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                    <text>Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape

Michael Ng Jian Cheng (Archaeology Unit, Tamasek History Research Centre, ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute [formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies])
ABSTRACT
The paper proposes to build upon existing approaches in the study of Singapore's past narrative by incorporating
the study of the maritime cultural landscape (MCL) to observe the micro connections and provide a closer
examination of the maritime activities around Singapore. This paper highlights Singapore's maritime cultural
landscapes within the premise of the MCL approach proposed by Christer Westerdahl. The case studies under
consideration include historical, archaeological and anthropological sources on maritime activity around
Singapore, the current historical narrative on Singapore, and recent maritime cultural landscape studies. The
expected results are to take on a different perspective in considering Singapore's maritime past as an island and
coastal settlement. It hopes to further the understanding of the island’s maritime past beyond the predominant
trade narrative. Ultimately, this allows stakeholders in Singapore to recognise the various types of maritime
cultural heritage that may reside around Singapore’s coast and waters. Consequently, the paper will highlight
how using the maritime cultural landscape approach could help with the United Nations Sustainable
Development Goals (SDG) and further our thinking on the interactions between humans and seas.

INTRODUCTION
Singapore's past is deeply connected to the waters surrounding its islands and is situated close to
several major waterways in Southeast Asia. Present maritime borders and traffic separation schemes
separate the various nation-states along these waterways; however, they were not divided in the past.
On the contrary, they were an interconnected network and a platform providing maritime polities in
the region access to the world around them and beyond, and vice versa (Borschberg 2012, 193).
To fully appreciate the past connections between the people of Singapore from various periods and the
surrounding maritime space, it is essential to identify a suitable approach that could encourage further
research. Christer Westerdahl's maritime cultural landscape (MCL) approach could be an appropriate
model to explore these past connections. This paper assesses the potential of Christer Westerdahl’s
approach to better understanding Singapore's maritime past by preliminarily identifying Singapore’s
maritime cultural landscapes based on available maritime-related historical, anthropological and
archaeological data. Hopefully, it will encourage future research on Singapore's past through the MCL
approach and perhaps highlight how the approach could contribute to greater ocean literacy.
Evaluation of the Current Approaches to Singapore’s Past Narrative
Historical and archaeological research has highlighted Singapore’s existence as an entrepôt since the
fourteenth century and further understand the island’s role in the global and regional context
throughout its 700 years of history (Flecker 2022a; Flecker 2022b; Kwa 2004; Kwa et al. 2019; Low
2004; Miksic 2013). In the book 1819 &amp; Before, Singapore's Pasts, Chong (2021, vii–ix) summarised
the historical and archaeological research conducted to examine the island’s past narrative. He
highlighted that the scholars had revealed the networks and linkages connecting Singapore to the
region over the centuries before 1819. Both recent publications, 1819 &amp; Before, and Seven Hundred
Years: A History of Singapore, emphasise the island’s pre-modern connectivity to the region by
including the economic activities of the communities living on and around the island long before
colonialism arrived on this island (Kwa et al. 2019, 6–11; Heng 2017, 42; Heng 2021, 31). A critical

1

�examination of recent academic pursuits of Singapore scholars indicates a considerable emphasis on
the connectivity, trade and exchange between Singapore and the region. These approaches are
essential because small nation-states are more susceptible to exogenous factors; however, viewing
Singapore's past narrative through a macro lens cannot account for the other varieties of past human
activity on the island. As an island coastal settlement, connectivity to the region would only represent
one of the many pursuits in the daily lives of the common folk. The "who we are?" and "what we
are?" questions of these individuals have yet to be thoroughly understood. Miksic (2021, 19–21)
mentioned expanding current arguments on Singapore's past to include artefact provenance and
relationships between human activity and the natural environment. In addition, research on
Singapore’s prehistoric past and the lives of ordinary individuals during Singapore’s colonial period
has not been emphasised. These added questions and challenges seemed like isolated areas of studies
that are not in line with the current approaches to Singapore's past narrative. However, by introducing
and perhaps integrating an approach which acknowledges the diversity in maritime activities, it is
possible to connect these approaches and provide a more wholesome way to study Singapore's macro
and micro maritime past. Thus, the MCL approach could be a viable option to combine these
approaches.
MARITIME CULTURAL LANDSCAPE
MCL can be defined as the human utilisation of maritime space by boat: settlement, fishing, hunting,
shipping, and, in historical times, its attendant subcultures, such as pilotage and lighthouse and
seamark maintenance (Westerdahl 1992, 5). Westerdahl (2011, 13–14; 2020, 6780) highlighted seven
types of maritime cultural landscapes. It includes the economic landscape, the landscape of transport
and communications, the power landscape, the outer resource landscape, the inner resource landscape,
the cognitive landscape and the recreative landscape. The basis of this concept is the study of past
cultures which exist at the edges of different varieties of water bodies, such as seas and oceans
(Westerdahl 2020, 6780). It utilises the physical elements of landscape and seascape to analyse
maritime cultures within an environment (Ford 2011, 4). Singapore, an island nation-state where most
of the past and, at times, present settlements lived along the water's edge, is a good candidate for
further maritime cultural landscape studies. Although the current usage of the concept is heavily
associated with maritime archaeology, the critical premise concerns the understanding of landscapes
created by the material culture left behind by people who lived and interacted with the physical
environment in which they were situated (Ford 2011, 4). Thus, studying maritime cultures will require
an examination of all aspects of the maritime past and a multi-disciplinary approach, including and
beyond maritime archaeology (Ford 2011, 1–4). Some coastal site studies used the MCL approach to
successfully connect the heritage deposits that reside on the shores with its underwater sites. In
addition, accounting for the range of human activities throughout the various technological, economic,
and geopolitical changes in their respective area (Fitzhugh 2011; Lusardi 2011).
Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape
This section identifies Singapore’s maritime cultural landscapes from historical, anthropological, and
archaeological records.
Economic Landscape

2

�The fishing traps and methods, mollusc gathering, the Orang Laut community, and Kelong
settlements are some identified features of sustenance and coastal agriculture within Singapore's
economic landscape. Evidence of traditional fishing traps and methods was highlighted in studies by
Gibson-Hill and Burdon. During the 1950s, Gibson-Hill (1950b) covered the types of fishing boats
that operated from Singapore, while Burdon (1954) examined the fishing methods of Singapore.
These were ethnographic studies that documented the fishing activities around Singapore Island.
Although they were recorded barely seventy years ago, these fishing methods could likely have been
practised before the 1950s or even before the arrival of the British in 1819.
Evidence of mollusc gathering can be identified from two historical sources. The earliest pre-colonial
historical source indicating shellfish collection was the Sejarah Melayu or the Malay Annals. The
book, written in the 16th century, recounted a specific event of mollusc gathering during the early days
of Singapore's history. It described Sang Nila Utama, a Sumatran prince who landed on the shores of
Temasek or ancient Singapore with his entourage and started gathering shellfish immediately after
arriving on the island.
“…Sri Tri Buana went ashore with all the ship’s company and amused
themselves with collecting shellfish…” (Brown 1953, 30)
There were no further descriptions of what they do with the seashells, but as they have arrived from
the sea through a storm, the mollusc likely forms part of their diet. During the colonial period, the
gathering of molluscs continued. However, the purpose of mollusc gathering is no longer restricted to
dietary but also for other uses such as the production of lime. During the colonial period, lime was
obtained from mollusc remains. Lime kilns were set up along the coasts of Singapore to process these
remains into lime. Lime serves an essential function as a disinfectant due to its bacteria-killing
properties, and it is often used to disinfect lavatories. Coastal archaeological sites like the National
Gallery Singapore, Victoria Memorial Hall and Empress Place contained sizable mollusc ecofacts
alongside large quantities of ceramic artefacts in various stratigraphic and temporal layers (Lim 2017;
Lim 2019). It suggests that humans were consuming these molluscs and further research can be
conducted on how people interacted with the environment.
The Orang Laut is a Malay term for “Sea People” or “People of the sea”. They are nomadic people
who settle around the maritime zone within Southeast Asia. Based on ethnographic studies, three
identified groups are within this community (Andaya 2008, 173). The Orang Laut that resides around
the southern tip of the Straits of Melaka and the Riau-Lingga Archipelago was called the Orang Suku
Laut (Chou 2021: 142). In Singapore, they primarily resided along the coasts and at river mouths
(Gibson-Hill 1952b, 161). The history of the Orang Laut stretches since the Srivijayan/Malayu period
(Andaya 2008, 191). Records mentioned them as necessary in the various polities surrounding the
Singapore Straits (Andaya 2008, 173–201). When the British arrived in Singapore in 1819, eyewitness
accounts described their settlements and lifestyle (Gibson-Hill 1952b, 161). Other academics
attempting to preserve the legacy of the Orang Laut through research included Cynthia Chou and the
authors of Beyond Bicentennial: Perspective on Malays publication (Chou 2021; Rasheed et al. 2020).
Unfortunately, due to the ever-growing development and current geopolitical boundaries, many Orang
Laut abandoned their way of life.
On the other hand, there are non-academic attempts to preserve the Orang Laut way of life. Orang
Laut Sg is a local community of Orang Laut originally residing on Pulau Semakau, an offshore island
in Singapore. They started an initiative to share their stories about the island and their way of life
3

�through traditional Orang Laut cuisines and stories.1. Another local blog called " We came from the
sea" was set up to share projects that study Singapore as an island or as islands.2. These attempts show
the need for continued historical and ethnographic studies to preserve this community's knowledge.
Future maritime archaeological research will also have to share the responsibility to protect sites that
could highlight the Orang Laut's lives from a material culture and landscape perspective.
Landscape of Transport and Communications (Communicative Landscape)
Research on Singapore's landscape of transport and communications, or communicative landscape,
has been highlighted in evaluating the current approaches to Singapore’s past narrative section. The
island’s past narrative is dominated by its economic and network-related history. While records
provide the documentation illustrating the ongoing trade Singapore was involved in, archaeological
research provides the material culture to inform on the trade's nature and contents. These significant
networks have profoundly impacted Singapore since the fourteenth century, thus the emphasis.
On the other hand, the history of the minor networks has yet to be thoroughly explored compared to
the study of the major networks. Singapore's geographical location is strategic not only because it lies
along one of the most crucial trade networks but because it is also surrounded by a cluster of islands
and land masses where different polities resided in the past. Regardless of how Singapore's settlement
history oscillates between autonomous society or part of a larger polity, the people in Singapore are
always in contact with their neighbours from Johor, Bintan, Batam and even the Karimun Islands
(Miksic 2013). A perfect example of how intense the connection of Singapore with its neighbouring
polities can be gleaned from the boat traffic between Singapore and Johor during the early colonial
period. Before constructing the causeway between Singapore and Johor, goods and people had to
move between these two locations by boat. The boat traffic was reported to be so intense that it
operates 24 hours a day, seven days a week.3. Thus, historians and archaeologists need to start
examining these micro or minor networks that have sustained the settlement in Singapore throughout
history. That will require an examination of the artefacts found in Singapore that could indicate the
trade and exchange between Singapore and its neighbouring polities, identify the boats and shed light
on their importance in this micro landscape of transport and communication.
Power Landscape
One of the most overt examples of a power landscape that could still be observed in Singapore is the
coastal defences erected during the colonial period of Singapore from 1819 to 1942. During the early
period of colonial Singapore, several forts, including some of the offshore islands, were constructed
around the south of the island to protect it from seaward or water-borne threats. This defensive
doctrine continued till World War II, and some of these fortifications were expanded and improved to
stay current with the latest military trends (Murfett et al. 2011). In 2008, and 2017, there were

1

Sani, Firdaus. 2020. “Orang Laut SG: Our Story.” Accessed May 3, 2023. https://oranglaut.sg/

2

We came from the sea. n.d. “About us.” Accessed May 3, 2023.
https://wecamefromthesea.wordpress.com/about/
3
Yap, Yok Foo. 2001. “The wild days of the Causeway” TODAY, January 8, 2001.
https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/today20010108-1.2.19.3

4

�archaeological attempts to document some of the remaining coastal fortification structures at Fort
Serapong Sentosa.4 and Pulau Ubin5 respectively.

Outer Resource Landscape
Records from the colonial period have indicated ship or boat construction and repair facilities along
Boat Quay.6, Beach road, Tanjong Rhu and Kallang river. These records come in archival drawings
and even photographs of these locations. Further research is required in this area as these records are
scattered throughout the archives. Only a handful of academics covered topics related to boats of
Singapore, such as Gibson-Hill and Eric Alfred. Gibson-Hill (1952a) provided brief descriptions of
the Tongkang vessels and their functions as lighter. Alfred (1987) documented a list of boat types
found in Singapore and provided some details about them. However, very little construction
information could be gleaned from his documentation.
Inner Resource Landscape (145)
Miksic (2013, 266) indicated that during the fourteenth century, Singapore provided raw natural
products, a collection and distribution centre for goods found in its immediate vicinity, mainly in the
Riau Archipelago and as a transhipment point for commodities. Archaeological evidence shows that
past Singaporeans processed raw materials to make finished products (Miksic 2013, 266). These
products include earthenware pottery, copper, bronze and gold implements manufactured from
imported raw materials (Miksic 2013, 266–285). In addition, according to historical records,
perishable goods, including Lakawood, hornbill casques, and sea turtle shells, were retrieved from one
of the archaeological sites close to the Singapore River (Miksic 2013, 285–286). During the 19th
century, Singapore continued to be a transhipment point for commodities obtained from Peninsular
Malaya, such as tin, rubber, pepper and gambier7.
Cognitive Landscape
There is some research which examines the cognitive maritime landscapes of Singapore. Tai (2021)
looked into Zheng He’s navigation methods and delved deeper into his visit to Singapore. Zheng He a
Ming dynasty eunuch who led a Chinese fleet on several voyages to Southeast Asia and onwards to
the West. Tai (2021) examined the place names listed on the Chinese navigational charts with other
Chinese records. His examination accounted for linguistic nuances between the various Chinese
languages. Sinclair (2021) also examined the etymology of Singapore’s previous names, such as
Temasek, Singapura, and some Singapore landmarks' names. He examined predominantly local Malay
sources but made comparisons with other non-local sources and identified the linguistic distinctions
between the languages and scripts.

4

Lim, Chen Sian. 2009. “Colonial Singapore: Archaeological vs Historical Records The Fort Serapong Case Study.”
ScholarBank@NUS Repository.
5
Kao, Aaron. “Pulau Ubin Anti-Motor Torpedo Boat Battery: The Gun That Never Was.” In NSC Highlights (8). Singapore:
ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, 2018.
6
Vernon Cornelius-Takahama. 2004. ‘Bumboats’. Singapore Infopedia, Singapore: National Library Board.
https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_956_2004-12-15.html .
7
Chua, Alvin. 2004. “The Causeway.” Singapore Infopedia, Singapore: National Library Board.
https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_99_2004-12-30.html

5

�Jong racing could be an example of both a cognitive and recreative landscape. Jong is a lightweight
sailing model that was made for racing. Jong racing was a sport played by the people in Singapore, as
well as from the neighbouring islands to the south to the Lingga islands and the Straits of Johor
(Gibson-Hill 1950a, 144–145; Alfred 1986, 133). A larger version of the sport, Kolek (a traditional
local sailboat) racing, was carried out along the coasts of Singapore. Today, the local blog "We Came
from the Sea" continues to preserve the stories from this tradition, highlighting local efforts to revive
these traditions, like Mazlan Mohammed Nasir, who once was a resident on one of the offshore
islands in Singapore.
A Possible Approach for Sustainable Development Goals?
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) is a United Nations initiative to address today's global
challenges, such as poverty, inequality, climate change, environmental degradation, peace and justice.
Ongoing discussions are looking into how underwater cultural heritage and interdisciplinary maritime
activities can be incorporated into this initiative to help achieve goal 14, which represents life below
water (Trakadas et al., 2019). SDG calls for diversity in relating maritime cultural heritage to existing
environmental issues. A suitable approach is required to provide an outline for practitioners to quickly
identify areas for further research, conservation, and, most importantly, collaborations with other
disciplines. These areas must be diverse enough that they could correlate with different fields to
achieve a fuller understanding of our surrounding water environment. Incidentally, this issue mirrors
an ongoing discussion in public archaeology on how to get society to appreciate archaeology better.
One of the key takeaways from this discussion is that we should not just focus on bringing
archaeology to the community, but we have to consider how archaeology could meet society's
educational, social, and cultural needs (Smardz, 1997, p. 103; Copeland, 2004, p. 142; White, 2019;
Erdman, 2019). Perhaps, the key is to highlight archaeology’s multi and interdisciplinary nature and
identify areas which can be incorporated into the needs of society.
Westerdahl’s landscape concept accounts for diverse human interactions with water bodies. As
demonstrated by the above examples, applying landscape studies allows for a more wholesome
understanding of human interaction with water bodies. Most importantly, it was able to create the
connection between the heritage deposits that reside on the shores and its immediate maritime
environment. The MCL approach resonates with the societal objectives identified during the first
Global Planning Meeting organised by the National Museum of Denmark (Trakadas et al., 2019). The
diverse nature of the objectives calls for a diverse research approach to address the inclusion of
maritime cultural heritage into SDG. Thus, using Singapore as an example, this paper highlights the
possibility of adopting the maritime cultural landscape approach to achieve the SDG objectives
locally in the island state.

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, this paper evaluates the current approaches to studying Singapore's maritime past and
proposes integrating the MCL approach to examine Singapore’s past narrative thoroughly. The paper
attempts to identify examples from Singapore's historical, archaeological and anthropological research
that could fit into the seven iterations of the MCL. Admittedly, this paper did not manage to provide
an exhaustive investigation of all the existing research materials; however, with its meagre examples,
it hopes to highlight the potential of this approach and encourage future studies on Singapore's past
6

�narrative by viewing it as a maritime cultural landscape. Applying this approach also raises awareness
amongst Singapore's stakeholders that maritime cultural heritage should not be fixated on the
geographical and economic past. Still, it should illuminate the social–cultural interactions between
people and their natural environment. Although the approach is applied within a local or micro
context in this paper, it could also be used in other areas and on a macro scale. Suppose every coastal
community in the Asia-Pacific region identifies its maritime cultural landscapes and realises its
connectedness with adjacent landscapes and their collective impact on the ocean. In that case, it is
possible to create a deeper awareness and greater sense of stewardship to improve ocean health.

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Westerdahl, Christer. “Maritime Landscapes.” In Encyclopaedia of Global Archaeology, [Online], 6780–6782. Cham:
Springer International Publishing, 2020.
White, Charles. S. “Schools and Public Archaeology: Igniting a Commitment to Heritage Preservation.” In Public
Engagement and Education: Developing and Fostering Stewardship for an Archaeological Future, edited by
Katherine M. Erdman, 21–44. Berghahn Books, 2019.

9

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expected results are to take on a different perspective in considering Singapore's maritime past as an island and&#13;
coastal settlement. It hopes to further the understanding of the island’s maritime past beyond the predominant&#13;
trade narrative. Ultimately, this allows stakeholders in Singapore to recognise the various types of maritime&#13;
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                <text>Cheng, Michael Ng Jian. 2023. “Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Abhirada Komoot. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1933 </text>
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                    <text>Conservation of Maritime Cultural Heritage:
View from the Angle of Quang Ngai Province (Vietnam)
Ngo The Bach, M.A., Ph.D. Candidate
Thang Long - Hanoi Heritage Conservation Centre
09, Hoang Dieu St., Hanoi, Vietnam
Email: bach.ngothe@gmail.com
Nguyen Thi Thu Ha M.A., Ph.D. Candidate
Thang Long - Hanoi Heritage Conservation Centre
09, Hoang Dieu St., Hanoi, Vietnam

Abstract
Quang Ngai is a province located in the South Central Coast region of
Vietnam, on the coast of the East Sea. It borders Quang Nam
Province which is home to the famous Cu Lao Cham shipwreck in
the north and the Binh Dinh Province in the south. It has a long coastline
of 129km and wide territorial waters of 11.000km2. Quang Ngai has 6
seaports which are favorable for maritime transport and trade. The Ly Son
Island of Quang Ngai province is located on the north-south waterway
transport of our country, which is also the East-West international trade
route in ancient times. The continuous discovery of shipwreck relics in the
seas of Vung Tau, Binh Chau commune, Binh Son district, and Ly Son
Island in recent years has demonstrated that the potential of maritime
cultural heritage in the sea of Quang Ngai is enormous and rich. However,
such precious heritage now is in danger of being undermined by the illegal
exploitation of some local fisherman. In the context of our current status
of underwater archaeology, the necessity of carrying out the studies,
protection, conservation and promotion of the value of this important
heritage resource is a major issue being faced by professionals and
heritage managers. This article refers to the issues of preserving and
promoting the value of maritime cultural heritage in Quang Ngai province,
in order to serve for the exhibition in place and development of tourism as
a new approach.
Key words: conservation, underwater cultural heritage, shipwreck,
promotion of the value, tourism.

