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                    <text>Nautical Terms as Gleaned from
Ancient Tamil Literature
N. Athiyaman1

Abstract
During the beginning of the Common Era, the Maritime trade peaked in the regions of Southeast
Asia, Peninsular India, Srilanka and the Red Sea coast. The Greek and Latin accounts clearly
attest to the increased trade activities in this period. The use of large crafts for navigation is well
recorded in these accounts. The early historic Tamil Sangam literature dated between 300 B.C.E.
and 300 C.E. provide valuable data regarding the nautical knowledge of that period. Some
researchers have attempted to collate and interpret the data on nautical terms available in this
literature. However, a detailed contextual analysis based on the content of the poems has not
been attempted so far. Many types of crafts such as naavaay, vangam, thimil, and punai, are
found mentioned in the Sangam literature, and these terms are not in use at present. The field
studies conducted by scholars have revealed the existence of many indigenous crafts having
different names on the South Indian Coast. Due to modern development the usage of traditional
crafts is fast vanishing.
In this paper an attempt is made to analyse the names and structure of the crafts that
occur in the Sangam literature based on their contextual information. For example, the term
naavaay is mentioned in the context of deep-sea craft which carried goods of various types. The
data pertaining to the boats and ships and other nautical terms are analysed in this paper. An
attempt is also made to find out the possible reasons for the disappearance of the various crafts
referred in the literature.

I. Introduction
During the beginning of the Common Era, the maritime trade peaked in the
Indian Ocean rim as attested by the Greek, Latin and Tamil sources. The use of
larger crafts for navigation is also well recorded. However, an in-depth analysis of
the native Tamil literature of the Common Era which has evidence for nautical
terms is yet to be done. Hence, this paper focuses on the nautical terms found in
the ancient Tamil literature (3rd century B.C.E.- 4th century C.E.) and analyses
the types of boats. The literature was created during early historic Tamilakam
which had a single linguistic territorial entity in Peninsular India, between 8o5' N
and 13o40' N latitudes. The literature forms the main source of this study as
archaeological source is scanty. However, an attempt is also being made in this
paper to corroborate the textual references with limited archaeological evidence.

1

Centre for Underwater Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur 613010 , India
rajachidam@gmail.com

�Literary Sources
The ancient Tamil Sangam literature and post-Sangam epics namely
cilappathikaaram and manimeekalai dated to be ca. 4th century C.E. provide
information on maritime activities of the Early Historic Tamilakam. A brief account
of the content and character of these texts are discussed below.
Sangam literature consists of anthologies of bardic corpus2 with accepted
time span of ca. 3rd century B.C.E. and 3rd century C.E. based on
archaeological, epigraphical, numismatic and literary parameters. This literature
is classified as ettuththokai and paththuppaattu.
The ettuththokai is the eight different collections of small poems of three
lines to more than 50 lines. Based on the poetic analysis, kaliththokai and
paripaatal are considered slightly late. The other six anthologies are earlier,
though, some of the poems are considered to be later. The chronological order is
as follows: kurunthokai, narrinai, akanaanuuru, puranaanuuru, aingkurunuuru
and pathirrppaththu (Tamil Dictionary/Glossary on Historical Principle/TDHP
2001).
The paththuppaattu collection has the ten songs, each one of which has
more than a few hundred lines, where the poet describes about a hero or a chief
or a king and his country. The chronological order is as follows:
porunaraarruppatai,
mathuraikkaanjci,
netunalvaatai,
malaipatukataam,
perumpaanaarruppatai, pattinappaalai, cirupaanaarruppatai, mullaippaattu,
kurinjcippaattu and tirumurukaarruppatai (TDHP 2001).
These eight anthologies and ten songs were the poems of sentiments and
exploits of the "noumenon" and the "phenomenon" in Tamil terminology of the
akam and puram or somewhat simplified poems of erotic experience and
heroism (Zevelebil 1975:80). In addition, the epics of Tamil literature namely
cilappathikaaram and manimeekalai of 4th-5th century C.E. are included as they
also provide information on maritime activities.
The settings alluded to in the poetry provide ample information on various
spheres of maritime activities. A documentation of nautical terms in the literature
is found in Victor Rajamanickam and Samuel Arulraj (1994). A monograph on
ships and shipping of the Tamil region has also been attempted (Ragavan 1968).
However, the context analysis of such terms, size and functions of the vessels
from the literature and their possible provenance have not been attempted.
Among all the 20 texts, netunalvaatai, malaipatukataam, and
tirumurukaarruppatai do not have nautical terms as they are unrelated to the
maritime activities. Of paththuppaattu, mathuraikkaanjci accounts for four types
of vessels. Of anthologies kaliththokai and paripaatal provide information of many
terms, next to narrinai, akanaanuuru and puranaanuuru. The later period epics
cilappathikaaram and manimeekalai give information on five types of crafts.

2

During the early historic period there lived the bards who moved place to place and sang in
praise of the local King or cheif and received gifts for thier subsistence. They were called as
paanar.

�II. Watercrafts from Tamil Literature
A thorough survey of the entire literature reveals ten terms for watercrafts. They
are ambi, kalam, mithavai, naavaay, otam, pahri, punai, thimil, thoni and
vangkam. The details and context are analysed for proper understanding of the
probable size and function of each term.

ambi
ambi according to Tamil Lexicon (TL) is a small boat (TL 1982:96) found quoted
in 14 instances. The context of vessel(s) with the sea is ten occurrences and with
river(s) is four occurrences. It could be understood that this boat was used both
in coastal fishing and river crossing. Regarding the appearance, the ambi which
was tightly built alludes to horned buffalo floating in the pond (narrinai 315:3).
This was also compared with the movement of elephant running after mirage to
quench their thirst (akanaanuuru 29:18). Probably, these boats were black in
colour and the shape could resemble that of an elephant. No reference to mast
or sail is found.
This was used for coastal fishing with net(s) (narrinai 74:3) and also for
shark hunting by the fisherfolk (akanaanuuru 187:23). The boats lying ashore
were used by the seagulls to lay eggs and incubate (aingkurunuuru 168:2). The
ruined ambi lying on the coast (narrinai 315:3) is also accounted. In a poem this
term was used along with other vessels namely thoni and kalam implying the
variation in the function and appearance of other types (puranaanuuru 343:2). In
the same poem it is found that this boat carried fish for selling and carried back
the bartered paddy, while other crafts performed different functions. The
reference of a damaged ambi along with marakkalam (wooden vessel) and
vangkam (manimeekalai 29:6-10) imply a clear difference between ambi and
other boats.
Reference to ambi as a ferry service on the river is mentioned in the
literature of later period(s), except on one occasion of an early period
(puranaanuuru 381:24). The later literature mentions river crossing by ambi. The
bows of ambi were decorated as horse, elephant and lion faces. This is quoted
along with marappunai (wooden float) which was considered less luxurious
(manimeekalai 13:178-179).
From the above information it can be inferred that ambi was a small craft
of not more than elephant size and was used in the coastal fishing and transport
of goods, and also used for river crossing. As ambi is not mentioned with any sail
and also used for river crossing it could have been propelled by paddles.

kalam
In Tamil the term kalam has many meanings. But the main meaning is vessel, a
container made of wood, earth or any metal. The meaning related to the present
study is a ship or a boat (TL 1982:778).
In the literature of 17 occurrences one could discern that kalam was used
for a ship with sails and it makes long voyages. However, in one instance the
term was used for a littoral fishing boat (akanaanuuru 30:9). It is interesting to
note that in most of the cases it is mentioned kalam was sailed by wind power

�(puranaanuuru 26:12; puranaanuuru 30:12; puranaanuuru 386:14; kaliththokai
5:6). In many cases, it is accounted as a vessel which brought wealth in terms of
wine and gold (akanaanuuru 149:9; puranaanuuru 56:18; puranaanuuru 343:15)
and in turn left with pepper. This could be the ships from the Red sea region and
there is direct evidence in the literature for yavanaa (the Greek, Romans) ships
coming with gold and wine leaving with pepper and other articles (akanaanuuru
149; puranaanuuru 56:18; puranaanuuru 343:5). It is also mentioned that the
kalams were navigated with the help of the light houses built in the coastal region
(perumpaanarruppatai 350). There is an account that the poet amazes at the
depth of the Kaveri river mouth that even the kalam did not roll down their sails
and entered swiftly (puranaanuuru 30:12). In the epics the builders of kalam and
their settlement are also mentioned (cilappathikaaram 5:31; manimeekalai 7:70).
Hence, from the above evidence it can be inferred that kalam was a large deep
sea vessel and sailed with the wind.

mithavai
The term mithavai which means a float (TL 1982:3199) is quoted only once as
mithavaiayar (the people of the float) i.e. raft (paripaatal 6:35) with no additional
details.

naavaay
This means a vessel or a ship (TL 1982:2109). It was a deep sea ship like kalam.
These kind of ships were used by the Chera3 kings and they sailed in the Arabian
Sea region and brought gold (puranaanuuru 126:15). The naavaay with full of
goods from various countries is accounted (narrinai 295:6). This kind of ship went
up to the river Ganges mouth loaded with products of the North and horses from
the west (perumpaanarruppatai 320; mathuraikkaanjci 83; mathuraikkaanjci 321).
From the evidence, it can be found that they sailed with wind power and reached
the desired ports (narrinai 295:6; mathuraikkaanjci 83; paripaatal 10:39) and as
they had visited many ports their masts were tied with flags which were viewed
from the distance (puranaanuuru 13:5). The naavaay was caught in a cyclone,
the scene of the rolling and pitching of the ship are also alluded
(mathuraikkaanjci 379). Therefore, one can infer that the naavaays were
indigenous deep sea ships, as this term is not used in context with foreigners
(yavanaa). These ships might have plied between the Ganges and the Red sea
region or at least in the coastal regions of the Indian sub-continent as it include a
list of various goods loaded. However, in the later literature the term naavaay is
also mentioned as a decked river boat (cilappathikaaram 14:74). The material
with which the naavaay was built could not be discerned from the literature.

3

In the early Historic Tamilakam the south region was ruled by Pandyas, the north was ruled by
Cholas and the west was by the Cheras and they were called as veendar (King). Other than
them many local Chieftains also ruled small areas which were not governed by the vendars.

�otam
In Tamil otam means a Ferry boat or a raft (TL 1982:621). In the literature a
solitary reference to otam is found (akanaanuuru 101:12). Here it is compared
with the rising Sun in the sea implying a small sized vessel.

pahri
This means a boat (TL 1982:1494) and it occurs in one instance (pattinappaalai
30). This was a coastal boat which was used to barter salt with paddy. It can be
compared with the ambi, as it was also used for exchange of paddy to fish
(puranaanuuru 343). However, in poems the ambi for bartering is mentioned in
the west coast context and pahri is accounted in the east coast.

punai
This means a raft or a float (TL 1982:1707). This term is used in the earlier
literature such as kurunthokai, akanaanuuru and puranaanuuru. Hence this term
was prevalent from the early period, but all in the context of river boats. These
were made of European bamboo reeds sh. Arundo donax (akanaanuuru 6:8;
akanaanuuru 180:9). The life-saving floating wood in the sea is accounted
(kaliththokai 134:25), when the ships wrecked in a cyclone. On other occasions it
is compared with the hero becoming the life-saver (punai) of a lover. The punai
was a major craft used for water games in the river Vaigai near Madurai
(kaliththokai 72:15). An account of punai being used in the river Periyar
(puranaanuuru 192:9) is found. This was considered inferior to ambi as in the
epic cilappathikaaram (13:179) the hero on one situation had to opt for
marappunai instead of decorated horse, elephant, lion faced ambi boats.
Sometimes in the literature the righteous life is compared with punai
(kurinjcippattu 208; manimeekalai 11:77). In only one instance this term was
found used for coastal fishing (akanaanuuru 280:9). From the above it can be
inferred that punai was a river craft used as a raft for water games and life-saving
floats and were made of bamboo reeds.

thimil
The term thimil means hump of a bull or fishing boat (TL 1982:1047). This term is
found used only in the context of the Ocean. The fishermen in Tamil paratavar
used this craft for hunting the sharks and other kind of fish. Going in thimil
catching sharks with nets (narrinai 111:6; akanaanuuru 340:18) and many
occasions with harpoons (narrinai 199:6; narrinai 388:4; kurunthokai 304:4) are
referred to besides catching other kinds of fish and diving for conch shells
(kurunthokai 123:5; akanaanuuru 240:3; akanaanuuru 350:11). The shape and
size of the thimil could not be discerned, but they were used only in shallow
waters. The robustness of thimil has been accounted as kotunthimil, the tight
construction of thimil is mentioned as thinthimil and the long boats of this kind
were called netunthimil. Reference to old boats with new nets and the nets with
small openings also occurs (akanaanuuru 60:3; akanaanuuru 70:1). These boats
were used for night as well as day fishing (akanaanuuru 65:11; narrinai 331:6-8).
Lights were used in all the fishing boats of this kind (narrinai 199:6; narrinai

�388:4). The scene from the shore of night fishing with thimil type of boats was
compared to forest fires (akanaanuuru 65:11). These boats were owned by
indiviuals and were not of single social group (narrinai 331:6-8). They also were
helped in knowing their position by the light of of the light houses (pattinappaalai
111-112). From the above evidence it is clear that the term thimil was used only
as fishing boats and they must have been small or medium sized coastal
vessels.

thoni
This term means a boat (TL 1982:1236). This kind of boat was alluded to the
horses moving in rows like the boats (thoni) floating on the sea (puranaanuuru
299:3). The thoni was brought ashore after fishing, is accounted in akanaanuuru
(50:1). It is interesting to note that the people who fished in the boat thimil were
mentioned as thoniar, implying the thimil was also called as thoni.

vangkam
The term vangkam means swiftly moving ship (TL 1982:3452). In the literature
the term meant big ships that travel long distances. So the size of the ships could
be fairly large. The vessel which went up to the river Ganges is accounted as
vangkam (narrinai 189:5). The mast of the vangkam is also mentioned (narrinai
258:9). The captain navigated the vangkam with the help of light houses
(akanaanuuru 255:1). They left for various places to obtain wealth
(pathirrppaththu 52:4; cilappathikaaram 14:107). The vangkam was curveshaped (kaliththokai 92:48). Making series of ships to go up to Ganges is also
mentioned (cilappathikaaram 26:165). The people from Java Island came in
these vangkam type vessels (manimeekalai 14:73). And on many occasions the
deep sea vessel vangkam is accounted in manimeekalai (14:73-85; 21:85;
25:126; 25:238; 26:85; 29:7). The vangkam that was wrecked is also accounted
in manimeekalai (29:16).

