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Title A name given to the resource Tanegashima: The Arrival of Europe in Japan Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Olof G Lidin Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Olof G Lidin Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Item Type Book ISBN 0700716742 Call Number 303.482520469|221 Library Catalog 128.125.253.52 Library Catalog Num Pages 304 Place Copenhagen Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Series Nordic Institute of Asian studies monograph series Short Title Tanegashima Title A name given to the resource Tanegashima: The Arrival of Europe in Japan Japan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Early Indonesian Commerce: A Study of the Origins of Srivijaya Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource O.W. Wolters Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cornell University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author O.W. Wolters Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Place Ithaca Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cornell University Press Title A name given to the resource Early Indonesian Commerce: A Study of the Origins of Srivijaya Southeast Asia https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/c5d470789d28b33fc54aa175645ceb83.pdf 01a564f7853c204b58c9aff5d7a1741a PDF Text Text Keeping artefacts in situ and preserving them once out of the water: Daily questions for a conservator-restorer in marine excavations Olivier Berger1 Abstract Working on a shipwreck means analyzing its cargo, taking samples and when access is possible, studying the naval architecture. After publication, in many cases, closing and securing the site is possible. Excavating a settlement or an underwater city calls first to understand the site with a nonintrusive survey. State of the art investigation equipment such as multi-beam sonar systems, sediment sounder, magnetometer with nuclear resonance allows us to start drawing the map of the establishment. Diving is necessary to check details, to make stratigraphic sections, or to understand structures. This brings up often thousands of artefacts. Keeping most of the artefacts at the bottom of the sea and storing them in a special underwater storage place with an inventory number is a good solution, but it is also necessary to bring some objects in an atmospheric environment for study, as a reference or because they are too fragile, precious or unique to be left underwater. They will be then on display in a museum or will tour the world. We are therefore regularly confronted with a sudden flow of artefacts literally inundating a laboratory but also drying out its budget. Our experience through sunken cities excavations in Egypt has taught us ways to anticipate these waves of artefacts in needs of treatment and to adapt our policy of excavation and the techniques for underwater conservation-restoration. Introduction Working on a shipwreck means analyzing its cargo, taking some samples and when access is possible, studying the naval architecture. After publication of the site, it is often possible to close it still protected and monitored. Once the work is finished, in order to protect and preserve the site in situ, we cover the site with geotextiles. We proceed then to rebury the ship under sediment with the water dredge. To control the stability of the site, it is possible to measure the amount of oxygen. To control the stability of metal artefacts it is important to measure the oxydation-reduction potential. The procedure and the evaluation of some techniques concerning in situ preservation are described in details in Ms Vicki Richards’ paper presented in this conference. Site and cargo could be in situ protected. from scuba looters, by means of an iron cage, creating a giant underwater safe, has been made in Croatia, The heavyduty cage is equipped with a large door that is always locked with occasional access only granted to divers under strict supervision. But if it is relatively easy to preserve small sites in situ, it is more complicated to preserve a large settlement, not to mention an underwater city. Our main goal is to use the least intrusive approach to study the site. Our non-intrusive survey methods use the latest investigation equipment such as multi-beam sonar systems, sediment sounder, and a nuclear resonance magnetometer that allows us to undertake the mapping of the establishment. Diving is also necessary for checking details, maping stratigraphic sections, understanding the structures and bringing up artefacts that can often include an amount up to a few thousand. The archaeological community agrees nowadays that it is important to preserve as much as possible in situ of our underwater cultural heritage. In our 1 Basel, Switzerland �excavations we try to find a way in order to study the site while keeping most of the artefacts at the bottom of the sea, and then store and rebury them in a special underwater storage place. Despite these measures it is impossible to avoid having to deal with a large amount of artefacts coming up to the surface. Thanks to our experience with the excavation of three sunken cities in Egypt we were able to anticipate these flows of artefacts in need of treatment and adapt our excavation policy accordingly. Field practice and experience The European Institute of Underwater Archaeology (Institut européen d’archéologie sous-marine, IEASM) lead by Franck Goddio (2008), has been excavating in Egypt for more than ten years. We are working in the Nile delta and more precisely in Alexandria and the Bay of Aboukir where we found, under the sea, the ancient sunken cities of Canopus and Heracleion. The excavations cover a very large surface. Our working area on the eastern harbour of Alexandria covers 3.5 km by 1.5 km or over 500 hectares. Despite working in dirty water, which is polluted by the city sewage, we try as much as we can to preserve the material we discover in situ. Up to now, more than 15,000 artefacts have been found. We were able to keep most of them in situ, in the underwater site. Stonework was the main part of the abundant material. We also found objects made of organic materials, ceramics, glass and various kinds of metal. These sites are unusual because they have been abandoned following several natural cataclysms and have not been reoccupied. The corpus of artefacts includes mainly objects dating from the Ptolemaic Period till the end of the Byzantine Period. The archaeological excavations benefit from a conservation and restoration laboratory aboard a ship, thus enabling objects to be treated as soon as they emerge from water. The first stages of conservation are thus carried out on the ship, and the complementary treatments, which require heavier equipment, are carried out on land, at a laboratory in Alexandria. The majority of the stones discovered on the three sites are linked to a structural environment like walls from buildings or docks, floor or pavement, noria the Egyptian machine used for lifting water-, columns, and other elements of construction. These architectural stones have been preserved in situ. In some cases a reburial under sediment was necessary to avoid physical, chemical degradation and biological alteration. All these structures were studied, drawn, photographed, and precisely repositioned and left at the original place where they were found. In the eastern harbour of Alexandria, where the royal quarters were, we found pavements and broken columns in situ. This is where our way to protect the site, and to keep artefacts underwater with a project of an underwater museum can be seen. The underwater museum is still a project with numerous technical questions such as stabilising a polluted marine environment, and minimising the deterioration of artefacts. It will be a technological prowess and the architect Jacques Rougerie will turn our dreams into a museum under the sea. We discovered more than one hundred stone anchors not linked to any shipwreck. We decided to keep them in situ. We asked an Egyptian student to study them and create a typology of the anchors, and then publish the results. These anchors are of many types and sizes. Most of them are made of limestone. The anchors represent a typical artefact, which is easy to study scientifically in situ. In situ preservation is the best policy to adopt for these kind of objects. Anchors, cannons and even amphorae can quickly overfill a storage room. Too many �museums are crowded with the display of these kind of objects, which are heavy and bulky. It could be now time to move away from the usual methods of excavation and recovery towards a new way of preserving and presenting this type of underwater cultural heritage. Some other voluminous stone objects such as milestones, sarcophagus, worked on architectural blocs, naos are also kept in situ in their original position. For smaller objects we have a different approach. In one area of the ancient city of Canopus we found a large number of black basalt fragments of sphinxes. The pieces did not fit together. It became quickly clear that they belonged to a workshop for cutting and reusing stone. For this kind of smaller stone objects or fragments a special technique is used. Each piece is precisely mapped on the bottom of the sea with a Global Positioning System (GPS). It receives a number and is lifted out of the water. It receives then a basic cleaning, is identified, described, measured, photographed and sometimes drawn. Once all the data are registered, the pieces are brought back to the site in a storage area. Usually the storage places, also call “parking”, are deeper area where it will be easy to bury the artefacts under sediment without creating an underwater hill. When the area is full, it is covered with sediment. Another place with a new number and with its precise localisation is then chosen as the following “parking”. Not only stones are stored in these “parkings”, but also ceramics and metal artefacts. Storage areas are frequently reopened to allow the archaeologists to verify, check or pick up some objects. In doing so, a large quantity of sand has to be removed but the objects can be easily found since they are precisely documented. All the objects keep their number underwater with a system of plastic tags; they are packaged in a plastic net, and secured inside plastic boxes covered with sand. The precise situation of each artefact is noted in the database. In order to find a way to study the inscribed artefacts and let them remain in situ, we developed an interesting method of underwater stamping. Our discoveries brought up some stone objects bearing inscriptions or decorations. Some of the inscriptions are in Greek but the majority of them are in hieroglyphics. Most of these artefacts are on very big blocks. This fact raises the question of how to study these inscriptions when the specialists are not all divers and live in different parts of the world? As a rule, this kind of large inscribed blocs of stone stay in situ. To allow the study of inscriptions we started using a new method enabling us to take a print underwater. Developed by Georges Brocot from France's Direction des recherches archéologiques subaquatiques et sous-marines (DRASSM) this technique makes it possible to have the exact stamping of the inscription. The first step is to clean thoroughly the stone from any incrustation. A cloth coated with a pasty silicone is then laid on the surface of the stone to act as a stamp. The fabric is afterwards covered with a sheet of lead which is hammered in such a way that the silicone is in contact with every detail of the inscription. The polymerisation of this special silicone occurs in at least twenty hours. It is then possible to remove the fabric. The inscription appears printed in negative. This method allows also the stamping of other details such as tool traces or technological details. This silicone membrane, the faithful reproduction of the original, can be studied directly by the specialist epigraphist. Pictures in raking light reveal all the details, as the original would have done. Conserving waterlogged organic material in situ is almost as difficult a challenge as to preserve it in an atmospheric environment. When we discover a small waterlogged organic artefact like basketry, rope, textile or a wooden object, it is very problematic to preserve it in situ because the stable state in which it was kept in the sediment is interrupted. Physical deterioration such as stream flow, sand �abrasion, biological alteration like Teredo navalis, bacterial and chemical destruction process of the cellulose will prevent keeping a small organic object after its discovery. Even so, we do not have the equipment to stabilise waterlogged wood, we have no budget to treat it and no place to store or exhibit the huge pieces of wood. In most cases we mainly have to keep the wood in situ, like a shipwreck or parts of building construction. The scientific interest to have the artefacts out of the water is low because the study can be done under water. The main problem is to keep them under water without deterioration or minimise it. When possible, we leave the organic element partially covered with the original sediment and we avoid letting it float and move with the current. We simply rebury the wooden artefacts under a large quantity of sediment without any protection between the wood and the sediment. When it is possible, we put bags of gravel or sand to serve as weight on top of the sediment. General lines and rules for underwater conservation-restoration Any project involving direct actions on cultural heritage requires a conservator (Ref. definition of the profession, ICOM-CC 1984). We still lack some methods and technology to treat a few specific types of artefacts. It is therefore greatly safer to keep them in situ. Current technique does not allow without risk the treatment of several artefacts such as graphitised cast iron, wrought iron loosing his original surface, peeling or sugaring silver objects, mineralised lead, some composite artefacts, organic material like basketry and even wood, peeling like an onion potassium glass, cracking frit or faience, disappearing colours on faience, etc. In some cases we are not equipped to treat a certain type of material. Or the time spent working on one object would be scandalously high and indefensible in a budget. Thus, instead of trying to stabilise an object out of seawater, it is sometimes better to keep it in the environment of its discovery and to monitor its conservation in situ. It is necessary to think carefully before lifting an object out of water. Is it possible to stabilise it? Will there be an adequate budget? What will happen to the object after it has been treated? And is there a definite purpose to take it out of water? Beside a scientific purpose or from an aesthetic point of view, conservation reasons can lead to the decision to take away an object from salty water. It is sometimes impossible to keep artefacts in situ underwater because the artefact itself or the information carried by the object would otherwise be lost. A rope, a basket or a textile will not resist for a long time when the excavations are in the Nile delta with a fast moving stream and strong erosion. One area will be covered with a huge sand dune while a few months later the archaeological floor level will be visible. Fishermen with their nets are frequently moving big blocs weighing several tons over hundreds of meters. Their anchors could also simply plough an archaeological layer or destroy a wall. Regularly, our working area with its iron tubes, meters, positioning lines and its system of water dredge is destroyed for the same reasons. The pollution can be extreme. We are working in the Bay of Aboukir in front of a chemical fertiliser factory and in the eastern harbour of Alexandria the sewage system of a city of more than 3 million inhabitants is pouring directly over us. Our air tanks are corroding so quickly in this aggressive environment that we can expect the same phenomenon to attack the nearby archaeological metal items. �Objects found under the sea are generally covered by concretions of sediment associated with marine organisms. In Alexandria, the water is so murky that marine organisms are covering everything in just a few days. In a few months the thickness of the concrete deposited makes the objects unrecognizable, no detail, not even the form of the objects can be distinguished, just a smooth relief. Even on artefacts usually known to be biocide such as lead and copper alloy concretion can grow very fast. Even if the general policy is to protect and preserve sites in situ, when work starts, archaeological material appears. Various reasons make it necessary to bring some objects in an atmospheric environment: study, need of reference or samples, extreme fragility, preciousness or uniqueness. It is important that these objects do not stay underwater. They will be then on display in a museum or will tour the world on exhibitions. Sudden flows of artefacts thus happen regularly, flooding the laboratory with water