�Introduction
Vietnam is located on a peninsula, one side adjacent to the East Sea,
having a long coastline of 3,260 kilometers with many islands and islets
spreading along the country, making this S-shaped piece of land become
the great crossroads of civilizations from ancient times. Here, on this land,
we realized the formation and development of the cultures, the integration
and acculturation, interference, convergence and the spread of Vietnam
to the world and the world to Vietnam by the sea route, although many
people supposed it simply as a cultural convergence. From East Asia to
Southeast Asia, from the Middle East to India, even Early modern Europe,
the age-old history of the Vietnam sea and island culture has
demonstrated that interference. Therefore, the study on the value of
maritime cultural heritage of Vietnam is extremely necessary for peeling
the depths of cultural values, reaching the awareness and deeper
assessment. Such jobs are supposed to consume so much effort and
time.

In 2000, after the Vietnam Salvage Company (VISAL) finished the first
phase excavation of the ancient shipwreck at Cham island, while many
protection measures have been applied to this ancient shipwreck relic,
many people have still carried out illegal tapping.1 In 2003, the
Government of Vietnam allocated to the Doan Anh Duong Salvage
Company participating in the surveys and excavations of ancient
shipwrecks in many sea areas of Vietnam. In 2012, a 700-year-old ancient
shipwreck was discovered in the sea area of Vung Tau, Binh Chau
commune, Binh Son district, Quang Ngai province. The excavation of this
ancient shipwreck, in association with the continuous discoveries of other
shipwrecks in this sea area led to the need to study methods of

�preservation, conservation and the promotion of underwater cultural
heritagehere.
Vietnam Sea and Islands Cultural Heritage
Regarding the sea and island culture of Vietnam, it is impossible not to
mention the material and the intangible culture of Vietnam's coastal areas.
Right from the Neolithic, the scallop culture in the coastal areas of Vietnam
appeared, bearing many special characteristics as well as general
features to East Asia and Southeast Asia. Bau Du culture, Da But culture,
Thach Lam - Thach Lac cultures ... have provided valuable material on
the mode of living, economic life, culture and spirituality of prehistoric
manthrough the landscaping tools and their habitats.2 By the Bronze Age,
a variety of cultures and places belonging to the great cultures such as
Dong Son, Sa Huynh, Oc Eo was found and studied through out from the
North to the South, including Dau Ram (Quang Ninh province), Hoa Loc
(Thanh Hoa province), Bai Coi (Ha Tinh province), Binh Chau, Long
Thanh (Quang Ngai province), Can Gio (Ho Chi Minh City).

Despite these examples being modest in comparison with the material
provided from archaeology, these findings also help to realize the
tremendous value and clarify the genealogy of Dong Son culture in the
Delta and the northern plains and Sa Huynh..3 All cultures and locations
mentioned above have characteristics from the culture of sea area,
containing many elements of sea and islands culture, but also bearing
many elements of the delta, even in the narrow region at the center of
Vietnam. Coastal heritage also includes the system of ports and subports, existing at least from the ages of Dong Son - Sa Huynh - Oc Eo
(from the 7th BC to 1st-2nd AD) until the 18-19th centuries with relics such
as Lach Truong, Bai Coi, Hoa Diem, Go Que and etc to Van Don, Hoi
Thong, Thanh Ha, Hoi An, and Nuoc Man...4

�Studying the seaport system in the historical process of Vietnam for
identifying the proper role and position on the international maritime route
is a confirmation on the location of S-curved coast of Vietnam on the map.
Those ports and sub-ports were extremely important in commercial
activities. They are not only the place to import goods, but also a haven
for international sailing through the East Sea to take on fresh water and
food, and avoiding storms, and pirates.5 Heritage on the coastal, island
and archipelago areas of Vietnam include temples, pagodas and shrines
where the Ly - Tran dynasties are from. Buddhism, which was considered
as the state religion at that time to carry out a part of the People's Defense
strategy, along with the army defending the borderland, including islands.
Right from the feudal era, it is reported by the ancient people that O Cap
(Vung Tau province today) earned their living from finding sites
underwater. Over twenty years, Vietnam has unearthed six ancient
shipwrecks. They are the merchant ships which passed through the
Vietnamese’s seashore from overseas, but had sunk because of currents,
storms, or fires. However, these are very small numbers compared with
the information we learned from the field through material culture and from
the retrospective information of the fisherman6.

After Hon Cau, X coordinates, the Ba Ria - Vung Tau sea has also
detected another two shipwrecks. Chau Thuan Bien village (Binh Son,
Quang Ngai province) has a lot of shipwrecks with varied dating which
were realized via analyzing the pottery artifacts. It is very clear that the
Vietnamese Sea lies on the important route of international trade;
therefore any and all findings in these seas have demonstrated for the
role, position and value of the East Sea of Vietnam on the East - West silk
and ceramic route.

�The Vietnam Maritime Cultural Heritage preserved the remnants of many
great naval battles in history during the dynasties of Ngo Quyen, Tran
Quoc Tuan’ with the battle on Bach Dang river cited as a typical example.
In addition to the battles, there wer military regimes to protect the sea. The
important findings about the seal called "Phụng mệnh bình hải tướng quân
chi ấn" of Le Thanh Tong (1490) found at sea Van Don (Quang Ninh
province), can confirm on the existence of an army for protection of the
Vietnamese seas from that period. All cases such as the Tran Khanh Du’s
army carried out the business of coal wholesale; Tran Nhan Tong King
moved to Yen Tu mountain for practicing Buddhism; Tran Hung Dao set
up the manor at Van Kiep - Luc Đau river door and the seal called Binh
Hai, the oracles of the East Sea of Nguyen Binh Khiem and etc,7 are the
maritime strategies for sea protection from the fathers, suggesting to us a
direction for more investment on the studies of military heritage and
patriotic wars in the East Sea.

Conservation of Maritime Cultural Heritage in Quang Ngai province
Status of Maritime Cultural Heritage in Quang Ngai Province
Quang Ngai province is located in the south central coast region of
Vietnam. It borders Quang Nam province in the North and Binh Dinh
province in the South and Truong Son High Mountain and majestic Tay
Nguyen in the West and the East Sea in the East. Apart from the business
of domestic trade, foreign trade activities here through the Hoi An port
were also quite developed. In the late 16th century, early 17th century, Minh
Huong (village of the Ming people) merchant ships also docked in Co Luy
- Thu Xa for trading and exchanging goods and etc. The early 20th century,
the Japanese, Chinese and French merchants had their ships docked in

�Co Luy - Thu Xa to sell clothing, kerosene, household items, and then buy
sugar, cinnamon, salt, dried areca, and honey.8
Quang Ngai has a long coastline of 129km and wide territorial waters of
11.000km2. Quang Ngai has 6 seaports which are favorable for maritime
transport and trade. The Ly Son Island of Quang Ngai province is located
on the north-south waterway transport of our country, which is also the
East-West international trade route in ancient times. Thanks to such an
important position, Quang Ngai province was evaluated to be the place
having great potentialities for maritime cultural heritage. The discovery
and excavation of ancient shipwreck dated the 15th century in 1999 in the
place of Song Tau, Vung Tau Sea, Binh Chau commune, Binh Son district,
can be said as the starting point for the process of research and discovery
of maritime cultural heritages in Quang Ngai province. In addition, that
was popular time of hunting antiques underwater carried out by the parts
of the habitants living in this area (Fig. 1).9

Fig. 1: Local fishermen are diving to find antiques.
(Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian
Prehistory)
In recent years, Quang Ngai emerged as a hot spot for marine cultural
heritage. The first discovery is the Binh Chau 2 ancient shipwreck in 2012.
From 4th June to 23th June 2013, Binh Chau ancient shipwreck was
excavated, this Binh Chau ancient shipwreck was located about 200

�meters far from Binh Chau coast and at the depth of 3.5-4m compared
with sea level. We detected the remaining traces of the ship with the length
of 20.5 m, the width of 5.6m and the hull of ship divided into 13
compartments with 12 partitions (Fig. 2). Artifacts collected here from
include 274 ceramics barrels which are goods on board with ceramic lines
such as brown glaze, celadon, blue and white porcelain, blue and white
porcelain glaze, dating from the 13th century (Figs. 3-5). In addition, some
metals like bronze mirror, bronze weights, boat tacks and bronze money
were also discovered on this shipwreck. Archaeological excavation of
Binh Chau ancient shipwreck is the 6th ancient ship excavated in the
Vietnamese seas. In order to protect this national heritage, excavation
experts have wrapped these shipwrecks by steel sheet piles (Larsen),
pumping out the water to expose the hull and artifacts aboard, the
excavations then were carried out conveniently (Fig. 6).10

Fig. 2(left): Detailed drawings of
the part of Binh Chau ship’s
rudder.
(Quang Ngai Province Museum,
The Center for Southeast Asian
Prehistory)

�Fig. 3(left): Hundreds of artifacts burnt and sticking overlap.
(Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian
Prehistory) and Fig. 4 (right): Artifacts found in ancient shipwreck in Binh
Chau - Binh Son.(Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for
Southeast Asian Prehistory)

Fig. 5: Celadon-glazed dishes and eel-skin-glazed dishes and apple skin
glazed dishies, dating Nguyen Dynasty, the 13thcentury.
(Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian
Prehistory)

�Fig. 6: The first time of excavation of ancient shipwreck as on land.
(Quang Ngai Province Museum, The Center for Southeast Asian
Prehistory)
Considering a whole, the maritime cultural heritages of Quang Ngai
province are much more than other regions. Until now, they have
discovered 10 shipwrecks, in which 08 shipwrecks discovered in the sea
areas of Vung Tau - Binh Chau and 02 shipwrecks found in Ly Son
Island.11 Most of the shipwrecks lie about 400m far from the coast, in water
depths of between 2m to 5m. It can be seen that the distribution scope of
shipwreck traces is quite concentrated, near shore and at quite shallow
depth. The discovery of shipwrecks in the seas of Vung Tau province with
many different dating, stretching from the 8th-9th centuries to the 18th
century, shown that during 10 centuries, this place was an important
destination on the route of international trade in ancient times.

In Vietnam, currently, we have not yet found any other area where the
relics of shipwrecks distributed densely as the area of Vung Tau, Binh
Chau province and also no other province where having rich maritime

�cultural heritage as Quang Ngai province. It can be said that the sea area
of Vung Tau is an "ancient graveyard" with dozens of shipwrecks have
been identified. But these valuable heritage resources are faced with the
risk of being destroyed because of the illegal exploitation of a part of local
fishermen and the expansion of the project of Dung Quat 2 port. This is
really a big challenge for managers and professionals.

Generally, when shipwreck relics discovered, the excavation experts often
pay attention to the value of goods transported by ships, but not really fully
understood the value of that underwater heritages. Therefore, since the
90s of the last century to now, there have been 6 shipwreck relics
excavated officially, and dozens of illegal salvage were conducted only for
economic purposes. Hundreds of thousands of artefacts were taken up
and carried away for auction at domestic and abroad. By carrying out such
exploitation forms, the State may earn some certain amounts for
immediate benefits, but they gave up long-term benefits with more value.
If we know how to combine with the shipwreck relics with the
archaeological sites for creating an over of maritime cultural heritage, we
will create favorable conditions for development of tourism here.

Direction of Conservation of Maritime Cultural Heritages in Quang
Ngai Province
History has left for Quang Ngai province an extremely valuable heritage
resource is maritime cultural heritage. These are assets, enormous
resources for studying the values of culture, economy, politic and
contemporary society and promoting the value serving for the tourism. To
protect the marine heritage of Quang Ngai, we should have a new
behavior more positive and proactive with this type of heritage. The
question raised here is how to preserve the shipwreck relics and other

�forms of marine heritage in order to promote the value for serving the
public and contribute to improvement of the people's life in the region
through the forms of community tourism and ecotourism.12
Based on analyzing the characteristics of the cultural heritage of Quang
Ngai province and comparison with marine cultural heritage in other
places, the experts came up with a new approach for the maritime cultural
heritage resources of Quang Ngai province. That is the on-site
conservation of shipwreck relics serving for exhibition to promote the
values of heritage, as well as catering for diving tourism to sightseeing
heritage - a favourite tourism type currently being interested by both
domestic and foreign tourists. Moreover, the purpose of heritage
conservation is to promote the values, particularly here is to build the
museum for on-site exhibition and develop forms of diving tourism to
sightseeing the heritages. The conservation and promotion of heritage
values on the site will obtain the long term and sustainable benefits,
creating more jobs and stability for local people. These values will
inevitably create positive effects, which make the life of people in the
region be improved; people will be more involved in the conservation of
heritage. Accordingly, the serious problems such as illegal mining acts
and destruction of heritage will be minimized and replaced by an attitude
of respect and the actions of conservation and promotion of positive
values of the heritages.13
As we know, the cultural heritage is fundamental for economic
development, especially for the tourism industry. Marine cultural heritages
in the sea areas of Quang Ngai and Vung Tau provinces differ with the
others in term of quantity, density distribution, geographical distribution,
the depth, etc. With these characteristics, currently, these sea areas are
filing the application dossier to the competent authority for obtaining the

�approval and recognition as National Maritime Heritage and World
Heritage.
Issues of Replicating the Models for Conservation of Maritime
Cultural Heritage in Vietnam
Conservation of marine cultural heritage is a relatively new field of study
in Vietnam at present and is the top concerns of the archaeologists, the
museology and researchers. Since the early 90s of the 20th century to the
present,

the

Vietnamese

archaeologists

have

conducted

many

excavations of shipwrecks from Quang Nam to Kien Giang provinces.
Especially, similar to the sea areas of Vung Tau - Binh Chau and Ly Son
(Quang Ngai province), Kien Giang province has also become an
interesting place with a lot of shipwreck relics. Kien Giang province in
general and Phu Quoc Island in particular has become the hot spots for
the conservation of marine cultural heritage. Although, the distribution of
heritages is not dense as the one in the sea region of Vung Tau - Binh
Chau in Quang Ngai province, the sea region of Kien Giang province is
potential for various types of heritage. Since 2005, in this sea area, we
have discovered 3 shipwreck relics and simultaneously collected the
information and artefacts from two other shipwrecks kept by local
fishermen.14
Similar to the sea areas of Vung Tau - Binh Chau (Quang Ngai province),
the issues of conservation and promotion of values sustainably with
respect to the relics of shipwreck in Phu Quoc (Kien Giang province) is
very being interested. At the same time, they also carry out the protection
of the relics discovered, implementing the investigations and overall
surveys of the sea areas of Phu Quoc, Kien Giang province, aim at further
discovering the relics hidden, mapping the marine cultural heritage for
conservation planning. The next action is to deploy the on-site
conservation of marine heritages in Quang Ngai province, drawing

�learned lessons and replicating this model for Phu Quoc province. The
conservation and promotion of the marine cultural heritage value in Phu
Quoc sea, Kien Giang province will contribute not only for serving the
political aims of the State in relation to the issues of maritime sovereignty,
but also for the purposes of scientist research and especially supporting
for Phu Quoc in accomplishment of the national strategic by 2020 is to
become the centres for tourism and marine eco-tourism developed at high
level; the center for exchange of commercial, high-quality services of the
country, the region and the world.

Regarding the Duties for Protection and Promotion of Underwater
Cultural Heritage Value in Vietnam
The Government of Vietnam promulgated a Decree on the management
and protection of underwater cultural heritage.15 This Decree provides for
the management and protection of underwater cultural heritage, including
cultural heritage in the inland water areas, internal waters, territorial
waters, exclusive economic zones and continental shelf of the Socialist
Republic of Vietnam. I would like to contribute a few thoughts after 10
years this Decree was issued:
The protection and promotion of the values of Vietnam’s underwater
cultural heritage must firstly carry out the comprehensive studies and
evaluation of the values of heritage. However, the tasks for research,
evaluation of underwater heritage is still very limited. The comprehensive,
systematic and connective studies are not interested. Accordingly, there
still remain a lot of topics and stages which has not been focused and
many studying fields have been left vacant. Each organization, each
group, each individual researcher, owns privately a block of studying
materials and publishes them disjointedly, making our perception
incomplete. That is the limit for the work of protection and promotion.

�However, the results of research on underwater cultural heritage in
Vietnam, based on the foregoing, are only as dotted markings on the
panorama. In fact, the studying material son these issues were much
richer. If the systematization of studying material can be implemented, it
will create many valuable research works. However, those works should
go deeply into each topic, each historical period, each region, each field...
and then, summarize to help managers get the suitable policies and
strategies in terms of not only the protection and promotion of heritage
value, but also the political, economic, cultural, and social aspects.

Regarding documents, artefacts, collections and exhibits of underwater
cultural heritage in Vietnam, though many stages and studying fields
thereof are still vacant, but based on the obtained results from the studies
and the collections from the researchers and museums, it should be better
to have a museum of the underwater cultural heritage. Quang Ngai
province has a museum project in Ly Son on Truong Sa - Hoang Sa and
a museum project on vessels and maritime cultural heritage in Phu Quoc
Island. The above activities have just only exploited in the extreme small
extent of this field in comparison with the large scope of underwater
cultural heritage in Vietnam. Therefore, it is necessary to build a more
comprehensive and broader museum with the investment from the State
to promote underwater cultural heritage in Vietnam. Accordingly, we will
have the orientation and a more in-depth vision in the work of study and
exhibition on this field.

Regarding festival of coastal areas and islands of Vietnam, since there
are many similarities in term of the content, rituals and feature between
them, we suggest expanding the influence of some festivals with the
significance as the festival of ethnic communities, but not just the festival

�at the level of village community, regional or local communities. For last
several years, Ly Son has elevated to the festivals but still not satisfying
as expected. To achieve this, the work for research, evaluation,
rehabilitation and supplementation should be made. Accordingly, we
would promote the influence in terms of politic, society, economy and
culture of the festivals with the local and international communities.
The protection, restoration and embellishment of the cultural heritages in
general and the underwater cultural heritage in particular have been
reached many remarkable achievements during recent ten years.
However, with a huge volume of such heritages, it is impossible for the
state budget to cover all expenses for implementing such jobs. Although,
the socialization of this job in many provinces is very significant for many
years, however it should be applied and replicated in this case. However,
the protection of cultural heritages is still much neglected and loose.
These relics in Cai Beo (Cat Ba - Hai Phong city), how much area is left
while the urbanization rate is going strongly today? The archaeological
sites in Truong Sa discovered by the colleagues from Vietnam
Archaeology Institute in the 90s of last century, but recently, were
concreted. Apart from Truong Sa, in Phu Quoc, with the rate of rapid
growth at present, many construction works were springing up, but
archeology has not reached out to them. Heritage sector should actively
propose in advance the major construction projects in Phu Quoc, Co To...
serving for the investigation, research and excavation.

Conclusion
Since this article presents about cultural properties in the coastal and sea
and island areas of Vietnam only from the perspective of Quang Ngai
province, there are many other findings, important researches and many
valuable scientific insights have not been mentioned here; therefore, the

�author expected that this article will get the reader's sympathy. Apart from
Quang Ngai province, there are currently many other hot spots of marine
cultural heritage in Vietnam. Therefore, there must be a consistent and
long-term strategic and plan for the issues of conservation and protection
of this important heritage for the country and the future generations.

To conclude, there are two main issues we want to affirm:
1. The sea and islands cultural heritage of Vietnam is extremely rich
with the various types, characteristics, and different historical
periods. However, the studies in this regard have not been carried
out regularly, continuously and systematically. The reason for this
situation is that there is no State authorities to be assigned for taking
in charge this issue to manage with the long-term orientation and for
each specific stage.
2. With the abundance of sea and island heritages, the conservation
and promotion of their values should have a strategy, with the longer
and wider vision. However, for each particular case, it should have
the situational reaction to timely protect and preserve the precious
heritages for serving the long-term strategy.