Other nautical terms

Light houses
The term lighthouse in Tamil is kalangkarai vilakkam (vessel&gt;kalam,
Shore&gt;karai, light &gt; vilakkam). There are instances mentioning the tall tower
lights used as navigation markers. The akanaanuuru (255:1-6) mentions that
from vangkam the sailors had located their vessels position based on the lights
lit, on the high storied building rooftops. This is also attested by the
pattinappaalai (111-112), but the vessel used for the fishing is mentioned as
thimil. The perumpaanarruppatai (346-351) alludes to the lights lit in the night
was for the boats, by climbing on the ladder on the building which almost touches
the sky. However, the direct term kalangkarai vilakkam is found in
cilappathikaaram (6:141).

Anchors
The stone anchor which damaged the ship due to cyclone in mathuraikkaanjci
(375-379) is the solitary reference.

Deleted: .

�Ship building and repairing
Though there is no direct evidence of ship building and their location, the term
nankalam tarunarum (cilappathikaaram 5:31), kalampunar kammiyar refers to
those who built ships in the seafront. The term kalamcey kammiyar (the ship
builder) indirectly refers to the ship building activity during this period. The
damaged ropes and joints of a ship were repaired with the help of a kind of resin
by the captain (paripaatal 10:53-55).

III. Discussion
The literature clearly suggests that several varieties of crafts were used during
early historic Tamilakam, and this proves the intensive nature of maritime
activities. On the basis of data discussed above the crafts used could be divided
in to three categories namely the size, function and provenance.
The crafts ambi, mithavai, naavaay, pahri, punai, thimil and thoni were the
medium or small sized crafts. thimil could have been well-designed because it
served as a fishing craft. The crafts naavaay, vangkam and kalam were deepocean vessels. Not even a single clue to the shape of these crafts could be
found.
In terms of function punai was used in rivers and ambi was used in the
coastal transport as well as river crossing. As mithavai and otam are not referred
to often their function cannot be discerned. pahri and thoni were coastal crafts
that plied as a lightering boats and were also used in the lagoons.
As for provenance, it can be inferred that all the crafts mentioned in the
literature were indigenous, except kalam that were associated with the yavanas.
As reference to the ships builders is also available, it is clear that the various
crafts were built by the local craftsmen.
The author of Periplus4 mentions about the ship named sangara which
travelled up to Malacca (Schoff 1912:46). This could be vangkam mentioned in
the Tamil text.
Archaeological excavations conducted at various port towns like
Arikamedu (Begely 1991; Casal 1949; Wheeler, et al. 1946), Pumpuhar
(Soundara Rajan and Raman 1994), Alagankulam (Abdual Majeed, et al. 1992),
Korkai (Abdul Majeed 1987) on the east coast and Pattanam (Cherian, et al.
2007) on the west coast of Tamilakam prove beyond doubt that busy trade
activities were undertaken in ancient Tamilakam. The volume of trade carried out
with the Red Sea region was so huge (see Selvakumar this volume), that for
exchange of various commodities there was a need to build various crafts. For
which the early historic Tamilakam had indigenous knowledge on navigation and
ship-building.
Although these conclusions are based on the literary evidence, the terms
of crafts must be studied in comparison with Greek, Sanskrit and other
4

The unknown author of the book The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea provides geographical
information on ports of Red Sea, Arabian Seas and Bay of Bengal and the trade during 1st
century C.E.

�languages of Southeast Asia. The crafts in the literature of the early historic
period were scantily referred to up to the medieval period (Rajamanickam and
Arulraj 1994) and lost their names in the course of history. The study clearly
highlights that several categories of watercrafts were used for different purposes
and the indigenous crafts had an active role in the long distance trading.

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Tinneveli Limited, Chennai (Reprint).
Ciiththalai caaththanaar iyarriya manimeekalai,
The South India SaivaSiddhanta Works
Publishing Society Tinneveli Limited, Chennai
(Reprint).

Secondary sources
Abdual Majeed, A.,
Thulasiraman. D., and
Vasanthi.S.,
1992
Abdul Majeed. A.,
1987
Anonymous,
1982
Anonymous,
2001
Begley, V.,
1991

Casal, J.M.,
1949
Cherian, P. J., Selvakumar,
V. and Shajan, K.P.,
2007
Ragavan, A.,
2005
Rajamanickam, G.V., and
Arulraj, V.,
1994
Schoff, W.H.,
1912
Soundara Rajan, K.V. and
Raman, K.V.,
1994
Wheeler. R.E.M., Ghosh, A.
and Krishna Deva,
1946

Alagankulam - A Preliminary Report, Dept. of
Archaeology, Chennai.

"A Note on Korkai Excavations", in Tamil
Civilization, 5(1&amp;2), Journal of Tamil University,
Thanjavur pp.73-77.
Tamil Lexicon, University of Madras. Madras. Vol.
I-VI and Supplementary.
Tamil Dictionary/Glossary on Historical Principles
project, SANTI SADHANA, Chennai. Vol. I.
"Ceramic Evidence for Pre-Periplus Trade from
Arikamedu", in (eds.) Vimala .Begley and Richard
Daniel De Puma, Rome and India Oxford
University Press, Delhi, pp.157-196.
Fouilles de Virampatnam-Arikamedu: Rapport de
l’inde et de l’occident aux environs de l’ere
chretienne, Imprimerie Nationale, Paris.
"The Muziris Heritage Project Excavations at
Pattanam", in Journal of Indian Ocean
Archaeology, Vol. 4, pp.1-10.
namnaTTukappRkalai, amizhtampatippakam,
(First edition 1968), Chennai.
Maritime History of South India, Tamil University,
Thanjavur.
The Periplus of the Erythraen Sea, Longmans,
Green and Co., New York.
Kaveripattinam Excavations 1963-73, Memoirs of
the Archaeological Survey of India No.50,
Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi.
"ARIKAMEDU: An Indo-Roman Trading-station
on the East Coast of India", in Ancient India, Vol
2, pp.17-124.

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                <text>Nautical Terms as Gleaned from Ancient Tamil Literature&#13;
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                <text>Session 2&#13;
&#13;
Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>During the beginning of the Common Era, the Maritime trade peaked in the regions of Southeast Asia, Peninsular India, Srilanka and the Red Sea coast. The Greek and Latin accounts clearly attest to the increased trade activities in this period. The use of large crafts for navigation is well recorded in these accounts. The early historic Tamil Sangam literature dated between 300 B.C.E. and 300 C.E. provide valuable data regarding the nautical knowledge of that period. Some researchers have attempted to collate and interpret the data on nautical terms available in this literature. However, a detailed contextual analysis based on the content of the poems has not been attempted so far. Many types of crafts such as naavaay, vangam, thimil, and punai, are found mentioned in the Sangam literature, and these terms are not in use at present. The field studies conducted by scholars have revealed the existence of many indigenous crafts having different names on the South Indian Coast. Due to modern development the usage of traditional crafts is fast vanishing.&#13;
&#13;
In this paper an attempt is made to analyse the names and structure of the crafts that occur in the Sangam literature based on their contextual information. For example, the term naavaay is mentioned in the context of deep-sea craft which carried goods of various types. The data pertaining to the boats and ships and other nautical terms are analysed in this paper. An attempt is also made to find out the possible reasons for the disappearance of the various crafts referred in the literature.&#13;
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                <text>N. Athiyaman</text>
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                    <text>Ancient and Medieval ports of the Gulf of Mannar Coast, East coast India and
their Maritime Connections across Indian Ocean Countries

N. Athiyaman
Department of Maritime History and Marine Archaeology, Tamil University
Thanjavur 613010, India
Email: rajachidam@gmail.com

Abstract
The Gulf of Mannar lies in the south-eastern corner of India, bordered by Sri Lanka on
the south east. It covers the coast of Tamil Nadu from the island of Rameswaram to
Kanniyakumari. This region witnessed extensive long distance maritime activities from
the Early Historic period; from 500 BCE to 500 CE. Like other ports of this region,
Korkai was part of the Indo-Roman trade activities and literally mentioned in Greek
sources. Evidence of Roman contact has been found at the ports of Korkai and
Alagankulam. In the Medieval period, Kayal and Periyapattinam were important ports of
this region, which is also rich in underwater marine resources and famous for their coral
reefs. Stone anchors have been found in this region during surveys by the author. This
region has one of the important marine resources venerated by Indians from the ancient
period: Turbinella Pyrum. Pearl harvesting was very active in this region for several
centuries. It was commercially exploited and exported to many regions in India and
beyond. The proposed paper seeks to study the marine archaeological evidence and
their importance from the Early Historic period to the medieval period; from 500 BCE to
1600 CE.

Key words: Ancient ports, Gulf of Mannar, Korkai, Alagankulam, Pearl fishery, Trade
network

1

�Introduction
Even before the Christian era, a vibrant trade network between Southeast Asia and
Mediterranean region was present in the Indian subcontinent as a transit marketplace.
The Indian subcontinent, rich in resources, played a major commercial role between its
double-sided counterparts of Southeast Asia and the Red Sea region. More studies are
being attempted to view the trade dynamics of these regions from a holistic perspective
as maritime contacts cross both cultural and political boundaries. This paper is an
attempt to view the active role played by the Southeast Indian coast, a part of the
maritime gateway extending between Cape Comorin and Rameswaram Island.
Studying this 300 km stretch of land could be useful for understanding the maritime
importance of this region (Fig. 1).

Sources
To understand the maritime trade process of this region for the study period, ancient
Tamil Literature, specifically the two Sangam
Epics, Silapatikaram and Manimekalai, foreign
accounts

and

sporadic

archaeological

excavations carried out form the basic sources
of the study. The temple inscriptions and
foreigners' accounts of the medieval period are
used for the later periods. Sources available
from Southeast Asia and the Red Sea region
Fig. 1 Map showing the Early Historic are also taken in to account. Marine
and Medieval Ports of the study Area. archaeological studies by the author around
(Athiyaman, 2014)

the Rameswaram region as well as previous
studies made by the author on pearl fishing

were also used as sources for this article.
The Hinterland and the resources for Maritime relations
The inland region of the study area is a dry plain region shadowed by the Western
Ghats of the subcontinent in the west. This region has many rivers; the Vaigai in the
2

�north and the Gundar, Vaippar and Tamraparani in the south. The main source of water
flow in these rivers comes from the Southwest monsoon and to a lesser extent during
the Northeast monsoon. All of these rivers except the Vaigai are not perennial. However
the deltaic area is not as vast as compared to the river Kaveri which flows in central
Tamil Nadu. Except for the regions near the river banks, all the regions are semi-arid in
nature. Archaeological sites found in this region are few compared to sites found in the
northern parts of Tamil Nadu. Those that are found are located along the river course
(Rajan, 2011). As these regions were ruled by the Pandiya Kings, spices and forest
products available in the Western Ghats could be traded through the ports of Bacare
and Nelkynda situated south of Muziri on the west coast, a famous emporium. Only the
pearl and Conch shells were the only local resources from this region contributing to
trade. However, being situated centrally between the east and west, this coast played a
lead role in trade activities.