buckets, crowding a storage room which is not big enough and absorbing a budget too small to cover the cost of restoration and long term conservation. It is a utopia to think of being able to study a site without having artefacts on the surface. A conservation program is therefore absolutely necessary before starting to work on a site. Patrice Pomey (1981:26) said, “no underwater excavation should be undertaken without the certainty that the objects it exhumes can be treated, lest they deteriorate and disappear.” Colin Pearson (1984:81) said, “Today, underwater excavation without conservation, it’s purely vandalism.” This fundamental idea is not yet a trend, and unfortunately nowadays we can still observe too many underwater excavations without a real appropriated program of conservation. The times when the divers were in charge of the artefacts, taking care themselves to clean the objects with their diving knife and putting them in fresh water for a long time is not so faraway. Unfortunately, it still exists in many excavations. The role of the professional conservator is essential to the smooth running of an underwater excavation. The conservator should be part of the team because the benefits resulting from the collaboration are invaluable. It is no longer a luxury - if it ever was - to have a conservation specialist at the site but rather a necessity. Conservation and restoration of underwater heritage must start as soon as a site is discovered. Conservation is not the mere application of techniques and treatment processes but is a vital stage within the excavation. In an archaeological excavation, it is incumbent upon the conservator to register all the information that the objects convey. This documentation, sometimes supported by analyses, is not the ultimate goal concerning the objects. They must also be stabilized to ensure their survival, and sometimes, aesthetically improved for museum purposes. The conservator specialist of underwater heritage plays an important role, although the least visible, but the most important task is the long-term stabilization of the objects. An essential motto is: do not settle for make-up on items, but take the time to perform lengthy in-depth stabilizing treatment and especially for long-term preservation of underwater heritage. Conclusion The objects coming from the port of Alexandria and the bay of Aboukir represent in the conservation laboratory only a tiny fraction of what we really discovered. We slowly changed our traditional way of excavating for a new way that emphasizes the in situ study of the artefacts and the site itself. We manage to preserve as much as we can the objects in situ and the integrity of the site. But it is a utopia to think it is possible to study a site without having artefact coming onto the surface. Therefore, a �program of conservation is an absolute necessity before to start the work itself on a site. The professional conservator specialized in conservation and restoration of underwater heritage is not only working in a laboratory, but also has to be involved on the site, even before the archaeological work starts. This is an entire member of the scientific team. This successful collaboration is clearly visible in the results the IEASM obtained in Egypt. Respect and protection of the integrity of the objects are parts of the ethics of our profession. Our goal is to succeed in making the objects visible to the general public, accessible to researchers, and stabilized to be passed on to future generations. Bibliography Goddio, F., 2008 ICOM-CC 1984 Pearson, C., 1984 Pomey, P., Gianfrotta, P.A., 1981 Egypt’s sunken treasures, Prestel. Code of Ethics of the International Council of Museums, Copenhagen. “La conservation du patrimoine subaquatique“, in La sauvegarde du patrimoine subaquatique, UNESCO, Cahier Technique , 4, pp. 80-110. and L'archéologie sous la mer, Fernand Nathan, Paris � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Keeping artefacts in situ and preserving them once out of the water: Daily questions for a conservator-restorer in marine excavations Subject The topic of the resource Session 7 Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management Description An account of the resource Working on a shipwreck means analyzing its cargo, taking samples and when access is possible, studying the naval architecture. After publication, in many cases, closing and securing the site is possible. Excavating a settlement or an underwater city calls first to understand the site with a non-intrusive survey. State of the art investigation equipment such as multi-beam sonar systems, sediment sounder, magnetometer with nuclear resonance allows us to start drawing the map of the establishment. Diving is necessary to check details, to make stratigraphic sections, or to understand structures. This brings up often thousands of artefacts. Keeping most of the artefacts at the bottom of the sea and storing them in a special underwater storage place with an inventory number is a good solution, but it is also necessary to bring some objects in an atmospheric environment for study, as a reference or because they are too fragile, precious or unique to be left underwater. They will be then on display in a museum or will tour the world. We are therefore regularly confronted with a sudden flow of artefacts literally inundating a laboratory but also drying out its budget. Our experience through sunken cities excavations in Egypt has taught us ways to anticipate these waves of artefacts in needs of treatment and to adapt our policy of excavation and the techniques for underwater conservation-restoration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Olivier Berger Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 7 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/7bdd0610e80d89fcb1c51cfce48d9ce0.pdf d2a03260c1349cf31ef7f5f0d2f31772 PDF Text Text Pattanam archaeological site : The wharf context and the maritime exchanges P. J Cherian1 Abstract Since 2007 the archaeological excavations at Pattanam, located on the southwestern coast of India, were undertaken by the Kerala Council for Historical Research (KCHR) Thiruvananthapuram. These efforts unearthed an early historic (1st c BCE – 5th c CE) multi-cultural port site, which is now widely considered as an integral part of the ancient port of Muziris. This paper discusses the material evidence related to the maritime exchanges at Pattanam, including a wharf context and the importance of the site in the transcontinental interfaces in antiquity. The most striking material evidence unearthed at Pattanam is the enormous quantity of terracotta objects, ranging from sherds of a variety of jars and pots to roof tiles and bricks. This paper will specifically examine the Indian and non-Indian distinct pottery of the Pattanam ceramic assemblage. The excavations in the northeastern part of the site revealed a wharf and warehouse structure, a wooden canoe made of anjili in a waterlogged context, along with nine bollards of teak. The wharf was a platform made of a mixture of laterite, clay and lime, with an elaborate brick lining where the reclining platform touches the water. The waterlogged area also produced a plethora of paleo-botanical and other archaeological evidence prompting one to propose a hypothesis that Pattanam is a major emporium of the spice trade network of the Early Historic Period (1st c BCE – 5th c CE). This ‘priceless’ evidence from the wharf context and the adjacent waterlogged area are breakthrough finds for understanding the Early Historic inter-continental exchanges that flourished as part of the ancient spice trail that linked Asia, Africa and Europe. The paper concludes by examining the domineering distribution of local pottery as an example in pointing out the problems of Euro-centrism in the perspectives on longdistance exchanges. Maritime exchanges and the southwest coast of India The processes and impacts of long distance maritime exchanges have always been fascinating fields of enquiry for researchers in archeology and history, the foci of investigations being mostly ancient port sites. Early maritime exchanges were taking place either through circuitous routes or mid-ocean routes or both and it is important to distinguish and correlate them for a better understanding of the early connectivities (Boivin and Fuller 2009:113-180; Fuller 2011:544-558). Small vessels shuttled between jetties and ports through the short distance circuitous routes, as "mobile bazaars", probably for the supply of essential items (Thapar 1997:11-40). Mid-ocean routes, on the other hand, mark a distinct phase of bulk trade in non-perishable/luxury items, new navigation technology, expertise and heavy investments. The establishment of mid ocean routes is often attributed to the "discovery" of monsoon winds without taking into 1 Director, KCHR & Pattanam Excavations, India. �account the long-term dynamics of maritime activities that existed before the "discovery". We have about half a dozen sources of various genres that refer to the key Early Historic port sites in the Indian Ocean Rim (Cherian 2009:65-79). The most important among them in the southwest coast of India were Tindis, Muziris, Nelcynda and Becare. Mostly they are mentioned in the non-Indian textual sources. The important ones are Strabo’s Geography (c.1st c BCE / CE), the Periplus Maris Erythraei (c.CE 40 -70) by an unknown author, Pliny’s Natural History (c.Mid 1st c CE published after 77) and Ptolemy’s Geography (c.150 CE). The other sources include the Muziris Papyrus ( 2nd century AD trade agreement between a Muziris merchant and a banker, probably based in Alexandria) that reveals in some detail the huge quantum of trade between Muziris and the Red Sea/Mediterranean network. Charition, a Greek play or mime about two lovers eloping to India, also has references on trade. Cosmas Indicopleustus refers to the St Thomas Christians on the Malabar Coast as well as the pepper trade through five ports. But interestingly, the port of Muziris is not in his list. The Peutinger table, a map of 2nd century trade routes, shows Muziris adjacent to the temple of Augustus; the Western Ghats is marked as, "where elephants are born". The Indian sources on maritime exchanges are mostly classical Tamil literature and epic poems like Sangam literature, and Chilappatikaram. The Malabar Coast also abounds in myths and legends that mention trade and ports, but being products of social imagination, they serve more as complex riddles than sources for the study of the past (Cherian, et al. 2007). Most of the ancient port sites elsewhere on the Indian Ocean littoral have been identified on land but those on the southwest coast of India were believed to have been wiped out forever since none of the searches for them was fruitful (Achan 1946). The southwest coast of India also had not yielded a single habitation site until the discovery of the Pattanam site. Though copiously mentioned in ancient literature and travelogues, their invisibility on ground was intriguing (Gurukkal, et al. 2001:35-50). The ethnographic history of this coastal belt is eloquent about various non-local trading communities and their belief systems that co-existed (The Semitic religions of early Judaism, Christianity and Islam claim to have had set foot on the Malabar Coast in their early days). It becomes more mysterious when most of the contemporary port sites such as Korkai, Alagankulam, Poompuhar (Kaveripattinam) and Vasavasamudram could be successfully investigated on the Coromandal coast (southeast coast of India) following Arikamedu (Veeram Pattanam) excavations (Begley 1996; Begley 2004). The southwest coast of India remained an archaeological vacuum (except a few coin hoards) as far as its legacy of international maritime exchanges was concerned. At the same time studies and excavations on contemporary sites and trade routes had yielded evidence for intercontinental maritime connectivity (Romanis, et al. 1997; Sidebotham 2011). Pattanam - background Pattanam is a typical Kerala coastal village, thickly populated and densely cultivated. Interestingly, the place name "Pattanam" has etymological significance, in nearly a dozen Indian languages, it means town or port city. The surface surveys in the 1990s were conducted by a small group of researchers who shared boundless excitement in teaching, learning and practicing �archaeology, and finally led them to the site (Shajan, et al. 2004:312-320). The present multi-disciplinary excavations evolved from that humble beginning. Pattanam - location Pattanam (N. Lat. 10° 09.434'; E Long 76° 12.587') is a densely populated hamlet in the Vadakkekkara revenue village in Paravur taluk of Ernakulam District in Kerala, India. The site is located in the delta of the river Periyar about 25 km north of Ernakulam /Kochi. About one km south of the site flows the Paravur Todu, a tributary of the river Periyar which is about six km to the north of Pattanam. The Arabian Sea is about 4 km west of the site. About one km from the western boundary of the site is the Tattapally River or Munambam kayal, a backwater body that runs parallel to the Arabian Sea. Another noteworthy feature of the site is the network of canals linking the area with the Paravur todu and the Tattappally river and many residents remember country boats plying these canals until the mid 20th century (Cherian 2008:5-20). Pattanam – chronology The chronology of the Pattanam site spans across three millennia: the story beginning with the Iron Age habitation, with the commercial peak between 1st c BCE and 5th c CE and life going on with its inbuilt continuities and discontinuities. High precision Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) Carbon14 (C14) dating on the charcoal samples from the aeolian sandy layers at depths varying from 340 cm to 370 cm confirm that native settlement had begun at Pattanam in the Iron Age phase (around 1000 BCE) (Cherian, et al. 2009:236-40). Pattanam- features Pattanam has maritime features comprising a wharf context and other allied port features, urban features comprising of remains of planned architecture, personal adornment articles, fine wares and the industrial feature comprising lapidary workshops, kiln and furnace contexts (Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al. 2011). The attempt in this paper is to look closely at the wharf feature as well as the non-local pottery assemblage and initiate discussion on the significance of Pattanam in long distance and regional maritime contacts. To be more objective and balanced in assessing the long-distance exchanges, an effort is also made to bring in the role of the local in facilitating them. Respecting the primacy of material evidence, one of the fundamentals of the archaeology discipline, observations and inferences are made from literally touching and brooding over the objects excavated from Pattanam. �Table 1. PATTANAM EXCAVATIONS FROM 2007-2011 - ANTIQUITIES Sl no Name of object 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Grand total 1 Gold 1 2 4 38 22 67 2 Copper objects 6 27 18 68 42 161 3 Coins 13 12 18 31 24 98 4 Lead objects 4 19 23 63 100 209 5 Iron objects 529 758 906 3033 2358 7584 6 Glass beads 1122 1915 6373 22214 7094 38718 7 stone beads 50 7 108 234 148 547 8 Spindle whorl 4 6 5 15 9 39 9 Cameo blank 2 6 3 8 29 48 10 Glass fragments 35 53 138 334 778 1338 11 Lamps 0 4 4 8 22 38 12 Ring stones 0 0 0 15 9 15 TOTAL ANTIQUITIES 48,862 Table 2. PATTANAM EXCAVATIONS FROM 2007-2011 - CERAMICS Sl no Name of object 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Grand total 1 Amphora 177 286 572 2215 2779 6029 2 TGP 71 107 66 422 861 1527 3 Torpedo 50 156 142 767 1983 3098 4 Rouletted 1037 1266 442 3320 2469 8534 5 Terra sigillata 2 7 0 2 111 122 6 Chinese 10 31 28 106 64 239 7 Graffiti 41 0 33 19 2 95 8 Brahmi 5 2 0 1 2 10 9 Local ceramics 517831 367079 286475 1471870 894209 3537464 TOTAL CERAMICS Unidentified distinct pottery adds another 94671 sherds to the assemblage. 