With that spirit, it is necessary for Vietnam to have a research agency
specializing in the underwater cultural heritage, existing besides a
separate museum or sectoral museum under this research agency to
perform research centralised, professional projects. This research agency
also needs a center of underwater archaeology, instead of an underwater
archaeology division under the Vietnam Institute of Archaeology as
present, which was invested by the limited and slow human resource and
facilities. This is the model that the Koreans applied and they also have
cooperated with Vietnam during last years for implementing many

�research programs effectively. In order to make the premise for this
model, all materials, documents, artefacts... should be centrally gathered
with an authoritiy having the same objectives and functions for research
on maritime heritages, announcing the depth issues in each study areas,
each historical period, then to review and evaluate for providing the next
studying direction.

Minister of Culture, Sports and Tourism of Vietnam or Vietnam Academy
of Social Sciences, under the National University of... are the appropriate
authorities to perform this task. As the preparatory step, the specific
research programs on maritime cultural heritage should also be planned,
with the detailed assignment for each competent authority with the
objectives and functions for research in each field, implementing each
program or project. One of three ministries and ministerial-level agencies
should gather the above experts, formulating programs, plans, schemes
and projects prior to the assignment. This is a great and long-term
program which needs the investment/funds from the government budget.

Endnotes
1

Excavation team 2001. Excavation of the Cu Lao Cham ancient
shipwreck (1997 to 1999). New discoveries in Archaeology in 2000.
Vietnam Institute of Archaeology, 2001, p. 548-552
2

Ha Van Tan (eds) 1998. Vietnam Archaeology, Volume 1, Vietnam
Stone Age. Hanoi Social Science Publisher.
3

Ha Van Tan (eds) 1998. Vietnam Archaeology, Volume 2, Vietnam
Metal Age. Hanoi Social Science Publisher.
4

Trinh Cao Tuong 1991. Opening and studying the ancient trading port
of Vietnam. Archaeology, 4/1991, p. 66-69.

�5

Hoang Anh Tuan, 2008. The position of Vietnam in the system of East
Sea trade ancient medieval. History research journal, 9 + 10/2008, p. 316
6

The Shipwreck Relics Discovered in Vietnam's Waters and Cu Lao
Cham Shipwreck. International Conference: Shipwrecks and Cultural
History in Goryeo Dynasty. Mopko, South Korea, 10/2011, pp.265-294.
7

Tran Quoc Vuong 2010. The site of Van Don. The cultural history of
Van Don trading port. Hanoi, pp.65-75.
Quang Ngai People's Committee, 2010. Địa chí Quảng Ngãi. The Bach
Khoa Publisher., 2010.
8

9

Nguyen Dinh Chien, Pham Quoc Quan 2013. Initial information about
the shipwreck in Quang Ngai. New discoveries in Archaeology in 2012.
Vietnam Institute of Archaeology, 2013, pp. 714-716.
10

Nguyen Dinh Chien, Pham Quoc Quan 2014. Excavation of the Binh
Chau ancient shipwreck, the 6th ancient ship in Vietnam's waters. New
discoveries in Archaeology in 2013. Vietnam Institute of Archaeology,
2014, pp. 637-642.
11

Nguyen Quoc Hung 1992. Excavation of the antique treasure at the
sea bottom Hon Cau (Ba Ria - Vung Tau). Archaeology, 3/1992, pp. 6273
12

Nguyen Viet &amp; Nguyen Son Ca 2014. The 13/14 CE Wreck Excavated
at the Coast of Binh Chau (Quang Ngai). The Center For Southeast
Asian Prehistory.
13

Nguyen Giang Hai 2014. Vietnam Marine Archaeology: Potential and
Challenges. Conference Proceedings Underwater Archaeology in
Vietnam and Southeast Asia: Cooperation for development. Quang
Ngai, 10/2014, pp. 1-14.
14

Pham Chi Than 2013. Discovery the X3 ancient vessels in the waters
of Vung Tau. New discoveries in Archaeology in 2012. Vietnam Institute
of Archaeology, 2013, pp. 625-626.
15

Government Decree No 86/2005/ND-CP, dated 08.07.2005, On the
management and protection of underwater cultural heritage.

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                <text>Quang Ngai is a province located in the South Central Coast region of Vietnam, on the coast of the East Sea. It borders Quang Nam Province which is home to the famous Cu Lao Cham shipwreck in the north and the Binh Dinh Province in the south. It has a long coastline of 129km and wide territorial waters of 11.000km2. Quang Ngai has 6 seaports which are favorable for maritime transport and trade. The Ly Son Island of Quang Ngai province is located on the north-south waterway transport of our country, which is also the East-West international trade route in ancient times. The continuous discovery of shipwreck relics in the seas of Vung Tau, Binh Chau commune, Binh Son district, and Ly Son Island in recent years has demonstrated that the potential of maritime cultural heritage in the sea of Quang Ngai is enormous and rich. However, such precious heritage now is in danger of being undermined by the illegal exploitation of some local fisherman. In the context of our current status of underwater archaeology, the necessity of carrying out the studies, protection, conservation and promotion of the value of this important heritage resource is a major issue being faced by professionals and heritage managers. This article refers to the issues of preserving and promoting the value of maritime cultural heritage in Quang Ngai province, in order to serve for the exhibition in place and development of tourism as a new approach.</text>
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                    <text>Vietnamese Ceramics
in Asian Maritime Trade between 14th and 17th centuries
Ngo The Bach
Department of Research and Collections
Thang Long - Hanoi Heritage Conservation Centre
19, Hoang Dieu St
Hanoi
Vietnam
Email: bach.ngothe@gmail.com

Abstract
Vietnam is one of many Asian countries that have a long-standing and famous tradition
of pottery production. Vietnam is also one of three countries including China, Vietnam,
and Japan which exported ceramics developed to other countries. The 14th century was
marked by the initial penetration of Vietnamese ceramics for foreign markets. The 15th
century was considered as a prosperous period for Vietnamese export ceramics with
the largest export quantity and the most abundant types thereof. The 16th century
marked as a pause in the export of Vietnamese ceramics. The 17th century was the
development period of commodity economy and the renaissance period of ports located
in the northern and central parts of Vietnam. The article reviewed the findings regarding
Vietnamese ceramics in Japan, West Asia, mainland, and insular Southeast Asia in
order to partially reconstruct the historical context and the flow of Vietnamese export
ceramics for the international maritime trade routes in the Vietnamese history of
international trades from 14th to 17th centuries. Given that, the author pointed out the
origin, chronology of the Vietnamese ceramics discovered from the relics as well as
market context thereof and the destinations of Vietnamese export ceramics.

Key words: Vietnamese ceramics, Dai Viet (Great Viet), Northern Vietnam, Southeast
Asia, Maritime trade routes, Ceramic export

Introduction
Vietnam is located in Southeast Asia or Indo-China, with more than 3,000 km of long
and beautiful coastline, and is at a crossroads of the exchange routes of the East to the
West. It is considered as the free trade gateway of Southeast Asia occupying an
important role in the system of international maritime trade routes. In the 9th century,
1

�with the advent of several commercial ports and participation of Chinese and Arabian
traders, the ceramics officially involved in maritime trade system and set up "the
Ceramics Road on the Sea". Vietnam is one of many Asian countries having a longstanding and famous tradition of ceramics production. Vietnam also is one of three
countries including Vietnam, China and Japan that exported ceramics developed in
other countries. The manufacture of Vietnamese ceramics has been formed and
developed from the 1st to the 3rd centuries and strongly developed since Vietnam had
won their freedom in the early 10th century. Since Ly Dynasty (1010-1225 AD) onwards,
the production methods of Vietnamese ceramics developed constantly and made great
advances regarding the types of products, as well as decoration patterns used on
ceramics. Northern Vietnam is the place where has many well known ceramic
manufacturing centers, such as Thang Long and Bat Trang in Hanoi, Van Yen, Chu Dau
and Binh Giang in Hai Duong province as well as Tuc Mac and Con Che in Nam Dinh
province. It is noted that apart from the production of ceramics serving for the demand
of domestic market especially in the 14th century that Vietnam was officially engaged in
the ceramics export network through maritime trade route. For the later periods in Later
Le (the 15th century) and Restored Le Dynasties (the late 16th and the 17th century),
Vietnam exported a large quantity of ceramics to Southeast Asian, Northeast Asian and
Western Asian markets. In addition to a few notes scattered in the written historical
sources, the ceramic artifacts discovered through excavations in the ancient trading
ports, shipwrecks and others in Vietnam as well as in other countries are important
evidence that contributes to the knowledge of commercial activities on the maritime
trade routes. These sources seem to suggest that contact Vietnam and other countries
in Asia (both East and West) were abundant and important. The participation in the
international trades from the 14th to the 17th century is clear in the archaeological
record, which highlights the role and position of Vietnam in Asia and even in the West.

2

�Vietnamese Ceramics and Its Maritime Trade Routes in Asia during the 14th to the
17th Centuries
After King Ngo Quyen defeated the Nam Han enemy on the Bach Dang River in 938,
Vietnam entered officially the new era of independence. During the Ly Dynasty (10101225 AD), Vietnamese glazed wares industry had highly developed its technical and
artistic aspects. In Tran Dynasty (1225-1400 AD), a lot of ceramics manufacturing
centers had been set up and developed such as Thang Long (Hanoi), Bat Trang (Hanoi),
Thien Truong (Nam Dinh), Van Yen (Hai Duong) and others. A large quantity of highquality wares, such as celadon, brown glazed, brown patterned and blue and white
wares including white ceramic tiles were produced in many kilns. Archaeological
findings in Vietnam and other countries from the 14th century, seem to indicate that
ceramics made in the kilns in northern Vietnam were not only sold in the domestic
markets but also exported to the foreign markets. During archaeological excavations in
the 1980s at Dazaifu, Northern Kuyshu in Japan, Vietnamese ceramics associated with
the pieces of wood and dated in “Daitoku the 2nd Year (1330)” have been found there.
They are considered the earliest evidences on ceramics exported from Vietnam to
foreign markets. According to other documentations, the iron-brown and cobalt-blue
glazed wares were similar to ceramics discovered in Dazaifu in Japan, Juara on the
Tiumen Island, and Babal states of West Malaysia.
Many archaeological sites in East Java and South Sulawesi in Indonesia have also
yielded the same types of Vietnamese ceramics. In details, blue and white and
monochrome glazed wares produced at the kilns in northern Vietnam have been found
there (Cheng and Lammers, 1974: 5-16). The most remarkable object found in these
sites is the base of celadon tower decorated skillfully with embossed patterns which are
similar to the ones decorated on the tower of Gio Pagoda in Vinh Phuc province,
Vietnam dated to the 13th to 14th century. This object is currently preserved at the
Adam Malik Museum in Jakarta, Indonesia (Stevenson and Guy, 1997: 270, plate 180).
According to Stevenson’s and Guy’s opinions, the fragments of brownglazed jars of
Tran Dynasty have been found in Trowulan, East Java (Stevenson and Guy, 1997: 286,

3

�plate 209). This is the first evidence mentioned about Vietnamese brown glazed wares
in Southeast Asia.
Apart from the ceramics found on the mainland, the Vietnamese ceramics have also
been found on the Rang Kwian shipwreck which sank in the Gulf of Thailand and has
associated material of Chinese and Thai celadon wares. Vietnamese ceramics
comprised of blue and white bowls, plates, and cups (The Fine Arts Department of
Thailand) (FAD, 1990: 82-93; Tenazas, 1981: 31-32). Pursuant to the specific
characteristics regarding the types and patterns, these types of wares are dated to the
mid 14th century.
At the end of 2000, a group of fishermen in Ca Mau province, Vietnam while
fishing off the seabed picked up a large number of Vietnamese and Chinese
ceramics. The museum staffs assumed that there was a shipwreck and designated the
site as the Ca Mau II shipwreck. The characteristics of Vietnamese ceramics are the
same with ceramics discovered in the Rang Kwian shipwreck which were considered to
have a relationship with the period. The Vietnamese blue and white wares on the Ca
Mau II shipwreck include a wide variety of bowls, plates and bottles. The associated
Chinese ceramics comprised of Jingdezhen blue and white and Longquan celadon
wares of Yuan Dynasty dated in the 14th century.
Along with the Rang Kwian shipwreck, ceramics discovered on the Ca Mau II shipwreck
contributed to brighten the picture regarding the Vietnamese export ceramics during the
second half of 14th century. Although traces of this ship has not been confirmed, this
find is nevertheless very important regarding the Vietnamese ceramics extracted from
the area, which can be dated earlier than the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck sank off the
coast of Hoi An in Quang Nam province, Vietnam which sank nearly a century later.
This is the second ship discovered in the territorial waters of Vietnam that transported
Vietnamese export ceramics.
In addition to the findings in Southeast Asia, Northern Vietnamese blue and white wares
have also been found in many important monuments in the West Asia. The fragments of
blue and white bowl with daisy pattern has been found from the excavation in Fustat,
4

�Cairo, Egypt, whose style is the same with the one contained on the Rang Kwian and
Ca Mau II shipwrecks, and the Turiang shipwreck which contains a lot of Vietnamese
underglaze iron-decorated ceramics (Sten 2002). This confirms the presence of
Vietnamese ceramics in the West Asian market in the same context with the Southeast
Asian market. The obvious increasing quantity of the 15th century Vietnamese ceramics
in oversea relics showed that there was a significant development on Vietnamese
ceramics export sector for the foreign markets during this period. The discovery of the
fragments of the 15th century Chu Dau blue and white wares from the commercial port
of Hormuz along the coast of Persian Gulf is considered as evidence regarding the
Vietnamese ceramics exporting to the West Asia by maritime routes (John Guy, 1984).
The most valuable evidence of Vietnamese ceramics exported to the West Asian
market is a famous Vietnamese vase which has currently being displayed in the
Topkapi Sarayi Museum in Istanbul, Turkey, also known as the "Topkapi vase". This is
the beautiful and well-known blue and white vase, on which the information regarding
the date and place of production was recorded, such as artisan surname is Bui in Nam
Sach, made in the Dai Hoa VIII (1450) (recently called Nam Sach district, Hai Duong
province in today).
According to the report of Seiki Kin, there are eight sites in the Ryukyu (recently Japan)
discovered Vietnamese ceramics especially in Nakijin and Shuri sites. In consideration
on the shape and decoration, these ceramics were from the kilns in northern Vietnam
dated between the 14th and 15th century (Kin Seiki, 1999). According to the research
by Professor Yoji Aoyagi in 1991, Vietnamese ceramics have also been found in 32
sites in Southeast Asia including Indonesia (11 sites), Philippines (10 sites), Malaysia (9
sites) and Brunei (2 sites) (Yoji Aoyagi, 1991: 78-82). Although the findings from this
research did not reflect the update thereof and the quantity of relics of Vietnamese
ceramics to be found is much less than the ones found in reality, it is enough to show
that Southeast Asia is the most important market of the Vietnamese trade ceramics.
A notable discovery is the 1995 excavation of the Pandanan shipwreck sank near the
Pandanan Island off the southern tip of Palawan Island in the Philippines. The
excavation discovered more than 4,000 ceramics in total, of which the Vietnamese
5

�ceramics occupy 70 percent. Most of them were mainly produced at Binh Dinh province
in Vietnam, but a few were ceramics produced at Hai Duong province in Vietnam.
Based on the report by Eusebio Dizon (1998), it is assumed that this shipwreck sank in
the mid-15th century. Other excavation is the Balanakan or Blanakan shipwreck in Ujung
Karawang, West Java, Indonesia there has excavated in 1998 and has also been found
Vietnam ceramics, especially blue and white wares made at Hai Duong province, as
well as it dated to the 15th to the 16th century (Bui Minh Tri 2001; 2002).
The 1997-2000 excavation of the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck sank off the coast of Quang
Nam in Vietnam has recovered more than 240,000 objects and most of them are
Vietnamese ceramics dated in the 15th century that demonstrated the Vietnamese
ceramics were also supplied on the maritime trade routes. According to historical record,
we know that the trade network in Southeast Asia was expanded from Malacca to the
northern coast of Java especially in the 15th century together with the sharing of Muslim
traders. The Vietnamese historical record also confirmed that Southeast Asian
merchant ships were used to make the landfall to the ports in northern Vietnam for
trading and exchange of eucalyptus, pearls, and aromas during the 14th to the 15th
century.
Although, these notes did not mention about ceramics but they were considered that the
quantity of ceramics have been found as many in the trading ports of Vietnam, such as
Van Don in Quang Ninh province, Lach Truong in Thanh Hoa province and Hoi Thong
in Nghe An province, and have confirmed Vietnamese ceramics were exported during
this period. Currently, there is no strong evidence to confirm whether or not this was the
case, but there appears to be a continued export on Vietnamese ceramics in the 16th
century.
The investigation in Japan has found Vietnamese ceramics dated to the second half of
the 16th century especially in Keichou period (1595-1615) (Shinichiro 1999). This
evidence showed that the maritime trade between Vietnam and Japan was flourishing.
In details, the Vietnamese ceramics found in Japanese town were from Hoi An in Quang
Nam province and possibly arrived to Japan before the reign of Tokugawa Shogun had
applied the closed-door policy in 1639. The results of archaeological research in Hai
6

�Duong province showed that Vietnam had decreased ceramic productions in the
beginning of the 16th century, and several types of 15th century trade ceramics were
not produced anymore and this phase seems to be focused on the domestic market
mainly (Bui Minh Tri 1995).
In the 17th century, many evidences – especially historical record – clearly confirm that
Vietnamese ceramics were exported to foreign markets. A possible reason for this is the
international trade policy under the Trinh Lords and Nguyen Lords of the Dai Viet feudal
state (Great Viet - Vietnam today). Another possible reason could be the establishment
and development of international shipping companies in the early 17th century,
especially the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, VOC).
Merchant ships of this company were making long trips to the East to find the local
markets, set up trading locations and expand their sales in other countries, especially in
Asia (Bui Minh Tri, 2008).
In that context, many trading ports with economic structure as the town were
established along the coast of Vietnam during this period, specifically trading ports of
Thanh Ha in Hue province, Hoi An in Quang Nam province, Nuoc Man in Binh Dinh
province, Pho Hien in Hung Yen province, Kinh Ky-Ke Cho in Thang Long, Hanoi.
These were the gateways for trading for the Dai Viet (Vietnam) with both Asia and
Europe. At these trading ports, many kinds of goods were purchased and exchanged,
including agricultural products, handicrafts and ceramics (Bui Minh Tri 1994, Do Bang
1996).
In this period, the trades between Dai Viet and Japan were developing strongly
especially in the first three decades of the 17th century or called Shuisen (the red seal
ships) that Japanese historian called. The numbers of licensed Japanese ships traded
in Dai Viet from 1604 to 1635 have 124 ships in total, including 37 boats in northern
Vietnam and 87 ships in central Vietnam (Seiichi 1941). Generally, the Japanese
shipped commodities, specifically silver, copper, and weapons, to Dai Viet and then
they purchased mainly silk, spices, sugar and ceramics back to their country. Even after
the Bakufu Shogun had issued the order of “Sakoku” to limit the foreign trades in 1636,