Ports
The presence of ports indicates the maritime activities of the particular region and their
possible connections with the hinterland. At the very least, resources should be
available the region for ships to come and replenish their food stocks and water. Usually
the river mouths were used as anchorages for the large boats and ships in the east
coast of India. The available evidence suggests that no permanent port structure
existed in the early historic period of the Tamizhakam. However, small boats were used
to carry the goods from the ships to shore and vice versa. In the present study area the
ports or the coastal habitations of considerable importance could be culled out from the
foreigners’ accounts, literature and the inscriptions. During the early historic period, from
the south, the Cape Comorin, the Korkai at the confluence of River Tamraparani and
Alagankulam at the mouth of River Vaigai played a major role in maritime activities.
During the early medieval period and medieval period the newly formed ports of Kayal
and Periyapattinam played a significant role in the maritime activities. Smaller coastal
settlements also were active during this period. The ports of the early historic and
medieval period from the south to the north are briefly discussed here.
Early Historic Ports
3

�Comorin
This is the southernmost tip of the subcontinent which is the meeting point of three
seas; the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Mannar. As the wave travels
along these three seas in different seasons, for the most part the weather in this region
could be rough. The possibility of the existence of a port for maritime trade is remote,
since the place for anchorage and cargo transfer is not conducive. However, in
foreigner accounts, one finds mention of this place invariably as it was considered a
holy place well before the Christian era. Ptolemy mentions this place as Komaria, a
cape and town (McCrindle, 1927). Periplus accounts for it as a cape and harbour and
also mentions that “(T)here come those men who wish to consecrate themselves for the
rest of their lives, and bathe and dwell in celibacy; and women also do the same; for it is
told that a goddess once dwelt here and bathed” (Schoff, 1912). So far, no
archaeological study around this region has been made.
Korkai
Korkai, now 6 km east of the coast, where the sea has receded, was one of the
important emporia of the Pandiyan Kingdom during Christian era. It lies on the bank of
the river Tamraparani. Adichanallur was another contemporary important early historic
settlement lying 15 km west of Korkai. Adichanallur was excavated by Rea and ASI
(Rea, 1915; Nambirajan et al., 2009). Ancient Tamil literature alludes to Korkai as the
place of a fishing community that also dived for pearls and conch shells. One of the
anthologies, akanaanuuRu (130:11), refers to it as a coastal town. Periplus (59)
mentions, "from Comari toward the south this region extends to Colchi, where the pearlfisheries are; (they are worked by condemned criminals); and it belongs to the Pandian
Kingdom..." (Schoff, 1912). Ptolemy accounts 'Kolkhoi' as an emporium (Renou, 1925).
Korkai was famous for pearl fishing until very recently. The pearls obtained from this
place acquired great trade
importance. The importance
of

the

pearl

fishery

is

discussed elsewhere in this
paper.

4
Fig. 2 Anchor salvaged off Rameswaram, Gulf of
Mannar. (Athiyaman, 2001)

�During the 1870's, Caldwell made an exploration and sporadic excavations at Korkai
and Kayal (east of Korkai) and published an article in Indian Antiquary. He made a
thorough survey and found only the pearl oysters and conch shells on the surface and
beneath the soil (Caldwell, 1982). He also came across two Buddha images, two
Singhalese coins and sepulchral urns. He discussed in detail about the sea receding to
the east and the formation of a new port called Kayal during the medieval period. Based
on the literary evidence, the State Department of Archaeology of Tamil Nadu excavated
Korkai in the 1969 and found evidence for the cultural sequence of three periods
ranging from the 3rd century BCE–4th centuries CE, the 4th–10th centuries CE and
between the 10th–14th centuries CE (Sridhar, 2004). The excavations revealed
indigenous pottery with early Tamil scripts, sawed conch shells, bangle pieces, and
semi-precious stones of the early historic period. A brick
structure was also found along with the ring well. The
excavation revealed the uninterrupted activity of this place.
Alagankulam
This site is situated near the river mouth of Vaigai at the
extreme north of the present study area. The place
mentioned in Periplus as 'Argaru' could be identified with
present Alagankulam rather than Uraiyur which is far inland
as proposed by the scholars (Sastri, 1972; Athiyaman, 2013).
As this port was situated in Palk Bay the transfer of cargo
from ships coming from the south was made through a land
crossing about twenty kilometres north. This site was
excavated by the State Department of Archaeology of Tamil
Nadu during 1990's in five seasons (Sridhar, 2005). It yielded
a cultural sequence of four periods ranging from 500 BCE to
1200 CE after which the site lost its importance probably due
to the emergence of the port Periyapattinam during this
period. The site has yielded indigenous as well as western
wares, particularly roulette wares. The site has yielded
Terracotta dice, spindle whorls, and measuring weights. A
Fig. 3 Anchor Salvaged
at

Gulf

of

Mannar.

(Athiyaman, 2001)

5

�remarkable piece of Red Roulette ware dated to 1st-2nd centuries CE was unearthed
with the symbol of ships with oars identified as the depiction of a Roman vessel by
Lionel Casson (Sridhar, 2005). The Roman coins of 4th-5th centuries CE were also
unearthed in this place. This signifies the active role of this port during early historic and
early medieval period.
Medieval Ports
Kayal
As the sea receded along the Gulf of Mannar, Korkai lost its importance around the 10th
century. Another port settlement near the sea at the mouth of the River Tamraparani
was established. This is due to the importance of the pearl and conch shell fishery and
their related activities. This place was also explored by Caldwell during the 1870's. He
reported Chinese porcelain wares of many varieties, broken pieces of Arabian ware and
Arabian gold coins of 13th century implying the east-west contact in this region
(Caldwell, 1982).The Chinese wares of the 13th century found during the exploration at
old Kayal and the absence of them in later periods suggest that another settlement
south of this place established in the later period since the Chinese ware found south of
Kayal, at a site called Punnaikayal, yielded the wares of later periods (Karashima et al.,
2004). So far no excavations have been made in this region. However, the Colonial
records provide ample information regarding this place which implies that the area was
busy with maritime activities.
Periyapattinam
Periyapattinam, one of the late medieval ports, lies in the Gulf of Mannar region 15 km
south of Alagankulam. During excavations conducted by Tamil University with Noboru
Karashima in 1987, many Chinese wares have been unearthed and studied for their
provenance and possible dating (Karashima et al., 2004). It flourished during 13-14th
century CE. It has been mentioned in a Chinese source as 'Dabadan' and Ibn Battuta
described it as 'Fattan' (Karashima, 1989; Karashima, 2004).

Other minor settlements and ports

6

�During the early historic period Ptolemy mentions some other places which were on the
south east coast: Sosikourai, on the Mouth of the River Solen and Kory, also called
Kalligikon (McCrindle, 1927). Of these, Kory could be identified with Rameswaram with
some certainty. Other places are not as clearly understood. During the Medieval period
Kulsekarapattinam, Virapandianpattinam were situated south of Kayal and Kilakkarai
(alias Ninaithathumudittan pattinam), west of Periyapattinam has also been identified
from the Tamil Inscriptions (Jayakumar, 2001). These places must also have played a
considerable role in maritime trade.
Marine Archaeological Studies
Offshore and onshore explorations conducted in the Gulf of Mannar region of India, by
the Centre for Underwater Archaeology of Tamil University have yielded two grapnel
type (Indo-Arabian) stone anchors under the shallow waters in the Gulf of Mannar (Figs.
2 and 3). From the region where these two anchors were collected, two more were also
found onshore, one a grapnel type and another trapezoidal type. These three grapneltype anchors are now exhibited in the Tamil University museum. Apart from this, a
mooring stone, presumably a grapnel type anchor has also been noticed near Tuticorin
coast, which even now is used for mooring the fishing boats (Athiyaman, 2001). Though
they were dated to between 13th and 14th centuries CE a petrographic analysis may
push the date further into the Christian era. Surveys conducted by National Institute of
Oceanography around Manapad area, north of Kayalpattinam revealed single holed
stone anchors indicating the continuance of indigenous navigation technology
(Sundaresh, 2013).
Ships and boats of this region
The Tamil literature clearly suggests that several varieties of crafts were in use during
the early historic Tamizhakam, which proves the extensive nature of its maritime
activities. The crafts ambi, mithavai, naavaay, pahri, punai, thimil and toni were medium
or small sized crafts. Thimil may have been well-designed since it served as a fishing
craft. The crafts naavaay, vangkam and kalam were deep ocean vessels. Not a single
clue into the shape of these crafts could be found. Pahri and toni were coastal crafts
that plied between the big vessels anchored offshore and were also used in the
lagoons. It can be inferred that all the crafts mentioned in the literature except kalam,
7

�which is associated with the Yavanas, were indigenous (Athiyaman, 2011a). Since
references to the ship builders are also available, it is clear that the various crafts were
built by local craftsmen. The author of Periplus mentions ships named sangara which
travelled up to Malacca (Schoff, 1912). This could be the vangkam mentioned in the
Tamil text. Archaeological excavations conducted at port towns of Alagankulam
(Sridhar, 2005), Korkai (Sridhar, 2004) and Periyapattinam (Karashima et al., 2004) in
Tamizhakam prove beyond doubt that busy trade activities were undertaken in ancient
Tamizhakam. The volume of trade carried out with the Red Sea region was so huge
(Selvakumar, 2011), that for the exchange of various commodities there was need to
build various crafts. The early historic Tamizhakam had indigenous knowledge on
navigation and shipbuilding. Although this idea is based on the literary evidence, the
terms of crafts must be studied in comparison with Greek, Sanskrit and other languages
of Southeast Asia. The crafts in the literature of the early historic period were scantily
referred to up to the medieval period and lost their names over the course of history.
The study clearly highlights that several categories of watercrafts were used for different
purposes and the indigenous crafts too had an active role in the long distance trading
(Athiyaman, 2011b).
Pearl and conch shell fishery
Rich in pearl oysters and conch shells the Gulf of Mannar was an attraction not only to
traders but too many writers as well. A great deal of importance was given to the pearl
and chank fishery and references to this industry off Korkai and Kayal are many.
Throughout history, the Gulf of Mannar enjoyed busy trade activities due to the pearl
industry (Table. 1). Besides conch shell diving also had its importance each year. A
detailed study of this Industry has already been documented by scholars (Arunachalam,
2011; Stephen, 1998; Athiyaman, 2000; Decla, 2008).
Table 1. Account of Pearl and Chank Fishery on Indian Coast of Gulf of Mannar
Account of

Period

Reference

Megasthenes

3rd century CE

McCrindle, 2008

Strabo

21 CE

McCrindle, 1979

8

�Periplus

60 CE

Schoff, 1912

Pliny

77 CE

McCrindle, 1979

Pan Kou

end of the first century Sastri 1972
CE

Cosmos

6th Century CE

McCrindle, 1979

Ma Twan Lin

550 - 600 CE

Sastri, 1972

Yuan Chwang

645 CE

Sastri, 1972

Chau Ju-Kua

1225 CE

Hirth and Rockhill, 1966

Marco Polo

1260 -1300 CE

Yule and Cordier, 1993

Account

of

embassies 1279-1292 CE

Sastri, 1972

between China and India
John of Montecorvino

1292-1293 CE

Sastri, 1972

Wang Ta Yuan

1330 CE

Rockhill 1915

Friar Jordanus

1323-1330 CE

Sastri, 1972

Ibn Battuta

1333-1345 CE

Sastri, 1972

Duarte Barbosa

1516-1517 CE

Dames, 1967

Caesar Frederic

1563-1581 CE

Caldwell, 1982

Perdro Teixeira

1568 CE

Sinclair

and

Ferguson,

1967
Van Linschoten

1576-1592 CE

9

Arunachalam, 2011

�This industry was worked by the local fishing
community,

namely

Paratavar,

from

time

immemorial as the conch shell collection is carried
out even today by them without any intervention
(Athiyaman, 2000). This industry around Korkai and
then Kayal region has attracted many traders from
east and west and this enhanced its influence in the
socio-political environment of the inland region
(Arunachalam, 2011; Stephen, 1998).
Horse Trade
Arabian horses were traded along the West and
East Coast of South India in the early historic
period. The horses making voyages along the
Arabian Sea reached the South east coast of Tamil Fig.

4

Mosaic

of

Nadu and were much sought after up to the Thiruppudaimarudur painting of
Vijayanagar period. The inscriptions recounting Horse Trade. (Athiyaman and
horse trading and the sculptures and paintings on Rajavelu, 2011)
maritime activities depicted in the medieval temples
of Tamil Nadu are striking examples. The Nayak period painting depicting an Arab ship
arrival with horses was found at Thiruppudaimarudur Temple, Thirunelveli District and
sculptural representation of Arab merchants landing in a ship at Thirukkurungudi temple
provide authentic evidence regarding the maritime activities of this region (Deloche,
2011; Athiyaman, 2011, Figs. 4-5). This trade was mainly carried out by the Arab
merchants as the inscriptions and the art representations suggest (Jayakumar, 2001;
Athiyaman, 2011; Rajavelu, 2011).
Maritime Trade with Southeast Asia and China
Since Sri Lanka is nearest the study region, the maritime trade contact was very
frequent and almost uninterrupted from 3rd century BCE. The evidence of the existence
of early contacts is covered in recently edited volumes (Manguin et al., 2011). The
earliest Tamil inscription is found at Khuan Luk Pat of Thailand, a touch stone belonging
to the goldsmith of the third century CE (Chaisuwan, 2011). Medieval Tamil Inscriptions
10

�at various places of Southeast Asia prove beyond doubt that the contact between Gulf

Fig. 5 Sculptural representation of Horse Trade (Thirukkurungudi). (Athiyaman, 2011)

of Mannar region and Southeast Asia was prolific (Subbarayalu, 1998; Karashima,
2002). It continued as one could glean from the accounts of pearl fishing in the Gulf of
Mannar even during the Colonial period.
Maritime Trade with Western world
Many studies have been made by scholars on the Indo-Roman trade after Warmington
(1974). The ports of India, trade goods, shipping and navigation have been studied in
the light of the foreign accounts, archaeological excavations conducted at Indian ports
of Pattanam, Pumpuhar, Arikamedu, Alagankulam and Korkai, pottery inscriptional
evidences and the Vienna Papyrus as well. It is beyond the scope of this present paper.
However, the western trade with this region was continued, without break and this
region played an active role in it (Young, 2001; De Romanis, 2012).
Potential region for Marine Archaeological Studies
The Gulf of Mannar has more marine archaeological potential than the northern coast of
Tamil Nadu of India. The Marine Archaeological studies carried out at various places of
the Northern Tamil Coast like Pumpuhar, Arikamedu and Mamallapuram did not yield
much evidence except for the 18th century shipwreck explored by CSIR-NIO, Goa, off
Pumpuhar (Sila Tripati et al., 1996; and Sila Tripati et al., 2003). The excavation
conducted by the Archaeological Survey of India, also did not yield any concrete
11