3557118 Pattanam – finds Five seasons of excavations have unearthed a treasure trove of antiquities of an unprecedented magnitude, probably exceeding all contemporary port sites on the Indian Ocean littoral. The major finds include ceramics, lapidary objects, metal objects, coins, faunal and botanical remains. (Cherian, et al. 2007; Cherian, et al. 2008; Cherian, et al. 2009; Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al. 2011) See the consolidated data of antiquities and ceramics in Tables 1 and 2. The voluminous quantity of antiquities unearthed at �Pattanam displays a picture of a 2000-year-old polychromatic and polyphonic urban culture with maritime connectivity to three continents - Asia, Africa and Europe. Ceramics and terracotta objects constitute the majority of artifacts from Pattanam. The terracotta objects include lamps, spindle whorls, toy wheels, discs (with and without perforation), hopscotches, oven knobs and stoppers, tiles, bricks, ring-wells and the enormous quantity of potsherds. We have broadly classified the ceramic assemblage into local pottery and fine/ distinct ceramics. The fine pottery includes the Indian, foreign and some unidentified types. The distinct ceramic assemblage comprises the Mediterranean (Roman) potterywhich includes amphora (6029), terra sigillata (122), the West Asian torpedo jar sherds (3098) and Turquoise Glazed Pottery (1527), along with the Indian Rouletted Ware (8534), and unidentified fine wares (94671). The local pottery has an astonishing dominance with around 3.5 million sherds. (Cherian, et al. 2007; Cherian, et al. 2008: Cherian, et al. 2009; Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al. 2011). Amphora is a terracotta jar, used across the Mediterranean world and beyond, for storage and transportation of wine, olive oil and garum (fish sauce) (Roberta, 2008 a). The Amphora sherds at Pattanam vouch for India’s linkages with the Roman world in the Early Historic period. Pattanam has yielded the maximum number of amphora sherds ever found from an archaeological site in the Indian Ocean rim. 6029 Amphora sherds were found from the five seasons of Pattanam excavations (Cherian, et al. 2007; Cherian, et al. 2008; Cherian, et al. 2009; Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al. 2011). According to Roberta Tomber (Tomber,2008 b), the majority of Roman amphorae sherds found at Pattanam, including those with double-rod handles, were transportcontainers for wine. The double rod style originated in the fourth century BCE, along with the Greek Koan amphorae produced on the island of Kos (Whitebread 1995). Their production was primarily during the Hellenistic period (c.336- 30BCE) but it continued into the Roman Empire period through the first century CE (Tomber 2008 b ). Tomber (2008; 2011) further identifies Dressel 2-4, the most common variety found at Pattanam as belonging to Kos, (Greek Island) Campania, (Southern Italy and Bay of Naples) and Cilicia (Eastern Turkey and Syria). The provenance of other identified sherds are Catalan (Spain), Goul (France), Rhodes islands (Greece) and Egypt. The amphora sherds from the five archaeology field seasons need to be studied comprehensively to understand more about the transactions between India and the Mediterranean and Red sea regions. Terra Sigillata is another imported Italian ceramic referred to earlier as Arretine ware. This is strong evidence for maritime exchanges. This fine quality, stamped table ware, has red slip, smooth waxy surface and fine gloss. A total number of 122 sherds (subject to confirmation by the expert) of Terra sigillata has been found from Pattanam (Cherian et al. 2011; Tomber 2011). Indian Rouletted Ware (IRW) are fragments of Indian fine pottery including bowls and dishes. wares from 1998). This Indian role Large quantities were unearthed at Pattanam. The provenance of rouletted other sites has already been identified as from the Bengal region (Gogte Indian fine pottery found in almost all Indian Ocean rim sites signifies the in the South Asian trade network. Pattanam excavations produced the �largest ever assemblage of the Indian rouletted ware. (Cherian et.al 2011) It should also be noted that roulette ware has not been reported from the southwestern coast of India till Pattanam excavations. The rouletted ware sherds are the largest in quantity (8534) among the Pattanam identified distinct ceramics. The occurrence of IRW at the lowest layers of occupation is a pointer to the probable contacts with other parts of India, even during the Buddhist and Jainist periods (Cherian, et al. 2007; Cherian, et al. 2008; Cherian, et al. 2009; Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al. 2011). These sherds can further deepen our understanding of the Indian Ocean trade dynamics. Turquoise Glazed Pottery (TGP) referred in literature also as ‘TURQ’, SassanoIslamic, alkaline ware and alkaline glazed ware, is the term used to refer to a glazed earthen ware that has a light beige fabric and a glaze that can be green, yellow, white or blue in colour. The glaze is often badly weathered. The forms normally consist of bowls, plates and jars of varying sizes. This class is part of a broad tradition of alkaline glaze earthenware that goes back to the Neo-Babylonian period (c.626 BCE - 539 BCE) in Mesopotamia and appears to have continued well into the Islamic period (post 7th c CE) (Kennet 2009). Earlier studies have identified the emergence of these glazed wares in Mesopotamia and Iran (Hannestad1983:i,15). It is also believed that TGP was principally manufactured in Southern Iraq possibly near Basra, although it is possible that other centers existed (Mason, et al. 1991: 52). TGP has wide distribution around the Indian Ocean, mostly but not exclusively on coastal sites, reaching as far as Japan in the Islamic period (Glover 2002). It has been traded to sites in Eastern Arabia as early as the 5th century BCE (Hojland and Anderson 1994). On the South Asian side of the Arabian Sea some TGP were found in coastal and inland archaeological sites of Srilanka and India (Kennet 2009). Derek Kennet (2009) further reports that Pattanam sherds could potentially, at the very broadest level, be dated as early as 5th century BCE to as late as the 14th century CE. However, based on his closer analysis of the sherds from the 2007 archaeological field season, Kennet (2009) concludes that, those may most likely be dated between the 3rd/2nd century BCE to the 7th/8th century CE. Unidentified distinct pottery is the substantial quantity of pottery (94671) and may be a clue to the linkages of the Malabar Coast with places and people hitherto unknown. The pre-occupation with the Romans would have submerged the local and other regional categories. Local Pottery is the largest assemblage and probably the most challenging study material at Pattanam. Truckloads of local pottery were recovered and sherds of 3 cm and above were quantified by size, number and weight. The diagnostic sherds are closely studied and the rest are stored. As mentioned earlier, the local pottery sherds amount to a staggering 3.5 million. They express the various aspects of the sociocultural life of the residents at the site of Pattanam. The local pottery included containers for day-to-day use, industrial use and architectural materials such as bricks, tiles and ring wells (Selvakumar 2010; Report on local pottery assemblage 2007). They would be crucial to the understanding of the social history of Tamilakam (the triangular �tip of South India comprising present states of Kerala, Tamilnadu, Pondicherry and parts of Karnataka). Stratigraphy sequence of amphorae and TGP are in resonance with the chronology suggested by Tomber (Tomber 2008 b) and Kennet (Kennet 2009). Most of the sherds are from the Early Historic layers when the commercial transactions were at their peak. Amphorae very clearly are of the Early Historic layers, while TGP sherds were found in the Iron Age-Transition layers. This may suggest commercial activity at Pattanam site in the pre-Roman phase. Interestingly, IRW was found in all the stratigraphic layers of Pattanam, except the Iron Age and modern layers, suggesting the prolonged role of regional trade. In spite of the intensely disturbed condition of the site, the stratigraphic pattern at Pattanam remains uniform. See the illustration of a trench section (Figure 1). Figure 1. Archaeological illustration of a trench section in the Pattanam site. The wharf context is the most striking structural feature at Pattanam. It is situated next to a port, with a canoe, bollards and an adjacent commercial ware house area. The wharf was found in the northeastern boundary of the site close to a water logged deposit. The part of the wharf that could be excavated was a huge structure (+6m in length and 7.3m in width), made of a mixture of laterite granules and had a nineteen course outer brick lining. The waterlogged area adjacent to the brick-lining had a dugout canoe made of single log of Anjili wood (Bhatt 2007). The intact portion of the highly decayed canoe measures ca 6m in length and 30 cm in breadth and the AMS dates put the C14 calibration age range from 1300 to 100 BCE (i.e.700± 600 cal. BCE with 95.4% probability) (Cherian, et al. 2009:236-40). The AMS dates for the teak bollard sample �puts the C14 calibrated age range from 1100 BCE to 1300 CE (i.e 100± 1200 cal. CE with 95.4% probability) (Cherian, et al. 2009:236-40). The layer below the canoe had amphorae, rouletted ware, TGP and other ceramics, as a floor for the water-logged area of the wharf. Paleo-botanical evidence. Beneath the ceramic layer of the water-logged area of the wharf, at a depth of 3m, was a rich collection of botanical remains with a layer of clay over them. Apparently this layer of 25-35 cm thick clay prevented oxidation at the lower layers and preserved the paleo-botanical remains. The botanical assemblage included black pepper, bread fruit seed, grape pips, teak, coconut fronds, coconut shells, prop root base of areca nut, bamboo pieces and indeterminate wooden tissues. In 2008, cardamom, rice, wheat, green gram, lentil, mango seeds, Indian gooseberry, Indian jujube, Borassus palm, brinjal, ladies finger and gourds were added to the list (Kajale 2007; Kajale 2008). Another important botanical item distributed in almost all the trenches was frankincense. In 2007 and 2008 archaeological field seasons Teak (Tectona grandis. L.f.) Anjili (Artocarpus hirsutus Lamk.), Punna (Calophyllum inophyllum.L), Kadukka (Terminalia chebula Retz.) and Karimaruthu/Thenmavu (Terminalia crinulata H.heyni ex Roth.) were identified (Bhatt 2007; Bhatt 2008). The ecofacts from the wharf context, as well as the antiquity of the local canoe reiterate the available information on the spice trade that flourished in the period of the Roman empire (27 BCE to 393 CE). The akananooru poem 149, refers to the pepper trade where as purananooru poem 343 mentions about a water craft kazhithoni resembling the dugout canoe excavated at Pattanam (Selvakumar 2008:21-28). This also corroborates with information from the Periplus that Roman ships anchored off shore and collected spices and other trade items using small watercrafts (lightering). Problems in perspective. Euro-centric perspectives, at the cost of the local, dominated the history of long distance trade. At no point has the local pottery been a tool for understanding dynamics nor used as a comparative balance sheet of long distance trade. However, over the years, perspectives have shifted from Imperial Roman to Indo-Roman and Indian, but the latter is yet to gain its equilibrium and rightful place. It would have been impossible for long distance maritime trade to evolve, survive and flourish without adequate regional resources - both men and material. Pattanam had the presence of artisan groups as evidenced by remains of lapidary, metallurgical and kiln activities.(for details Cherian et al 2010&’11). The regional support systems and networks were never duly acknowledged while discussing the larger exchanges across the oceans. The cultural transmissions too were considered unilateral affairs. The reference to the local pottery is made in this paper mainly to bring parity in the understanding of long distance maritime contacts. Earlier perspectives (colonial) concentrated on the non-local antiquities and ceramics and projected Indian port sites as Roman sites or at the most as Indo-Roman sites! The Pattanam site needs to be understood primarily as an Indian site with Roman or West Asian connections. Bibliography Achan A.P., 1946 Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Cochin State, for the Year 1121 M.E. (1945-46), Cochin �Begley V., 1996 Begley V., 2004 Bhatt, K.V., 2007 Bhatt KV., 2008 Boivin, N., and Fuller, D.Q., 2009 Cherian P. J., Selvakumar V., Shajan K P., 2007 Cherian, P.J., Selvakumar, V., and Shajan K.P., 2007a Cherian P. J. Selvakumar, V., and Shajan K.P., 2007b Cherian, P.J., 2008 Cherian, P. J., Selvakumar V., Shajan, K. P., Rajan, K., 2008 Cherian, P. J., Selvakumar, V., Shajan, K. P., Rajan, K., 2009 Cherian, P. J., Nambirajan, M., Selvakumar, V., Shajan, K. P., Rajan, K., 2010 The ancient Port of Arikamedu; New Excavations and Researches, 1989-92, Vol.I, Centre D'histoire Et D'archeologie, Ecole Francaise D'extreme-orient, Paris. The ancient Port of Arikamedu; New Excavations and Researches, 1989-92, Vol.II, Ecole Francaise D' Extreme Orient, Paris. ‘Test Report of the Wood Samples from Pattanam’, Kerala Council for Historical Research, (hereafter KCHR) Trivandrum. ‘Test Report of the Wood Samples from Pattanam’, KCHR, Trivandrum. Shell middens, ships and seeds: Exploring coastal subsistence, maritime trade and the dispersal of domesticates in and around the ancient Arabian peninsula. Journal of World Prehistory 22: pp. 113-180. Pattanam Excavations: Interim Reports, 2007, KCHR, Trivandrum. "The Muziris Heritage Project: Excavations at Pattanam- 2007", in Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, New Delhi, Vol 4, pp.1–10. "Pattanam in the maritime History of South West India", in Proceedings of the International Seminar on Marine Archaeology, Indian Navy and Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. "Muziris Heritage Project and the Archaeological Research at Pattanam: An Overview", in The Living Dead and the Lost Knowledge, International Seminar on Muziris Heritage Project,: State Archaeology Department Trivandrum, pp.5-20. Pattanam Excavations: Interim Reports, 2008, KCHR, Trivandrum. Pattanam Excavations: Interim Reports, 2009, KCHR, Trivandrum. Pattanam Excavations: Interim Reports, 2010, KCHR, Trivandrum. �Cherian, P. J., Nambirajan, M., Shajan, K. P., Selvakumar, V., Rajan, K., 2011 Cherian, P. J., Raviprasad, G. V., Koushik Datta, Dinesh Kr Ray, Selvakumar, V., and Shajan, K.P., 2009, Cherian P. J 2009 Fuller, D.Q., Boivin, N., Hoogervorst, T., and Allaby, R., Pattanam Excavations: Interim Reports, 2011,KCHR, Trivandrum. "Chronology of Pattanam: a multi-cultural port site on the Malabar Coast", in Current Science, Vol. 97, no. 2, pp.236-240. “The Exchanges between the Early Historic Ports on the Malabar Coast and the Red Sea Port of Berenike”, in Proceedings of the Thirtieth Annual Seminar-Maritime History Society, Mumbai, pp 65 -79 “Across the Indian Ocean: The prehistoric movement of plants and animals”, in Antiquity 85, pp.544-558 2011 Glover, I., 2002 Gurukkal R., Whittakar, C.R., 2001 Hannestad, L., 1983 Hojland, F., and Andersen, H. H., 1994 Kajale, M., 2007 Kajale, M., 2008 Kennet, D., 2009 Mason, R. B., Keall, E. J., 1991 Rajan K., "West Asian Sassanian ceramics in the Indian Ocean, South, Southeast and East Asia", in Man and Environment, 27,1, pp.165177. "In search of Muziris", in Journal of Roman Archaeology, 14, pp.335-50. "Ikaros the Hellenistic settlements, Vol. 2." in Hellenistic Pottery from Failaka, Jutland Archaeological Society Publications, Arhus, 16, 2. "Qala’at al – Bahrain, Vol.1", in The Northern City Wall and the Islamic Fortress, Jutland Archaeological Society Publications, Arhus, 30, 1. Analysis of archaeo-botanical samples from Pattanam, KCHR, Trivandrum. Analysis of archaeo-botanical samples from Pattanam, KCHR, Trivandrum. Report on the TGP from Pattanam excavation 2007 Season, KCHR, Trivandrum "The Abbasid glazed wares of Siraf and the Basra connection: petrographic analysis", in Iran, 29, pp.51-56. “ Maritime Trade in Early Historic Tamil Nadu” , Man and �2002 Romanis Federico, D.E., and Tchernia A., 1997 Shajan, K.P., Tomber, R., Selvakumar, V., and Cherian, P.J., 2004 Selvakumar, V., 2008 Selvakumar, V., 2010 Selvakumar, V., 2010 a Sidebotham, S. E., 2010 Thapar, R., 1997 Tomber, R., 2008 a Tomber, R., 2008 b Wheeler, R.E.M., Ghosh, A., and Deva, K., 1946 Whitbread, I.K., 1995 Environment, 27(1), pp 83-98 Crossings - Early Mediterranean Contacts with India, Manohar, New Delhi. "Locating the Ancient Port of Muziris: Fresh Findings from Pattanam", in Journal of Roman Archaeology, Vol 17, pp.312-320. "Indo-Roman trade and the internal exchange systems of ancient Tamil country", in The Living Dead and the Lost Knowledge, International Seminar on Muziris Heritage Project, State Archaeology Department Trivandrum, pp.21-28. Report on local pottery assemblage; 2007 excavations, KCHR, Trivandrum. Tamil Cultural Connections Across the World (upto 1600 CE), Tamil University, Tanjavur Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route, University of California Press, London. "Early Mediterranean contacts with India: An Overview", in (eds.) Romanis (Federico DE), Tchernia A, Crossings-Early Mediterranean Contacts with India, New Delhi, pp.11-40. Indo-Roman Trade – from Pots to Pepper, Duckworth, London Roman pottery from the Pattanam 2007 excavations: preliminary report, KCHR, Trivandrum. "Arikamedu: an Indo-Roman Trading-station on the East Coast of India", in Ancient India, Vol 2, pp.17-125. Greek Transport Amphore A Petrological and Archaeological Study, The British School at Athens, p 22. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Pattanam archaeological site : The wharf context and the maritime exchanges Subject The topic of the resource Session 2 Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia Description An account of the resource Since 2007 the archaeological excavations at Pattanam, located on the southwestern coast of India, were undertaken by the Kerala Council for Historical Research (KCHR) Thiruvananthapuram. These efforts unearthed an early historic (1st c BCE – 5th c CE) multi-cultural port site, which is now widely considered as an integral part of the ancient port of Muziris. This paper discusses the material evidence related to the maritime exchanges at Pattanam, including a wharf context and the importance of the site in the transcontinental interfaces in antiquity. The most striking material evidence unearthed at Pattanam is the enormous quantity of terracotta objects, ranging from sherds of a variety of jars and pots to roof tiles and bricks. This paper will specifically examine the Indian and non-Indian distinct pottery of the Pattanam ceramic assemblage. The excavations in the northeastern part of the site revealed a wharf and warehouse structure, a wooden canoe made of anjili in a waterlogged context, along with nine bollards of teak. The wharf was a platform made of a mixture of laterite, clay and lime, with an elaborate brick lining where the reclining platform touches the water. The waterlogged area also produced a plethora of paleo-botanical and other archaeological evidence prompting one to propose a hypothesis that Pattanam is a major emporium of the spice trade network of the Early Historic Period (1st c BCE – 5th c CE). This ‘priceless’ evidence from the wharf context and the adjacent waterlogged area are breakthrough finds for understanding the Early Historic inter-continental exchanges that flourished as part of the ancient spice trail that linked Asia, Africa and Europe. The paper concludes by examining the domineering distribution of local pottery as an example in pointing out the problems of Euro-centrism in the perspectives on long-distance exchanges. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource P. J Cherian Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 2 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/e90c40517d826f00b1d243951d96cf03.pdf f1ae834dae5a08ef44c420efcedfe89e PDF Text Text Analysis on Anchor Stones Recovered from the West and South Coasts of Korea Park Seungmin (Researcher, Underwater Excavation Division, National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage NRIMCH) ABSTRACT In this study, the types of 228 anchor stones collected from the west and south coasts in Korea were classified, the way of connection was assumed by type and the routes and anchorages were estimated based on the location where they were collected. Before classifying types, the weight, thickness, width and length of anchor stones were measured and the weight, which has the biggest effect on anchors, was classified from I to V groups and the shape of anchor stones was classified from type 1 to 6. Based on the correlation between weight and shape, the anchor stones were classified into 17 types. The way of connection by type was classified based on the reference value of the anchor stone collected and shape. If the anchor stone weight is 180kg or less and which belongs to type 1 or 2, it was assumed to be the anchor that is connected to anchor stock and if the weight is 180kg and over and type belongs to 3 to 6, it was assumed to be connected to shank. In addition, the routes and anchorages were identified based on past records and testimonies of local residents and comparison with actual data was made. The location of route was matched with past records, but some new routes were identified near islands or adjacent waters. For anchorage, the trend of collecting small and large anchor stones in Taean Mado waters and Byeokpajin waters, was matched with the testimony that anchorage was done in both waters. Key words: anchor stone, underwater archaeology, underwater excavation, anchorage List of Figures Figure 1 Diagram of connection method of large anchor (left) and small anchor (right) (NRIMCH 2021, 190) Figure 2 Types of anchor stones by type (Taean Mado 1-5․ 7-10․ 12-14․ 16-17․ 21-22․ 24․ 27-29․ 31-36․ 38- 43․ 45-47, Jindo 6․ 18․ 20․ 23․ 26․ 30․ 37․ 44, Taean Dangampo 11. Gunsan Sibidongpado 15, Incheon Yeongheung 19․ 25) Figure 3 Pattern of distribution of anchor stones by weight in waters off Mado, Taean Figure 4 Pattern of distribution of anchor stones by weight in waters off Byeongpajin, Jindo INTRODUCTION An anchor stone is an accessory of a ship and used for anchorage of a ship by connecting it to the anchor (fixing the ship in a certain sea area by putting the anchor into the sea) as shown in Figure 1. It performs the role of anchor shank that induces the anchor to be placed on the floor area well and weight control to increase the anchor weight. For this reason, it is also called ‘stone anchor stock’ (Kim Soon-gap 2012, 17). An anchor stone comes in various shapes such as long from side to side, wide like a plate or no specific shape. In this study, weight, shape and aspect ratio of 228 anchor stones collected from the western and southern sea areas1 are examined to classify them in details and types will be classified based on correlation between weight and shape. In Figure 1. Diagram of connection method addition, route and anchorage will be estimated based on the of large anchor (left) and small anchor assumption of connection method by type and location where (right) (NRIMCH 2021, 190) anchor stones were collected. It is expected that this study will lead to the systematic classification and assumption of functions of anchor stones to be collected in the future and estimation of the ship size. 1 As the depth of eastern coast is more than 70-80 m which makes diving survey impossible, underwater cultural heritage cannot be identified in the waters. 1 �CLASSIFICATION OF ANCHOER STONES In this chapter, anchor stones collected from the western and southern seas are classified. It is tried to overcome the limitations of precedent studies by setting the criteria for anchor stone classification in more details than precedent studies. There are three criteria for classifying anchor stones presented in this study. Classification by weight The first criterion is weight. The weight of anchor is directly related to the function of anchor and is an important factor in estimating the weight of a ship. In this study, weight was classified into five groups. The mean weight of all anchor stones was 147.9 kg with the lowest weight at 5.3 kg and highest weight at 1,086 kg. Except for five Chinese anchor stones, the weight frequency graph of 223 anchor stones was created and anchor stones were divided into five groups. Those weighted between 0 kg and 95 kg were classified as Group I, those weighed between 95 kg to 180 kg were classified as Group II, those weighed between 180 kg to 330 kg were classified as Group III, those weighed between 330 kg to 495 kg were classified as Group IV Figure 2. Types of anchor stones by type and those weighed over 495 kg were classified as Group (Taean Mado 1-5․ 7-10․ 12-14․ 16-17․ 21-22․ 24․ V. For the number of anchor stones by weight group, the number of stones in each group was the highest at 114 27-29․ 31-36․ 38-43․ 45-47, Jindo 6․ 18․ 20․ 23․ 26․ 30․ 37․ 44, Taean Dangampo 11. Gunsan stones (51.1 per cent) for Group I, which means more Sibidongpado 15, Incheon Yeongheung 19․ 25) than half of anchor stones collected belong to Group I. In addition, 48 anchor stones (21.5 per cent) belong to Group II followed by 29 anchor stones (13 per cent) in Group III, 25 anchor stones (11.2 per cent) in group IV and 7 anchor stones (3.2 per cent) in group V. Classification by shape The second criterion is plane shape of an anchor stone. The shape of an anchor stone influences the use and purpose of the anchor stone. 223 anchor stones are classified into six types. Type 1 is a stone that is not altered. Natural stones or stones with minimum processing were used. In case of minimizing the processing, a groove was made in the middle to hang an anchor line. A total of 25 anchor stones (11.21 per cent) belong to this category. Type 2 is a stone with a long side to side length and end of one side whether it is left or right narrows diagonally as it goes down from the top to the bottom. A total of 29 anchor stones (13 per cent) belong to this type. Type 3 is a half-moon shape, which is close to a flat triangle like a blade at the bottom. A total of 35 anchor stones (15.7 per cent) belong to this type. Type 4 has a shape of rhombus and mostly both ends are sharp. A total of 35 anchor stones (15.7 per cent) belong to this type. Type 5 and 6 are square shape and they are subdivided depending on the aspect ratio. Those with aspect ratio of 3 or higher2 belongs to type 5, which is square type, in particular rectangle with long length and wide width. Some of them are close to trapezoid. A total of 81 anchor stones belong to the group (36.32 per cent). Type 6 whose aspect ratio is less than 33 is a slender rectangular type with thin and long shape. A total of 18 anchor 2 3 It has width that is close to the length from side to side. Width is smaller than the length from side to side 2 �stones belong to this group (8.07 per cent). Third one is aspect ratio. With the aspect ratio, it is possible to classify anchor stones with similar shape in more details. It is confirmed that the heavier the weight, the shape was processed to control weight and make it play the role of anchor. Classification by type Based on the two classification criteria mentioned above, types are divided into 17 in total. Some of the Chinese anchor stones have crescent shape in addition to the stone itself and it has more angle than crescent type of Korean anchor stone. It has different connection method so Chinese one has different groove where lines are held from crescent type that belongs to type 3. Group I is in combination with type 1 to 6 and to be more specific, 4 (10.8 per cent) belong to I-1 type, 29 (13 per cent) belong to I-2 type, 18 (8.1 per cent) belong to I-3 type, 22 (9.9 per cent) belong to I-4 type, 17 (7.6 per cent) belong to I-5 type and 4 (1.8 per cent) belong to I-6 type. Group II is combined with type 3 to 6. 8 (3.6 per cent) belong to II-3, 13 (5.8 per cent) belong to II-4, 17 (7.6 per cent) belong to II-5 and 10 (4.5 per cent) belong to II-6. Group III is combined with type 3 to 6 and 7 (3.1 per cent) belong to III-3, 18 (8.1 per cent) belong to III-5 and 4 (1.8 per cent) belong to III-6. Group IV belongs to type 3 and 5 and 2 (0.9 per cent) belong to IV-3 and 23 (10.3 per cent) belong to IV-5. Finally, 2 types are confirmed in Group V. 1 (0.4 per cent) belongs to V-1 and 6 (2.7 per cent) belong to V-5. Based on the classification above, the correlation between weight and shape can be identified. Upon examining the combination of each weight group and shape, Group I is combined with Type 1 to 6 and Group II is combined with Type 3 to 6. In addition, Group III is combined with Type 3 to 6, Type IV is combined with Type 3 and 5 and Group 5 is combined with Type 1 and 5. What is noted is that Type 1 and 2 are mostly found in group I. Except for one anchor stone in Group V, other weight group was not combined with Type 1 and 2. Type 1 of Group V is very large weighing more than one ton, which is hard to process and use by tying it to an anchor stock so it seems that it was used by tying it to the shank. It seems to be Type 1 which is tied to the anchor stock but as the weight is about one ton, it may be possible to do anchorage without processing with the weight itself. Based on the classification criteria above, anchor stones were classified as shown in Figure 2. The drawings presented were 1-5․ 7-10․ 12-14․ 16-17․ 21-22․ 24․ 27-29․ 31-36․ 38-43․ 45-47, collected from the sea of Taean Mado, 6․ 18․ 20․ 23․ 26․ 30․ 37․ 44, collected from Jindo Byeongpajin sea, 11 collected from Taean Dangampo sea, 15 collected from Gunsan Sibidongpado sea and 19, 25 collected from Incheon Yeongheungdo sea. Connection method The method of connecting anchor stone is divided into two types as shown in Figure 1. First one is to tie two anchor stones to the left and right side of the anchor stock and second one is to use the anchor stone as anchor stock by tying the anchor stone to the shank. The purpose of using anchor stone is to anchor the ship by adjusting the weight of an anchor so depending on the size of a ship, small anchor stones were used for small ships4 and large anchor stones were for large ships. The relationship between weight of an anchor stone and connection was estimated by referring to the paintings of old ships that describe the way of connecting anchor stones (Shiga Museum of Art, Japan 1811; Kim Joongeun the nineteenth century). 4 The specifications of small and large ships were not divided. However, according to Gakseondobon, the scale of Tongyeong Merchant Ship was 27 m and that of Gakeupjinjeon Ship was 19 m. If the size of ship was classified depending on the modern ship classification, Tongyeong Merchant Ship is classified as large ship and Gageipjinjeon Ship is classified as medium-sized ship. The dimension of small ships is not recorded but given the fact that the length of Raphel Ship (Dangdori Ship) that Father Kim Dae-geon and Father Daveluy took is 9 m, it seems safe to regard Dangdori Ship as the criteria for small ship according to the author’s classification based on ships whose dimension is confirmed. 3 �Ships in Gisanpungsokdocheop5 are small ships and anchor stones were tied to anchor stock. Those ships might use small anchor stones as the weight of the ship to be held by anchor was light and they navigated coastal areas and shallow sea. On the other hand, ships in Joseon Tongshinsado tied the anchor stones to the shank. Tongshinsa Ship was a large ship that accommodated many people and voyaged a long distance so they might use large anchor stones to support the heavy weight of the hull. Previously, the relationship between the weight and shape of anchor stone was mentioned. Upon examining the combination of the weight group and type, Type 1 to 6 were confirmed in Group I while Type 1 and 2 were not combined with Group II to V except for one stone of Type 1 in Group V. In these groups, only Type 3 to 6 are observed. Based on this, the group can be divided broadly into Group I and Group II~V and it is possible to assume that these are the way of connecting the small anchor and large anchor respectively. Presumption of the anchorage location In this chapter, the specific location of anchorage and size of ship are estimated by analyzing the data of waters off Mado, Taean in Figure 3 and waters off Byeongpajin, Jindo in Figure 4 where most of the anchor stones were collected. The anchorage is a place where ships drop the anchors and are anchored temporarily for urgent reasons. Waters off Mado, Taean and Byeongpajin, Jindo are considered to be a kind of place for anchorage. These two waters did not have facilities like warehouse and ships waited for the right time for navigation as there were challenging route such as Gwangjangmok Figure 3. Pattern of distribution of and Uldolmok. These are the locations with the suitable water depth6 anchor stones by weight in waters for anchorage as well as strong current can be blocked geologically off Mado, Taean as they are located inside of the inland. In addition, the location where anchor stones were collected was colored differently depending on five weight groups as classified earlier in order to identify the size of the ships that entered to and left from the waters and anchorage location more specifically. As mentioned earlier, analysis was conducted based on weight as it was possible to estimate the weight of the ship based on the weight of anchor stone. It should be noted, however, that as subjected waters were reclaimed, there was limitation to estimate the location of anchorage based on the current water depth. In waters off Mado, Taean, it was testified that large ships were anchored at point B and a number of small and medium Figure 4. Pattern of distribution of sized anchor stones in Group IV or higher were collected. In anchor stones by weight in waters off Byeongpajin, Jindo addition, all weight groups were identified in point A with shallow water depth but the number of anchor stones that belong to group I and II was small. In summary, the pattern of anchor stone collection from the two waters show that unlike the shallow area where large ships cannot be anchored, they are the anchorage location where all kinds of ships regardless of size could be anchored. CONCLUSIONS As shown above, 228 anchor stones collected were classified based on weight, type and aspect ratio, 5 6 The vessel was a two-masted Dangdori ship and according to the record of Father Daveluy, its length was 30 pied (9.74 m), width was 13 pied (4.22 m) and depth was 8 pied (2. 59m). In this study, it was classified as small ship because it was smaller compared to Joseon Tongshinsa ship where many people were accommodated with heavy cargo weight and long navigation distance and Dangdori Ship (Marie Daveluy 1862, 11). Waters off Taean Mado and Uldolmok maintain the water depth of about 10 m at high tide. Water depth of 10 m is the depth that allows about 10-ton ships to navigate based on current standard. 