7

�Japan still continued to trade with Dai Viet merchant ships through China and the
Netherlands (Bui Minh Tri and Pham Quoc Quan 1994: 34-51).
It is worth mentioning that the Trinh Lords and Nguyen Lords did not allow Chinese and
Japanese traders to reside in trading ports, but they allowed Western traders to open
their trading stores. Particularly, Nguyen Lords allowed the Dutch to open their trading
stores in Hoi An, Quang Namprovince in 1636. A year later, Trinh Lords also allowed
the Dutch to open their trading store in Pho Hien, Hung Yen province and then open a
second trading store in Thang Long (recently Hanoi) in 1645. Such events were good
opportunities for trade in the developing regions.
The VOC sponsored by the Dutch government had many priority rights including the
exclusive trading right in the region East of Cape of Good Hope. For Dai Viet, after
having set up trading stores in Pho Hien (Hung Yen) and Thang Long (Hanoi), the
business of VOC had prospered because they enjoyed preferential treatment from the
Trinh Lords. During this time, many kilns in northern Vietnam had competed to produce
ceramics to export to foreign markets and also competed with Chinese and Japanese
ceramics trade. The evidence of this can be seen through the abundant quantity of the
17th century Vietnamese ceramics found on many archaeological sites in Japan and
insular Southeast Asia as well as the documentation of the VOC Company (Volker, T.
1971).
In Southeast Asia, Vietnamese ceramics have been found in Pukissutosanion in
Malaysia, and some in Indonesia, specifically Trowulan on East Java, Banten Girang
and Banten Lama on West Java, Selayar on South Sulawesi, Warloka on Flores and
Bengkulu on Sumatra (Naniek, H.W 1993). Very few of them have been found in Banten
Girang and Banten Lama which were famous trading ports operated by Banten Sultan
during the 16th to the 17th century. They material can be dated to the same dates as
the Hizen ceramics from Japan dated in the late 17th century (Koji Ohashi and Takashi
Sakai 1999).
By comparative study, I assumed that the Vietnamese ceramics exported to foreign
markets during this period were mainly made at the kilns in Hai Duong province on
8

�northern Vietnam. These ceramics were exported and transported by merchant ships of
Chinese traders and VOC for consumption in Southeast Asia and Japan from 1625 to
1689 (Bui Minh Tri 2001).
The findings of the Vietnamese ceramics in Japan, West Asia, mainland and insular
Southeast Asia partly assisted us to deconstruct the historical contexts and analyze
export flows of Vietnamese ceramics through international maritime trade routes.
Noticeably, Vietnamese ceramics have often been found together with Chinese and
Thai ceramics in many sites, which showed that they were shared and exported in the
same trade flow.
Conclusion
Based on historical record and archaeological evidences of the trade ceramics, it
appeared that the 14th century was the period for the penetration of Vietnamese
ceramics into the Asian market. The 15th century was the flourishing period of
Vietnamese export ceramics with the largest shipments and most complexity of export
ceramics. The 16th century was marked by a pause in the export of Vietnamese
ceramics. The 17th century was the development period of commodity and a
prosperous period of trading ports in northern and central Vietnam. The international
maritime trades by Vietnam had expanded around Asia with great opportunities to
establish foreign relations with other countries in the region as well as Western
countries that were based in the East. The impact of international trade had also
expanded and developed on other ceramics production centers that were prospering
proportionality to that of Vietnam and shared of the same Asian maritime trade routes.
During the late 17th century to the early 18th century, the gradual decline of the Dai
Viet’s economy associated with the decline of foreign trading stores in Thang Long in
Hanoi, Pho Hien in Hung Yen province, affected the foreign economic system of the
Dai Viet. The decline of Dai Viet’s trading port system originated from different causes
but it was affected directly by the general downturn of Asia and the world trade system.
It appears to indicate that the 17th century was experienced a return to prosperity and

9

�development on the international maritime trades, but afterward Vietnamese ceramics
production stopped even to supply international maritime trade routes.

th

Fig. 1. Bottle, cobalt glazed ceramic, 15 ceramics,
in Topkapi Saray Museum, Istanbul

th

Fig.3. Incense burner, blue and white ceramic, 15
century, from Treasures from the Hoi An Hoard (Cu
Lao Cham shipwreck, Quang Nam, Vietnam)

Fig.2. Status of an aristocratic lady, blue and white ceramic,
th
15 century, from Treasures from the Hoi An Hoard (Cu Lao
Cham shipwreck, Quang Nam, Vietnam)

th

Fig.4. Bowls with high feet, iron black ceramic, 15 century,
at Puerto Galera (Philippines)

10

�th

th

Fig. 5. Jar, iron black ceramic, 16 -17 centuries, in the
Kyushu Ceramics Museum (Japan)

Fig.6. A covered jar with applied dragon
embossment and painting in underglaze
cobalt. In the possession of the Ozawa family,
17th century (Kyoto National Museum)

Fig.7. A large dish painted with VOC trademark, Hizen
th
ware, 17 century. Found in Dejima port (Nagasaki,
Japan)

Fig.8. Types and designs of Vietnamese ceramics trade
th
ware to Japan in the 17 century

11

�References
Aoyagi Yoji 1991. Vietnamese ceramics excavated on the islands of Southeast Asia. (In
Vietnamese). Vietnam Archaeology. No 4: 78-82.
Bui Minh Tri 1994. Thanh Ha commercial port. Hue, past and present (In Vietnamese).
No số 4: 84-93.
Bui Minh Tri 1995. Investigation Report of ceramics relics at the Cam Binh district, Hai
Duong Province (In Vietnamese). Documentation of Vietnam Institute of Archaeology.
Bui Minh Tri 2001. Hop Le ceramics in composition of Le Dynasty’s ceramics (In
Vietnamese). Ph.D Dissertation. Documentation of Vietnam Institute of Archaeology.
Bui Minh Tri 2002. Vietnamese ceramics: The date and origin (In Vietnamese). A
century of Vietnam archaeology, Hanoi 2002.
Bui Minh Tri 2008. Vietnamese ceramics in the Asia sea-route trade in the seventeenth
century (In Vietnamese). Vietnam Archaeology. No 6: 67-82.
Bui Minh Tri, Phạm Quốc Quân 1994. Hizen Ceramics (Japan) found at some Vietnam
archaeological sites (In Vietnamese). Vietnam Archaeology. No 4: 34-51.
Cheng Lammers and Abu Ridho 1974. Annamese Ceramics in the Museums Pusat
Jakarta, Himpunan Keramik Indonesia, Jakarta.
Dizon

Eusebio Z., 1998. Underwater archaeology of Pandanan wreck: A mid- 15

century AD. Vessel, Southern Palawan, Philippines, International Conference in Berlin,
from 31 Aug- 4 Sept.
Do Bang 1996. The port city of Thuan Quang (In Vietnamese). Hue city 1996.
Guy, J. 1984. Oriental Trade Ceramics in Southeast Asia: 9th to 16th Century.
University of Melbourne Press: Melbourne.
Iwao Seiichi 1941. Studies of the Japantowns of the South Seas.
John Stevenson and John Guy 1997. Vietnamese Ceramics: A separate tradition. Art
Media Resources, Chicago.
Kin Seiki, 1999. Trade with Southeast Asia by the Kingdom of Ryukyu and Vietnamese
Ceramics Discovered in Okinawa. (In Vietnamese) International conference on
Vietnam-Japan relations: Hanoi
12

�Naniek, H.W., 1993. Vietnamese ceramics from archaeological site in Indonesia. The
Journal of Sophia Asian Studies, No. 11.
Ohashi Koji and Sakai Takashi 1999. Ceramics from the site of Banten in Indonesia.
Bullentin of the National Museum of Japanese History. Vol. 82
Rosa Tenazas 1981. Status reports: Underwater Archaeological Investigation of the
Rang Kwien Shipwreck, SPAPA Digest, Vol. II, No. 2: 31-33
Sten Sjostrand 2002. Turiang: a 14th century Chinese shipwreck, upsetting Southeast
Asian ceramic history. Southeast Asia - China Interactions which was published by the
Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in 2002.
The Fine Arts Department of Thailand (FAD) 1990. Sumaphan Published Co., Ltd.,
Tsuzyki Shinichiro 1999. Vietnam ceramics excavated from Sakai site. The summary
record of International Conference in Hanoi, December 1999.
Volker, T., 1971. Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company. Leiden, E. J. Brill.

13

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                <text>Vietnam is one of many Asian countries that have a long-standing and famous tradition of pottery production. Vietnam is also one of three countries including China, Vietnam, and Japan which exported ceramics developed to other countries. The 14th century was marked by the initial penetration of Vietnamese ceramics for foreign markets. The 15th century was considered as a prosperous period for Vietnamese export ceramics with the largest export quantity and the most abundant types thereof. The 16th century marked as a pause in the export of Vietnamese ceramics. The 17th century was the development period of commodity economy and the renaissance period of ports located in the northern and central parts of Vietnam. The article reviewed the findings regarding Vietnamese ceramics in Japan, West Asia, mainland, and insular Southeast Asia in order to partially reconstruct the historical context and the flow of Vietnamese export ceramics for the international maritime trade routes in the Vietnamese history of international trades from 14th to 17th centuries. Given that, the author pointed out the origin, chronology of the Vietnamese ceramics discovered from the relics as well as market context thereof and the destinations of Vietnamese export ceramics. </text>
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                  <text>The richness of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) in the Southeast Asian region has been very well known throughout the world. Various shipping activities, trade, warfare, piracy occur in Southeast Asian waters since prehistoric times to the present, causing many archaeological relics in the bottom of the sea in that region, such as shipwrecks which are a traditional ships owned by countries in Southeast Asia and also foreign ships from various countries in the world which sank due to various causes in Southeast Asian Waters. UCH in Southeast Asia has become a very important resource for science, history and even for economic interests relating to the welfare of the local communities which in some areas, UCH shipwreck sites serve as diving attractions.&#13;
UCH in Southeast Asia have also attracted treasure hunters both the international big companies and national companies in Southeast Asian countries. In many areas, in particularly in small islands and coastal areas with low level economic life, the locals often plunder the UCH sites, raise up the cargoes, and also take the ship parts mainly made of metal materials to be sold for sustaining their lives. Treasure hunt problem; looting by local people; the lack of human resources, facilities, and funds for research, monitoring, and conservation; as well as the lack of understanding and awareness of the central government, local government, civil society, and local communities make the problems associated UCH in Southeast Asia being very complex.&#13;
The UCH richness and the complexity of the problems associated with it in Southeast Asia make this being one of critical theme to be highlighted in this conference. There is a need to share a current information betweeen the countries to strengthen the bond and to foster the regional and international cooperation.&#13;
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â€¢ The threats faced by UCH i.e. the human factors, climate change, and changes in the physical environment in the waters of Southeast Asian countries.&#13;
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UCH in Southeast Asia have also attracted treasure hunters both the international big companies and national companies in Southeast Asian countries. In many areas, in particularly in small islands and coastal areas with low level economic life, the locals often plunder the UCH sites, raise up the cargoes, and also take the ship parts mainly made of metal materials to be sold for sustaining their lives. Treasure hunt problem; looting by local people; the lack of human resources, facilities, and funds for research, monitoring, and conservation; as well as the lack of understanding and awareness of the central government, local government, civil society, and local communities make the problems associated UCH in Southeast Asia being very complex. &#13;
The UCH richness and the complexity of the problems associated with it in Southeast Asia make this being one of critical theme to be highlighted in this conference. There is a need to share a current information betweeen the countries to strengthen the bond and to foster the regional and international cooperation. &#13;
This session will discuss: &#13;
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â€¢	Current issues, problems, and challenges faced by Southeast Asian countries in efforts to study, to protect, and to preserve the UCH. &#13;
â€¢	The threats faced by UCH i.e. the human factors, climate change, and changes in the physical environment in the waters of Southeast Asian countries. &#13;
â€¢	The results of resent research conducted in the field of UCH in Southeast Asian countries. &#13;
â€¢	Protection and conservation measures in accordance with the UNESCO Convention 2001 which can be applied in Southeast Asian countries. &#13;
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                    <text>Impact Assessment of Current and Future Sea-Level Rises on Coastal and Underwater
Archaeological Sites in Indonesia
Ulung J. Wisha1,2, Wisnu A. Gemilang3, &amp; Nia N. H. Ridwan3
1

Department of Physics and Earth Sciences, University of the Ryukyus, Nishihara-Japan

2

Research Center for Oceanography, National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN),
Jakarta-Indonesia
3

Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability (RICRV), Ministry of Marine
Affairs and Fisheries, Padang-Indonesia

ABSTRACT
Despite the indirect impact of sea level rises on underwater archaeological sites, identifying future conditions is
imperative to support conservation planning to minimise the possible effects that may occur. This study aims to
identify the sea level trends in several important archaeological sites in Indonesia and estimate the future change
due to sea level rises. Altimetry satellite data were employed to determine the sea level anomaly (SLA) of three
chosen sites: Mandeh Bay, Banten Bay, and southern Tidore, where significant historical objects were recently
discovered. Hydrodynamic-based modelling was also used to estimate the water properties alteration in 2100 as
predicted by IPCC AR6, with a projection of about 0.68-0.70 meters (m) sea level increase. Under the sea level
rise scenario, the current magnitude will increase significantly by about 33-35per cent in 2100. It is followed by
an increase in sediment transport of 18 â€“ 37 per cent. As sedimentation is the primary issue in these three sites,
sea level rises will induce sufficiently high sedimentation on archaeological remains, and artefact shifting
position is also possible due to the more robust current regimes. Therefore, regular monitoring is an effort to
protect the archaeological remains. If possible, excavations are also recommended to conserve the underwater
cultural heritage (UCH) in Indonesia since it faces an upward sea level trend.
Keywords: UCH, shipwreck, artefacts, sea level trends, sea level projections

INTRODUCTION
Sea level rise has become a growing concern in recent years as it threatens coastal areas and poses a
significant threat to the preservation of underwater archaeological sites (Wetsley et al. 2023, 251-253).
Indonesia with its vast coastline and rich cultural history is no exception to this issue. The rising sea
level in Indonesia is gradually eroding coastal areas and threatening to submerge many ancient
underwater archaeological sites, which are essential for scientific research but also for the cultural
heritage of the country (Adhityatama and Yarista 2019, 55-56). Understanding the relationship
between sea level rise and underwater archaeological sites in Indonesia is crucial for preserving the
country's cultural heritage and preventing the loss of valuable historical information. Several
shipwrecks and underwater archaeological sites in Indonesia are threatened by sea level rise, including
those in the waters of Java and Sumatra. These sites would be a significant loss for scientific research
and destroy Indonesia's cultural heritage. Therefore, preserving these sites and preventing them from
being lost to the sea is essential.
Historical shipwrecks are diving sites and the object of research in Indonesia (Dillenia et al. 2021, 2-3;
Ridwan 2011, 5-6). To date, no studies assess the relationship of sea level trends with archaeological
remains in the coastal and terrestrial zones. Some examples of well-known archaeological remains that
may be threatened by sea level rise are: MV Boelongan Nederland, Gosong Nambi Shiwreck, and
Ceramic findings in Sungai Nyalo, situated in the West Sumatra, USS Houston and HMAS Perth in

1

�Banten Bay, and Tonguwai and Soasio archaeological sites in Tidore Island, North Moluccas Province.
This study will compare the status of sea level trends in these sites and their possible influence on the
UCH. Estimating the future state concerning sea level projection established by The
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) can be approached using hydrodynamic
modelling and statistical-based analysis. Therefore, this study describes the possible impact of sea
level rises on underwater archaeological remains in Indonesia. This study is expected to become a
basis for future decision-making regarding UCH preservation for local and central authorities.
CASE STUDIES
As mentioned earlier, this study will assess the possible impact of sea level rise on UCH in Indonesia.
Therefore, in this section, we want to introduce several essential sites threatened by sea level rise.
There are many significant archaeological sites in the West Sumatra Province. However, in this stage,
we will introduce the latest identified sites surrounding Mandeh Bay, namely MV Boelongan
Nederland and Gosong Nambi Shipwreck underwater sites and Sungai Nyalo terrestrial site. In 2017,
RICRV discovered plenty of artefacts in the terrestrial area of Mandeh Bay called Sunyai Nyalo
Village, close to the MV Boelongan Nederland shipwreck. Of 654 fragments were conserved,
consisting of ceramic pieces, green-glass bottles, and earthenware bottles with European, East Asian,
and Southeast Asian motifs (Figure 1a and b). This finding is an example of the incredible impact of
sea level rise since the upward trend of sea level induces significant erosion in the coastal area.
Therefore, these artefacts could be discovered at a one-meter depth. Thus, analysing sea level
anomalies in the West Sumatra region, particularly in the surrounding Mandeh Bay, is significant in
understanding its impact on shipwreck future conditions and the faith of undiscovered terrestrial
remains that may still exist in the West Sumatra Province.

Figure 1. The documentation of archaeological remains in the Indonesia waters; Sungai Nyalo artifact (a and b); Gosong
Nambi wreck (c and d); MV Boelongan Nederland (e and f); HMAS Perth (g and h); USS Houston (i and j); Artefact
findings in Tidore (k and l)

A shipwreck discovered by local fishers in 2015 and initially established in 2020 is the Gosong Nambi
wreck (Wisha et al. 2020, 63-65). Despite the lack of historical context for these remains, the
shipwreck is the centre of biodiversity since it is trapped within an atoll formation (Figure 1c and d).
Recently, locals reported that the position of this wreck is lowered due to the rubble avalanches
induced by extreme weather and tides. Therefore, since the remains are vulnerable, the long-term sea

2

�level rise could cause a more lowering position of this wreck and even be buried by rubble and
sediment.
On the other hand, MV Boelongan Nederland was a cargo ship built in the 1920s by the Dutch
shipping company Koninklijke Paketvaart-Maatschappij (KPM). The ship was used for transporting
goods and passengers in and around Indonesia and Southeast Asia. During WWII, the ship was taken
over by the Dutch and used to aid the war effort. However, in 1942, the Dutch scuttled the ship to
prevent it from falling into the hands of the advancing Japanese forces (Ridwan et al. 2015, 84-87).
The remains of MV Boelongan Nederland now lie in the waters off Mandeh Bay, West Sumatra,
Indonesia, and have become a popular recreation dive site. The shipwreck is also of historical
significance as it provides insights into the maritime history of Indonesia and the role played by
shipping companies like KPM in the region. This site is threatened by massive sedimentation, which
frequently hampers the diving activity due to the high sediment supply from the Mandeh Estuary right
in front of the shipwreck position (Figures 1e and f). The shipwreck lies at a depth of about 20 m, and
under the scenario of sea level rises, it is hypothesised that the sediment issue will get worse with
increasing sea levels.
The other case studies considered in this study are USS Houston and HMAS Perth shipwreck sites.
The USS Houston and HMAS Perth were two naval warships that were heavily damaged during the
battle and eventually sank during WWII in the Battle of Sunda Strait, which took place on 28 February
1942. Today, the USS Houston and HMAS Perth wrecks are popular dive sites in Indonesia and are
located near the island of Java. The wrecks are historically and culturally significant and essential for
scientific research and a reminder of the sacrifices made by those who fought in WWII. Efforts have
been made to preserve and protect the wrecks, including establishing a protected zone around the sites
and conducting ongoing monitoring and research to document changes in the condition of the wrecks
over time (Figure 1gâˆ’j) (Shaw 2017, 2-7).
Based on the recent documentation and field identification conducted by RICRV in 2018, HMAS
Perth is positioned at 19-34 m depth, while the USS Houston is at a depth of 16-30 m, both located in
the northern Panjang Island. The main problem in these sites is high sedimentation, with almost zero
visibility (Ridwan 2019, 1626-1627). Moreover, the shipwrecks are surrounded by mining and
industrial activities; they are located in the fishing zone; and are degraded by marine debris pollution
(Wisha et al. 2022a, 106009). Therefore, the increase in sea level could worsen the shipwreck
conditions in terms of greater sedimentation and degradation.
In east Indonesia Tidore Island, was the location to witness the first circumnavigation of the Earth by
Ferdinand Magellan and Juan Sebastian Elcano. There are many remains on Tidore Island as evidence
of Portuguese and Spanish colonialism over spice resources in this area. The most reachable sites are
Tongwai and Soasio, where many artefact fragments, such as cannon, ceramics, earthenware, and
metals, are scattered on the surrounding coral reef ecosystem, increasing the attractiveness of these
sites to recreation (Figure 1k and l) (Rahmawan et al. 2021, 173-174). Since it is directly connected to
the Pacific Ocean, the sea level rise may deteriorate the site conditions.
RESOURCES
To review the sea level trend in the study sites, we used the ~27-year sea level data (1992-2019) from
altimetry satellites, The Sea Level Explorer established by the University of Colorado Boulder, the
University of Hawaii Sea Level Center, and NASA Jet Propulsion Lab, (see
https://ccar.colorado.edu/altimetry/ ). The altimetry data were sourced from the Propulsion Labâ€™s
Physical Oceanography Distributed Active Archive Center (PODAAC). The sampled altimetry
coordinates (Table 1) are in Mandeh Bay, Banten Bay, and southern Tidore Island.
On the other hand, to estimate the possible future alteration due to sea level rises, we employed a sea
level projection data provided by the NASA Sea Level Projection Tool allowing users to visualize and