�evidence due to the nature of seabed. In northern Tamil Nadu a lot of sediments are
carried by the rivers throughout the year and they are deposited in the littoral and
shallow water region. The clay formation is so high that a fairly good marine
archaeological exploration is not at all possible. However, the Gulf of Mannar is
protected by Sri Lanka from the onslaught of huge waves and cyclones. Hence the
shipwrecks and lost anchors could be found with more convenience. The sea is
relatively calm for long periods. Moreover, the stone anchors found off Rameswaram
can be taken as a precursor for marine archaeological studies. The busy trade activity
throughout history allows one to presume that this region should be probed intensively
in future.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank Dr. M. Thirumalai, Vice-Chancellor, Tamil University for
his constant support in research and giving permission to contribute the paper at the
Asia Pacific Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Hawaii. Acknowledgement is
also due to Drs. S. Rajavelu and V. Selvakumar of Tamil University for their suggestions
in improving the paper.
References
Arunachalam, S., 2011. The History of Pearl Fishery of the Tamil Coast. Pavai
Publications, Chennai. (First Published by Annamalai University, 1952)
Athiyaman, N., 2000. Pearl and Chank Diving of South Indian Coast: A Historical and
Ethnographic Perspective. Tamil University Press, Thanjavur.
Athiyaman, N., 2001. Stone anchors from East Coast of India- A Precursor for Marine
Archaeology of Tamil Nadu. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 61th Session,
Calcutta: 1293-1310.
Athiyaman, N., 2011a. Nautical Terms as Gleaned from Ancient Tamil Literature. In
Mark Staniforth, Jennifer Craig, Sheldon Clyde Jago-on, Bobby Orillaneda, Ligaya
Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater
Cultural Heritage, Manila: 119-130.
Athiyaman, N., 2011b. Maritime Contacts as depicted in art forms at the Medieval
Temples of Tamil Nadu. Paper presented in the National Seminar on Religion and
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Biography

N. Athiyaman working as a Professor in the Department of Maritime History and Marine
Archaeology of Tamil University, Thanjavur, India has about 30 years of service in
research organisations at various levels. He has participated in marine archaeological
investigation off Pumpuhar, in collaboration with National Institute of Ocean Technology,
Chennai. He has salvaged four stone anchors and two metal anchors of medieval
period in Gulf of Mannar. He has participated in excavations of early historic settlement
sites conducted by Tamil University. He has authored four books and edited 13 volumes
on Archaeology, History and Maritime History. He is the life member of Indian History
congress, Society for Marine Archaeology and Tamil Nadu Archaeological Society.

15

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                  <text>Session 13: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region</text>
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                  <text>Video interview with Session 13 chair Dr. Sila Tripati and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as â€˜underwaterâ€™, â€˜marineâ€™ and â€˜nauticalâ€™ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports.&#13;
Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to â€˜Underwater Archaeologyâ€™, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature â€˜Hydro-archaeologyâ€™ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations.&#13;
Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. </text>
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                <text>Ancient and Medieval ports of the Gulf of Mannar Coast, East coast India and their Maritime Connections across Indian Ocean Countries </text>
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                <text>The Gulf of Mannar lies in the south-eastern corner of India, bordered by Sri Lanka on the south east. It covers the coast of Tamil Nadu from the island of Rameswaram to Kanniyakumari. This region witnessed extensive long distance maritime activities from the Early Historic period; from 500 BCE to 500 CE. Like other ports of this region, Korkai was part of the Indo-Roman trade activities and literally mentioned in Greek sources. Evidence of Roman contact has been found at the ports of Korkai and Alagankulam. In the Medieval period, Kayal and Periyapattinam were important ports of this region, which is also rich in underwater marine resources and famous for their coral reefs. Stone anchors have been found in this region during surveys by the author. This region has one of the important marine resources venerated by Indians from the ancient period: Turbinella Pyrum. Pearl harvesting was very active in this region for several centuries. It was commercially exploited and exported to many regions in India and beyond. The proposed paper seeks to study the marine archaeological evidence and their importance from the Early Historic period to the medieval period; from 500 BCE to 1600 CE. </text>
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                <text>N. Athiyaman, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                    <text>History and Current Status of Underwater
Cultural Heritage in Cambodia
Nady Phann

Abstract
Since early times, waterways have been important elements for communication and the most reliable
form of transportation providing passage for the movement of people, trade and culture. The first
glimpses into the maritime past of Cambodia begin from the legend of the founding of the Khmer
Kingdom of which there are various versions. Archaeological evidence of Cambodia’s maritime past can
be seen submerged in its waterways. For example, a shipwreck loaded with artifacts was recently
discovered in territory of the Cambodian sea. Many other wrecks have been reported along the various
inland waterways of the country, and have yet to be examined.
It is only now, however, that Cambodia is beginning to progress and build its capacity in
maritime archaeology, after the country became the first, and only, Southeast Asian Country to ratify the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the
Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage. This paper seeks to present a description of important
recent works carried out in the whole country, particularly the survey, as well as define gaps relating to
the preservation and management of maritime archaeological resources.

Geographical Context
Cambodia has a long history as a country with an important maritime background. It is
situated in Southeast Asia, forms part of the south portion of the Indochinese
peninsula. It is bounded on the north by Laos, on the east and southeast by Vietnam,
and on the west and northwest by Thailand. In the southwest, Cambodia is bordered
by the Gulf of Thailand with a coastline of 435 kilometres (km), which is occupied by
four provinces namely Koh Kong, Sihanoukville, Kampot and Kep. To the southeast of
the country lies the delta of the Mekong River.
The capital and largest city of Cambodia is Phnom Penh, located at Chaktomuk,
which means 'four faces' that relates to the geographical confluence of four rivers - the
Upper and Lower Mekong, the Tonle Sap and the Bassac. The city traditionally has
been a commercial centre for the Mekong Valley with facilities for transportation by air,
rail, river, and highway. It is a major river port, with an outlet to the South China Sea
through the Mekong Delta in Vietnam.
Cambodia’s most important river and waterway is the Mekong, the longest river
in Southeast Asia and the tenth largest in the world. The Mekong runs southward
through Cambodia for 486 km that passes through Phnom Penh, where it divides into
the geographical confluence of four rivers. Both the Tonle Sap Lake and the Mekong
River remain the hub of Cambodia's economy, transportation, and supports fisheries,
agricultural irrigation (particularly important for rice production), in addition to cultural
activities.
There are several other important river networks in Cambodia including the
Battambang rivers (centre of the Sangke River), the Stung Treng group (the Sesan,
Sekong and Srepok Rivers), and the Sen River (Kompong Thom).

Historical Review of Waterways in Cambodia
In the past, waterways have been important elements for communication and the most
reliable form of transportation, providing passage for the movement of people, trade
and culture. Maritime relations were established early between India, China, and the
Arabs and then firmed between various parts of the coast of the Indochinese
peninsula, the Malay Peninsula and Sunda Islands in Indonesia (Molyvann 2003:6).
1

�However, well before the arrival of foreign navigators, the local populations living along
the rivers had established their own fleet of ships and had built cross-community
relationships, thanks to continual exchanges along the coasts. The river networks
provided the grid along which settlements were established and the Mekong remains
the most important natural resource in Cambodia.
The first glimpses into the maritime and waterways of Cambodia begin from the
legend of the founding of the Khmer Kingdom. There are various versions of this tale
which are beyond the scope of this paper.
The ancient city of Angkor Borei, located in the south of Cambodia, was one of
the major population centres of Funan (Pelliot 1903:295). As a result of recent
archaeological excavations at Angkor Borei, we now know that a significant population
had already settled here prior to the 1st century Common Era (CE)1 and that the
deepest layers excavated dates back to the Bronze Age and thus well before the Age
of Funan2.
Further to the southeast, another city contemporary to Angkor Borei was built on
the coast, previously known as the Gulf of Siam. This city called Oc-Eo (in present day
Vietnam) was also a Funan site, and also an important port where foreign merchants
came to settle since sea routes from India and the Malay Peninsula probably ended
here. The exterior wall of the Oc-Eo site consisted of four embankments with five
moats. The principal axis of the site was probably a canal, and the site lay at the heart
of a regional network of waterways. Aerial photographs reveal a large network of manmade waterways, which served as drainage channels and irrigation canals. This
network of canals, interconnected with each other and to other rivers, was also used
for water traffic between population centres found along the Bassac and Mekong
Rivers. In areas close to the sea, this system of waterways helped to regulate the
degree of salinization from the sea. Waterways in the Oc-Eo region seem to have run
from north-northeast to south-southwest, following the general gentle slope of the
terrain (Molyvann 2003:8-9).
The system of water management established in Funan became characteristic
of Khmer settlements and still persists in many rural areas up to the present. During
the 6th and 7th centuries CE, maritime traffic between China, Southeast Asia and India
began to shift from existing routes skirting the coasts to more direct routes across the
South China Sea from Indonesia to North Vietnam and China. Since Funan depended
heavily on maritime trade, its fortunes began to wane and power shifted to a new entity
called 'Chenla' in Chinese accounts (Molyvann 2003:42). The territory of Chenla
probably extended far to the east and included the Mekong and Tonle Sap River
valleys. When Funan was still a prosperous maritime power, the rulers of Chenla
probably were still integrated with the ruling class of Funan. However, they were not
completely dependent on maritime commerce and increasingly their sources of power
stemmed from the inland control of territory and people3.
During the Angkor period from the 9th to the 14th centuries, Khmer kings left the
Mekong River and migrated inland (Molyvann 2003:13).However, the glory and
prosperity of the Angkor civilization was, no doubt, based on its complex hydrography
and also on trade that assisted the development of the country into a great riverine
power. Numerous images on Khmer temple bas-reliefs illustrate a life settled along
1

A Georgian Calendar designation that starts at the year 1 from the birth of Jesus Christ of Nazareth,
with additional years since added one by one.
2
see Stark, M. “Some Preliminary Results of the 1999-2000 Archaeological Field Investigation at
Angkor Borei, Takeo Province” in Udaya: Journal of Khmer Studies, (2); 2001
3
- Funan was so called by the Chinese envoys early in the third century that may be a transcription of a
local name bhnam (phnom), which means "mountain" or "Kingdom of the Mountain".Chenla (Land and
Water) are often referred to by these Chinese derived names. With the development of early Khmer
civilization these terms can be replaced by the more accurate classification of Pre-Angkorian period

2

�navigable water-courses, fishing activities and a lifestyle attesting to a long tradition of
skilled boat construction and watercraft technology.
The three major river systems flowing across the Angkor region today are
known as the Puok, the Siem Reap, and the Roluos. The Puok River, which is the
furthest west, has a contemporary catchment area measuring 670 square kilometers.
The main river is joined in its northernmost sector by a number of tributaries, and flows
southwest into the marshes of the Tonle Sap. It is probable that the Puok River
supplied water to one of the earliest known historical cities of the region (Choulean, ,et
al. 1996:6). Early in the Angkor period the river was partially diverted just below the
northern tributaries into an artificial canal known as Royal (Water) fill, to join what is
now the Siem Reap river north of the Angkorian urban complex in a village known
today.
Recent evidence suggests the Siem Reap River was in fact a canal flowing
through the urban complex with its water feeding temple moats and smaller canal
systems within the city, as well as artificial reservoirs (Choulean, Prenowitz, and
Thompson 1996: 8). This waterway was the principal water course of the capital.
Today, as in ancient times, the river continues south of the Angkorian urban complex
to flow through the modern town of Siem Reap before discharging into the Tonle Sap
near Phnom Krom.
The easternmost of the three main rivers on the plain is the Roluos. This river
was exploited to supply an early urban complex known during the Angkorian period
(see below) as Hariharalaya, and located just north of the modern town of Roluos. The
Roluos River also feeds into the marshes of the Tonle Sap. Many other streams in the
area have been modified and channeled to control the flow of water for irrigating
sloping agricultural land to the south (Choulean, Prenowitz, and Thompson 1996: 8).
The Tonle Sap flows south from the Kulen mountain range and north from its
junction with the Mekong at Cambodia's modern-day capital Phnom Penh. The river
flow naturally changes direction twice a year, alternately filling and draining the lake,
this is extremely rare if not unique in the world. The same can be said of the complex
social practices and technologies that have developed around the Tonle Sap with a
particular form of agricultural land use and 'floating' settlement having evolved along
the lake in response to this unique hydrology (Choulean, et al. 1996:10).