4 �way of connection by type was assumed and location of anchorage was estimated based on the locations of collecting anchor stones based on actual data. Based on weight groups, shape and aspect ratio, they were divided into 17 types in detail. It was found that the heavier the weight of anchor stone, the role of anchor stone was shifted from supporting anchor stock to anchoring the anchor stone itself and if the anchor stone was light, it was connected to the anchor stock. The location of anchorage by ship in a certain sea area was estimated based on the weight of anchor stones. ACKNOWLDEGMENTS Despite the lack of research, I would like to thank many researchers for reading until the end. The anchor stone, which was the subject of my study, was a ship accessory used in Korea, Japan, Russia, China, India, and European countries. Its form and meaning also vary depending on the country and environment. If given the opportunity, I would like to study anchor stones from around the world to conduct more systematic research and try to share them. Finally, I would like to thank many researchers and officials who helped me publish this paper. Bibliography Kim, Soon-gap. The Dictionary of Ship Navigation Terms, Dasom Publishing Co.: Seoul, 2012 (In Korean). Daveluy, Marie-Nicolas-Antoine. The Memorandum of the History of Korean Martyrs, Paris Outer Line Church: Paris, 1862. NRIMCH. Report on Underwater Excavation of Gunsan Sibdong Ship, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 8. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2005 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Report on Underwater Excavation of Taean Mado Line 2, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 22. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2011 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Taean Mado Sea Exploration Report, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 23. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2011 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Report on Underwater Excavation of Taean Mado Ship 3, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 27. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2012 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Report on Underwater Excavation in the Sea of Myeongnyang Battle of Jindo, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 49. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2015 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Report on the Excavation of the Sea of Mado in Taean 2017, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 62. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2017 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Incheon Ongjin Yeongheungdo Ship. Underwater Excavation Survey Report, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 35. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2018 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Report on Underwater Excavation Survey in the Sea of Myeongnyang Daecheop-ro, Jindo, II, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 49. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2018 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Report on Underwater Excavation Survey in Tangampo Sea, Taean, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 53. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 304320, 2019 (In Korean). NRIMCH. Report on the Excavation of the Sea in Mado Island, Taean, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 62. Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2021 (In Korean). 5 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Analysis on Anchor Stones Recovered from the West and South Coasts of Korea Description An account of the resource In this study, the types of 228 anchor stones collected from the west and south coasts in Korea were classified, the way of connection was assumed by type and the routes and anchorages were estimated based on the location where they were collected. Before classifying types, the weight, thickness, width and length of anchor stones were measured and the weight, which has the biggest effect on anchors, was classified from I to V groups and the shape of anchor stones was classified from type 1 to 6. Based on the correlation between weight and shape, the anchor stones were classified into 17 types. The way of connection by type was classified based on the reference value of the anchor stone collected and shape. If the anchor stone weight is 180kg or less and which belongs to type 1 or 2, it was assumed to be the anchor that is connected to anchor stock and if the weight is 180kg and over and type belongs to 3 to 6, it was assumed to be connected to shank. In addition, the routes and anchorages were identified based on past records and testimonies of local residents and comparison with actual data was made. The location of route was matched with past records, but some new routes were identified near islands or adjacent waters. For anchorage, the trend of collecting small and large anchor stones in Taean Mado waters and Byeokpajin waters, was matched with the testimony that anchorage was done in both waters. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Park Seungmin Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Park, Seungmin. 2023. “Analysis on Anchor Stones Recovered from Western and Southern Coasts of Korea.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1926 Asia-Pac Session 2 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/3f74faa091ca2193bc4e60155e7b26e2.pdf 912548c30903d7a96047c00138444e0f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2021 Session 4: Heritage Preservation and the Journey of the Sailing Vessel Free China Subject The topic of the resource Session 4 papers Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Pacific Crossing of a Fuzhou Flathead Pole Junk Description An account of the resource It is well documented that Chinese sailing vessels of a certain type and length (up to 200-meter and nine-masted vessels) had sailed the waters Magellan and Columbus “discovered” half a century later. But to this day, in the eyes of the modern mariners these Chinese vessels remain a myth. Why aren’t junks seen outside of China? Why are there no junks with more than two masts? Why was there no recording of any junk crossing the Pacific Ocean? Are they fit for ocean sailing? Five fishermen and one professional diplomat took upon themselves in 1955 to seek answers to the myth. With no previous experience in sails, they took a 50-year-old Fuzhou “flathead pole junk” across the Pacific. Through hands-on experience, these seafarers discovered the junk’s unique features that made her the most seaworthy vessel they had ever set foot on, namely the watertight bulkheads, the self-draining deck, the shroud-less masts, the slanting foremast, the self-adjusting ballast tank, the battens that stretched the sails from luff to reach, the automatic reefing and an adjustable rudder that also served as a center-board. These Chinese vessels had explored the seas beyond China for thousands of years with one purpose: Trade and Cultural Exchange. Since there was not much culture and trade to the east of China before the 17th Century, the Pacific was left out. After the death of Emperor Zhu Di in Ming Dynasty, Confucians took over the ruling of the court from the adventure-seeking Eunuchs. They enforced a strong closed-door policy. Under this policy, all oversea voyages were banned. No ships with more than two masts were allowed. Violators were punishable by decapitation. As time went on, the tradition lasted to the day when steamships took over. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul Chow Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Chow, Paul. 2021. “The Pacific Crossing of a Fuzhou Flathead Pole Junk.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/679 Asia-Pac Session 4 2021 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/fae76984ef9ce2b5fcd535b34be3ab83.pdf 436e73331c244d1602a688ff2e75c57b PDF Text Text Monsoon traders lost on the Northern Australian coast – historical evidence for their existence Paul Clark Abstract During the pre-colonial and early colonial period of Australia’s history c.1780–1907, monsoon traders from the eastern part of Indonesia sailed to parts of Australia’s northern coast searching for marine products such as trepang for the Chinese market place. During this period, most of these small ships left the port of Makassar in Sulawesi, one of the larger Sunda Islands of the Indonesia archipelago, with the onset of the west monsoon and returned with their cargo on the south easterly winds of the east monsoon. Despite historical evidence that some vessels were wrecked and lost on the northern Australian coast, no tangible archaeological evidence of their existence has been found and identified to date. This paper summarises the historical evidence for the loss of a number of these vessels and provides some evidence of what some of these vessels may have looked like. In conclusion it explores the possibility of finding the remains of one of these wrecks in the future. Introduction This paper sketches the historical evidence and provides some context for the loss of 28 trading vessels (perahu) on the Northern Territory coast of Australia between 1802 and 1907. It also presents historical evidence of what some of these vessels may have looked like. Known as Macassans (MacKnight 1976:1– 2) or more recently as monsoon traders (Knaap and Sutherland 2004) these mariners were regular visitors to the waters of the Northern Territory coast of Australia during the years 1780 to 1907 (Macknight 1976 and 2008:137). They came primarily to fish and trade for trepang (various species of edible holothurian, more popularly known as sea cucumber), but also to collect other marine products of value to the Chinese markets they served. These products included (amongst others), Hawksbill sea turtle shell (Eretmochelys imbricata), pearl shell (Pinctada sp.) and pearls and were part of a much larger trade network that included the Maluku islands (Moluccas) and west Papua (see Figure 1). Leaving the trading port of Makassar with the onset of the west monsoon (November-December), these fisher traders worked the Arnhem Land coast of the Northern Territory for four or five months before returning with the southeasterly trade winds in April-May. According to Alfred Searcy, Sub-Collector of Customs at Port Darwin (1882–1896), the perahu usually, "sighted Melville Island first before working their way down the coast to the eastward, some proceeding as far as the Gulf of Carpentaria" (Searcy 1907:45–46). In 1882 a licence fee to fish for trepang was introduced by the South Australian Government on Macassan vessels entering Northern Territory waters (Macknight 1969:405). This fee, together with customs duty payable on tradable items such as rice and arrack, was levied and payable on arrival. Captains of vessels therefore needed to obtain clearance papers from the Dutch authorities in Makassar listing their stores and trade goods and were required to produce �this documentation when purchasing their licence. The requirements for these documents indicate that most of the trepang voyages after 1882 began and (probably) ended at Makassar, Sulawesi, the centre of the trepang industry and the China trade in the eastern part of Indonesia. However, prior to this, many voyages (c.1780–1881) may have originated in other places to the east of Makassar and the catch trans-shipped to Makassar from other ports, such as the Tanimbar Islands (Timor Laut) and Aru (Searcy 1905:42) or Sumbawa (Earl 1846:65) and the Maluku islands. In 1882 the South Australian Government set up a revenue station at Bowen Strait near Raffles Bay and employed Edward Robinson as the Revenue Officer (Macknight 1969:403–405). Robinson was tasked with accessing and collecting import duties and licence fees from the visiting perahu captains. The process was administered from Port Darwin by Alfred Searcy, who made several voyages to the area to check on compliance and administer fines when breaches were found. Most of the primary source material available today that relates to wrecked perahu in the Northern Territory comes from the reports written and dispatched by Robinson and Searcy to their superiors in Adelaide. Figure 1. Map of the Indonesian archipelago showing trade routes in plumes and marine products 1500–1900 and trade in marine products to the north Australian coast, c.1780–1900 (after Forrest 1779 and 1792; Searcy 1905 and 1907; Crawford 1969; Macknight 1969 and 1976; Healey 1980; Swadling 1996; Morwood and Hobbs 1997:198; Morwood 2002:35). Cartography, Douglas Hobbs. �The perahu wrecks (1802 - 1907) The earliest written evidence of a wrecked Macassan perahu (proa, prau, prows) located on the Australian coast comes from the diary of Robert Brown, botanist on board HMS Investigator (1795–1872). Brown, engaged as the ship’s naturalist, together with artists Ferdinand Bauer and William Westall, were employed by the British Navy to assist commander Mathew Flinders, who had been sent in 1801 to map the Australian coastline and to record the plant and animal life of the new colony. Flinders, a navigator and cartographer of renown, was the first mariner to circumnavigate Australia (1801 to 1803). In December 1801 while at Vanderlin Island, part of the Sir Edward Pellew Group, Brown writes of finding a wreck on the western side of the island, "one piece of wreck was also picked up on the beach of the same cove in the bight" (Brown 1802– 1803). Amongst the wreckage were bamboo water containers, a wooden anchor and three boat rudders, one of which was taken onboard Investigator (ibid; Flinders 1814:231). A month later, on 17 February 1803, Flinders had a meeting at Malay Road, English Company’s Islands, with Pobassoo, a Bugis perahu captain from Makassar who recognised the rudder as belonging to one of the canoes of a vessel lost the previous year (ibid). Six weeks later, Flinders himself documented another perahu wreck on the southern side of Marchinbar Island in the Wessel Group where he found a ‘Malay proa’ washed up on the beach. He instructed his crew to cut it up for fuel (ibid:345). Forty-two years later, in January 1845, J. Beete Jukes, naturalist on board HMS Fly, another British survey ship, reported the loss of four perahu off the entrance to Port Essington (Jukes 1847:358). A fifth was recorded in 1869 off Escape Cliffs in Adam Bay, near the mouth of the Adelaide River (SAA 21 June 1869:3-4) and a further 12 were documented along parts of the Northern Territory coast over the next 32 years until 1902 (see Figure 2). Another eight wrecks are likely to have occurred during the last few years of the industry (1903–1907), but the references to the loss of these vessels are based on oral histories and have no dates attached (Berndt and Berndt 1954:111–112). The last wreck listed in Figure 2 that may have occurred before 1907, was reputed to have been seen from the air by a Parks and Wildlife Ranger in the 1960s (Baker 1985:42). Apart from recording the event however, most of these accounts from local informants or chance discovery provide little information about the actual location or the size and type of vessel lost. Robinson, while at the Bowen Strait Revenue Station (1884-1899) estimated that on average 25 perahu sailed each year to fish for trepang and trade with the indigenous inhabitants (Searcy 1905:11). It is logical to assume therefore, that up to 375 perahu may have arrived during his 15 year tenure at the station. During this time eight perahu are known historically to have been wrecked (see Figure 2), which represents a 2% yearly loss rate. Without considering any other factors that might affect Robinson’s figures, such as Pobassoo’s assertion that in 1803 alone there were 60 perahu on the �coast (Flinders 1814:228), it is possible to extrapolate and consider that 3,175 perahu voyages (at 25 per year) may have occurred during the 127 years of Macassan voyaging to the Northern Territory coast. If the same loss rate of 2% is applied as was estimated for Robinson’s time at the station, we can expect approximately 62 perahu wrecked or lost, on or off the coast. Given Pobassoo’s comments it seems that this is a conservative estimate, but it does provide a starting point for considering the next question; what did these vessels look like? Date of loss Wreck Reference Brown 1803:345, Macknight 1969:196 & Vallance 2001:329-333 Unidentified perahu 1 Unidentified perahu 2 Unidentified perahu 3 Unidentified perahu 4 Location West side Vanderlin Is., NT Southern side Marchinbar Is., NT off Port Essington, NT off Port Essington, NT off Port Essington, NT off Port Essington, NT 1802 Unidentified perahu 1803 Unidentified perahu 1845 (Jan) 1845 (Jan) 1845 (Jan) 1845 (Jan) 1869 (May– Jun) Unidentified perahu off Escape Cliffs, NT SAA 21 June 1869:3-4 c.1874 Unidentified perahu Mallison Island, NT c.1875 Unidentified perahu False Point, Cape Stewart, NT 1882 (Feb) 1884 (Jan– Mar) 1886 (Dec) 1886 (Dec) 1886 (Dec) 1892 (Jan– Mar) 1895 (Mar 1895 (April) 1896 1902 c.1902-05 c.1902-05 c.1902-05 c.1900-07? c.1900-07? Unidentified perahu (Captain Jago [Djago]) Unidentified perahu timber & large dredging/fishing canoe Lasalasya Erang Poleang (Polea, Polia) (c.17 ton, Captain Using) Melville Island, NT Cotton Island, NT North side Melville Is., NT North side Melville Is., NT Unidentified perahu At sea off Melville Is., NT Unidentifed perahu Brogden Point, between Crocker and Goulbourn Islands, NT Bondeng Patola (c.17 ton Captain Using) Tjinna Mataiya (Tinna Motaya, Malaya, Motava?) Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu – Ahmat from Banda Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu (Captain Jaming) Unidentified perahu (Captain Laululawa) Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu Flinders 1814:345 Jukes 1847:358 Jukes 1847:358 Jukes 1847:358 Jukes 1847:358 Searcy 1884: letter GRS 1/1884/445 SRSA Lorance 1875: letter GRS 1/1876/74 SRSA & MacKnight 1981:139 Robinson 1882: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA Searcy 1884: letter GRS 1/1884/445 SRSA & Searcy 1905:24, 1907:93 Robinson 1886: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA, SAPP 1886 (53):11 & Searcy 1905:10 Robinson 1886: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA, SAPP 1886 (53):11, Searcy 1905:10 & Macknight 1969:485) Robinson 1886: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA, SAPP 1886 (53):11 & Searcy 1905:10 Searcy 1905:40-42 & Berndt and Berndt 1954:118 West side of Truant Is. Robinson 1895: letter GRS 1/1895/175 SRSA, Searcy 1905:10 & Macknight 1969:485 Robinson 1895: letter GRS 1/1895/175 SRSA & Searcy 1905:10 & Macknight 1969:485 GRS 1/1374/6875 SRSA Cape Wilberforce, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:120-121 Rocky Bay, Yirrkalla, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:111 Trial Bay, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:111 Caledon Bay, NT Gulf of Carpentaria, NT Sir Rodericks Rocks, Gulf of Carpentaria, NT Rocky Bay, Yirrkalla, NT Port Bradshaw (1), NT Port Bradshaw (2), NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 �c.1900-07? Unknown Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu Unknown Unidentified perahu Unknown Unidentified perahu, seen c.1960 Port Bradshaw (3), NT Bickerton Island, NT Angwarigba Point, Dalimba Bay, Groote Eylandt, NT S.E of Sandy Island, Smith Point, Port Essington, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 Cole 1973:46 Cole 1973:23 Baker 1985:42 Figure 2. Table showing perahu wrecks lost off the Northern Territory coast of Australia between the years 1802–1907. What a Macassan perahu may have looked like The earliest written accounts describing watercraft from the region that are known to have existed at the time of the trepang voyages to Australia, appear in three travel books published towards the end of the 18th century. The first two written by Thomas Forrest were published in 1780 and 1792, and the third, by John Splinter Stavorinus, was translated from Dutch and published in English in 1798. Forrest (1779, 1792) in particular, has left a rich narrative of his time and travels through Maluku and New Guinea in 1774–1776. He was employed by the British East India Company and in November 1774 he sailed from Balambangan (Sabah, Malaysia) in the Tartar Galley, a locally built vessel from the Sulu archipelago, fitted with a tripod mast and a tilted rectangular main sail. He was accompanied by two Europeans (a mate and a gunner) and a ‘Malay’ crew, which included Malays, Indonesians, Indians (lascars), Christian Filipinos from Visaya, and Muslims from Mindanao. The purpose of Forrest’s voyage was to explore possible routes into the ‘spice islands’ and gain as much intelligence as he could without antagonising the Dutch, who controlled the clove and nutmeg trade at the time (Bassett 1969:8-11). Forrest made a number of sketches and drawings of boats and canoes that he saw. Often these sketches appeared in the margins or at the bottom of the charts he made of the areas he visited. These included the padewakang (paduwakang, paduakan) from the southern Sulawesi region around the port of Makassar, which Forrest ascribed to the Bugis people of the region (see Figure 3). Forrest also made reference to the Bugis sailing to northern parts of Australia in their perahu padewakang, "I have been told by several Buggesses, that they sail in their Paduakans to the northern parts of New-Holland, possibly Carpentaria Bay, to gather Swallow [trepang], which they sell to the annual China Junk at Macassar" (Forrest 1792:82–83). The larger of Forrest’s drawings, shown in Figure 3, is of a smaller 7-10 ton variety of perahu padewakang with a single tripod mast, although he mentions that they could be as big as 45 tons (Forrest 1792:80). �Figure 3. A Bugis padewakang as described and drawn by Forrest (1792) from the Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, and two similar drawings of different sized padewakang from Forrest (1780:94 plate 7). Our second witness, Stavorinus, originally a captain in the Dutch Navy, transferred to the Dutch East India Company and in 1768 sailed from Zeeland in command of Snoek (Pike), bound for Batavia (Jakarta). His book in three volumes was published in English in 1798 and contains accounts of five voyages (1768, 1771, 1774, 1775, and 1778) in the Southeast Asian region. Of particular interest is his description of the south Sulawesi perahu padewakang, which not only describes parts of the hull (in particular the bow) and the tripod mast, but also the technique of edge joining the planks with dowels, luting with bark and the Indonesian boat building technique of ‘plank-first’ (sometimes called shellfirst) construction (Stavorinus, 1798 Vol II:260). Forrest also noted the plank-first �method and made the point that European ship building was ‘frame-first’ (Forrest 1792: 80). Additionally, Stavorinus states that the largest padewakang could be as much as 50 tons in size, which corroborates Forrest’s observations (Stavorinus, 1798 Vol II: 260).Forrest also documented two other smaller vessel types, the kora-kora (korokoro, cora-cora, corocoro) and the double outrigger canoe both of which, particularly the larger forms, were quite capable of making the voyage to the northern Australian coast (see Figure 4). The kora-kora had a very high stem and stern and was generally fitted with outriggers. They varied in size from small boats to craft greater than 10 tons (Folkard 1863:217). On the cross pieces [outrigger arms] which support the outriggers are often fore and aft planks on which part of the crew sit and paddle when there is no wind; besides which, others who sit in the vessel use long [sweep] oars. In smooth water they are propelled in this manner with considerable velocity (ibid:217–218). The kora-kora were used for intra-regional trade and warfare (as war canoes) and in the 17th century by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) at Ambon (Amboyna) as punitive war ships (guarda costas) to enforce the spice monopoly (Folkard 1863:217; Guy 1998:78–79). Westall from the Investigator in 1803 left two pencil drawings of Macassan perahu that he saw at the English Company’s Islands (Perry and Simpson 1962:54, plates 109 and 110). They are similar in detail to some aspects of Forrests’ drawings, particularly the rigging and sail pattern, but differ slightly in the bow arrangement. Westall’s perahu appear to be more ‘built up’ and have the prominent ‘step in the bow’ noted in Indigenous rock art paintings from the Northern Territory (Burningham 1994; Chaloupka 1996). Figure 4. A kora-kora on the left and an outrigger canoe on the right, as drawn by Forrest off the coast of Selang Island and West Papua respectively (Forrest 1780:82 plate 5, 130 plate 10). Alfred Russel Wallace, who travelled through the eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago nearly a hundred years later (1856–1862), also described the plank-first method (Wallace 1874:419–421). However, he also noted a technique common to many Austronesian peoples that has since become known as the ‘lash-lugged edge-joined’ construction technique (Evans �1927; Gibson-Hill 1952; Horridge 1982; Manguin 1985; Manguin 2009; Clark 1993; Green 1995; The Jakarta Post 2009), Ribs are now formed of single pieces of tough wood chosen and trimmed so as exactly to fit on to the projection from each plank [lug], being slightly notched to receive them, and securely bound to them by rattans passed through a hole in each projecting piece [lug] close to the surface of the plank (Wallace 1874:421). An engraving titled ‘Dobbo in the trading season’ by T. Baines (probably Thomas Baines) clearly shows a lash-lugged vessel under construction (Wallace 1874:472–473). A similar double-ended vessel is also evident in LeBreton’s 1841 lithograph of Pecheurs de Tripang a la Baie Raffles (Trepang fishers at Raffles Bay) (Dumont d’Urville 1846). Although it is not clear whether LeBreton’s vessel is lash-lugged, or if Baines’ is double-ended, it does suggest the possibility that smaller double-ended vessels such as the koro-koro from the eastern part of Indonesia were being built and may have voyaged to the northern Australian coast during the early Macassan period. LeBreton also provides an illustration of a Macassan perahu off Raffles Bay titled ‘Praos bouguis a la voile, Baie Raffles’ but the detail is not as precise in terms of the vessels rigging or sail arrangements as is the case with Forrest or Westall’s work (Dumont d’Urville 1846). Discussion and conclusion Although the evidence is far from conclusive, it is possible that small doubleended vessels, either with or without outriggers, such as the kora-kora described in the previous section also made voyages to northern Australia along with the well documented examples of the padewakang from Makassar (Macknight 1969:484–487). However, with the advent of the revenue station at Bowen Strait and the impost of licence requirements it is likely that the smaller vessel types found in the south, Nusa Tenggara Timur, and to the east of Makassar in the Maluku region, stopped coming once the industry became more regulated. There are at least four references that provide home port origins other than Makassar (Jukes 1847:358; Earl 1846:65; Searcy 1905:42; Berndt and Berndt 1954:120121) and therefore lend support to this argument. Although we have very little information about the 28 wrecks that we know occurred, we have no knowledge of the other potential perahu that may have been lost. It seems logical therefore, to propose that there may have been two phases of voyaging to Australia during the Macassan period. The early phase, 1780-1881, is potentially characterised by a greater range of vessel types and sizes, ranging from 7–10 tons (on average) for the smaller vessel types, to the larger 25–30 ton padewakang that was noted by Flinders (1814:230). The later phase 1882–1907, beginning after licences were introduced and the requirements for visitation became more regulated, is characterised by the larger padewakang vessel type in the range of 15–30 tons, with perhaps the occasional 50 ton example (Macknight 1969:484). �The chance of finding the remains of one of these vessels from either phase in an archaeological context seems remote but not improbable. With a tidal range of six to seven metres and a coastline prone to cyclones it is likely that only the lower hull timbers, protected by ballast and silt, and located in sheltered bays and estuaries will ever be located and identified. Associated with these potential finds, may be hand-held iron-edged tools and weapons, ceramics, (earthenware primarily, but in some cases small amounts of porcelain), bottle glass, coins, and iron cooking pans (shaped like large contemporary Chinese woks) for processing trepang. There is also the possibility of small ordnance such as muskets and bronze swivel guns. Macknight (1976) and Crawford (1969) provide well documented examples of a detailed range and analysis of such materials excavated from Macassan land sites on the northern Australian coast. The challenge for the future discovery of a Macassan shipwreck will be to realise the archaeological potential of such a find and the wealth of information it may contribute to our understanding of this early period in Australia’s trading history. Acknowledgements Thanks to my museum colleagues – Andrea McKey for obtaining reference material and to Ilka Schacht and Richard Willan for reading and commenting on various drafts of this paper. Thanks also to Silvano Jung for research assistance in locating some of the primary sources and Douglas Hobbs for his cartographic skills and deductive reasoning. Abbreviations GRS SAA SAPP SRSA Government Record Series (South Australia) South Australian Advertiser South Australian Parliamentary Papers State Records of South Australia Bibliography Macassan Site Survey and Bibliography, Unpublished Report to the Northern Territory Museum of Arts and Sciences, Darwin. Introduction to the facsimile edition. Forrest T., 1792. A Voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas 1774– 1776. Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press. Berndt, R.M. and Arnhem Land: its History and its People. Cheshire, Berndt, C.H., Melbourne. 1954 Brown, R., Diary of Robert Brown – 29 Oct 1802 to 17 May 1803, Gulf of 1803 Carpentaria to Koepang & Hence to Middle Island, Richerche Archipelago, W.A. British Museum (Natural History), South Kensington, London. Burningham, N., Reconstruction of a Nineteenth Century Makassan Perahu. The Beagle, Records of the Northern Territory Museum of 1987 Arts and Sciences 4(1): 103–128. Baker, R., 1985 Bassett, D.K., 1969 �Burningham, N., Aboriginal Nautical Art: a record of the Macassans and the pearling industry in Northern Australia. The Great Circle 1994 16(2): 139-151. Chaloupka, G., Praus in Marege: Makassan subjects in Aboriginal rock art of Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, Australia. Anthropologie: 1996 International Journal of the Science of Man, 34: 131–142. Clark, P., Green, The Butuan Two boat known as a balangay in the National J., Vosmer, T., Museum, Manila Philippines. International Journal of Nautical and Santiago, R., Archaeology 22 (2): 143–159. 1993 Totems and Tamarinds. Nungalinya publications, Darwin. Cole, K., 1973 Crawford, I.M., Late Prehistoric Changes in Aboriginal Cultures in Kimberley 1969 Western Australia. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of London. Dumont d’Urville, Voyage au Pole Sud et dans l'Oceanie. Atlas Pittoresque, tome second. Paris. J.S.C., 1846 Enterprise in Tropical Australia. Madden and Malcolm, Earl, G.W., 1846 London. Reprinted (facsimile) 2002 with an introduction by RHW Reece, NTUpress, Darwin. Evans, I.H.N., Notes on the remains of an old boat found at Pontian. Journal Federated Malay States Museum 12: 93–6. 1927 Flinders, M., A Voyage to Terra Australis; Undertaken for the purpose of completing the discovery of that vast country and prosecuted 1814 in the years 1801, 1802, and 1803. Volume II. G. & W. Nichol, London. Folkard, H.C., The sailing boat: A treatise on English and Foreign Boats, descriptive of the various forms of Boats and Sails of every 1863 Nation; with practical directions for Sailing, Management &c. Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts (third edition), London. A voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas, 1774–1776. Forrest, T., 1779 Reprinted (facsmile) 1969, with an introduction by D.K. Bassett. Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press. A voyage from Calcutta to the Mergui Archipelago, lying on Forrest, T., the east side of the Bay of Bengal; describing a chain of 1792 islands, never before surveyed ... also, an account of the islands Jan Sylvan, Pulo Pinang, and the port of Queda; the present state of Atcheen; and directions for sailing thence to Fort Marlbro' down the southwest coast of Sumatra; to which are added, an account of the island Celebes; a treatise on the monsoons in India; a proposal for making ships and vessels more convenient for the accommodation of passengers; and thoughts on a new mode of preserving ship provision: also, an idea of making a map of the world on a large scale. J. Robson, London. �Gibson-Hill, C.A., Further notes on the old boat found at Pontian, in Southern Pahang. Journal (Malay Branch) Royal Asiatic Society 25(1): 1952 111–13. Green, J. Interim report on the joint Australian-Philippines Butuan boat Vosmer, T. Clark, project, October 1992. International Journal of Nautical P. Santiago, R. Archaeology 24 (3): 177–188. and Alvares, M., 1995 Woven Cargoes Indian Textiles in the East. Thames and Guy, J., 1998 Hudson, Singapore. Healey, C.J., The Trade in Bird Plumes in New Guinea region. Occasional papers of the Queensland University Anthropology Museum 1980 10: 249–276. Horridge, A., The Lashed-lug Boat of the Eastern Archipelagos, the Alcina MS and the Lomblen whaling boats. Monograph and Reports 1982 No.54. Trustees of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich London. Narrative of the Surveying Voyage of HMS Fly. Vol.1. T. and Jukes, J.B., 1847 W. Boone, London. Knaap, G and Monsoon Traders, Ships, Skippers and Commodities in Sutherland, H., eighteenth-century Makassar. KITLV Press, Leiden. 