3

�download the sea level projection data from the IPCC 6th Assessment Report (AR6) (see
https://sealevel.nasa.gov/ipcc-ar6-sea-level-projection-tool). It is estimated that in 2100 CE the sea
level will increase by 0.68 m for Mandeh and Banten Bay and 0.70 m for Tidore Island.
The archaeological and environmental data were obtained from RICRV reports of field surveys in
Mandeh and Banten Bay in 2018 and in Tidore in 2019. The field survey consisted of diving activity
to the shipwreck sites, mini excavation, oceanographic parameters measurements, sediment sampling,
local social-economy, interviews, acoustic-based measurements, and many others.
Table 1. Coordinates of the sampled sea level data
Location
Mandeh Bay
Banten Bay
Southern Tidore Island

Longitude
100.2500oE
106.0833oE
127.4167oE

Latitude
1.2500oS
5.9167oS
0.5833oN

FRAMEWORK
The sea level anomaly (SLA) data was gained from yielded deviation between sea level at a specific
time and the mean sea level. Then, a future linear trend was used to calculate the sea level trend, the
annual amplitude, and the semi-annual amplitudes of each archaeological site.
As for estimating the future changes based on sea level projection, we employed a coupled model of
MIKE21 with flexible mesh to simulate the mutual interaction between waves and currents using a
dynamic coupling between the hydrodynamic and spectral wave models (Wisha et al. 2022b, 78). We
sampled the result from the coupled model developed according to site locations.
The sediment transport model is based on the hydrodynamic models previously simulated (Wisha et
al. 2022b, 78). The following equation defines the correlation between the wave energy flux
component and the sediment transport:
ð‘Šð‘’ð‘“ =

ðœŒð‘”
8

ð»ð‘2 ð¶ð‘ ð‘ ð‘–ð‘›ð›¼ð‘ ð‘ð‘œð‘ ð›¼ð‘

(1)

Where:
ð‘Šð‘’ð‘“ = Wave energy flux component along the coast at the time of wave breaking kilogram-meter per
second (ð‘˜ð‘”. ð‘š. ð‘  âˆ’1 )
ðœŒ = Specific gravity (seawater) kilogram per cubic meter (ð‘˜ð‘”. ð‘šâˆ’3 )
ð‘” = Gravity acceleration (9.81 meter per second squared(ð‘š. ð‘  âˆ’2 )
ð»ð‘ = Wave Height at the time of breaking (ð‘š)
ð¶ð‘ = Breaking wave celerity meters per second (ð‘š. ð‘  âˆ’1 )
ð›¼ð‘ = Breaking wave angle
A formula established by Triatmodjo (2012) was used to estimate the annum sediment transport. The
formula is defined as follows:
ð‘„ð‘  =

ð¾
ð‘Š
(ðœŒð‘  âˆ’ðœŒ)ð‘”(1âˆ’ð‘›) ð‘’ð‘“

(2)

Where:
ð‘„ð‘ 
= Sediment transport along the coast cubic meter per second (ð‘š3 . ð‘  âˆ’1 )
ð¾
= 0.39
ðœŒð‘ 
= Specific gravity (sand) (ð‘˜ð‘”. ð‘šâˆ’3 )
ð‘›
= Porosity (ð‘› â‰ˆ 0.4)

4

�RESULT
Sea Level Trend Over the Archaeological Sites in Indonesia
The altimetry data show upward trends of sea level over the sampled sites, at 0.39 centimetres per year
(cm/year), 0.40 cm/year, and 0.52 cm/year for Mandeh Bay, Banten Bay, and southern Tidore (Figure
2 and Table 2). Over 27 years of observed data (1992-2019), different patterns were observed in the
three parts of the Indonesian region. In Mandeh Bay, the sea level has increased since 2004 and
peaked in 2017 with an SLA magnitude of about 38 cm. Similar to Mandeh Bay, the SLA in Banten
Bay rose significantly in 2007, where the lowest sea level was observed in the next year, reaching -30
cm. The maximum sea level over 27 years was identified in 2018, reaching 26 cm.

Figure 2. Sea level trend over Indonesia region (a) derived from Altimetry data; (b) SLA in southern Tidore island;
(c) SLA in Mandeh Bay; (d) SLA in Banten Bay

In Tidore Island, the recorded sea level is arbitrarily erratic (Figure 2b). The sufficiently high sea level
trend in this area is due to the influence and circulation of the Pacific Ocean, where El-Nino Southern
Oscillation (ENSO) plays a significant role in shaping sea level (Moon et al. 2015, 8229). The lowest
sea level ever recorded was observed in 1998, reaching -28 cm, while the peak levels were observed
several times, such as in 2012 and 2018, reaching 25 cm. Overall, all those sampled archaeological
sites face an upward trend in sea level (Table 2), so future estimation of coastal dynamics due to sea
level rises is imperative.
Table 2. Sea level trend over 27 years of observation
Parameter

Mandeh Bay

Banten Bay

Southern Tidore Island

Trend (cm/year)
Annual Amplitude (cm)
Semi-Annual Amplitude (cm)

0.39
1.66
4.56

0.40
3.03
3.21

0.52
3.63
0.53

5

�The Possible Impact of Sea-Level Rises on Archaeological Remains
Sea level rises significantly impact shipwreck sites, particularly those located in coastal regions or
underwater. As sea levels rise it can lead to increased erosion, flooding, and sedimentation causing
damage to shipwrecks and their associated artefacts. Additionally, changes in ocean currents and
weather patterns can contribute to shipwreck deterioration.
One of the primary concerns with rising sea levels is the potential for loss of archaeological
information. As shipwrecks are exposed to increased water pressure and changing environmental
conditions, they can be subject to accelerated decay and destruction. This can result in losing valuable
historical and cultural information these sites contain. Moreover, sea level rise can make it difficult for
archaeologists and researchers to access shipwreck sites. As water levels increase, locating and
exploring these sites, particularly submerged ones, can become more challenging. This can limit the
ability of researchers to conduct surveys and excavations and potentially delay or prevent the recovery
of artefacts and other historical evidence.
Overall, sea level rise significantly threatens shipwrecks and their associated cultural heritage.
Archaeologists and policymakers must work together to mitigate the impact of rising sea levels and
ensure the preservation of these valuable historical resources for future generations.
Future Projection of SLR and its Influence on Coastal and Underwater Cultural Heritages
In 2100 CE the IPCC sea level projection, with a scenario of high gas emission (SSP3-7.0) is that it
will increase by ~0.68 m for Mandeh and Baten Bay, while in Tidore, the sea level is projected to
increase by ~0.70 m (Figure 3). From these values, we simulated a model predicting the changes in
water properties in the three sampled archaeological sites that have been validated using fieldmeasured data provided by RICRV. Overall, the increase in sea level contributes to higher
sedimentation (Figure 4).

Figure 3. Sea level projection estimated by IPCC AR6 in 2100 CE in Indonesia: Mandeh Bay (a); Banten Bay (b); and
Tidore Island (c)

In Banten Bay, the strongest current magnitude was approximately 0.66 m/s observed in August, and
the lowest was in April with a magnitude of 0.54 m/s. Under the sea level rise scenario, the current

6

�magnitude will increase by about 33.52 per cent ranging from 0.08 to 0.096 m/s (Figure 4a). A weaker
current profile was identified in Mandeh Bay, ranging from 0.042 to 0.059 m/s. With the estimated sea
level rise of 0.68 m in 2100, the current magnitude will increase by approximately 34.78 per cent,
reaching 0.079 m/s (Figure 4b). In Tidore, the current profile ranged from 0.047 to 0.062 m/s, and the
value will increase by about 35.73per cent in 2100 CE, ranging from 0.079 to 0.09 m/s (Figure 4c).
Similar to the current features, sediment transport will also increase under sea level rise.
Percentagewise, the increase in sediment transport in Banten Bay, Mandeh Bay and Tidore was
approximately 34.86, 18.54, and 37.07 per cent, respectively. Generally, the highest sediment transport
was observed during the southwest monsoon and vice versa for the northeast monsoon (Figure 4d-f).

Figure 4. Monthly average of current magnitude in the surrounding site; Banten Bay (a); Mandeh Bay (b); Tidore
Island (c); and the estimated sediment transport sediment in the Banten Bay (d); Mandeh Bay (e); and Tidore Island
(f). The negative values denote the left-ward transport, and the positive values denote the right-ward transport.

Overall, the sea level rise potentially changes the water properties of the three sampled archaeological
sites. The increase in current velocity relates to the potency of coastal erosion and sedimentation.
Since sedimentation is the most crucial issue in these sites, the sea level rise will significantly impact
the archaeological remains by inducing higher suspended sediment and sedimentation. In some cases,
aside from making the remains more submerged, the shifting in the position of the shipwreck and
artefacts due to the robust current profile is possible. Therefore, regular monitoring is required to
protect the remains from the impact of sea level rise. However, archaeological excavation is also
recommended if possible.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We would like to thank Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability (RICRV) for the basis data provided.
Gratitude is also given to University Colorado Boulder for providing the sea level data and to those who have helped in the
completion of this study.

7

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Westley, K., Andreou, G., El Safadi, C., Huigens, H. O., Nikolaus, J., Ortiz-Vazquez, R., Ray, N., Smith, A., Tews, S., Blue,
L., Breen, C. â€œClimate change and coastal archaeology in the Middle East and North Africa: assessing past impacts
and future threatsâ€. The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology 18, no. 2 (2023): 251-283.
Adhityatama, S., &amp; Yarista, A. S. â€œPotential of submerged landscape archaeology in Indonesia.â€ KALPATARU 28, no.1
(2019): 55â€“71.
Dillenia, I., Troa, R. A., Triarso, E., Johan, O., Widati, N. A. R. S., Kusuma, L. P. A. S. C. H., Rustam, A., Pranowo, W. S.,
Heriati, A. &amp; Adhityatama, S. â€œStudy of the Historic Shipwreck Sites Area Development for Marine Ecotourism in
Thousand Islands.â€ In IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science (Vol. 925, No. 1, p. 012028). IOP
Publishing, 2021.

Moon, J. H., Song, Y. T., &amp; Lee, H. â€œPDO and ENSO modulations intensified decadal sea level variability in the
tropical Pacific.â€ Journal of Geophysical Research: Oceans 120, no.12(2015): 8229-8237.
Rahmawan, G. A., Ridwan, N. N. H., Wisha, U. J., Ilham, I., Gemilang, W. A., Andriani, F. W., Sudaryadi, A. &amp;
Irwansyah, I. â€œEkowisata Terintegrasi Situs Kapal Tenggelam di Tidore Kepulauan, Maluku
Utara.â€ Jurnal Kelautan Nasional 16, no.3 (2021): 169-184. (In Indonesian).
Ridwan, N. N. H. â€œThe Importance of Empowering Local Community in Preserving Underwater Cultural Heritage in
Indonesia: Case Study in Tulamben, Bali and in Taka Kappala, Selayar-South Sulawesi.â€ In Asia Pacific Regional
Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Manila, The Philippines, 2011.
Ridwan, N. N. H., Kusumah, G., Husrin, S., &amp; Kepel, T. L. â€œKapal Karam MV. Boelongan di Kawasan Mandeh, Lingkungan
Laut Sekitarnya, dan Kemungkinan Pengembangannya.â€ Karakteristik Sumber daya Laut dan Pesisir (2015): 84-133.
(In Indoensian).
Ridwan, N. N. H. â€œVulnerability of shipwreck sites in Indonesian waters.â€ Current Science 117, no.10 (2019): 1623-1628.
Shaw, L. â€œGuardians of Sunda Strait: remembering HMAS Perth and USS Houston.â€ Signals, no.119(2017): 2-7.
Wisha, U. J., Ridwan, N. N. H., Dhiauddin, R., Rahmawan, G. A., &amp; Kusumah, G. â€œUpaya Konservasi Kapal Karam Gosong
Nambi Sebagai Bukti Adanya Jalur Perdangan Maritim Masa Lalu Di Kabupaten Pesisir Selatan, Sumatra Barat.â€
AMERTA 38, no.1 (2020): 63-76. (In Indonesian).
Wisha, U. J., Gemilang, W. A., Wijaya, Y. J., &amp; Purwanto, A. D. â€œModel-based estimation of plastic debris accumulation in
Banten Bay, Indonesia, using particle tracking-Flow model hydrodynamics approach.â€ Ocean &amp; Coastal
Management, 217 (2022a): 106009.
Wisha, U. J., Dhiauddin, R., Ondara, K., Gemilang, W. A., &amp; Rahmawan, G. A. â€œAssessing Urban Development Impacts in
the Padang Coastline City, West Sumatra Indonesia; Coastline Changes and Coastal Vulnerability.â€ Geoplanning:
Journal of Geomatics and Planning 9, no.2 (2022b): 73-88.

8

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                <text>Despite the indirect impact of sea level rises on underwater archaeological sites, identifying future conditions is&#13;
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chosen sites: Mandeh Bay, Banten Bay, and southern Tidore, where significant historical objects were recently&#13;
discovered. Hydrodynamic-based modelling was also used to estimate the water properties alteration in 2100 as&#13;
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                <text>Wisha, Ulung J., Wisnu A. Gemilang, and Nia N. H. Ridwan. 2023. “Impact Assessment of Current and Future Sea-Level Rises on Coastal and Underwater Archaeological Sites in Indonesia.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Elena Perez-Alvaro. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1907 </text>
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                    <text>The Importance of Empowering Local Community in
Preserving Underwater Cultural Heritage in Indonesia:
Case Study in Tulamben, Bali and in Taka Kappala, SelayarSouth Sulawesi1
Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan2

ABSTRACT
Indonesia has a great potential for underwater cultural heritage (UCH) but the challenge to its
preservation management is also very high. Coordination among stakeholders is very important. The
effort to use UCH must be aligned with the effort to preserve so that it can be sustainable for the next
generations. Some problems that we are facing, namely: no optimal management; lack of awareness of
people; lack of science and technology application; and no proper law enforcement. With the rapid
advancement of marine technology, UCH has become increasingly easy to reach by treasures hunters
such as salvage companies and local community. Many UCH in Indonesia became the victim of massive
looting such as that undertaken by the local community in Taka Kappala Waters, Selayar Regency South
Sulawesi Province. Marine archaeological researches in 2008 and 2009 showed the shipwreck was in a
badly damaged condition due to the looting activity that has lasted almost two years. The people did not
realize that the use of UCH if well-managed will improve living standards for people in the vicinity of the
site. Unlike theft cases in Selayar, in Bali the local community gives high appreciation to the existence of
a shipwreck site in their area. They realized that shipwrecks are one of the potential marine resources
which can be exploited for marine tourism. Liberty wreck in Tulamben, Bali has become a world-class
tourist destination for divers. The local people have been protecting it with the customary law they made
and obeyed, i.e. with a restriction on fishing activity around the shipwreck site. So then this site is very
well maintained and became a central area for growth of marine life. Liberty wreck location is an example
of a very beautiful blend and harmony among the remains of ancient human objects, very rich marine life,
and a very high local community appreciation.

Keywords: Underwater Cultural Heritage, Preservation Management, Looting Activity,
Local Community, Awareness, Marine Archaeological Research

INTRODUCTION
Geographically Indonesia is a maritime country which two-thirds of its territory is sea
areas. Indonesian archipelagic water width is 2.3 million square kilometers (km2), the
territorial sea is 0.8 million km2 and the Exclusive Economic Zone is 2.7 million km2.
Indonesia has 17,480 islands which stretch across 5,100 km along the equator between
Pacific and Indian Ocean with 95,181 km coastline. In addition, 60% of Indonesian
people live in the coastal areas (Nontji 2002; Soesilo 2006:1-2). The Indonesian
archipelago has a strategic position as a very busy shipping and international sea
trading line between the West and East since ancient times because it is located in “The
1

Paper presented in Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November
2011, Manila, The Philippines.
2
Maritime Archaeologist in Research Institute of Marine and Coastal Resources and Vulnerability,
Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia, Jl. Padang – Painan Km. 16, Bungus,
Padang, West Sumatera, 25245, Telp/Fax. +62-751751458, e-mail: nia_arkeo@kkp.go.id,
nia_hasanah@yahoo.com

1

�Silk and Spices Routes” (Reid 1993; Ricklefs 1999). Indonesia was a major producer of
trading commodities in the past such as pepper, nutmeg, cloves, sandalwood, incense,
and so on, and since long ago, there were many important ports such as Aceh,
Palembang, Sunda Kelapa (Batavia), Banten, Cirebon, Makassar, Ternate, Tidore,
which later became the great maritime empires. Besides the trade conducted by the
Chinese, Indians, Persians, many foreigners came to Indonesia for the purpose of
colonization, such as Portuguese, Spanish, English, Dutch, and Japanese
(Poesponegoro and Notosusanto 1984). Wide waters, a busy maritime activity, sea
conditions, weather conditions, war, and piracy caused the territorial waters of
Indonesia to be its current rich deposition in UCH.
The number of UCH in Indonesian waters until World War II is expected to reach
thousands3. Those known are based on historical sources, i.e. Vereenigde Oostindische
Compagnie (VOC) Shipwrecks List (Dutch VOC Shipwreck n.d.) English East India
Company (EIC) data (East India Company Ship 1999), Chinese sources, the literature
about the Pacific War, the research results of some agencies such as Ministry of Marine
Affairs and Fisheries and Ministry of Culture and Tourism, and also based on data from
the National Committee for Salvage and Utilization of the Valuable Object of the Sunken
Ship4. Many shipwrecks contain valuable cargo so they are targeted by treasure
hunters. UCH vandalism and looting cases by individuals or companies, local and
foreign have been rife in Indonesia since the 1980's until today, for example, undertaken
by local community in Taka Kappala Waters, Selayar Islands Regency South Sulawesi
Province.5 The lack awareness of the people about the importance and strategic value
of UCH for national identity and national economic development is a big problem in
Indonesia. However in Tulamben Bali, there is a local community who are aware of the
presence of UCH.
For that reason, there should be an effort to reduce UCH vandalism and looting
cases and also to expand on the interests of the preservation and management of UCH
sites. They are an opportunity and a potential new alternative to support Indonesian
national development. Draft of Indonesian Ocean Policy states that management of
marine resources including UCH in a sustainable manner based on Agenda 21 of the
United Nations must be carried out by considering the ecological aspects, economic
aspects, and public welfare/prosperity aspects. Some basic principles in the
3

One of the books that discussed about the presence of many shipwrecks in Indonesian waters is the
writings of Tony Wells. See Tony Wells, Shipwrecks &amp; Sunken Treasure in Southeast Asia, (Singapore:
Time Publisher, 1995).
4
Since the number of UCH theft cases, the government established National Committee for Salvage and
Utilization of the Valuable Object of the Sunken Ship, or popularly known as PANNAS BMKT in 1989.
This committee consists of a number of ministries in Indonesia based on Presidential Decree year 1989
regarding PANNAS BMKT. This regulation allows private companies to conduct survey, exploration, and
artifacts removal from shipwrecks. It is a likely target by non-supporters because at the time it was put in
place the government was unable to handle and manage the UCH
5
See details in Technical Report on Marine Archaeological Research in Selayar Regency, (Jakarta:
Research Centre for Maritime Territories and Non Living Resources, 2008); Technical Report on Marine
Archaeological Research in Selayar Regency, (Jakarta: Research Centre for Maritime Territories and Non
Living Resources, 2009); Executive Summary of Inventory and Identification the Potency of Shipwrecks
for Supporting Marine Tourism Development, (Jakarta: Directorate General of Marine, Coastal, and Small
Islands, 2008).

2

�management of the Indonesian sea are the principle of Integrated Management,
Scientific Principles, Principles of Local Responsibility, Principles of Sustainable
Development, and Principles of Community Based Development (Research Centre for
Maritime Territories and Non Living Resources 2006; Wirasantosa, et al. 2006).

SELAYAR ISLANDS REGENCY
A. Location
Selayar Islands Regency is part of South Sulawesi Province that consists of 123
islands, which stretches from north to south. 94.68% area of this regency is ocean. It is
located at coordinates 5º42'-7º35' S and 120º15'-122º30' E bordering Bulukumba and
Bone Bay on the north, Flores Sea on the east and south, and Flores Sea and
Makassar Strait on the west (Pemerintah Kabupaten Selayar n.d.). For some time now
Selayar Islands have become an important area in national and international trading
and shipping routes (Said, et al. 2007; Heersink 1999). It is predicted that there are
many shipwrecks in Selayar waters.

