in ethyl

(ii) 40% Ethyl
(iii) 60% Ethyl

(ii) 100% tbutyl in ethyl

(i) 20% PEG-4000 in t-butyl alcohol

(i) At 80%

(ii) 40% PEG-4000 in t-butyl alcohol

(ii) At 60%

(iii) 20% PEG-4000 in t-butyl alcohol

(iii) At 40%

(iv) 80% Ethyl

(iv) 40% PEG-4000 in t-butyl alcohol

(v) 100% Ethyl

(v) 60% PEG-4000 in t-butyl alcohol
(vi) 80% PEG-4000 in t-butyl alcohol

5.

4.

DammerMethod

(i) 20% Ethyl
(ii) 40% Ethyl
(iii) 60% Ethyl
(iv) 80% Ethyl
(v) 100% Ethyl

(i) 50% Xylene
in ethyl alcohol

(i) 20% Dammar in xylene
(ii) 40% Dammar in xylene
(iii) 60% Dammar in xylene

(i) At 80%
(ii) At 60%
(iii) At 40%

(ii) 100%
Xylene in ethyl
alcohol

FRAMEWORK

The pore spaces, capillaries and micro capillaries of waterlogged wood are filled with water and
various kinds of contaminants when it is buried. All these impurities need to be compulsorily
removed through the continuous cleaning process before conservation treatment. Cleanup can take
up to several years depending on the thickness of the wooden parts. The wood must not be allowed
to dry out in any way during the entire process. When the wood is completely ready for treatment,
then the modified dammar method is applied (Table 2.3). After the conservation treatment, the wood
is dried by vacuum-freeze-drying or a controlled air-drying process. In a controlled air-drying
process, the wood is first dried at room temperature where the relative humidity is very high. Later
the relative humidity is gradually reduced. On the other hand uncontrolled drying is fully prohibited
for waterlogged wood to avoid any kind of deformation of wood like shrinking, twisting, cracking,
splitting, warping etc.
Table 2.3: The modified Dammar method
Consolidation Step
Naturally Drying
Time Duration
(i) 20% Dammar
According to the climate
Time duration of dehydration,
solution in xylene
of Bangladesh, RH
substitution, consolidation and
gradually decreases
drying steps depends on the
(ii) 60% Ethyl alcohol
(ii) 40% Dammar
from November to
thickness of wood.
solution in H2O
(ii) 100% Xylene
solution in xylene
March. This is the
solution in ethyl
perfect time to let the
(iii) 100% Ethyl
alcohol
(iii) 60% Dammar
wood dry naturally.
alcohol solution in
solution in xylene
However, the wood
H2O
should be kept under
close observation.
To ensure minimum use of chemicals, airtight SS containers and jute mats are used. Basically, the artifacts are wrapped with jute mats
before being soaked in chemicals.
Dehydration Step
(i) 20% Ethyl alcohol
solution in H2O

Substitution Step
(i) 50% Xylene
solution in ethyl
alcohol

5

�5.

RESULTS

The treatment of waterlogged wood is a very risky, expensive and difficult task. Most of the
undeveloped or developing countries are not able to conserve their valuable artifacts of waterlogged
wood through the conventional method. This is the main reason to modify the Dammar method so
that every country can protect their valuable heritage. Modified Dammar method is comparatively
easy and less expensive, but it is not the health and environment friendly method. Therefore, the
appropriate precautions should be taken, when the modified Dammar method is applied for the
conservation of waterlogged wood.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Finar, I. L., Organic Chemistry (Volume Two), 3rd edn., (1964):224-225.
Harman, Kuhn, Conservation and Restoration of Works of Art and Antiquities, 3 rd edn. 19, (1987): 176-179.
Plenderleith, H.J., The conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art, Reprinted 5, (1974): 124-126.
Desch, H.E., Timber Its Structure and Properties, Macmillan, London, 3 rd edn., 1956.
In Museum 8, no. 3, 1955:139.
Museum and Monuments The Conservation of Cultural Property, The UNESCO Press, Reprinted (1975): 173.

6

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                <text>A waterlogged wooden schooner was collected from Kuakata, a famous coastal region of Bangladesh, during&#13;
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This schooner was measured 72 feet in length and weighed about 90 tons in wet conditions. A lot of valuable&#13;
information regarding trade relations with other countries in ancient times, migration of people of certain&#13;
communities, species of wood etc. can be obtained from this artifact. Unfortunately, the schooner has been&#13;
kept under a canopy in the open for nearly 10 years after excavation without any consultation from&#13;
conservation experts. The condition of this artifact was found to be extremely damaged and fragile when&#13;
visited on 21st September, 2022. Attacks of various types of microorganisms and insects were observed in&#13;
most of the woods. Different types of physical changes were also found in the wood of the schooner. Even the&#13;
original shape of the artifact was disfigured by shrinkage, cracking, twisting and splitting of wood. It is known&#13;
that the conservation treatment of waterlogged wood consists of four steps such as dehydration, substitution,&#13;
consolidation and controlled drying processes. These are very expensive and lengthy processes. Now it is&#13;
impossible to apply a conventional conservation treatment method on the wooden schooner, because the&#13;
artifact has already lost all characteristics of waterlogged wood. There are three objectives of this study: (i) to&#13;
investigate the causes of deterioration of wood, (ii) to revive the characteristics of waterlogged wood and (iii)&#13;
to recommend an easy and appropriate conservation treatment strategy for this waterlogged wooden schooner.&#13;
Recommendation of treatment strategy is the most important part of this study. Considering the capability,&#13;
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