Historical Background
The Mekong and Tonle Sap River are not only important sources for Cambodia's
economy such as transportation, fishing, agricultural irrigation system, but are also
essential waterways that play an important role like a door toward the world. This
essentially means that these waterways are related to cultural activities. Archaeological
evidence of Cambodia’s past can also be seen submerged in its waterways.
The southern coastal riverine and maritime port of Kampot (including the town
of Kep) was an important staging point for goods and visitors to Cambodia from the
early through middle period to the French colonial era that immediately preceded the
establishment of a new maritime centre at Sihanoukville in the 1950s (Molyvann
2003:193).
Cities were developed primarily on the plain of Siem Reap-Angkor, which lies in
the basin of the Tonle Sap Great Lake. The Angkorian dynasties began in 802 CE,
when the first King of Angkor, Jayavarman II was invested with power on Phnom
Kulen. After Angkor was definitively abandoned as the royal capital in the 15th century
CE, the area today known as Cambodia became a battlefield as a result of numerous
foreign invasions. The political capital shifted frequently and the population remained
primarily rural and scattered throughout areas of the Mekong River valley.
3

�Phnom Penh was founded in 1431 CE, immediately after the Khmer kings
abandoned Angkor (Coedès 1989:22-24). The site adopted for the new capital
stretched along the Tonle Sap River. By the end of the 16th century, Phnom Penh was
a flourishing mercantile centre populated by Khmer, Chinese, Japanese, Arabs,
Spanish, Indonesians and Portuguese. In the 17th century, it had a small river port
which received ocean-faring ships owned by Malay and Batavian trade companies
(Blancot and Hetreau-Pottier 1997:29).
In the Middle Period (16th -18th century CE), the royal palace was located at
Oudong the capital during the 17th century with a river port at Kompong Luong or
'royal port' - the term 'kompong' adopted from the Malay word meaning 'landing-place'.
The French Protectorate (1863-1953 CE) was established by a treaty signed
with France in 1863. This treaty allowed Cambodia to re-establish commerce in the
China Sea via the Mekong River and use the port of Saigon (formerly, the ancient
Khmer city of Prei Nokor, present-day Ho Chi Minh City) in Vietnam. Under the French
Protectorate, the royal palace moved to Phnom Penh that had become a transit point
for goods imported from Thailand and Cochinchine attracting Chinese merchants and
gradually developing into an urban centre combining business with the centre of royal
power (Blancot and Hetreau-Pottier 1997:30).
The port of Sihanoukville (also known as Kompong Som) is located about 225
kilometres south of the capital Phnom Penh on the extreme south of the bay of
Kompong Som where it opens onto the Gulf of Thailand. Sihanoukville continues to
fulfil an essential role in the integration of Cambodia into the world economy. At
present this teeming sea-port hosts vessels of all types in the harbour, including
colourful local fishing boats (Molyvann 2003:192-193). The main road from
Sihanoukville to Phnom Penh has become the economic lifeline of Cambodia, as it
carries seafood, salt and a variety of imported goods to the capital city and beyond.

The Situation of Underwater Cultural Heritage
The beginning of underwater archaeology in Cambodia
In 2006, fishermen discovered a shipwreck at a depth of 20 meters in Koh Kong
province, some 210 km southwest of the capital Phnom Penh. Looting of shipwreck
artifacts occurred before the news got out. The ship, approximately 30 meters long
and 8 meters wide, has not been closely examined in terms of boat-building
technology. However, Chinese characters were found on some of recovered 900
pieces of pottery that were initially dated to the 15th or 16th century CE (Cambodia
Daily, February 10th 2006).
This event led Cambodia to begin efforts in underwater archaeology. The
Cambodian government has asked foreign partners to help salvage and bring up the
centuries-old vessel (Cambodia Daily, February 10th 2006). In 2007, the 2001
Convention was ratified by the Cambodian government. Over the next two years two
Cambodian staff were sent to attend an intensive program on Underwater Cultural
Heritage Management in Australia organized by Flinders University. Four others
participated in three successive workshops: Foundation Courses on Underwater
Cultural Heritage organized by UNESCO Bangkok and the Thai Underwater
Archaeology Division (UAD).
In 2010, the Cambodian Underwater Cultural Heritage Unit was created under
the General Department of Heritage. After the unit establishment, survey started at the
coastline and along the rivers. This program was supported by UNESCO Phnom Penh.
Some data collected from the coastline survey is still doubtful because the exact
location of the shipwrecks were not located. The verification of all data will be
4

�conducted in the next program when we will have a larger budget and can entail more
technical experts.

Other Underwater Cultural Heritage Sites
We have underwater sites which are not shipwrecks but possess artifacts or
sculptures, such as Voeun Kong and Koh Bay Samnom in Stoeng Treng province and
Thma Krae in Kratie province. These sites are submerged, near the bottom of the
Mekong Rivers. The sites are visible only one month a year during the dry season.
Voeun Kong is a relief of sculpture on rock which consists of two crocodiles, one turtle,
sun disk and full moon. In a nearby area, there is an ancient brick mound at the bank
of the rivers. Koh Bay Samnom is a small island containing some bricks and a stone
inscription. At Thma Krae there is also a stone inscription.

Training and Survey
General training on underwater archaeology research methodology is held at the office
of Cultural Heritage. The preliminary training focused on the definition of underwater
cultural heritage (UCH), its importance, the kinds of UCH, the research and survey
methodology4.The activity work plan and bibliography references were listed and
distributed to all members to conduct research on documentation and a questionnaire
was formulated for the survey in related provinces. Moreover, administrative letters
have been sent to all Departments of Culture and Fine Arts in provinces to cooperate
and collect data concerning this subject. Data collection is gathered in three ways,
research documentation, collection from provinces and the actual survey.
The preliminary survey was directed at the coast in Koh Kong province where a
shipwreck was discovered by fishermen. The mission’s objective was to train research
team members on data collection methodology. Interviews with fishermen at different
places were held. A fishermen community was assembled at a Bak Khlang commune
for information dissemination purposes that resulted in data collection.
Table 1. List of underwater sites
Site
Site Name UTM
UTM
Province
District
Location
Number
(s)
Easting Northing
1 Shipwreck
Preah
Mithapheap Near Koh Russei (GPS Boat
Sihanuk
230.70 - 26.27)
2 Boat
Preah
Stoeng Hav Around 4.5 km West of Preah
Sihanuk
Sihanuk city and 1 km in front of
La Toek Trei of Koh Rung.
3 Craft
Prah
Stoeng Have 5 km West from Praek Traeng (
Sihanuk
Praek Traeng is 9 km North East
of Preah Sihanuk City).
4 Boat
Preah
Between Koh Rung and Thma Sa.
Sihanuk
1 hour by boat from the coast.
5 Shipwreck
Koh Kong Kirisakor
20 km from Koh Sdach Coast.
6 Ship

Koh Kong

2 km from the coast of Pak
Khlong.

Koh Kong

Monduol
Seima
Srae Ambil

7 Ship
8 Shipwreck

Kratie

Kratie

in Mekong River, 2 km North of
Kratie Town.

4

This project is supported by Unesco Phnom Penh and the training is taken place at Ministry of culture
and Fine Arts in Phnom Penh, in June 2010.

5

�Site
Site Name UTM
UTM
Province
District
Number
(s)
Easting Northing
9 Ship
Kampot
Kampot
10 Wreck

12 Wreck

Phnom
Penh
Preah
Sihanuk
Koh Kong

13 boat

Koh Kong

14 Kor (T.)

Kampong
Cham

Bateay

15 Ship

Kampong
Cham

Kampong
Siem

11 Ship

Russei Keo

Location
3 or 4 km from the coast.
In front of Vat Pothi Proek

Near Koh Tang. Ship left from
Bangkok to Signapor
Botum Sakor Between Poy Lam Thean and
Island.
Botum Sakor 200m from the path of Ta ok.
Near Road national 6, located at
flood plain of Mekong main
stream.

Legislative Framework and Institution
Cambodia has no specific laws for the protection of UCH. The law on cultural heritage
protection, which was adopted by the National Assembly in 1996, focused on general
cultural heritage that states a cultural property is, “considered to be any work produced
by human agency and any natural phenomenon of a scientific, historic or religious
nature which bear witness to a certain stage in the development of a civilization or of
the natural world and whose protection is in the public interest” (Article 4). In 2002, a
Sub Decree on enforcement of Cultural Heritage Protection, focused specially on
cultural property including underwater artefacts. The decree states that cultural
property is all kinds of movable and immovable Cultural Property came from terrestrial
and underwater excavation, legal or clandestine and archaeological discoveries
(Article 4 (a)).
The General Department of Heritage has existed since 2008 and is responsible
for all tangible evidence of human activity. One of the four Departments, the
Department of Archaeology, under the General Department is responsible for
archaeological activities on land and at sea. Prior to 2008 underwater activities were
unknown.
The Heritage Police was recently created under the Ministry of Interior in close
cooperation with the Ministry of Culture. They are in charge to, “investigate criminal
actions, arrest, hold in custody and search those involved with the destruction, theft,
harboring, armed robbery, buying, selling and transport of cultural and historical
heritage. Prepare reports and send the arrested party, along with supporting evidence,
to the tribunal”. However, these forces work only on terrestrial archaeological sites.
The data gathered from the surveys related to underwater archaeology along
the coastal villages and islands help us gather information about site locations and sea
travel. Much of the information collected have not been verified thus far. We do not
know exactly either the kinds of sites Cambodia entails nor their condition? The
collected data in this paper is only preliminary5. We need the technical expertise and
equipment to verify these submerged cultural data.

5

Report is in progress of publishing

6

�Abbreviations
APSARA
EFEO
BEFEO

Autorité pour la Protection du Site et l’Aménagement de la région d’Angkor
Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient
Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient

Bibliography
Choulean, A.,
Prenowitz, E., and
Thompson, A.,
1996
Blancot, C., and
Hetreau-Pottier, A.,
1997
Cœdès, G.,
1989
Dagens, B.,
1995
Delaporte, L.,
1880
Pélliot, P.,
1903
Stark, M.,
2001
Molyvann, V.,
1999
Molyvann, V.,
.2003
Da, y.,
1995

Angkor: A manual for the Past, Present, and Future, APSARA,
Royal Government of Cambodia, Phnom Penh.
"1863-1953, une ville neuve dans un site d’occupation
ancienne" in Phnom Penh, developpement urbain et patrimonie,
Ministère de la Culture, Département des Affaires
Internationales, Paris. pp. 29-43
Articles sur le Pays Khmer, EFEO, Paris.
Angkor: Heart of an Asian Empire, Thames and Hudson and
Harry N. Abrahams, London &amp; New York,
Voyage au Cambodge, Delagrave, Paris,
"Le Fou-nan", BEFEO, tome III, Paris,
"Some Preliminary Results of the 1999-2000 Archaeological
Field Investigations at Angkor Borei, Takeo Province", Udaya:
Journal of Khmer Studies, n 2, Phnom Penh
Les cités khmères anciennes, Toyota Foundation, Phnom Penh,
Modern Khmer Cities, Reyum, Phnom Penh,
Khmer Boat-racing, Diploma in Archaeology, Faculty of
Archaeology, Royal University of Fine Arts, Phnom Penh,

7

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Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia </text>
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                <text>Since early times, waterways have been important elements for communication and the most reliable form of transportation providing passage for the movement of people, trade and culture. The first glimpses into the maritime past of Cambodia begin from the legend of the founding of the Khmer Kingdom of which there are various versions. Archaeological evidence of Cambodiaâ€™s maritime past can be seen submerged in its waterways. For example, a shipwreck loaded with artifacts was recently discovered in territory of the Cambodian sea. Many other wrecks have been reported along the various inland waterways of the country, and have yet to be examined.&#13;
&#13;
It is only now, however, that Cambodia is beginning to progress and build its capacity in maritime archaeology, after the country became the first, and only, Southeast Asian Country to ratify the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage. This paper seeks to present a description of important recent works carried out in the whole country, particularly the survey, as well as define gaps relating to the preservation and management of maritime archaeological resources.&#13;
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                    <text>Study of the corrosion of copper coins from the wreck of
“The South China Sea No.1”
Xing-ling Tian, Nai-sheng Li, and Zhi-guo Zhang
Department of Conservation Science and Technology for Underwater Cultural Relics,
Center for Cultural Relic Restoration and Training
Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage
Beijing, 100029
China
E-mail: Tiantian1278[at]sina.com
Hengyang
University of Science and Technology
Beijing, 100029
China
Abstract.
The South China Sea No.1 is the wreck of the longest, largest and most preserved
shipwreck site in China. It is a classic example of bireme construction and navigational
technology. The artefacts located on the site may provide many secrets of the Silk Road
on the sea. Therefore, the archaeological value is greater than its economic value. In
order to know more about the craftwork and the state of the coppers in this wreck, this
paper will examine the concretion and corrosion on the surface of copper samples
obtained from the upper layer of South China Sea No. 1. The samples were analysed
with metallographic microscopy, 3D video microscopy, X-ray diffraction (XRD),X-ray
fluorescence（XRF) and scanning microscopy (SEM-EDS). The results show that the
copper coin is tin-lead bronze, and the content of Cu is about 94%. The corrosion is
mainly Cu2(OH)3Cl, Cu2O, Cu(OH)2, Cu(OH)Cl and Cu(SO4)2. The concretion on the
surface of the copper coin is rich, but the matrix becomes thinner. Lead (Pb) is
scattered freely in the matrix. Tin (Sn) is high in the corrosion layer, which shows that
some Cu has corroded. The electrochemistry of the corrosion was controlled by oxygen
depolarization. Selective corrosion occurred between Cu and Sn, and the effect of Clsped up the rate of corrosion in the electrochemical reaction. The results of the study
can provide a reference for the protection of the copper artefacts excavated from South
China Sea.