Figure 1. Map of Selayar Island Regency and “Taka Kappala” Wreck Location
(Modified from many sources)
3

�B. ‘Taka Kappala’ Wreck
Marine Archaeological Survey conducted in west Selayar waters in 2008 and 2009
found the UCH site located at Taka Kappala, Flores Sea at coordinates 6º39'27,7" S
and 120º21'16,9" E. Administratively it is located in Tambolongan- Appatanah Village, ±
2 miles from Pulassi Island, ± 2 miles from Nambolaki Island, and ± 5 miles from
Bahuluang Island. The team obtained information about this spot from the local people
and then followed up with two diving activities. A shipwreck was located at 8-12 m
depth. Condition of the shipwreck is that it has been severely damaged and is difficult to
identify due to illegal activity that has lasted for ± 2 years by local people. It is made of
iron and wood. Based on local fishermen information, they found fragments of metal
from the hull section that reads "London Srinity” (or “London Trinity"?). Artifacts found in
this site are namely, ceramic fragments (white, blue, red and white), bottle glass
fragments, irons, coal, and wooden parts of the ship. When the survey team came to
the site looters were active in four other unknown ships.6

Figure 2. Site Condition of „Taka Kappala‟ Wreck, Showing Severe Damage due to
Massive Looting by Local Community (Photographed in June 2008, courtesy Ministry of
Marine Affairs)

6

Some of the looters are the local people who live in the nearest island. Recorded images of that looting
activity have been delivered in the local government and the police made efforts to investigate and arrest
the looters.

4

�TULAMBEN BALI
A. USAT Liberty Wreck
USAT Liberty wreck is located in Pekraman Village, Tulamben, Karang Asem Regency,
Bali. It was a United States (US) Army transport ship launched in June 1918. In
November 1940 it was one of ten ships taken up by the US Army for defense service. In
December 1941, it was in the Pacific and in January 1942, it was in route from Australia
to the Philippines with railway parts and rubber cargo. Liberty was torpedoed by
Japanese submarine I-166 on January 1942 about 10 nautical miles (NM) (~19 km)
southwest of the Lombok Strait, near position 08°54′S 115°28′E / 8.9°S 115.467°E. US
destroyer Paul Jones and Dutch destroyer Van Ghent took the damaged ship in tow in
an attempt to reach Singaraja, the Dutch port and administrative centre for the Lesser
Sunda Islands on the north coast of Bali. However it took on too much water and so was
beached on the eastern shore of Bali at Tulamben so that the cargo and fittings could
be salvaged. In 1963, the tremors associated with the eruption of Mount Agung caused
the ship to slip off the beach, and it now lies about 200 m from shoreline at coordinates
position 8°17′3″ S, 115°5′21″ E. Liberty lies on a sandy slope in 30 to 100 feet (9.1 to 30
m) of water and providing one of the most popular dive locations in Bali (Wikipedia n.d).
Liberty wreck site also contains educational aspects for visitors and has always been a
training ground for underwater archaeologists.

Figure 3. Liberty Wreck, Marine Life, and the Diver in Tulamben Site (Photographed in
2008 by Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan)
5

�B. Tulamben Community Involvement in Preserving UCH Site
The sinking of the USAT Liberty has provided enormous benefits to Tulamben
community. Since the late 1980s, underwater tourism in Bali developed. Liberty wreck
has become the main diving object in East Bali and the principal livelihood for the local
community. The community could provide lodging services, dive resorts, restaurants,
parking, dive guide, souvenir shops, dive shops, car rental, grocery store, helper and
porter services, and others. Thus it can also reduce the rate of unemployment in the
village. The local community is fully aware that it can generate foreign exchange and be
favorable for economic development in that region. The Tulamben community therefore
felt the need to help preserve this area. With the awareness of the UCH, the people
themselves feel a positive impact in the fields of social, economic, and cultural. They
realized that special interest tourism, in particularly wreck diving, increased rapidly in
Indonesia. The number of divers on the Liberty wreck is an average of 100–200 people
per day and there are about 25 dive resorts and 8 dive shops in Tulamben (AS,
Jimbaran). It is estimated that the potential and economic value of marine tourism in
Tulamben is about US $3,265,777 per year (Kamaluddin 2002: 146-147).
The participation of local community in protecting and preserving the UCH in
Tulamben is enormous. One of the ways to preserve Liberty wreck and the surrounding
water areas by local community is to make regulations or customary laws called Awigawig which is fully obeyed by villagers. Awig-awig is a set of rules that manages its
citizens in the customary village. It is a part of local wisdom to conserve resources in
their territory (Kusumajaya 2005; Supriyatun 2007). Awig-awig contains prohibitions
evident of UCH public awareness. I Nyoman Karyasa7 said that having an awig-awig in
order to live peacefully is compulsory for the Tulamben society. They consider it as a
rule in human interaction. In Tulamben, moral sanctions carry greater weight than
physical punishments (INK, Tulamben). The rules in Awig-awig in Tulamben are:
1. No fishing allowed within 100 meters of the shipwreck (nowadays it is 1 km)
2. Not allowed taking the remains of the shipwreck
3. Not allowed damaging the coral reefs attached to the shipwreck
4. Not allowed taking the stones around the shipwreck
5. Not allowed cutting plants around the beach
6. People in violation of the above prohibitions will receive moral sanction, be
ostracized from society and not allowed to follow religious rituals.
In Bali it is still relevant, especially associated with the realization of the Law No.
22/1999 regarding Regional Autonomy. One of the essences of this law is to empower
the regional potential, which has existed for hundreds of years in Bali. For Bali society,
Awig-awig is more revered and feared than the official Indonesian law, since it has a
strong root in tradition. Each village in Bali has its own awig-awig and can be totally
different from the neighboring villlages‟. This customary law manifests the uniqueness of
each village and serves as a village identity. Violation of the awig-awig can be punished
dependent on the degree of violation. Punishments for major offences range from the
dreaded boycott from all village activity to permanent exile, total banishment. A man
7

I Nyoman Karyasa is a Kelian Adat (community leader) in Pekraman Village Tulamben, he is 52 years
old.

6

�expelled from his village cannot be admitted in another community, so he becomes a
total out-caste, a punishment greater than physical death (Akhmad 2002; Wirawan
2002).

Raising Awareness Effort for Empowering Local Community
As a huge archipelago, Indonesia does have great and invaluable potential of UCH. The
challenge to management it is also very high. In Indonesia, knowledge and public
awareness about UCH is still very limited. Growing public awareness efforts are needed
to change people's behavior that previously tended to destroy and steal UCH towards a
society that cares and commits to the preservation of UCH. In this connection,
coordination and support cross-sector stakeholders are very important. UCH can only
be beneficial if we can develop its potential as an asset that provides enhanced
community awareness and knowledge of the history, technology, social and cultural
rights through approaches such as education, tourism and preservation; provide
economic impact; and can improve the welfare of the community.
Preservation efforts are very important to save UCH and it can be developed and
utilized for sustainable development that takes into account alignments in the
community. Publication and socialization on the importance of UCH and its value for
local community as a part of preservation efforts must be done to raise awareness of
our national cultural heritage, to give more understanding of our national history, and to
create the motherland integrity that can be passed to the next generations. We should
look for alternatives to the use of UCH in accordance with conservation principles and
based on scientific research results, and not only based on economic interests. The
examples of alternative use are for enjoyment: i.e., marine tourism (wreck diving) and
pilgrimage tours. It can also be used as a center of education i.e. underwater museum
and as objects of research to explore the knowledge contained therein. These options
are closely associated with the development of regional character and in strengthening
national identity. Development of marine tourism will become an important part of
Indonesia in the future. Immediately we need to increase human resources; improve
legislation, commitment and cooperation of stakeholders; and raise public awareness.
UCH is expected to improve and provide positive impacts for local people and positive
effects will encourage public awareness of the importance of UCH so that people will
maintain the existing infrastructure and even support efforts of protection and utilization
with their own capabilities (Ardiwidjaja 2007; Green 2004).
We need to involve local community in the planning and carrying out of activities
that are directly of interest to them. Approaches to community archaeology including
community interpretation, long term commitment, participatory action research, and
identify the stakeholder who shares these concerns and interests can lead to an
integrated preservation (Kettle and Saul 2006:126; Yvonne 2002). The Ministry of
Marine Affairs and Fisheries (the Ministry) has been carrying out awareness-raising
programs and capacity-building programs such as workshops; focus group discussion
(FGD); training programs in wreck diving, underwater photography, handling and
managing underwater artifacts, and marine tourism for local community, government
and agencies related to the protection and management of UCH (i.e. Navy, Police
7

�Waters, Ministry of Transportation, Office of Tourism Arts and Culture, Office of
Maritime and Fisheries, and office of Preservation of Cultural Heritage). The Ministry
has also held exhibitions relating to the protection and management of UCH and has
made relevant regulations regarding the establishment of maritime conservation area8.
Our institutions carry out socialization activities towards local communities when
we go to the field to conduct research and survey activities in hopes that these efforts
create public awareness towards the importance of culture and nature preservation.
One example we carried out is an FGD in Selayar in June 2008. We provided the local
people (local government, representative of local community, Non Governmental
Organization, and youth) with knowledge and principles to support government of
Indonesia in preserving and managing UCH in their area. We also raised understanding
that the presence of sustainable UCH can increase local society welfare. The FGD
purpose is to investigate the public problems/issues, causes, effects, and possible
solution. We gathered the feedback of the Selayar community concerning the
importance of safeguarding the natural and cultural resources. We also joined forces
with the local government to support the mechanism to manage local resources and
involved the community in our project, with the objective that these projects will
encourage them to participate in research and preservation.
Public interest in UCH is vitally important. Through a public appreciation of
maritime archaeology and an understanding of its potential, the perceived value and
importance of the resources will grow. This will have a positive long-term impact on the
discipline of archaeology, promoting respect for the finite and non renewable resource
and ensuring its inclusion in future policy and planning frameworks. Public interest in
UCH should therefore be positively encouraged. The awareness of the importance of
preservation and coordination between inter-institution or stakeholder and the
community is the key to success for implementation of the development program which
can accomodate any interest without conflict. The community needs to feel part of the
UCH site, so that they have a stake in the well-being of the UCH site and the
government must be firm to uphold the regulation in prohibiting redundant resources
exploration and illegal activities by looters. The government has to develop and utilize
UCH for community interest purposes and protect it from damage, lost, and extinction
(Kettle and Saul 2006; Bowen 2009; Sedyawati 2006; Helmi 2008).

8

Law No. 27/2007 regarding Coastal Zone and Small Island Management; Regulation of the Minister of
Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia No. 17/2008 regarding Conservation Areas in
Coastal and Small Islands.

8

�Figure 4. FGD on UCH and the Development of Marine Tourism in Selayar Regency
(Photographed in June 2008 by Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan).

CONCLUSION
UCH is important to preserve and manage for various purposes. Efforts can include the
utilization of UCH as a research object and for tourism. The implication is for the
development of sustainable tourism that gives opportunities and management of
sustainable prosperity for society. It is time for the Government of Indonesia to pay
more attention and integrate efforts in empowering people and institutions that have
authority in dealing with UCH. This will no doubt lower UCH vandalism and theft. In
addition the government should continue its efforts to raise public awareness programs
and improve the quality of human resources through education, training, and
dissemination. The government also needs to devise a joint program and integrated
management of UCH which includes: the provision of infrastructure and facilities,
provision of the budget, the implementation of surveys, research, develop an
institutional/committee management team of UCH, prepare a variety of laws and
regulations, guidelines, and implementation guidelines of UCH management, and
coordinate with various agencies. There should be a well-designed human resources
development plan to deal with UCH and to solve the problems in a proper and
responsible way. Raising awareness efforts to local community could assist the efforts
of government in preserving and managing UCH wisely and sustainably. The goal being
9

�to achieve sustainable national development programs in the marine affairs sector and
the field of culture and tourism. UCH management should be able to improve people's
lives and prosperity by engaging them in activities towards the protection, conservation,
and utilization of UCH; and wherever possible to minimize negative impacts.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Thanks to Dr. Sugiarta Wirasantosa (The Former Head of Research Center for Maritime Territories and
Non Living Resources), Drs. Andi Muhammad Said, M. Hum (Head of Office for Preservation of
Archaeological Heritage of Makassar), Drs. Gatot Ghautama, MA (The Former Head of Exploration
Division Directorate of Underwater Heritage), and Drs. Robby Ardiwidjaya, M.BIT (Senior Researcher in
Tourism Research and Development Center) as the expert resource persons. Thanks are also conveyed
to Research Center for Maritime Territories and Non Living Resources and Directorate of Coastal and
Marine Affairs, Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries which have funded the field survey activities;
Directorate of Underwater Heritage and Tourism Research and Development Center, Ministry of Culture
and Tourism, The Office for Tourism, Arts, and Cultural, and The Office for Fisheries and Marine Affairs of
Selayar Regency.

Oral Sources
I Nyoman Karyasa, Pekraman Village, Tulamben, Karang Asem Bali, 15 August 2011,
cited as INK, Tulamben.
Abilawa Setyadi, Jimbaran, Bali, 26 July 2011, cited as AS, Jimbaran.

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12

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Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries</text>
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                <text>Indonesia has a great potential for underwater cultural heritage (UCH) but the challenge to its preservation management is also very high. Coordination among stakeholders is very important. The effort to use UCH must be aligned with the effort to preserve so that it can be sustainable for the next generations. Some problems that we are facing, namely: no optimal management; lack of awareness of people; lack of science and technology application; and no proper law enforcement. With the rapid advancement of marine technology, UCH has become increasingly easy to reach by treasures hunters such as salvage companies and local community. Many UCH in Indonesia became the victim of massive looting such as that undertaken by the local community in Taka Kappala Waters, Selayar Regency South Sulawesi Province. Marine archaeological researches in 2008 and 2009 showed the shipwreck was in a badly damaged condition due to the looting activity that has lasted almost two years. The people did not realize that the use of UCH if well-managed will improve living standards for people in the vicinity of the site. Unlike theft cases in Selayar, in Bali the local community gives high appreciation to the existence of a shipwreck site in their area. They realized that shipwrecks are one of the potential marine resources which can be exploited for marine tourism. Liberty wreck in Tulamben, Bali has become a world-class tourist destination for divers. The local people have been protecting it with the customary law they made and obeyed, i.e. with a restriction on fishing activity around the shipwreck site. So then this site is very well maintained and became a central area for growth of marine life. Liberty wreck location is an example of a very beautiful blend and harmony among the remains of ancient human objects, very rich marine life, and a very high local community appreciation.</text>
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                    <text>PRIISMH project: A Case Study of Community Involvement
and Museum Collaboration on Maritime Cultural Heritage
around Rottnest Island (Perth, Western Australia)
Nicolas Bigourdan
Western Australian Museum
Kevin Edwards
Tempus Archaeology
Abstract
The Program for the Rottnest Island Interpretation of Shipwrecks and
Maritime Heritage (PRIISMH) project is a community-based initiative
conducted under the aegis of the Maritime Archaeology Association of
Western Australia (MAAWA), in collaboration with the Western Australian
Museum (WAM), the Rottnest Island Authority (RIA), Tempus
Archaeology, and Shipwreck Data, with sponsorship provided by the
Maritime Museums of Australia Project Support Scheme (MMAPSS 20162017) from the Australian National Maritime Museum. The main objective
of the PRIISMH project was to enhance the presentation of Rottnest
Island maritime cultural heritage through the use of new and innovative
forms of interpretation involving terrestrial and underwater 3D
Photogrammetry as a key element in for public engagement.
Specifically, the project was initially developed to address issues identified
in a recent condition report on the Rottnest Onshore Shipwreck Plaques
(MAAWA, 2015), relating to existing interpretive signage on the island. As
a consequence, MAAWA and RIA identified as a priority the need to
update existing land-based shipwreck signage (currently over thirty years
old) in order to address potential health and safety issues, to improve
overall visitor experience, and to improve public accessibility to the
Rottnest Island underwater shipwreck heritage.
The project represents a new stage in an on-going long-term program of
site documentation, management and interpretation within the broad
Perth region, initiated by MAAWA in 2014 under the aegis of the ThreeDimensional (3D) Maritime Archaeology Project – Perth Region
(3DMAPRR, Edwards et al. 2016). The structure and nature of the project
also allowed it to be connected to another MAAWA earlier initiative (2013),
namely the ‘Shipwrecks WA’ website and app platform to expand the
audience outreach.
Key words: Outreach, Photogrammetry, Heritage, Australia

�Introduction
As a geographical reference, Rottnest Island is located 18 kilometres off
the coast of Western Australia, and it encompasses an area of
approximately 19 square kilometres. The island is administered by the
Rottnest Island Authority and mainly used currently as a popular holiday
destination. Known as Wadjemup to the local Noongar people, the island
has a rich and diverse history including the early Aboriginal presence, and
the European exploration and settlement. The coast surrounding Rottnest
Island is composed of outlying reefs which have been the resting place of
at least 12 vessels since 1842.
Access to, and interpretation of, the maritime cultural and archaeological
heritage of Rottnest Island is currently facilitated through a variety of
means, among which is the Rottnest Wrecks Heritage Trail (RWHT),
which currently encompasses 12 wreck sites, namely Transit (1842), Gem
(1876), Macedon (1883), Janet (1887), Lady Elizabeth (1878), Raven
(1891), Shark (1939), Uribes (1942), Mira Flores (1886), City of York
(1899) and Kyrio Maru I (1984). Information on each of these wrecks is
provided through on-site underwater and terrestrial plaques, links to
websites, and information pamphlets. Visitors are also encouraged to view
the wrecks using a land trail, snorkel dives, semi-submersible tour, boat
trail and dives (Rottnest Island Wrecks Heritage Trail pamphlet, 1981).
The RWHT has been rightly praised for its innovation since being
established in 1981 by the Western Australian Museum in conjunction with
the Rottnest Island Authority (and with the participation of MAAWA) as the
first underwater heritage trail in the Southern Hemisphere (McCarthy
1981; McCarthy et al. 1982). Nevertheless, a number of issues have been
identified, both in terms of on-going maintenance of interpretive signage
(now almost 30 years old), and the interpretive content itself. These
issues are outlined in more detail, below.
Project Background
The Maritime Archaeological Association of Western Australia or MAAWA
is a not-for-profit association created in 1974 in order to promote and
encourage maritime archaeology in Western Australia. Since the 1990’s
MAAWA and its members have been very regularly traveling to Rottnest

�Island in order to undertake basic maintenance and the cleaning of the
underwater plaques. This annual task has put the association in a
favourable situation to be able to visually inspect these plaques, but also
to visit and inspect the terrestrial plaques at each opportunity. This
observer viewpoint led in 2015, some MAAWA members on their own
initiative, to conduct a formal and documented visual inspection about the
state of the terrestrial plaques. The final observations gathered in a report
were subsequently sent to the RIA (MAAWA 2015). The condition report
highlighted the poor condition of many interpretive plaques, prompting the
RIA to initiate a long-term renovation programme of terrestrial signages
as part of a wider Rottnest Island interpretation plan.
Based on the MAAWA long standing past experience as well as these
more recent observations, another group of MAAWA members (including
the authors) listed a series of inherent as well as structural limitations
concerning the various means of interpretation accessible to the public
about the maritime cultural heritage of Rottnest Island. As a consequence,
this group identified a number of points to address about these pamphlet
and plaques (with the aim to update and improve these means), including:
 The lack of accurate and updated visual representation and
geographical localization for each of the sites;
 The basic nature of the interpretation format in comparison to the
more immersive experience provided by the possibility of
diving/snorkelling on those shipwreck sites;
 The level of inconsistencies between the different supportive
media proposed to visitors for the various sites, in term of content
but also regarding the general layout;
 The degradation of the on-land signage due to the choice of
material and the impacts of the natural elements.
In terms of interpretive issues, these observations are consistent with an
earlier review of maritime heritage trails in Australia conducted by
Cassandra Philippou and Mark Staniforth (2003). Part of the reason
behind these observations resides in the lack of consistent professional

�archaeological monitoring of these sites during the past 20 to 30 years,
and hence the lack of updated information to enhance the interpretive
content and means accessible to the RIA to improve the visitor
experience.
Nourished by the points listed above, MAAWA embarked in an internal
consultation stage, which resulted in the decision to shape the contours
of a project in order to address these points, and hence instigated the
basis of the PRIISMH (Program for the Rottnest Island Interpretation of
Shipwrecks and Maritime Heritage) project. Once agreed on the definition
of the objectives, and after consultation with project partners (RIA,
MADWAM, Shipwreck Data and Tempus) this initiative became a reality
when MAAWA was officially notified of the success of its grant application
to the Maritime Museums of Australia Project Support Scheme
(MMAPSS) 2016-17 from the Australian National Maritime Museum
(becoming as a result one of the project support). The project received
strong additional backing with the in-kind support from the MADWAM and
RIA. Finally, the fieldwork for the project was conducted in several phases
between mid 2016 and mid 2017.
Project Objectives
Beyond the meaning of the acronym PRIISMH, the word ‘Prism’ has been
chosen for its definition of a light refracting device. When applied in the
context of this project, this word symbolises the project’s aim. Indeed, the
idea developed as the basis of this project is to enlarge accessibility to the
various components of the local knowledge on Western Australian
maritime cultural heritage. Likewise, a prism enlarges the light beam to
perceive all its colourful components.
The PRIISMH project is inscribed in a wider strategy based on a continuity
of projects established by MAAWA since 2011 in order re-invigorate the
association as a crucial link and a central facilitator between the general
public and its local maritime cultural heritage. Indeed, in addition to
providing support for the RIAs Rottnest interpretation plan, the project
aims to build upon several long-terms MAAWA initiatives, including the
‘Shipwrecks WA’ app and website, as well as the 3DMAPPR initiative.