2004 Macknight, C.C., The Macassans – A study of the early trepang industry along 1969 the Northern Territory coast. Unpublished PhD thesis, Australian National University, Canberra. Macknight, C.C., The Voyage to Marege; Macassan trepangers in Northern Australia. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. 1976 Macknight, C.C., The Study of Praus in the Indonesian Archipelago. The Great Circle 2(2): 117–128. 1980 Macknight, C.C., Journal of a voyage around Australia. Aboriginal History. 1981 Vol. 5, June (2) 135-145. Australian National University Press, Canberra. Macknight, C.C., Harvesting the memory: Open beaches in Makassar and 2008 Arnhem Land. In Veth, P., Sutton, P., and Neale, M., (eds) Strangers on the Shore; Early coastal contacts in Australia. National Museum of Australia, Canberra. Manguin, P-Y., Sewn-plank craft of South-East Asia: a preliminary survey. In: S. McGrail and E. Kentley, Sewn Plank Boats, 319–343. 1985 British Archaeological Reports, International Series 276, Oxford. Manguin, P-Y., The boat remains of Punjulharjo. Unpublished paper, Ecole 2009 Francaise d’Extreme-Orient, Paris. Morwood, M. and The Asian connection: preliminary report on Indonesian Hobbs, D., trepang sites on the Kimberley coast, N.W. Australia. Archaeology in Oceania (32):197–206. 1997 Morwood, M., Visions from the Past; The Archaeology of Australian �2002 Searcy, A., 1905 Aboriginal Art. Smithsonian Institute Press and Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, Australia. In northern seas : being Mr. Alfred Searcy's experiences on the north coast of Australia / as recounted to E. Whitington. W.K. Thomas, Adelaide. In Australian Tropics. Kegan Paul, London. Searcy, A., 1907 Stavorinus, J. S., Voyages to the East Indies (Vol II). Facsimile of the original 1969 1798 edition Dawsons of Pall Mall, London. Swadling, P., Plumes from paradise: trade cycles in outer Southeast Asia and their impact on New Guinea and nearby islands until 1996 1920. Coorparoo DC, Queensland, Australia: Papua New Guinea National Museum in association with Robert Brown & Associates. Vallance, T.G., Nature’s Investigator: The Diary of Robert Brown in Australia, Moore, D.T., & 1801–1805. Australian Biological Resources Study, Groves E.W., Canberra. 2001 Wallace, A.R., The Malay Archipelago; The Land of the Orang-utang and the Bird of Paradise, A Narrative of Travel with studies of Man 1874 and Nature, 5th edition. Macmillan and Company, London. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Monsoon traders lost on the Northern Australian coast - historical evidence for their existence Subject The topic of the resource Session 4 The archaeological study of ships’ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure Description An account of the resource During the pre-colonial and early colonial period of Australia’s history c.1780–1907, monsoon traders from the eastern part of Indonesia sailed to parts of Australia’s northern coast searching for marine products such as trepang for the Chinese market place. During this period, most of these small ships left the port of Makassar in Sulawesi, one of the larger Sunda Islands of the Indonesia archipelago, with the onset of the west monsoon and returned with their cargo on the south easterly winds of the east monsoon. Despite historical evidence that some vessels were wrecked and lost on the northern Australian coast, no tangible archaeological evidence of their existence has been found and identified to date. This paper summarises the historical evidence for the loss of a number of these vessels and provides some evidence of what some of these vessels may have looked like. In conclusion it explores the possibility of finding the remains of one of these wrecks in the future. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul Clark Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sea-craft of Prehistory Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul Johnstone Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Routledge & Kegan Paul Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Paul Johnstone Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980 Place London Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Routledge & Kegan Paul Title A name given to the resource The Sea-craft of Prehistory Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Golden Khersonese: Studies in the Historical Geography of the Malay Peninsula before A.D. 1500 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul Wheatley Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Malaya Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1961 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Paul Wheatley Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1961 Place Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Malaya Press Title A name given to the resource The Golden Khersonese: Studies in the Historical Geography of the Malay Peninsula before A.D. 1500 Southeast Asia https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/f4166c74d80fc0210e6535eb459594e5.pdf 66a24b1cfac35c8bfc61bbff0c002114 PDF Text Text A non-member State’s practice on the incorporation of the UCH Convention: Taiwan’s experience Pei-Fu Wu Ph.D. candidate, National Sun Yat-sen University, R.O.C. Investigator, Coast Guard Administration, Executive Yuan, R.O.C. Abstract The United Nations Organization for Education, Science and Culture (UNESCO) adopted the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2001 which entered into force in 2009. In order to preserve, protect and manage underwater cultural heritage, State Parties should preserve underwater cultural heritage and take actions accordingly. The R.O.C. has followed the developments afore mentioned since 1999, and a specific legislation “Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act” was enacted and entered into force in 2015 while facing various challenges along the way, even the R.O.C. is not a member of the UNESCO nor a Party to the Convention. The emergence, evolution, and practice in terms of the incorporation of the Convention into domestic legislation warrants the necessity of in-depth studies and further theorization since such experience relates to the success or failure of policies with respect to the incorporation of international conventions into domestic legislation. This paper provides an analytical assessment on the approaches that the R.O.C. incorporated the Convention through applying or modifying relevant theories regarding the incorporation of international conventions into domestic laws, and suggestions on confronting similar challenges. Key words: UNESCO, Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, incorporation into domestic legislation I. Forward The adoption and ratification of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (hereinafter referred to as the UCH Convention) have had an impact on the international community, including Taiwan. Taiwan is not a UNESCO Member State nor a party to the UCH Convention and has no international law duty to sign, approve or �comply with the UCH Convention. In response to this change, under the commission of the Ministry of Culture (hereinafter referred to as the MOC and its predecessor Cultural Affairs Council, hereinafter referred to as the CAC) and supervision of scholars, the author has participated in this academic research and bill drafting, namely the permanent “Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act” (hereinafter referred to as the UCHPA), the “Rules for the Implementation of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act,” the “Guidelines for Underwater Archaeological Work,” and the “Rules for the Management of Activities directed at Underwater Cultural Heritage.” The adoption and implementation of the UCHPA not only demonstrates Taiwan’s political will in participating this international affair, but it also affects the agency authority, legal regimes, and marine affairs management domestically. The experiences mentioned above may cast new light on Taiwan’s incorporation of other international instruments in the future, even more for other smaller countries like Taiwan with respect to UCH issues. The author exams Taiwan’s relevant laws regarding UCH, and takes an overlook on the incorporation of the UCH Convention, particularly related bill-drafting processes. Finally, some preliminary observations are illustrated. II. Taiwan’s incorporation process According to surveys conducted by the Academia Sinica group headed by Academician Chent-Hwa Tsang, at least fifteen shipwrecks have been confirmed surrounding the waters of Taiwan, and part of them have been listed on the national register.1 Besides, some UCH were discovered in inland waters. These UCH continue to face a threat from man and nature, and such danger should be reflected in national policies and legislations for their preservation, protection, and management. �The Cultural Heritage Preservation Act (hereinafter referred to as the CHPA) is the core of Taiwan’s legal protection of cultural heritage. However, the CHPA is dominated by inland concept, with extremely limited sea or underwater notion or almost non-existent. In the 2002 amendment of the CHPA, it was stipulated that “res nullius antiquities” and “res nullius ancient monuments” in submerged water are state-owned, and finders would be rewarded accordingly. These provisions were deleted in the 2005 amendment, leaving only that international investigations and excavations of sites within the territorial sea of the R.O.C. are regulated and authorized. This removal led to an insufficient linkage between the CHPA and the preservation, protection, and management of UCH. Nor can it be the foundation for the MOC as the competent authority in charge of UCH. Legally speaking, the CHPA can no longer be the basis for the preservation, protection, and management of UCH, nor it be part of the so called “relevant laws and regulations” in the “Law on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone of the Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as the LTS).” Other laws directly regarding UCH are unavailable to be applied as a groundwork for the preservation, protection, and management of UCH. Article 16 of the LTS states: ‘The historical relics or monuments found in the archaeological, scientific research, or any other activities in the territorial sea and the contiguous zone of the Republic of China shall be owned by the Republic of China and shall be disposed of by the relevant laws of the Republic of China.’ The provision was delivered by the Legislative Yuan (namely the Congress) in the bill review process, not the Executive Yuan (namely the Cabinet). The Congress raised the article based on articles 33 and 303 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea2 focusing on State ownership or disposition, without taking into account the shortcomings of �the Convention at the time of its adoption of the two articles, and the international law in which the international community was engaged in the UCH issues. The LTS could not be the appropriate legal foundation for the preservation, protection, and management of the UCH. Given the general needs of Taiwan to promote her national marine policy, a scholar advocated the position and function of the UCH legal regime from the policy and maritime legislation perspective and drafted a UCH bill. The initiative is the initial driving force for Taiwan’s incorporation of the UCH Convention. In 1997, under the commission of the Ministry of the Interior, scholars submitted a report themed as “Strategic Arrangements Regarding Maritime Legislations.” They proposed that maritime legislations should be carried out to push forward the national marine policy, including an “Underwater Cultural Heritage Act” (Hu, 1997). Afterward, in 1998, scholars drafted the first “Bill of the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, Republic of China” for the CAC (Hu, 1999). However, the draft bill was not submitted to the Congress. The reasons behind deserve a detailed discussion. In 1997, the CAC invited scholars and relevant agencies to review the provisions of the CHPA. The academic representatives supported the regulation of UCH in the CHPA and had only different opinions on its practices, such as abstract or a particular chapter. The scholar who drafted the LTS called for a particular legislation regarding UCH. Officials are conservative on the issue. The CAC delegation expressed his doubt about the necessity of developing a particular bill regarding UCH. The delegation from the Ministry of Education stated that it was immature to deal with the theme. The Ministry of the Interior said that at the present stage, due to coordination difficulties, unless the MOC is established in the future and exercises authority over ancient antiquities as well as �monuments, the government should act in accordance with the CHPA. They reached the final resolutions as follows:3 Before the MOC is established, the primary task of the CAC falls mainly on cross-agency coordination and consultation. In principle, the CAC respects the authority of the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of the Interior. Some of the relevant standards regarding the protection of UCH provided in this meeting are incorporated from the UCH Convention, and others are from draft bills. However, whether it is mature to incorporate these norms into our local law should be reconsidered. These international norms must be quite mature enough to be incorporated. It is significant to protect UCH, and the government should pay more attention and collect information. Most of the relevant problems regarding UCH could be solved according to article 16 of the current LTS. When it comes to amending the CHPA, some issues need to be reconsidered: how to rule UCH in the CHPA? Is there an immediate need? How about the maturity of the international norm (draft)? Even if we take the terms of the license clauses, the scope of the mandate will also involve the issue of legal retention, and the concept of res nullius seems to have not yet reached a consensus domestically. The case is proposed to maintain the status quo, and relevant agencies shall collect more information on this topic and have in-depth analysis, as soon as the overall structure and concept are mature, the amendment of the CHPA or a particular legislation is available. The CAC has commissioned the National Sun Yat-sen University (The Center for Marine Policy Studies) in June 1999 to complete a research program and put forward a particular bill for legislation4. The report has been delivered to the relevant agencies for reference. Before the establishment of the MOC, the Ministry of Education command the �preservation as well as maintenance of archaeological relics, and the CAC should fully collaborate with the Ministry of Education. In fact, it is difficult to solve most of the related problems mentioned above by the LTS. The government exercises jurisdiction over UCH in the territorial sea and contiguous zone of R.O.C. only, and the maritime jurisdiction is less than that by the CHPA. The comprehensive application of the laws results in a lack of jurisdiction over UCH in the contiguous zone and beyond. Furthermore, the LTS only stipulates ownership over UCH with other aspects of UCH preservation, protection, and management blank, especially international cooperation. Legal vacuum undoubtedly impedes the protection of UCH. Since 2006, the CAC commissioned various research programs regarding UCH issues (Hu, 2006). In 2008, the scholars resubmitted an “Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation, Protection and Management Act (Draft)” to the CAC, that is, the predecessor of the UCHPA (Hu, 2008). In 2012 the MOC commissioned scholars to submit the “Guidelines for Underwater Archaeological Work (draft)” which was then incorporated into the permanent “Rules for the Management of Activities directed at Underwater Cultural Heritage” (Hu, 2012). In addition to the efforts of the MOC, scholars have continued to promote relevant work in different areas and levels, such as the introduction of the UCH Convention (Hu and Wu, 2009), the organization of international conferences and visits, initiatives carrying out in the Council of Marine Affairs Advancement, Executive Yuan. The UCHPA was passed in 2015 by the Congress with several revisions. In response to the changes and a significant number of statutory authorization requirements, the MOC once again commissioned scholars a research program to draft nine regulations or rules accordingly (Hu, 2016). The drafts were completed in 2017, and �the MOC initialed them all in the same year. From the academic initiative to the full completion of the UCH legal regime, twenty years have elapsed. III. Taiwan’s practice of incorporation of the UCH Convention The incorporation process and the success acquired have shown some considerable signs, worthy continuing to carry out legislative policy research in the future. First, from