Key words: The South China Sea No.1, copper coin, archaeology

1

�Introduction
Due to being in an underwater environment, undersea bronze has its own corrosion
characteristics and corrosion products, which vary from bronze relics found on the land.
With the high-speed development of underwater archaeology abroad, more and more
resources have been put into the study of undersea relics in China. Internationally,
several research projects studying the characteristics, composition, theory of corrosion
and composition of the corrosion products in undersea bronzes have been conducted
(Beccaria et al., 1982; Gettens, 1933; MacLeod, 1991;MacLeod, 1982;Scott, 2002).
Gettens (1964), for example, identified cuprous sulphide (Cu2S) and digenite (Cu18S)in
the corrosion products on copper nails recovered from a shipwreck in the Mediterranean.
Copper (II) sulphate (CuS)was identified by XRD on a fragile black-blue bar from the
wreckage of Herminie. According to studies of the corrosion products on undersea
bronze by MacLeod (1985), North(1987) and Nord(1993),copper oxide(Cu2O), cuprous
chloride (CuCl), chalcanthite (CuSO4·5H2O), brochatite (Cu4SO4(OH)6), lead carbonate
(PbCO3), lead sulfate (PbSO4), stannic oxide (SnO2), and CuS are also common
corrosion products.
Currently, research on the conservation of bronze artefacts in China is still lacking.
Despite the development of underwater archaeology internationally, more and more
bronze artefacts are being recovered but domestically, the question of how to protect
them is still a problem.
Researchers are therefore using The South China Sea No.1 as a case study to
research the conservation of bronze relics. This site provides a typical sample for the
study of ancient Chinese shipbuilding technology and marine technology. The
associated artefacts can also potentially unlock the key to many secrets of the marine
Silk Road. The archaeological value of the cultural relics at the South China Sea No.1
site is much greater than the economic value. At present, the excavation of the South
China Sea No. 1 and the protection of the bronze relics housed at the Marine Silk
Museum not only provide valuable historical information about wreck protection but also
provide a strong reference for the study of marine water relics. It will provide reliable
support forthe protection of our marine cultural resources.
2

�Analytical instruments
The methods utilised to analyse the concretion on the bronze surface and the corrosion
products included: an Olympus metallurgical microscope from Japan; the KSTAR
Company’s HIROX KH-3000 3D video microscopy; Japan the Science RINT2000 X-ray
diffractometer (copper target, slit DS = SS = 1 °, RS = 0.15mm, voltage 40kV, current
40mA); scanning electron microscopy and
energy dispersive spectroscopy; Hitachi S3600N

scanning

electronic

microscope

(SEM) and the EDAX Genesis 2000XMS Xray energy dispersive spectroscopy (EDS)
(SEM-EDS); and XPS.
Results and analysis
Fig.1a: copper coins from The South China Sea
No.1.: (X. Tian).

Coins surface morphology analysis
Representative samples were taken from
the concreted copper coins (Fig. 1a). 3D
video microscopy was used to observe the
surface morphology of the copper coins and
the

results

are

shown

in

Fig.1b.A

metallographic microscope was used to
observe the cross-section of the sample
coins with the results shown in Fig.1c.
Fig.1b demonstrates that the coin has an
Fig.1b: The 3D video microscopic image of the
concretion and corrosion on the surface of the
copper coin.: (X. Tian).

uneven distribution of black, brown and
green coloured material on the surface.
There are also varying degrees of spots, salt

crystallization and a dark texture on the surface.

3

�Results of the metallographic microscopy
(Fig.1c) identifies that the outside of the
coins

are

corroded.

The

results

also

establish that a uniform phase is formed
within the coins. This includes the yellow
area interspersed with many black spots
located inside the coin matrix, also seen in
Fig.1c. The grey concretion can only be
Fig.1c: The metallographic dark field image of
the cross section of the copper coin.: (X. Tian).

found on the edge of the thin layer and the
corrosion products are located between the
concretion and the metal matrix. Additionally,

the coin is thin.
Chemical composition of corrosion products
The corrosion products on the coins from the
South China Sea No. 1were analysed by XRD.
The results are shown in Table 1. The major
corrosion products include basic cupric chloride
Fig.2a: SEM image of the metal matrix of
the copper coin.: (X. Tian).

[Cu2(OH)3Cl], cuprite (Cu2O), copper hydroxide
[Cu (OH)2], cupric hydroxyl chloride[Cu(OH)Cl],
and cuprous sulfate [Cu 2 (SO4)].
The composition and structure of the matrix of
the coins
The metal matrixes of the coins were analysed by
SEM and EDS to investigate the composition and
structure of the substrate shown in Fig.2. Fig.2a
shows the SEM images of a sample coin’s metal
matrix. Figs 2b, 2c, and 2d provide an example of

Fig.2b: distribution image of Cu.: (X. Tian).

the distribution of Cu, Pb and Snin the metal matrix,

respectively. The SEM image of the copper coin metal matrix shows uneven grey spots,
4

�which are Pb-rich pockets distributed across the
coin. Except for these Pb areas, Cu and Sn are
evenly distributed throughout the matrix. EDS
results show that the composition of the coins is
as follows: Cu is about 94%, Pb is approximately
4%and Sn is only about 2%.

Fig.2c:The distribution image of Pb.: (X.
Tian).

Analysis of the corrosion process
While cutting the edge of the coins, only a little

metal matrix was observed. The first step was to observe the outside of a cross-section
of the coins through SEM and then analyse the elements of the different colour regions
identified. The analysis results are shown in Fig.3 and Table 2.
Fig.3 shows that Zone 1 is a black, loose
surface layer along the outside of the coin. This
is the concretion layer, which contains a small
amount of Cu, but no Pb and Sn. Zone 2 is a
white layer of uneven thickness, which contains
S and Pb, and therefore may be PbSO4. Zone
3

is

a

greyish-black,

banded

structure,

containing S, Pb, Cl and Cu, which may be
PbSO4 and copper chlorides. Lastly, Zone 4 is
Fig.2d: distribution image of Sn.: (X. Tian).

grey and the largest area. This section contains

Cu, Pb, Sn, Si and Cl, which corresponds closest to the coin metal matrix.
Table 2 shows that the main elements in the corrosion products are Cl and S. After
comparison of the results, Zone 2 contains the greatest amount of Pb, Zone 3 contains
the greatest amount of Cu and Zone 4 contains the most Sn. Therefore, the Cu in the
coin has preferentially corroded.

5

�In order to observe the change in the content of
each element from the outer surface to the inner
regions

of

the

coin,

SEM

analysis

was

conducted. The results are shown in Fig.4. Fig.4
shows that the content of Cu, Sn and Ca
change significantly in the white area, while the
content of Si, Pb and Cl change only slightly. Pb
is mainly found in Zone 2, while Sn occurs
Fig.3: SEM image of the cross section of the
outer layers of the copper coin.: (X. Tian).

mainly in Zone4. Overall, the Cu content Cu
changes in most zones and in the greyish black
zone, Cu is greater, which maybe the residual
Cu metal matrix.

Discussions
The

corrosion

layer

found

on

thebronze

artefacts from The South China Sea No.1
shipwreck was mainly turquoise in colour. The
typical powdery rust coloured corrosion that falls
Fig.4: The content line of different elements
in the cross section of the copper coin.: (X.
Tian).

off when touched was uncommon on the copper
coins. The corrosion products identified were

Cu2(OH)3Cl, Cu2O, Cu(OH)2, Cu(OH)Cl, Cu(SO4)2.
Copper chloride was one of the main corrosion products (e.g.Cu2(OH)3Cl and Cu(OH)Cl)
identified. Chlorine easily induces bronze corrosion, so it is important to take the proper
measures to remove as much chloride as possible, via proper desalination to effectively
stabilise the metal. The analysis of the corrosion products provides data that will assist
in deriving better methods for later desalination work. From the presence of copper
chlorides (i.e. Cu(OH) Cl and Cu2(OH)3Cl) and cuprite (Cu2O) corrosion products, it can
be deduced that the bronze in the South China Sea No.1 was primarily in anaerobic
marine environment, which included Cl- and SO42- in solution. Where oxygen was more
6

�abundant loose concretion formed on the outside of the coins. There are, however,
some instances when oxygen was sealed in the space between the original metal
surface of the coins and the loose concretion. Thus, the oxygen depolarization
controlled the electrochemical corrosion of the bronze. In this type of environment, Sn
has a lower electrode potential than Cu, so it corrodes first, with the effect of Clspeeding up the rate of corrosion by combining with Cu and Sn ions to form new
corrosion products.
Conclusion.
1.The copper metal matrix contains mainly Cu, Sn and Pb at a ratio of 47:1:2,
respectively.
2.The copper corrosion products mainly include: Cu2(OH)3Cl, Cu(OH) Cl, Cu2O,
Cu(OH)2 and Cu(SO4)2。
3. Selective corrosion occurred between Cu and Sn in the bronze coin and the presence
of Cl-increases the rate of corrosion in the electrochemical corrosion reaction.
Table 1
sample
NHTQ-1-a
NHTQ-1-b
NHTQ-1-c
NHTQ-1-d
NHTQ-2-b
NHTQ-2-a

Main composition
Cu2（0H）3Cl、Cu2O
Cu2（0H）3Cl、Cu2O
Cu（0H）2 、Cu（0H）Cl、Cu2O
Cu（0H）2、Cu（0H）Cl、Cu2O
Cu（0H）2、Cu（0H）Cl、Cu2O、
Cu（SO4）2
Cu（0H）2、Cu（0H）Cl、Cu2O、
Cu（SO4）2

Table1:The XRD results from the analysis of the corrosion products from the copper
coin from the South China Sea No. 1 shipwreck.: (X. Tian).

7

�Table 2
No.

Elements（Wt%）
Mg

Al

Si

S

Cl

K

Ca

Fe

Cu

Pb

Sn

1

3.0

17.4

36.8

7.7

1.8

3.9

2.6

21.7

5.1

—

—

2

—

—

—

3.6

—

—

—

—

—

96.4

—

3

—

—

—

40.5

1.7

—

—

—

43.1

14.7

—

4

—

—

1.8

—

0.7

—

—

—

5.7

23.1

67.7

Table 2:The elemental distribution of the cross section of the outer layers of the copper
coin.: (X. Tian).

Bibliography
Beccaria, A. M., Mor, E. D., Bruno, G., Poggi, G.,1982. Corrosion of lead in sea water.
British Corrosion Journal,Vol.17(2): 87-91.
Gettens, R. J., 1964. The corrosion products of metal antiquities. Annual Report of the
Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, 1963, Vol. 1963: 547-568.
Gettens, R. J., 1933. Mineralization, electrolytic treatment, and radiographic
examination of copper and bronze objects from Nuzi. Zerox from Technical Studies 1:
118-142.
MacLeod, I. D.,1991. Identification of corrosion products on non-ferrous metal artefacts
recovered from shipwrecks. Studies in Conservation, Vol. 36(4): 222-234.
MacLeod,I.D., 1985.The effects of concretion on the corrosion ofnon-ferrous metals.
Corrosion Australasia, Vol. 10:10-13.
MacLeod,I. D., 1982.Formation of marine concretions on copper and its alloys.
International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 11(4): 267-275.
8

�Nord, A. G., Lindahl, K., &amp;Tronner, K., 1993. A note on spionkopite as a corrosion
product on a marine copper find. Studies in Conservation, Vol. 38(2): 133-135.
North,N.A.,1987.Conservation of Metals, In C. Pearson (Ed.),Conservation of Marine
Archaeological Objects. Butterworths, Sydney:207-252
Scott, D. A.,2002. Copper and Bronze in Art: Corrosion, Colorants and Conservation.
Getty Publications, USA.
Biography.
Xing-ling Tian is a conservation researcher who holds a doctor’s degree of Materials
Science and Engineering from Beijing University of Chemical Technology. In 2003,
Xing-ling Tian joined the Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage (State Administration of
Cultural Heritage Center of Underwater Cultural Heritage).In 2006, became a research
associate. Past research interests have been predominantly concerned with the
conservation of metal and wood, developing and applying research to new materials
and techniques and currently I am focused on the conservation of underwater cultural
heritage.

9

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                </elementText>
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                <text>Study of the corrosion of copper coins from the wreck of 'The South China Sea No.'</text>
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                <text>The South China Sea No.1 is the wreck of the longest, largest and most preserved shipwreck site in China. It is a classic example of bireme construction and navigational technology. The artefacts located on the site may provide many secrets of the Silk Road on the sea. Therefore, the archaeological value is greater than its economic value. In order to know more about the craftwork and the state of the coppers in this wreck, this paper will examine the concretion and corrosion on the surface of copper samples obtained from the upper layer of South China Sea No. 1. The samples were analysed with metallographic microscopy, 3D video microscopy, X-ray diffraction (XRD),X-ray fluorescence ï¼ˆ XRF) and scanning microscopy (SEM-EDS). The results show that the copper coin is tin-lead bronze, and the content of Cu is about 94%. The corrosion is mainly Cu2(OH)3Cl, Cu2O, Cu(OH)2, Cu(OH)Cl and Cu(SO4)2. The concretion on the surface of the copper coin is rich, but the matrix becomes thinner. Lead (Pb) is scattered freely in the matrix. Tin (Sn) is high in the corrosion layer, which shows that some Cu has corroded. The electrochemistry of the corrosion was controlled by oxygen depolarization. Selective corrosion occurred between Cu and Sn, and the effect of Cl- sped up the rate of corrosion in the electrochemical reaction. The results of the study can provide a reference for the protection of the copper artefacts excavated from South China Sea. </text>
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                    <text>The Centenary Impact Since RMS Titanic Sank upon Universal
Regulation of Underwater Cultural Heritage in International
Waters, and the Necessity of New Law-Making in Japan
NAKADA, Tatsuya1

Abstract
2012 is Centennial since Royal Mail Ship (RMS) Titanic sunk. The Titanic was found in 1985, as early
as 1986 United States of America (USA) enacted the RMS Titanic Maritime Memorial Act. It aimed at
the conclusion of international agreement for the conservation of the Titanic by states concerned. The
agreement was started drafting in 1997 and adopted in 2000. It was USA, France, England and
Canada that adopted Agreement concerning the Shipwrecked Vessel RMS Titanic (the Agreement).
On the other hand United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001
Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) was made
through four diplomatic conferences since 1998, and entered into force in 2010. Thanks to 2001
Convention, the term “Underwater Cultural Heritage” (UCH) has been well-known to people around
the world. Be that as it may, to be an UCH needs passage of 100 years; the Titanic will be an UCH
next year. Although the importance of 2001 Convention has recently attracted considerable attention,
its new trend toward universal regulation has just started emerging from international society. It is the
Article 9.2 of the Agreement that attention should be paid. It provides, “If a general multilateral
Convention on the protection of underwater cultural heritage enters into force for all Parties, they shall
consult to discuss the relationship between this Agreement and that Convention.” Assuming an
appropriate coordination of them gives rise to a new trend, it appears more desirable to foresee the
near future and timely accede to 2001 Convention after the preparation of domestic laws in Japan
referring to 2001 Convention.