�As a consequence, and in order to fulfil its mission, the overall objectives
of the PRIISMH Project can be summarised as follow:
1 To enhance the Rottnest Island content of the ‘Shipwrecks WA’
website and app;
2 To record three terrestrial features with maritime heritage values
(specifically the anchors of the Kyrio Maru, City of York and Mira
Flores);
3 To support the renovation of the terrestrial shipwreck trail on
Rottnest Island as part of the wider Rottnest Interpretation Plan; and
4 To conduct 3D photogrammetric recording of six shipwreck sites
around Rottnest Island (specifically the Lady Elisabeth, Miwok II,
Uribes, Macedon, Mira Flores, City of York.
Beyond building upon MAAWA’s existing skillset and projects, important
aims of the PRIISMH project were also to address current documentation,
management and interpretation priorities associated with the maritime
and underwater cultural heritage in the Perth region and more particularly
within and around the Rottnest Island. It was furthermore planned that this
project would enhance the visitor experience and awareness (both in
reality and virtually), as well as to increase to a wider audience the
accessibility to the Rottnest Island shipwreck sites that are typically
inaccessible to non-divers and people with reduced mobility. Finally, the
project also provided an avenue for skill development among the MAAWA
membership, with training being provided in respect of maritime
archaeology best practices.
Enhance ‘Shipwrecks WA’
The first objective of the PRIISMH project was to conduct a gap analysis
in respect to the information content of MAAWAs ‘Shipwrecks WA’ app
and website, specifically as it pertained to Rottnest Island content. The
gap analysis was performed in July 2016, by two volunteers from the
University of Western Australia (UWA) during their internship at the
Maritime Archaeology Department of the Western Australian Museum
(MADWAM). Having identified deficiencies in the ‘Shipwrecks WA’
content, additional research was carried out to identify suitable
documentary and/or image-based content from the MADWAM archives.
This research was also conducted by the same two volunteers in August

�2016, and was focusing particularly in looking at the digital photos, the
slides and the paper archives specifically for the Rottnest Island
shipwrecks site files.
The results of these first two steps were then combined into a single
working document with the purpose to use the content data collected to
fill in the gaps identified within the MAAWA’s ‘Shipwrecks WA’ app and
website. This task consisted in the migration (with MADWAM
authorization and credit) of all content data from the MADWAM archives
(text and/or visuals) deemed appropriate to each relevant entry to the
MAAWA’s ‘Shipwrecks WA’ app and website. This data was migrated to
the various platforms supported by ‘Shipwrecks WA’ by project partner
Shipwrecks Data in September 2016.
This aspect of the project has benefited significantly from the long
experience and expertise accumulated by several MAAWA members
involved in the development of the MAAWA’s ‘Shipwrecks WA’ app and
website, but also from the collaboration with MADWAM as the Western
Australian custodian of the archives on the Rottnest Island shipwreck
sites.
Record maritime heritage terrestrial features
The second objective was focused on the accurate recording of terrestrial
maritime heritage features around Rottnest Island. As part of this
component of the project, focus was placed on the recording of three
anchors from local three different shipwrecks, namely the City of York
(British three-masted ship, wrecked in 1899 after striking a reef), the Mira
Flores (British built but German owned Barque, wrecked in 1886 after
running around in poor visibility) and the Kiryo Maru (Japanese tuna boat,
wrecked in 1984, in rough seas after its propeller shaft broke). These three
anchors and their associated commemorative plaques are the only
anchors installed terrestrially on Rottnest Island to mark (almost as
reminders but also as urban decorations) the proximity of these three
shipwreck sites. (Fig.1)

�Fig 1: The measuring of the City of York anchor. (Nicolas Bigourdan)
To fulfil this objective, it was decided that both manual and close-range
3D photogrammetric techniques would be employed. Here
Photogrammetry was undertaken not only as a recording tool but also to
provide additional data assets that could be used for interpretive
purposes. The first recording technique used was based on the standards
of the manual recording (coupled with detailed descriptions) developed by
the Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) as part of their international ‘Big
Anchor Project’ (BAP) online anchors typology database project. The
second one was centred around the use of photogrammetry in order to
create an accessible interactive 3D model for each anchor, while following
the methodology developed as part of MAAWA’s 3DMAPPR initiative.
This also allowed various MAAWA members to practice the simple but
crucial skills needed to complete the recording of a 3D model (Fig. 2).

Fig 2: 3D Model of the City of
York anchor. (Kevin
Edwards)

This phase of the project has required three visits on Rottnest Island and
involved up to eight different team members during various visits between

�December 2016 and July 2017. The task consisted firstly in taking
hundreds of digital images for each of the 3D models anchors
reconstruction, and secondly to undertake the necessary measurements
for each anchor as required by the BAP. In addition, some testing attempts
were implemented on nearby maritime cultural heritage features such as
the Rottnest Island pilot boat. However, a few problems emerged,
involving access difficulties the poor lighting conditions.
As a result in participating in the world-wide maritime cultural BAP
initiative coordinated by the NAS, it allowed MAAWA to become the
Western Australian representative of this NAS BAP initiative after
uploading the three anchors forms with corresponding images, and
secondly has also permitted MAAWA to create three interactive 3D
models for each of these anchors that were made accessible to the wider
public on the MAAWA Sketchfab account.
(https://sketchfab.com/MAAWA).
Upgrade the Rottnest Island terrestrial shipwrecks trail
The third objective was focused on upgrading one element of the
terrestrial component of the RWHT. This aspect of the project was carried
out as part of RIAs longer-term Rottnest Island Interpretation plan. This
task was centred on the creation of the signage’s design, its
manufacturing as well as its installation. This new sign, concerned a site
for which no previous sign existed mainly due to its isolated location in a
less visited area of Rottnest Island. This site concerned the shipwreck of
the Uribes (three-masted Schooner, wrecked in 1942, after drifted onto
rocks)
The design of the sign followed a recent and consistent new generation
of sign template developed by RIA (similar to others on Rottnest Island.
Made out of solid metal, the sign was composed of a square pole onto
which was fixed an information plate. The content of the sign was
composed of a brief text provided by one of the authors and a MAAWA
member about the Uribes wreck, a few images of the ship sourced and
the wreck from MADWAM’s and MAAWA’s archives; a map showing the
location of the shipwreck site relative to the sig, and a QR code. The
presence of this QR code make this sign unique in Rottnest Island, and at
least in Australia for a maritime cultural heritage site. This QR code is a

�link that provides direct and in situ access for any visitor with a mobile
phone to the page of the MAAWA Sketchfab account showing an
interactive 3D model of the Uribes (Fig. 3). Due to unexpected issues
encountered at the data acquisition and processing phase of this site as
well as at the sign conception stage, this objective was only completed at
a much later stage (around December 2017).

Fig. 3: Home page of the ‘Shipwrecks WA’ app and website. (MAAWA)
The creation of this sign permitted a strong working collaboration between
3 partners (MAAWA for the 3D model and some visuals, MADWAM for
the historic information and some visuals, and RIA for the design,
manufacturing and installation) of the PRIISMH project. Once finalised
and manufactured, the Uribes sign was installed, made operational and
finally unveiled in February 2018.
Record 3D models of six shipwrecks
The fourth and final objective of the PRIISMH Project was to carry out
detailed close-range 3D photogrammetric documentation of six wreck
sites. This proved to be the most time consuming, challenging component
of the PRIISMH project. The documentation of these sites was completed
over the course of three visits between December 2016 and April 2017.
Overall, fifteen MAAWA members and two MADWAM staff members have
been involved.
Weather and underwater conditions involving strong winds, surge as well
as low underwater visibility have created numerous issues in term data
acquisition and processing. These constraints forced the team to review
the initial list of targeted sites, and replace two of the target sites with

�fallback options; specifically, Denton Holmes (Irish built Barque, wrecked
in 1890, after drifting inshore) and Shark (local Hopper Barge, wrecked in
1939, after going aground) were replaced by Miwok II (local flat top crane
Barge, wreck in 1983, by explosives) and Lady Elizabeth (British threemasted Barque, wrecked in 1878, after running aground in a heavy gale)
respectively. In addition to these two shipwrecks sites the list consisted in
the Uribes, the Mira Flores, the City of York and the Macedon (British
screw steamer rigged Barque, wrecked in 1883 after running aground on
a reef).
Several MAAWA divers recorded each site to ensure an optimal and
maximum coverage of the area targeted. (Figs. 4 and 5). Gopro action
cameras together with simple scale and orientation rig were used to
implement the image recording methodology. In addition to the
photogrammetric recording, basic length and width measurements
together with surface GPS points were taken between pre-defined points
across the site in order to ascertain the scale, orientation and geographic
position of each site. Once captured, the images were processed using
Agisoft Photoscan 3D Photogrammetry software through the contracted
endeavour of the project partner Tempus Archaeology. After the
processing phase, each 3D model was uploaded onto the MAAWA
Sketchfab account (provided in kind as one of the project support),
together with the 3D models of the terrestrial anchors.

Fig. 4 (left): Shannon Reid recording the Macedon (Nicolas Bigourdan)
Fig. 5 (right): Nick Sargeant and Shannon Reid undertaking
measurement on the Lady Elisabeth (Nicolas Bigourdan)
Because as a best practice in maritime archology, the collection and
management of data should not be seen as an end in itself; it is important
to remember as a principle that research becomes most valuable when it
is effectively disseminated to a wider audience. This why as a tool to

�respond to this principle, the MAAWA Sketchfab account facilitates a
wider accessibility to and dissemination of information to the general
public (Fig 6). These 3D models
will also in due course be linked
to the ‘Shipwrecks WA’ app and
website, and as a consequence
will
become
a
touristic
opportunity for the RIA to be
used as promotional material of
the underwater and maritime
cultural heritage of Rottnest Fig. 6: Home page of the MAAWA
Island (Figs. 7 and 8).
Sketchfab account. (MAAWA)

Fig. 7: 3D Model of the Lady Elisabeth (Kevin Edwards)

Fig. 8: 3D Model of the Uribes (Kevin Edwards)
The PRIISMH project was also designed as a capacity building exercise
from the start, allowing MAAWA members to participate in several
workshops (in October 2016) and training sessions on 3D

�photogrammetric recording and processing in November 2016 as well as
February and April 2017 (Fig. 9). The project also allowed further
transmission of knowledge and skills, because it enabled MAAWA
members to further engage in community education and outreach through
a workshop to recreational divers from Perth Scuba dive club and shop in
October 2017. This last action was pursued with the objective to further
expand the accessibility for a wider audience to involvement opportunities
in the preservation of the Perth region maritime and underwater cultural
heritage.

Fig. 9: MAAWA members teaching 3D photogrammetry (Perth Scuba)
Conclusion
The PRIISMH project represents the latest in a long-line of collaborative
ventures between an institutional organisation and a community-base
avocational group. In the context of ensuring a sustainable future for the
local Perth Metropolitan maritime and underwater cultural heritage by
actively involving and engaging the public into local, meaningful, useful
and innovative projects, the PRIISMH initiative successfully responded in
the most encompassing and proactive way to this complex but rewarding
challenge.
With the enhancement of the ‘Shipwrecks WA’ app and website, the
recording of three anchors in 3D and in traditionally, the creation and
installation of the Uribes interactive sign, and the processing of 3D model
from 6 shipwreck sites around Rottnest Island, the PRIISMH has entirely
fulfilled its 4 main objectives. MAAWA’s active role was central in the

�PRIISMH project in initiating the condition report, but above all a number
of its new assets can be accessed through its ‘WA Shipwrecks’ app and
website or via Sketchfab where the majority of MAAWA 3D content has
been made available to the public.
The multiple facets of the PRIISMH project have highlighted the
relationship between MAAWA and MADWAM (or in other words between
a community group and a governmental institution), and will continue to
be in the upcoming and even more inclusive SWAN RIVER project the
beacon that will show the direction to follow for the connection between
maritime heritage and local public.
Acknowledgements
Shannon Reid, Patrick Morrison, Michael McCarthy, Ian Warne, Colin
Cockram, David Jackson, Rebecca Ryan, Rebecca Familton, John
Cecchi, Nick Sargeant, Jacquie McGhie, Kosta Stamoulis.
References
Edwards, K., Bigourdan, N., McCann, I., Cooper, D. 2016 3DMAPPR: A
Community-based underwater archaeological photogrammetry
program in Perth, Western Australia. Journal of the Australasian
Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 40:1-16.
McCarthy, M. 1981 ‘The Rottnest Experiment’. Skindiving in Australia
and New Zealand 11(4).
McCarthy, M., Barblett, P. and Humphries, V. 1982 ‘Follow the Rottnest
Wreck Trail’. Information pamphlet published for the Rottnest Island
Board.
MAAWA 2015 ‘Report on the Rottnest Onshore Shipwreck Plaques’.
Unpublished MAAWA Report.
Philippou, C. and Staniforth, M. 2003 Maritime Heritage Trails in
Australia: an overview and critique of the interpretive programs. In
Spirek, J.D. and Scott-Ireton, D.A. (eds), Submerged Cultural
Resource Management: Preserving and Interpreting our Maritime
Heritage. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers: New York. pp. 135147.

�Biography
Nicolas Bigourdan graduated from the ParisSorbonne University in 2003 and from James Cook
University in 2006 in nautical and maritime
archaeology respectively. His research interests
include 18th and 19th centuries French scientific
sailing expeditions in the Southern Hemisphere, 3D visualisation of
underwater maritime cultural heritage, Western Australian maritime
Aboriginal rock art, Middle Eastern (Mesopotamia and Persian Gulf)
early watercraft depictions, Indian Ocean French illegal slave trade,
Citizen scientist’s involvement in maritime archaeology, and Ethnoarchaeological study of canoes traditions from Irian Jaya (Indonesia). He
has an extensive fieldwork experience in multiple countries, and as
worked over the last 10 years successively for Wessex Archaeology
(UK) and the Western Australian Museum (Australia).

Kevin Edwards graduated from the University of
Western Australia in 1991 and is currently a post
graduate student in the Maritime Archaeology program
at Flinders University. His research interests include
the archaeological potential of near and offshore
disposals of military material in wartime and postbellum contexts, the application of social theory to shipwreck survivor
camp studies, and the documentation of archaeological collections using
a variety of 3D digitization technologies. He hopes to expand his study
interests to include the social and material agencies involved in the
creation of 19th century museum collections relating to maritime
archaeology.

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                  <text>Cultural heritage derives its value from societal contexts, and so public engagement plays an important role in growing support for, and interest in heritage. Engagement may take many forms, from awareness-raising to formal learning programmes to creating platforms for public participation in the process of heritage conservation, governance, and/or interpretation. Papers bridging theoretical and practical approaches to engagement with UCH are particularly welcome, as are papers which offer collaborative and/or participatory models, stakeholder engagement, capacity-building and development, approaches to the particular challenges of engagement with underwater cultural heritage vs other kinds of cultural heritage.&#13;
&#13;
Of course heritage exists in a variety of cultural frameworks, and ensuring sustainability requires approaches to engagement to be both responsive and sensitive to the overlapping cultural contexts in which UCH may exist. As a culturally diverse region, the treatment of heritage must be also tailored to cultural definitions, heritage management frameworks and conventions which may, in some cases, differ across jurisdictions/countries and their interests. The panel will also attempt to explore the ways in which UCH is managed within diverse cultural frameworks, and invites papers to examine topics including contested UCH, ownership, security, etc.&#13;
&#13;
The panel invites papers exploring significance within local, national and transnational historiographies and the implications for funding and management of UCH. UCH includes material that has been deposited on the seabed as a result of warfare and catastrophe, so papers which explore and/or engage with topics including loss, warfare, conflicted significance and contested heritage are particularly welcome.&#13;
&#13;
Other relevant sub-themes include:&#13;
&#13;
* Public engagement in the management of UCH&#13;
&#13;
* Interpreting maritime cultural heritage for non-specialist audiences&#13;
&#13;
* Significance, interpretative potential, stakeholders and support/sustainability&#13;
&#13;
* Museums, Education, Outreach and Conservation&#13;
&#13;
* Memory, memorials and memorialisation</text>
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                  <text>Raphael Igombo&#13;
National Museums of Kenya, Kenya</text>
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                  <text>Michelle Damian&#13;
Monmouth College (IL), USA</text>
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                <text>PRIISMH project: A Case Study of Community Involvement and Museum Collaboration on Maritime Cultural Heritage around Rottnest Island (Perth, Western Australia)</text>
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                <text>The Program for the Rottnest Island Interpretation of Shipwrecks and Maritime Heritage (PRIISMH) project is a community-based initiative conducted under the aegis of the Maritime Archaeology Association of Western Australia (MAAWA), in collaboration with the Western Australian Museum (WAM), the Rottnest Island Authority (RIA), Tempus Archaeology, and Shipwreck Data, with sponsorship provided by the Maritime Museums of Australia Project Support Scheme (MMAPSS 2016-2017) from the Australian National Maritime Museum. The main objective of the PRIISMH project was to enhance the presentation of Rottnest Island maritime cultural heritage through the use of new and innovative forms of interpretation involving terrestrial and underwater 3D Photogrammetry as a key element in for public engagement.&#13;
&#13;
Specifically, the project was initially developed to address issues identified in a recent condition report on the Rottnest Onshore Shipwreck Plaques (MAAWA, 2015), relating to existing interpretive signage on the island. As a consequence, MAAWA and RIA identified as a priority the need to update existing land-based shipwreck signage (currently over thirty years old) in order to address potential health and safety issues, to improve overall visitor experience, and to improve public accessibility to the Rottnest Island underwater shipwreck heritage.&#13;
&#13;
The project represents a new stage in an on-going long-term program of site documentation, management and interpretation within the broad Perth region, initiated by MAAWA in 2014 under the aegis of the Three-Dimensional (3D) Maritime Archaeology Project â€“ Perth Region (3DMAPRR, Edwards et al. 2016). The structure and nature of the project also allowed it to be connected to another MAAWA earlier initiative (2013), namely the â€˜Shipwrecks WAâ€™ website and app platform to expand the audience outreach.&#13;
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                    <text>From safe haven to island abandonment - impacts of the
growth of Pacific shipping on the Pitcairn Island
community during the 19th century
Dr. Nigel Erskine
Head of Research
Australian National Maritime Museum
Abstract
The story of the Bounty mutiny is one of the great sagas of Pacific history
and has inspired a rich literature for more than two centuries. By contrast,
our knowledge of the community founded by Fletcher Christian at Pitcairn
Island has remained enigmatic and obscured by evangelical and Eurocentric interpretations of the survival and development of the settlement.
Founded by a small, culturally-divided group of settlers on one of the most
remote islands in the Pacific and completely cut off from the world for the
first 18 years of its existence - the establishment of the settlement may be
seen as a remarkable success. Fifty years after the arrival of the Bounty
settler-group, the island had become a regular port-of-call in the
expanding network of Pacific shipping and the Pitcairn community, now
approaching 200 people, had established important relationships with the
Royal Navy, the American whaling fleet and Pacific communities in Tahiti,
Valparaiso and Sydney. Just a few years later however, the resources
of the island could no longer cope with the increasing demands and the
entire population of Pitcairn was removed to Norfolk Island. Based on
historical research and archaeological fieldwork conducted on Pitcairn,
this paper examines the process of colonisation at Pitcairn to reveal the
changing nature of an island environment in a period of rapid change in
the Pacific.
Key words: Mutiny, Pacific, Whaling, Royal Navy

Mutiny and Pitcairn
“Know then my own dear Betsy, I have lost the Bounty. …On the
28th April at daylight in the morning Christian having the morning

�watch, he with several others came into my cabin while I was asleep,
and seizing me, holding naked bayonets at my breast, tied my hands
behind my back, and threatened instant destruction if I uttered a
word.“
With these words to his wife, William Bligh (Brunton, 1989) described the
event which would galvanize public opinion and haunt him for the rest of
his life. Recounted repeatedly, dissected, weighed and scrutinized from
every angle, the story of the mutiny on the Bounty has been the subject
of numerous books and films and needs no further discussion here. By
contrast, the subject of my paper – the settlement of Pitcairn Island by
mutineers from the Bounty and their Polynesian partners - is a story which
is far less known, and in the context of this conference’s theme,
represents one of the earliest sources of data demonstrating the impact
of European activities in the Pacific.