the legislative policy perspective, through the development of the UCHPA and its reference to other existing laws and regulations, a complete UCH legal regime was established. UCH issues involve authorities, duties, and functions of almost all agencies of the Cabinet. To effectively adapt to the inter-disciplinary and inter-agencies nature, the government incorporated the UCH Convention into the UCHPA and incorporated the contents of the Annex Rules of the UCH Convention into the subordinate ordinance authorized by the UCHPA with Taiwan’s national conditions thoroughly considered. The UCHPA apply to all UCH issues with priority. Any rules or norms in contradiction with the spirit of the UCHPA shall be amended in due course gradually in the future. Second, national interests are the primary considerations of Taiwan’s incorporation of the UCH Convention. According to the official statements, the CAC formed its perception regarding the preservation, protection, and management of UCH based on international and domestic factors. The former is the worldwide value on the preservation and protection regarding UCH. The latter is Taiwan’s promotion and implementation of her national marine policy. The significant principles and spirits of the UCH Convention were not timely implemented in the domestic legal regime. The current law could not be fully applied to the preservation, protection, and management of UCH. The lack of norms regarding UCH resulted in the lack of jurisdiction over the conservation of UCH. Meanwhile, nation-wide precise rules regarding UCH are absent for interest groups or �stakeholders, especially the fishing and diving communities. Thus, private salvage and incidental damage are unavoidable. The lack of specific awarding incentives over UCH discoveries led to investigation difficulties. Positively, the government assessed that although the annual required administrative costs would up to about NT$ 20 to 50 million after the adoption of the draft (UCHPA), Taiwan would be benefited from an output value conservatively estimated NT$ 120 billion each year. And it would bring other non-economic benefits or values, such as that UCH is fully protected and managed. The authority would learn more about the preservation, protection, and management of UCH. Public access would enrich social education as well. Since 2006, the CAC has been planning to promote a series of medium and long-term projects regarding UCH, including general survey, regulations research and billing, historical research, preservation of excavated UCH, personnel training, educational promotion and international cooperation. The CAC envisaged in cultivating underwater archaeology with Taiwan characteristics and developing Taiwan’s marine culture in line with the “Prosperity with the Ocean” policy. Third, native scholars played a significant role in the legislative process. The incorporation was initiated by a small number of academics out of national interests, rule-legitimacy, and other factors. They followed and introduced the international development of the UCH issue domestically. By the cooperation with the government, internal administrative selfinterpretation of the UCH Convention and awareness were raised. The academic community actively called on the Congress to pay close attention to the issue and put forward the draft respectively. Eventually, the bill was soon adopted than expected. It is no doubt that domestic �driving force, especially elites from the academic community, influenced more than international or external pressure. Fourth, the incorporation of the UCH Convention is still in progress. There are still many opportunities and challenges ahead, especially capacity building. The preservation, protection, and management of UCH in Taiwan involve the management of activities directed and incidentally directed at UCH, as well as law of salvage and law of finds, territorial sovereignty, and maritime jurisdiction disputes. These controversies comprehend cultural (heritage), maritime law, admiralty law and other different legal areas. The author’s drafting experiences over the past years indicate that the preservation, protection, and management of UCH at least comprehend half of the agencies of the Cabinet. Meanwhile, the adoption of the UCHPA has impacted these organizations, especially their authority, duties, and functions individually. The process of drafting the UCHPA also showed strong cross-agency coordination and cooperation nature. The interdisciplinary feature has made the issue more dependent on higher and direct political support from the Cabinet itself. Before the Cabinet are empowered directly to coordinate the issue by the UCHPA, the MOC and even the future Marine Affairs Council (or the Ministry of Marine Affairs) will be responsible for cross-agency cooperation and coordination. Apart from this, drafting the particular bill regarding UCH is one of the priorities of the incorporation of the UCH Convention. Much of the work in the broad sense has yet to be pursued and at the same time constitute opportunities as well as challenges for Taiwan. International factors played a limited role in Taiwan’s incorporation of the UCH Convention. However, we shall never under estimate their influence. There is a great room for Taiwan to utilize international forces aggressively. For example, international collaboration on site excavation, information exchange, �cultural diplomacy or UCH diplomacy are encouraged in accordance with the UCHPA. Disputes over maritime and UCH jurisdiction arose from the UNCLOS and the UCH Convention, coupled with the East China Sea and the South China Sea disputes as well as the potential jurisdiction overlapping over sunken military aircrafts all involve Taiwan’s major national interests. It even more provides the government with a window of opportunity to deal with the cross-Strait relations and relevant collaborations with Mainland China. To deal with the issue appropriately, the MOC would need to cooperate actively with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defense, the Mainland Affairs Council, and other agencies. There is a significant room for future development regarding UCH related foreign affairs. When the Congress passed the UCHPA, a resolution was accompanied by a Congress request for a written report regarding the official strategy in response to the national security need to the Education and Culture Commission of the Congress by the MOC with conciliation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defense and the Mainland Affairs Council. In the report replied, the MOC defined the scope of UCH related national security issue as “international information and communication security, international criminal cooperation, international information flow, international research cooperation and international exchange cooperation.” The definition reflects part of the permanent and future needs of Taiwan, showing that the government may need to offer some fresh insights into the issue to meet the national interests. The affected interest groups or stakeholders, like fishing and diving communities, had insufficient awareness of the principles of the UCHPA and relevant regulations in the legislative process. Whether the government attains their full support remains uncertain in the future. Public awareness regarding UCH affairs remains in the spirit of �mysterious treasure hunting or legendary commercial exploitation. If the spirit of the preservation, protection, and management of UCH is to be effectively implemented, in-depth public awareness and public access will be indispensable. As a part of marine affairs, the preservation, protection, and management of UCH has a close relationship with other marine affairs and involves duties of different agencies. The implementation of the UCHPA and relevant regulations have a significant impact on those agencies, along with the relatively minor feature of the issue in Taiwan, political will would be essential. As to the judicial implementation of the UCHPA, expertise regarding cross-border cultural heritage crime investigation, return, and restitution needs to be cultivated. �Table 1: Some features of Taiwan’s incorporation of the UCH Convention. Level The public Opportunity minority nature Challenge 1. inadequate public awareness and public access 2. minority nature The 1. academic position integration difficulties academic enthusiasm and among scholars from different community expertise fields 2. lobbying and voicing in different occasion The Cabinet 1. major resources 2. political will and capacity building (budget, personnel, expertise) power on inter-agency coordination and cooperation The understanding and Congress support from particular support from most political political elites with inadequate understanding and elites academic backgrounds The judicial 1. potential to deal with capacity building (expertise, system the issue 2. rule of law international collaboration) �IV. Conclusion The experience and observation over the past twenty years indicated that long-term internal academic concern and government efforts devoted regarding UCH legislation for national interests eventually acquired fruitful success. With coordination and cooperation among different agencies, especially the Cabinet itself and the Congress, Taiwan finished her initial legal construction regarding the preservation, protection, and management of UCH comparable to international standards. In the future, Taiwan has a long way to go on this issue, whether she is a member of the United Nations and UNESCO or not. As an indispensable part of the world marine culture and human history, in addition to strengthening capacity building, Taiwan needs to devote more on UCH related foreign affairs, so that can properly preserve, protect, and manage this common heritage of mankind, and ultimately achieve the universal goal of world peace. Endnotes The Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture, “Time Capsule on the Seabed: Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural Heritage,” https://zhtw.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=800518620050069&id=4401 30549422213, June 10, 2016 (accessed June 15, 2016). 2 Article 33 of the UNLCLOS states: 1. In a zone contiguous to its territorial sea, described as the contiguous zone, the coastal State may exercise the control necessary to: (a) prevent infringement of its customs, fiscal, immigration or sanitary laws and regulations within its territory or territorial sea; (b) punish infringement of the above laws and regulations committed within its territory or territorial sea. 2. The contiguous zone may not extend beyond 24 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured. Article 303 of the UNLCLOS states: 1. States have the duty to protect objects of an archaeological and historical nature found at sea and shall cooperate for this purpose. 2.In order to control traffic in such objects, the coastal State may, in applying article 33, presume that their removal from the seabed in the zone referred to in that article without its approval would result in an 1 �infringement within its territory or territorial sea of the laws and regulations referred to in that article. 3. Nothing in this article affects the rights of identifiable owners, the law of salvage or other rules of admiralty, or laws and practices with respect to cultural exchanges. 4. This article is without prejudice to other international agreements and rules of international law regarding the protection of objects of an archaeological and historical nature. 3 The 9th meeting record on the re-amendment regarding the amendment of the CHPA was issued by the CAC on Oct. 15, 1998, by a letter referenced as Wen-Jian-E-Tzu(文建壹字) No. 06770. It is on file with the author. 4 Nien-Tsu Alfred Hu, 1999. Report on the Preliminary Study on the Domestic Legislation Regarding UCH, commissioned by the Cultural Affairs Council. In the report delivered to the CAC, scholars drafted the first “Bill of the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, Republic of China. References Nien-Tsu Alfred Hu, 2016. Report on the Research on the Legal Regime with Respect to UCHPA, commissioned by the Ministry of Culture. Nien-Tsu Alfred Hu, 2012. Report on the Research on the Guidelines for Underwater Archaeological Work, commissioned by the Cultural Affairs Council. Nien-Tsu Alfred Hu, Pei-Fu Wu, 2009. The 2001 UNESCO UCH Convention and the Practices of Its Contracting Parties in Terms of the Incorporation of the Convention into Domestic Legislations. In Wen-Yan Chiau (Eds.), The Ocean and Taiwan Conference, Taiwan Research Foundation, Taipei: 192-230. Nien-Tsu Alfred Hu, 2008. Report on the Bill-drafting Regarding UCH, commissioned by the Cultural Affairs Council. Nien-Tsu Alfred Hu, 2006. Report on the Research on the Utilization of UCH and the Arrangement of International Conferences, commissioned by the Cultural Affairs Council. �Nien-Tsu Alfred Hu, 1999. Report on the Preliminary Study on the Domestic Legislation Regarding UCH, commissioned by the Cultural Affairs Council. Nien-Tsu Alfred Hu, 1997. Report on the Strategic Arrangements Regarding Maritime Legislations, commissioned by the Ministry of the Interior. The Cultural Affairs Council, 1998. The 9th Meeting on the Reamendment Regarding the Amendment of the CHPA. Official Letter, WenJian-E-Tzu(文建壹字) No. 06770. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 7: Underwater Cultural Heritage Politics, Laws, Ethics and Values Description An account of the resource All cultural materials are potentially cultural resources. However, because not all of them can be preserved or studied, choices must be made based on evaluation and re-evaluation. Values are learned and depend on cultural, intellectual, historical, and psychological frames of reference. Consequently, valuation is made individually, but is shared by communities. Valuation of underwater cultural heritage has, then, a broad range of determining value depending on the community to which it belongs. A clear example of this is the protection of human remains. The 2001 UNESCO Convention includes, in its definition of underwater cultural heritage, human remains which have been underwater for more than 100 years. However, the Christian philosophy on the treatment of human remains is different to that of Asian philosophy that teaches that human remains will never become underwater cultural heritage since, if they are seen by someone in an underwater site, it is imperative to rescue the human remains and bury them on land according to their beliefs. This session aims to create a forum for policymakers, managers, and archaeologists devoted to underwater cultural heritage where they can share their experiences of and research on the valuation of underwater cultural heritage. We aim to accept papers that help us to understand the definition of ‘underwater cultural heritage’ in the Asia-Pacific regions, comparing those definitions with the definition of the 2001 UNESCO Convention and trying to find a common interpretation. We will also be looking to examine the meaning of the underwater cultural heritage sites and objects for different communities. Finally, we will be expecting papers exploring the different possibilities of the use and/or conservation of this underwater cultural heritage according to the values and needs of the different communities. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Elena Perez-Alvaro Licit Cultural Heritage Ltd., UK Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A non-member State’s practice on the incorporation of the UCH Convention: Taiwan’s experience Description An account of the resource The United Nations Organization for Education, Science and Culture (UNESCO) adopted the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2001 which entered into force in 2009. In order to preserve, protect and manage underwater cultural heritage, State Parties should preserve underwater cultural heritage and take actions accordingly. The R.O.C. has followed the developments afore mentioned since 1999, and a specific legislation “Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act” was enacted and entered into force in 2015 while facing various challenges along the way, even the R.O.C. is not a member of the UNESCO nor a Party to the Convention. The emergence, evolution, and practice in terms of the incorporation of the Convention into domestic legislation warrants the necessity of in-depth studies and further theorization since such experience relates to the success or failure of policies with respect to the incorporation of international conventions into domestic legislation. This paper provides an analytical assessment on the approaches that the R.O.C. incorporated the Convention through applying or modifying relevant theories regarding the incorporation of international conventions into domestic laws, and suggestions on confronting similar challenges. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pei-Fu Wu Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Pei-Fu Wu Language A language of the resource English Zotero Author Pei-Fu Wu