Introduction
Next year is Centennial since RMS Titanic sank. According to the definition of Article
1.1.a of Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural heritage (2001
Convention) the Titanic will be an Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH). While large
projects at Southampton (Bates 2009) are being prepared toward the day, a wide
variety of plans are also being pondered all the world. Since 1985 United States of
America (USA) and France joint-party, led by Robert Ballard, found the Titanic and,
some 6,000 artifacts have been raised (Murphy 2002). As early as 1985, Nancy

1

Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, picono@kaiyodai.ac.jp

1

�Foster, former assistant administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration (NOAA) Ocean Service, testified before Congress on a house
Resolution to protect the Titanic. Ballard also stated that the most desirable option for
the conservation of the Titanic be to take separate measures among cooperating
states as it was located in international waters. R.M.S. Titanic Maritime Memorial Act

（

）

of 1986 1986 Act was enacted.
The Agreement concerning the Shipwrecked Vessel RMS Titanic (the

）

Agreement drawn up by USA, United Kingdom (UK), France and Canada states,
“the agreement shall enter into force on the date on which two states have indicated
their consent to be bound” (Art. 11.2). Signing the Agreement and enacting new
legislation in November 2003, the UK set up the legal institution no. 2496 Merchant
Shipping, Casualties, Wreck and Salvage, The Protection of Wrecks (RMS Titanic)
Order 2003, [Dft 13155], (no.2496), which entails summary conviction to a fine not
exceeding the statutory maximum (£5,000) or conviction to an limited fine to the
salvage in unconformity with the criteria in the Agreement (Art. 6.1 and 6.2).
On April 12th 2001 NOAA published the Guidelines for Research, Exploration and
Salvage of RMS Titanic, 66 Fed.Reg. 18905, 18908-09 (Fed.Reg. 18905) according
to 1986 Act. Moreover a Draft Charter for a Titanic Preservation Alliance (the
Alliance) was drawn up to make it clear the standard of explorations of the Titanic. In
2003 and 2004, NOAA conducted scientific research with various partners. On June
2004, Ballard with NOAA carried out research which surveyed how the Titanic has
deteriorated since its discovery. This progress of research resulted in the Return to
Titanic (directed by Tracy Barry and Peter Schnall, 7th June 2004) and was put on
publicly accessible media throughout the world. This campaign induced the USA to
sign the Agreement on 18th June 2004.
RMS Titanic Inc. (RMST) has exclusively explored the Titanic, recovering and
conserving some 5,500 artifacts. RMST has fascinated more than 25 million people
through many exhibitions. In 2010, RMST carried out the latest survey in conjunction
with NOAA, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution and the USA National Park
Service (http://www.rmstitanic.net/about-us.html). How the entry into force of the
Agreement impacts upon a series of the Titanic litigations in USA admiralty courts will
be examined. In fact, the USA movement toward the entry into force has made
steady progress. Taking universal publicity into account, it seems the Agreement will
be approved by Congress which was transmitted Bill titled R.M.S. Titanic Maritime
Memorial Preservation Act of 2009 (re-amendment of 1986 Act) around 15th April
2012, the Titanic’s 100th anniversary. The day has two implications, the fact that the
Titanic becomes UCH in 2012, and the turning point of shifting salvage law to cultural
heritage law.
2

�Two Trends in USA: 1986 Act and Admiralty Court
The Trend of 1986 Act
Ballard has not raised artifacts that he found on the Titanic as it is considered a non
commercial and scientific research (Ballard and Sweeney 2004: 72-73). The location
was not precisely proclaimed so as not to be plundered (Ballard and Michael 1985:
704). 1986 Act attempted to make the Agreement among states concerned, to enact
national law in accordance with the Agreement. 1986 Act directed the Department of
State to enter into negotiations with interested nations to establish an international
agreement to designate the wreck as a maritime memorial and protect it from looting
and unscientific salvage. UK is a flag state, France is the joint finding state and has
Cherbourg port of call on her route, and Canada is the nearest coastal state from the
shipwrecked point. USA continuously offered a consultation to other states. Also
Russia and Japan are expected to participate in the Agreement to make it more

Ⅰ

Ⅱ

effective (Dromgoole 2003:7). The Russian submersibles Mir
and
built in
1987 are able to explore efficiently in cooperation with each other, having researched
the Titanic 41 times from 1991 to 2003. Japan Marine Science and Technology
(JAMSTEC) upgraded the Shinkai 2000 built in 1981 to the Shinkai 6500 built in
1990, which exceeded the 1000th dive in 2007.
While 1986 Act was not in support of others, French Research Institute for
Exploitation of the Sea (IFREMER) which knew the location of the shipwreck site
undertook an independent exploration. Taking advantage of the circumstance, RMST
(since 1987) set up with a view to profiting from artifacts. IFREMER raised more than
800 artifacts since the first 1987 exploration. The USA promptly enacted the
Abandoned Shipwreck Act against such actions, which stated, “it would prohibit the
import with a view to the proceeds through the recovering from the Titanic and further,
such measures would be maintained until the Agreement comes into force”. On the
contrary, RMST has continuously carried out the explorations chartering the Nautile
and raised some 4,000 artifacts over seven expeditions.
Since 1997 the draft of the Agreement has the purpose of controlling
non-regulated salvage and other harmful activities over the Titanic. The Fed.Reg.
18905 is essentially almost the same as the annexes attached to both the Agreement
and 2001 Convention based mainly on the 1996 Charter on the Protection of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage (for details see Craig 2008:3). The Annex attached to
2001 Convention is established as the international criteria of underwater research
(Oppenheimer and Varmer 2006:15). However there is room for flexible interpretation
of salvage law, while continuing to observe strict scientific, cultural and historical
significance. The Agreement generally does not conceive RMST to be the sole
3

�salvor-in-possession. Implementing the Agreement, the sole salvor-in-possession
will be obliged to collaborate with the admiralty court and/or NOAA.

USA Admiralty Court
The shipwreck is located at high seas, RMST raised a number of artifacts and
brought a part of them to the USA admiralty court; maritime affairs belong to the
jurisdiction of the federal court. While the court upheld RMST as the legal
salvor-in-possession, Ballard was not legally supposed to be the finder of the Titanic
(Garabello and Scovazzi 2003:73-75). Even though the court actually awarded
RMST the exclusive rights of the Titanic, USA courts can only enforce their law on
USA nationals, France has carried artifacts back to its territory since 1987. British
Deep Ocean Expeditions (DOE) carried tourists to the Titanic in 1988. RMST notified
DOE of its unauthorized underwater cruising. One of the tourists with DOE filed an
action suit to USA district court for declaration of access and photograph rights to the
site. The court had already issued an injunction barring all visitation to the Titanic
including photographing it without permit by RMST in 1998. DOE had planned an
expedition to view and photograph the Titanic in the late summer of 1998, and
Christopher Haver had planned to be a passenger. Haver filed a declaratory
judgment action in the district court to challenge the 1998 judgment. The court held
that the right of divers and tourists aiming at visiting and photographing the Titanic
belonged solely to RMST (April 28th 1999: 171 F.3d 942-943, 958-959, 970). DOE
filed an intervention as co-party with Haver in response to the judgment. During the
lawsuit, DOE ignored the order of USA court and continued underwater cruising
(Nafziger 1999: 315).
The appeal court held that while RMST has the exclusive right of raising artifacts,
the exclusive rights do not involve visiting, viewing and photographing the site. In a
series of the Titanic litigations, RMST represented its intention to raise funds through
artifact exhibitions (selling tickets, replica licenses, and product rental fees, etc.).
These actions were a way of recovering costs and keeping the share prices up
because the USA courts would only uphold RMST as sole salvor-in-possession as
long as they did not sell artifacts. In the following year, the appeal and supreme
courts held that RMST had not ever directly owned artifacts only the trustees
(Murphy 2002).

1989 Salvage Convention and Four States
International Convention on Salvage, 1989 (1989 Convention) was concluded in
London on 28th April 1989 and came into force on 14th July 1996. It has 62 State
4

�parties (as of July 2011). USA, France, UK and Canada are all State parties (for
details on definition see Browne this volume) to 1989 Convention. It indirectly
provides the salvage of historic wreck in the form of reservation provision. Nothing is
referred to the relationship between law of salvage and UCH law in 1989 Convention.
The provision simply allows a State to reserve the right not to apply 1989 Convention,
“when the property involved is maritime cultural property of pre-historic,
archaeological or historic interest and is situated on the sea-bed.” (Art. 30.1.d). Since
USA and France did not make reservations to this provision, they are able to salvage
UCH. Negotiations commenced. In the process of drawing up the 1989 Convention
France attempted to exclude UCH. The attempt resulted partially in Article 30.1.d.

United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and
2001 Convention: Coastal Jurisdiction
Apart from two trends in USA mentioned above, the movement of regulating
underwater antiquities was in rapid progress in the late 1970’s. UNCLOS (Art. 149
and 303) only provided lex lata (existing law) including maritime law and international
agreements regarding the protection of objects of an archaeological and historical
nature in parallel outside the Contiguous Zones (24 nautical miles from the shoreline)
except in deep sea bed, the Area (outside Continental Shelf, at 350 nautical miles to
the maximum from the shoreline, of every country). The European Council drew up
the Draft of European Convention on Underwater Cultural Heritage in 1984 based
upon Recommendation 848 in 1978 (Roper 1978), the draft did not enter into force.
However International Law Association deliberated “the draft of Convention on
Underwater Cultural Heritage” in 1994 based on the draft of the European
Convention. From 1996, through the governmental experts meeting (1998-2001),
2001 Convention was adopted by UNESCO’s 31st General Assembly on the 2nd
November 2001.
Be that as it may, the international regulation of actions directed at underwater
cultural heritage, at present, is mixed with Law of the Sea, Maritime Law and Cultural
Heritage Law. As 2001 Convention coherently emphasizes UCH, “shall not be
subject to the law of salvage or law of finds” (Art. 4), and “shall not be commercially
exploited" (Art. 2.7). On the other hand 2001 Convention grants the competence to
coastal states to make 2001 Convention effective as an aspect of UNCLOS (Art. 9
and 10). USA, France and UK are in favor of the aspect of cultural heritage law, while
in disfavor of the aspect of UNCLOS. USA proposed that a certain commercial action
is permitted subject to the scientific criteria of 2001 Convention (Nafziger 2000: 88).
The universality and effectiveness of 2001 Convention in international society
5

�remains to be clear since, amongst others, the USA, France and UK’s salvage laws
do not comply. On the other hand Rules concerning Activities Directed at Underwater
Cultural Heritage (Annex) embodies the protection and conservation of UCH in
accordance with the regime provided in the 2001 Convention. This shows that the
universality of international norms concerning standards of underwater archaeology
is shifting to the establishment of Standard Practice. For example, Fed.Reg. 18905
and the annex attached to the Agreement are almost alike.

The Adoption of Titanic Agreement and Its Effect
Consulting from 1997 to 2000, the Agreement was adopted on 5th January 2000.
While the Agreement regulates the shipwrecked site and prefers in situ preservation.
The Agreement forbids illegal exploration and selling of recovered artifacts. However
the Agreement does not apply to some 6,000 already recovered artifacts. The
Agreement regards the shipwrecked site as scientific, cultural and historical
memorial. In breach of articles of the Agreement and its annex (Rules), each party is
given enforcement jurisdiction including civil and/or criminal sanction. A glance on
the Agreement tells us how each provision were drawn up in an effort to be
reconciled with 2001 Convention, and how the Agreement carefully paid attention to
2001 Convention. This means how USA, France, UK and Canada consent to the
aspect of cultural heritage law (Dromgoole 2003: 8).
Article 3 of the Agreement states that each party shall take all reasonable
measures to conserve and curate artifacts in recognition of Rules, specifically for
them to be kept together and intact as project collections. Article 4 of the Agreement
states that each party shall take the necessary measures, to regulate through a
system of project authorizations of entry into the hull sections of the Titanic so that
they, other artifacts and any human remains are not disturbed. It is noteworthy that
the Agreement refers to salvage law. The draft of article 4.3 is the product which USA
negotiation team tried to insert the fact that USA admiralty court granted RMST the
salvor-in-possession into the Agreement. However the attempt resulted in the
provision so as to secure non-intrusive access to the site. It seems counteractive
against judgments of USA admiralty court which kept granting salvors the exclusive
right. The Agreement does not so much exclude application of salvage law as
permits salvage activities in conformity with Rules.
In a series of Titanic litigations concerning RMST’s salvage, RMST instituted a
lawsuit to the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Commerce and NOAA in
September 2000 so as not to adopt the Agreement because it was unconstitutional.
The subject matter is that (1) an effort to promote making the Agreement deprives
6

�USA admiralty court of the jurisdiction, (2) Implementing the Agreement, the right of
recovery or ownership of RMST will not be compensated by USA. The court
rescinded the claim since RMST was able to appeal again when the Agreement
enters into force. In the public hearing of district court over the Titanic, it is interesting
that the court states the exclusive status of RMST must be appraised even though
the Agreement comes into force (2004: 323F. Supp.2d 724, 741).
Finally Article 9.2 of the Agreement provides, “If a general multilateral Convention
on the protection of underwater cultural heritage enters into force for all Parties, they
shall consult to discuss the relationship between this Agreement and that
Convention.” Canada is most likely to join 2001 Convention compared with USA,
France and UK. A general multilateral convention probably suggests 2001
Convention. If all four states join it in the future, Canada will be favorably presumed
its ownership including the Titanic in the context of relationship between the
Agreement and 2001 Convention. The fact that the paradigm shift from salvage law
to cultural heritage law in Canada might also induce USA, France and UK to shift the
similar paradigm through consultation.