Fig.1: Pitcairn Island. (Photographer Jon Carpenter, © Nigel Erskine)
Pitcairn is a volcanic island situated in the Eastern Pacific, south and east
of the southern end of the Tuamotu Islands. The first European record of
the island was made by Philip Carteret in 1767 when his ship HMS
Swallow sailed around it. His description of the island was published in
John Hawkesworth’s Voyages in 1773. Carteret wrote:

�“…it appeared like a great rock rising out of the sea: it was not more
than five miles in circumference, and seemed to be uninhabited; it
was, however, covered in trees, and we saw a small stream of water
running down one side of it. I would have landed upon it, but the
surf, which at this season broke upon it with great violence, rendered
it impossible”
Cook passed to the east of Pitcairn in 1769, and to the west in 1773,
without sighting the island – suggesting the position of the island,
calculated by Carteret and shown on Hawkesworth’s chart of the Pacific,
was wrong. Indeed, while Carteret’s latitude for Pitcairn was relatively
accurate, his longitude placed Pitcairn 320 kilometres too far west – a not
unusual error in the period prior to the use of chronometers and one which
the mutineer Fletcher Christian appears to have suspected. For, following
an abortive attempt by the Bounty mutineers to settle on the island of
Tubuai (300 km south of Tahiti), and after leaving 16 mutineers at Tahiti,
Christian took the Bounty east against the prevailing wind, sailing along
the latitude given by Carteret until finally sighting Pitcairn in January 1790.
When the vessel finally anchored, it had 28 people aboard – 9 European
mutineers, 6 Polynesian men, 12 Polynesian women and a baby girl.
Once ashore the group soon found evidence of previous Polynesian
occupation of the island in the form of rock carvings and a morai, and later
they would discover a stone quarry on the southern side of the island
littered with the discarded flakes from tool manufacturing.1 While this
evidence of a Polynesian presence remained, the Bounty settlers soon
realised they were alone on the island and totally reliant on a combination
of their skills, the resources they brought with them, and what they found
in their new home, to establish a viable community. Indeed Pitcairn
offered Fletcher Christian and his fellow mutineers the perfect place to
hide! Uninhabited, incorrectly charted and cliff-bound, the island was

�effectively lost to Europeans in the vastness of the Pacific Ocean - a
harbourless, uncontested 2.5 square mile speck of land where the next
stage of the Bounty saga would be played out. Satisfied with their new
home, the mutineers set about stripping the ship, and after a week, they
set fire to it – destroying it completely.
With the destruction of their vessel, the Bounty settlers became selfimposed exiles – a tiny community in the Pacific hiding from the Royal
Navy and completely cut off from the world. Indeed, the mutineers had
found a place so remote that the settlement remained undisturbed for the
first 18 years of its existence and it was only as a network of Pacific trade
gradually developed in the 19th century that Pitcairn’s isolation diminished.
Violence and isolation
The first years of settlement on the island were marked by violence as the
mutineers divided the island’s resources amongst themselves and
attempted to impose their control over the Polynesians who had
accompanied them to Pitcairn. In the case of the women, each of the 9
mutineers had a partner from amongst the 12 women, leaving 3 women
to partner with the 6 Polynesian men. This situation was initially tolerated
by the Polynesian men who were now treated as servants to the
mutineers, but following the deaths of two of the women (one falling off a
cliff while collecting birds’ eggs, and the other dying of natural causes),
the affected mutineers took new partners from those living with the
Polynesian men.

This produced immediate hostilities between the

Polynesian men and the mutineers and resulted in the murder of two of
the Polynesian men in 1791. Two years later a second wave of violence
spread across the island, claiming the lives of Fletcher Christian and four
other mutineers, quickly followed by the murder of the last remaining
Polynesian men.

�With these deaths the community settled into a period of relative peace
for another six years until 1799 when William McCoy committed suicide.
In that same year Matthew Quintal was killed by his shipmates in a preemptive strike after he threatened them. And finally in December 1800,
John Adams emerged as the last mutineer standing when Edward Young
died of natural causes.

After a decade on the island, and with the

population standing at 38 (consisting of 27 children, 10 women and 1
man), the community now entered a new era of peace and stability.
In regard to viability of the settlement, the violence characterizing this
early period highlights the fact that the main threat to the community was
social rather than ecological. Like Pandora’s Box, the Bounty contained
a volatile mix of racial, sexual and class tensions thrown together by the
chance circumstances of the mutiny and which Polynesians happened to
be sleeping aboard when the vessel left Tahiti for the last time. With the
destruction of the Bounty, these forces were released and, as we have
seen, played out to bloody resolution. However, despite this violence, a
number of positive factors contributed to the initial survival of the
community.
Pitcairn was a relatively fertile island with natural resources of water,
trees, plants, fish and birds – a Pacific environment with which the
Polynesian women were familiar, where their skills in such things as
sourcing food, thatching and producing tapa cloth, were immediately
beneficial.

Adding to the natural resources, were resources brought

ashore from the Bounty. These included pigs, goats, chickens, plants,
seeds and gardening tools, muskets, gunpowder, axes and saws, a forge
and bellows, wheelbarrows, medical supplies, books and cooking pots as well as rope, canvas , iron and timber from the ship.

�Also brought ashore were elements of maritime culture relating to the
maintenance and allocation of provisions. An observer present in 1814
(the second contact with shipping) noted (Pipon, 1834) that John Adams
maintained a journal system of ‘regular established allowance’, a practice
paralleling the role of the purser on board naval vessels. On Pitcairn food
was either stored communally to create a ‘food bank’ accessible
throughout the seasons, or (in the case of perishables) divided equally
using a system known as the ‘share out’. Aboard the Bounty this form of
division was known as Who shall have this? Bligh (1790) described this
method, which he used to divide a seabird amongst the men during his
famous open boat voyage:
“One person turns his back on the object that is to be divided;
another then points separately to the portions, at each of them
asking aloud, “Who shall have this?” to which the first answers
by naming somebody. This impartial method of division gives
every man an equal chance of the best share.”
The settlers also lived communally in a single village. Very early on, the
pigs and goats had gone feral and fences had been built around parts of
the village to protect the vegetable gardens. Communal living also helped
to harness the labour and skills of the settlers, efficiently sustaining the
settlement through the years of total isolation.

�Fig.2: Village at Pitcairn 1825, artist William Smyth. (State Library of
NSW PXB55)
First contact
In 1808, that isolation was finally interrupted by the arrival of the sealer
Topaz. It was an edifying occasion all round, with captain Folger as
surprised to be hailed in English by the young ‘natives’ who paddled out
to his ship, as indeed they were to see such a large and foreign object
floating off their island.

Mindful of his mutineer status, John Adams

sensibly remained on Pitcairn, but despite this, goodwill was established
by an exchange of objects. In itself, the impact of this visit was slight but
it set an important precedent, as Adams later recalled (Bechervaise,
1839):
“They got from this ship a great number of articles they stood
in need of, after which no vessel came near the island without
being visited.”

�Six years later the islanders were again amazed, this time finding two
Royal Navy ships laying off the island. It should have been the moment
of truth for the old mutineer but his luck remained! For after touring the
village and meeting Adams and his burgeoning flock, Sir Thomas Staines,
the senior captain, declared that Adams was a reformed character whose
arrest and removal from the island could only have a detrimental effect on
the community. In an instant John Adams was transformed from villain to
hero and thereafter the community at Pitcairn enjoyed both legitimacy and
celebrity, becoming a popular port of call in a rapidly expanding network
of Pacific sailing routes. Some measure of the relative isolation of the
community at Pitcairn in the first half of the 19th century can be seen in the
following charts.

Fig.3: Principal Pacific Ocean
sailing routes in 1800. (Erskine)

Fig.4 Principal Pacific Ocean sailing
routes in 1825. (Erskine)

�Fig.5: Principal Pacific Ocean sailing routes in 1850. (Nigel Erskine)
In 1788 a British settlement was established at Port Jackson on the east
coast of Australia, which finding itself poorly supplied from Britain, soon
initiated sailing routes to the more fertile Norfolk Island and to Tahiti for
pork. Those ships which did arrive from Britain with supplies, returned
there either by the southerly Cape Horn route or via one of the trading
centres in Asia such as Calcutta, Canton and Batavia. At the same time
a regular route was established between China and the Pacific North West
by vessels trading in sea otter pelts, and routes along the west coasts of
the Americas serviced Spanish supply lines.
Some measure of the relative importance of particular trade centres in the
Pacific is indicated by the growth of European populations. In 1820
Honolulu had a foreign population of about 90. By 1842 the town’s
population had grown to 8000 people, of whom 500 were foreign. At the
same time, Papeete had a foreign population of around 70, and the Bay
of Islands in New Zealand over 600 Europeans. Both Levuka and Apia

�developed later, and had foreign populations of around 50 by the 1850s
(Ralston, 1979).
Of these centres, the most important for Pacific trade before the discovery
of gold in California was Honolulu. The location of the Hawaiian Islands
in the middle of the North Pacific Ocean made them a natural centre
linking trade routes between the North-West coast of America, California
and China. After 1849 San Francisco assumed much greater importance
in Pacific commerce, resulting in the development of sailing routes
between Australia and San Francisco, and San Francisco, New England
and Europe. Both the route from Australia and New Zealand to San
Francisco, and the route from San Francisco to Europe via Cape Horn,
passed close to Pitcairn and represented a significant change in the
relative isolation of the island.

Fig.6: Chinese Export Ware plate c.1816 – example of trade item
excavated at Pitcairn land site. (Nigel Erskine)
Development of Trade
A total of 432 ships visited Pitcairn between 1808 and 1856, with the
majority being whale ships. Some idea of the pattern of trade between

�the Pitcairn community and the crews of these ships is apparent in
surviving logbooks.
One of the earliest accounts describing trading activities at Pitcairn is that
of the American whaleship Russell that visited Pitcairn in 1822. Arriving
off the island, the ship was met by a boat carrying seven of the islanders
who “…brought us some bananas, plantains, coconuts and melons and
informed us that there was a quantity more on the island”. The ship took
on fresh water over a period of three days – allowing part of the crew
ashore each day on liberty. When it came time to depart, the islanders2:
“…stood around us with tears in their eyes and presented us with
some little tokens of friendship and said that we were not to pay for
them but send more ships there as they would be very lonesome
when we were gone. They supplied us with such vegetables and
fruit as the island produced without asking anything for them but
seemed pleased to have us in their home.”
It is clear from this account that trade at this time was largely unregulated
and limited to the basic resources of water, vegetables and fruit. By 1825
the impact of shipping appears to have induced experiments with new
crops and Captain Beechey (1968) listed English potatoes, peas, beans
and onions amongst these. In 1830 Captain Waldegrave (1833) listed the
supplies available to ships:
“Ships may obtain fire-wood at Pitcairn’s Island in abundance, with
a certain quantity of yams. Coconuts and plantains, but not a large
supply; poultry and pigs they object to part with: it would be
impossible to water a man-of-war, as the water is carried from
Brown’s Well on the shoulders of the natives.”
A significant change is evident by 1834 when a regular price for articles is
listed in the Pitcairn Island Register. This indicates that ‘exotic’ produce

�such as Irish potatoes, beans and onions had been successfully
established and that chickens were available in quantity by this date. In
effect, Pitcairn had joined the provisioning trade and over the next 20
years the demands on the island’s resources increased dramatically.
For example in 1836 the whaleship Triton took3 two boatloads of wood,
54 chickens and a pig and in the following years there is consistent
reference to the supply of potatoes, beans, pumpkins and wood in
relatively large quantities. In 1843 the Charles took4 six boatloads of
potatoes and four boatloads of wood. In 1847 the Three Brothers took5
130 barrels of water, 34 barrels of yams, 34 barrels of sweet potatoes, five
barrels of Irish potatoes, 22 chickens, five pigs, a duck and two boatloads
of wood and so on. At the same time as these foreign demands were
taxing the island’s resources, the population of Pitcairn had been growing
steadily, reaching 194 in 1856.

Environmental impact of trade
The evidence indicates that the growth in Pacific shipping had a negative
impact on Pitcairn. For in addition to demands on the island’s limited
water supplies, the provisioning trade significantly depleted the island’s
timber resources and placed an increasing burden on the land as the
Pitcairn islanders attempted to produce agricultural surpluses. Some
indication of the environmental impact of such changes is suggested by
an example of catastrophic erosion recorded in the Pitcairn Island
Register for 1845 (Lucas, 1929):
“…the place in question was situated at the head of a ravine which
debouched into the sea; the rain mixing with the falling earth (which
was of a clayey nature) brought it to the consistency of thick mud
but sufficiently liquefied to glide very slowly down the inclined plane
of the valley – nothing with which it came in contact could resist its

�force – the large trees at the head of the ravine and immense pieces
of rock, were borne slowly but unresistingly along and about three
hundred coconut trees were torn up by the roots and swept into the
sea.”
Further evidence indicative of the community’s vulnerability and inability
to sustain increasingly high levels of trade exists in the last years of the
settlement. During the visit of HMS Portland in May 1853, Rear Admiral
Fairfax Moresby found the island badly affected by drought and donated
grain to sustain the community. Six months later, Captain Morshead of
HMS Dido found the island still affected by drought and left more supplies.

The crop failures of 1853 revealed the vulnerability of the community at
Pitcairn and prompted application to the British Government to relocate
the community to Norfolk Island. Supported by Rear Admiral Fairfax
Moresby, the request was favourably received in England and Sir William
Denison was instructed to make arrangements for the removal of the
Pitcairn Islanders to Norfolk Island.

The impact of human settlement on island ecologies is a major theme in
Polynesian colonisation of the Pacific. In this context Fosberg (1963)
noted the great variation between islands of the eastern Pacific and large
continental islands of the western Pacific and emphasised the effects of
isolation and limited size in creating insular and fragile ecological
environments which were highly vulnerable to disturbance associated with
human settlement. While Pitcairn does not fit into the extreme category
with fragile environments such as atolls, the total impact of colonisation
on the island was no less devastating – it simply took longer and was
ultimately the result of both internal and external factors.

�Conclusion
Turner (1962) conceived of the frontier as a dynamic process of
expansion, characterised by continuous movement into free land at the
margins of the colonial area by a succession of industries comprising furtraders, miners, ranchers and farmers who were irresistibly attracted to
the resource opportunities of the new area. European expansion into the
Pacific was motivated by similar opportunities that were exploited by
industries such as the pork trade, pearling, sandalwood, beche-de-mer
and whaling. However, unlike the opening of vast new land areas of the
American West, the expansion into the maritime frontier of the Pacific took
place in a context of hundreds of small islands of which Pitcairn was but
one. The history of Pitcairn Island provides a record of the ecological cost
of such expansion.
Endnotes
In this context, Marshall Weisler’s work (1993) has shown that this
Polynesian presence dates to a period starting about AD 850 and ending
in about 1500. Weisler, M. 1993 Long-distance Interaction in Prehistoric
Polynesia: Three case studies, unpublished thesis, University of
California, Berkeley
2
Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 890
3
Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 671
4
Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 318
5
Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 386
1

References
Bechervaise, J., 1839. Thirty-Six Years of a Seafaring Life, Woodward,
Portsea: 176.Beechey, F.W., 1968 [1831]. Narrative of a Voyage to the
Pacific and Beering’s Strait, Da Capo Press, New York, Vol.1.
Bligh, W., 1961. The Mutiny On Board HMS Bounty, Signet Classics,
New York: 164.

�Paul Brunton (Ed.), 1989. Awake Bold Bligh – William Bligh’s letters
describing the mutiny on HMS Bounty, Allen and Unwin, Sydney: 23.
Fosberg, R., (Ed), 1963. Man’s Place in the Island Ecosystem, BP
Bishop Museum, Honolulu.
Hawkesworth, J., 1773. An Account of the Voyages by Commodore
Byron, Captain Wallis, Captain Carteret and Captain Cook, Strahan and
Cadell, London: 561.
Lucas, C., (Ed.), 1929. The Pitcairn Island Register Book, Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge, London.
Pipon, P., 1834. The Descendants of the Bounty’s Crew. United
Services Journal, Vol.63:191-199.
Ralston, C., 1979. The pattern of Race Relations in 19th century Pacific
port towns, Essays from the Journal of Pacific History, Massey
University.
Turner, F.J., 1962. The Frontier in American History, Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, New York: 12.
Waldegrave, W., 1833. Remarks of Captain William Waldegrave, HMS
Seringapatam 1830, The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,
London, Vol. III: 156-162.

�Biography
Nigel Erskine is Head of Research at the Australian
National Maritime Museum. As a maritime
archaeologist he has worked extensively in the
South Pacific and was Director of the Norfolk Island
Museum 2000 – 2003. As a maritime archaeologist
he has worked on the sites of HMS Sirius, HMS
Pandora, HMS Bounty, HMS Porpoise, Cato and
Mermaid. Since 2005 he has been actively involved
with the Rhode Island Maritime Archaeology Project
in the search for Cook’s ship Endeavour.
His recent work includes developing interpretive
narratives for ANMM’s core galleries, building the
museum’s international engagement in archaeological projects, and
expanding the museum’s research profile.

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                <text>The story of the Bounty mutiny is one of the great sagas of Pacific history and has inspired a rich literature for more than two centuries. By contrast, our knowledge of the community founded by Fletcher Christian at Pitcairn Island has remained enigmatic and obscured by evangelical and Eurocentric interpretations of the survival and development of the settlement. Founded by a small, culturally-divided group of settlers on one of the most remote islands in the Pacific and completely cut off from the world for the first 18 years of its existence - the establishment of the settlement may be seen as a remarkable success. Fifty years after the arrival of the Bounty settler-group, the island had become a regular port-of-call in the expanding network of Pacific shipping and the Pitcairn community, now approaching 200 people, had established important relationships with the Royal Navy, the American whaling fleet and Pacific communities in Tahiti, Valparaiso and Sydney.   Just a few years later however, the resources of the island could no longer cope with the increasing demands and the entire population of Pitcairn was removed to Norfolk Island. Based on historical research and archaeological fieldwork conducted on Pitcairn, this paper examines the process of colonisation at Pitcairn to reveal the changing nature of an island environment in a period of rapid change in the Pacific. </text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="5372">
                <text>Nigel Erskine </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>11/24/2017</text>
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          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="5375">
                <text>Nigel Erskine </text>
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        <name>Asia-Pac Session 1 2017</name>
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                <text>Kinsei Nihon No Kawabune Kenkyu: Kinsei Kasen Suiunshi</text>
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                <text>Noboru Kawana</text>
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                <text>Nihon Keizai Hyoronsha</text>
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