Prospect
Annex, Rules, Fed.Reg. 18905 and the Alliance will be replaced with salvage law in
principle. It seems to me that these instruments are highly appraised as code of
conducts taken away provisions of so-called creeping jurisdiction of 2001 Convention,
therefore such norms are also acceptable to USA, France, UK and Canada. While
the system of 2001Convention has been gradually pervaded to international society,
the rigid application of underwater archaeology to UCH in the Agreement, prior to the
issue of coastal jurisdiction, will make it possible to prevent loss of artifacts and
promote the dissemination of knowledge gained from UCH to people around the
world. The approval of USA Congress is expected during the anniversary events of
the Titanic around 15th April 2012. The time might be a symbol of shifting from
salvage law to cultural heritage law.
On reflection, from a series of research of Lake Biwa and so forth, the forerunner
of underwater archaeologist in Japan, OE Yoshio had insisted on the necessity of
underwater archaeology since 1960’s (OE 1971: 266-269; OE 1982: 236-238).
Although the tendency of underwater archaeology actually rose up in the early of
1980’s (OE et al. 1980: 23-87), symbolically as seen in A Special Issue written by the
leading person including OE at that time, the systematic mapping method of UCH
subsidized by Nippon Foundation (from 1st April 2009 to 31st March 2012) has just
started by Non Profit Organization, Asian Research Institute of Underwater
7

�Archaeology (ARIUA) established in 12th August 2005, the former Kyushu-Okinawa
Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology established in 1991. Every product of
research divided into four coastal regions will be gradually opened on the web
(http://www.ariua.org/database/). Nevertheless Agency for Cultural Affairs is not
necessarily positive for the strenuous and steady effort of ARIUA in both legal and
financial aspects. The report attached to a tentative translation of 2001 Convention in
July 2002 by Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology reads;
“Whereas it seems that the purposes and effects of the Convention is generally valid,
our political decision making system will be reconsidered” because the Convention
addresses primarily legal systems of extra-territorial waters (Report Technology
2002). The circumstance simply leads to lacuna of underwater cultural heritage
related laws in Japan. The basic standard that OE sought is almost the same as
provisions in the Rules. OE states;
It is deeply hoped that the necessity of archaeological research of sea-bed be
understood by underwater archaeologists as well as ordinary people, the research
system demands much closer cooperation internationally and mobilize to each site
in any case (OE 1977: 337).

Utilizing Centenary of the Titanic to great extent as the best chance that the
paradigm shift of regulations of UCH is certain to arise in international waters, Japan
should promptly establish its own national underwater cultural legal system as the
first step of international cooperation. Using the Sinkai 6500 effectively enable Japan
to contribute to underwater archaeology even in international waters.

Bibliography
Ballard, R., and “How We Found Titanic”, in National Geographic, vol. 168, pp.
Michael, J.-L.,
696-718.
1985
Ballard, R., and Return to Titanic: A New Look at the World’s Most Famous Lost
Sweeney, M.,
Ship, National Geographic Society, Washington.
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Bates,
Stephen.,
2009

“Titanic museum to open in Southampton by 2012”, in The
Guardian, Tuesday 31st March, 2009. Accessed 8th 2011 at
http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/2009/mar/31/titanic-south
ampton-exhibition

Craig, J.,

Multilateral

Approaches
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to

an

International

Convention,

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conference paper for International Council of Monuments and of
Sites (ICOMOS) 16th General Assembly proceedings.

Dromgoole, S.,
2003

“Treasure Salvage in International Waters: Two Alternative
Methods of Control”, in Maritime Law Subject Section, Society of
Legal Scholars, Oxford, pp. 1-12. Accessed 8th 2011 at
http://www.le.ac.uk/law/staff/skd2.html

Garabello,
and

R., THE

PROTECTION OF THE UNDERWATER CULTURAL

Scovazzi, HERITAGE: BEFORE AND AFTER THE 2001 UNESCO

T., (eds).,
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CONVENTION, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden / Boston.

Murphy, G.,
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“RMS Titanic: A Legal Update 1”, in encyclopedia titanic, 15th
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Accessed
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Nafziger,
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J.A. “The Titanic Revisited”, in Journal of Maritime Law and
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Nafziger,
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J.A. “Historic Salvage Law Revisited”, in Ocean Development and
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OE, Yoshio.,
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Marine Archaeology: History and Culture Searched on Sea-bed,
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OE, Yoshio.,
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“Underwater Archaeology”, an essay attached in Japanese
translation of George F. Bass, 1975, Archaeology beneath the
Sea, Walker and Company, New York.

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An Introduction to Underwater Archaeology, NHK Books, Tokyo.

OE, Yoshio et “A Secial Issue: Challenging Sunken Ships” written by ARAKI,
al.,
Shinsuke (the Kaiyo-Maru), MOZAI, Torao (Mongol Invasion),
1980
YAMADA, Michio (RMS Titanic), TANAKA Ko (the Admiral
Nakhimov), TSUMAKI, Eijirou (the Yamato), HASEBE, Gakuji
(Shinan offshore at Korea), KUDOU, Masao (SS Andrea Doria),
HUJII, Yuto (The Mutsu), KATAOKA, Koukichi (the Yasaka-Maru)
and OE Yoshio (Lake Biwa-Ko) , in Le Mer, Vol. 25, pp. 24-87.
Oppenheimer,
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“Implementing the International Agreement to Protect RMS
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Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 14-16. Accessed 8th 2011 at
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etter/dec06/IELC1206.pdf
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�Report
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General Assembly of United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization, BZ-8-28, Ministry of Education, Culture,
Sports, Science and Technology, National Diet Library, 2002.

Roper, J.,
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The Underwater Cultural Heritage: Report of the Committee on
Culture and Education, Council of Europe, Strasbourg. Doc. 4200.

10

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History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia</text>
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                <text>2012 is Centennial since Royal Mail Ship (RMS) Titanic sunk. The Titanic was found in 1985, as early as 1986 United States of America (USA) enacted the RMS Titanic Maritime Memorial Act. It aimed at the conclusion of international agreement for the conservation of the Titanic by states concerned. The agreement was started drafting in 1997 and adopted in 2000. It was USA, France, England and Canada that adopted Agreement concerning the Shipwrecked Vessel RMS Titanic (the Agreement). On the other hand United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) was made through four diplomatic conferences since 1998, and entered into force in 2010. Thanks to 2001 Convention, the term â€œUnderwater Cultural Heritageâ€ (UCH) has been well-known to people around the world. Be that as it may, to be an UCH needs passage of 100 years; the Titanic will be an UCH next year. Although the importance of 2001 Convention has recently attracted considerable attention, its new trend toward universal regulation has just started emerging from international society. It is the Article 9.2 of the Agreement that attention should be paid. It provides, â€œIf a general multilateral Convention on the protection of underwater cultural heritage enters into force for all Parties, they shall consult to discuss the relationship between this Agreement and that Convention.â€ Assuming an appropriate coordination of them gives rise to a new trend, it appears more desirable to foresee the near future and timely accede to 2001 Convention after the preparation of domestic laws in Japan referring to 2001 Convention.</text>
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Edition: Dai 2-han.
Language: Japanese (Show non-Roman characters)
Named Corp: Naniwa Maru (Ship) -- Design and construction -- Pictorial works.
Class Descriptors: LC: VM395.N36
Entry: 20080116
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                    <text>Discussion on the Traces of an Early Phase Lashed-Lug Boats of Southeast Asia
Mr. Napat Piromrak (Underwater Archaeology Division, Thailand)
ABSTRACT
Lashed-lug boat-building techniques played a significant role in Southeast Asian trading networks. The previous studies reported
that approximately 20 boats in this category have been found. Indeed, an archaeological survey in Thailand during the 1990s had
reported the existence of several boats of this type, but the information was scarce and no excavation had been conducted. Not until
2019, a team of Thai underwater archaeologists carried out a survey along the Andaman Coast, the resources available to conduct
the work including the discovery of boat remnants which were assumed to be lashed-lug type. The first was a boat plank found at
Khlong Thom, the early port site in Krabi province, likely dating back to c. 1st – 5th century CE. The second was a boat plank found
at Pak-Klong Kluai beach, Ranong province, located in the area of Phukao-Thong archaeological site. Therefore, research on the
boat planks is needed in order to find out the technique of the boat-building and its age. The main purpose of the research is to
present an insightful analysis of the boat remnants. The analysis of boat-building techniques, a sample collection for AMS dating,
and a comparative studmanguiny were carried on. The result of the study reveals a significant aspect of an early phase lashed-lug
boats: planks were carved into protruding lugs with hollowed holes, the hull was secured using a palm rope and wooden wedge,
and no trace of a dowel hole are found. The AMS dating of a wooden sample from both sites provided a date of 1,856 ±25 BP and
2,303 ±29 BP. Comparatively, the boat structure is similar to the lashed-lug boat of Pontian (3rd – 5th century CE). However, the
hull of these boats bears a different technique of making from other boats (e.g. Butuan and Ban Khlong Yuan boats, 9 th century
CE). The discovery of the boat remnants in Thailand has shed new light on the early technique of constructing lashed-lug boats in
Southeast Asia, confirmed by the AMS dating. Furthermore, information on boat-building development is provided.
Keywords: Lashed-lug Boat, Mortise and Tenon Boat, Shell-based Boat, Sewn Plank Boat
List of figures
Figure 1. Map showing the shipwreck remains of Pak Khlong Kluai site between 2016-2019 : Courtesy of Decha Pornthai.
Figure 2. Evidence of lashed lug plank no. 20 from Test Pit three.
Figure 3. Lashed lug plank no. 4 (on top) and no. 5 (long piece) with ropes residue attached to each lug.
Figure 4. Lashed lug plank with a frame piece attached to it by ligature.

INTRODUCTION
“Lashed lug” is specifically used to describe a traditional boat-building technique that spread and was used
throughout Southeast Asia’s region. The technique consisted of a shell-based construction, in which the
hull planking is constructed first to create an outer shell by edge joining method using wooden dowels and
lacing ligatures to the pre-drill holes on the plank, sometimes only dowels are used. After the hull is
assembled, frames are added to strengthen the overall construction by lashing to the lugs carved on the
interior of the hull. Undoubtedly, the name “lashed lug” comes from the last procedure. Recent studies
showed over 20 vessels that were identified as lashed lug boats (Manguin 2019; McGrail 2001), all of them
were discovered both underwater and inland near the waterway of Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia,
Vietnam, and also Thailand. As a result, all have been dated between the fifth to the sixteenth centuries CE
(Lacsina 2019, 40).
Previous studies by several scholars have suggested a similar theory that early Southeast Asian boats might
have been joined exclusively by lacing (Horridge 1982, 1, 32–33, 56-58), or at least lacing as a primary
fastening and supplement with doweling (Manguin 1993, 260; McGrail 2001, 297). As Horridge (1982)
asserted the need for metal technology in order to drill the dowel holes on the plank edge, which the lacing
holes on the lug did not. Furthermore, Manguin (2019, 5) suggested the chronology of the development of
plank fastening vessels, he stated that lashed lug boats in the early first millennium relied more on lacing
than doweling. Then, during the second half of the first millennium, boatbuilders began to rely on dowelling
than lacing, and toward the end of the millennium lacing were completely disappear. However, it is
uncertain to conclude whether lashed lug plank fastening is evolving from exclusive lacing to exclusive
doweling, without additional evidence on a much earlier plank-built boat (Lacsina 2016, 38).
1

�The earliest well-known evidence of watercraft assembled with lashed lug is the remains of Pontian boat
found in Peninsular Malaysia, dating between 260 – 430 CE (Manguin 1993, 256). Traces on the plank
show sign of lacing with a small number of doweling. Moreover, in 1985, Pierre-Yves Manguin (1993,
257) investigated a similar boat’s plank construction to the one at Pontian, which had been recovered and
displayed at Wat Khlong Thom Museum, Krabi, Thailand. The planks are badly damaged and had no
radiocarbon dating, however, relative dating suggested the age of the planks is between the fifth to the
seventh centuries CE. Interestingly, the plank showed an identical lug design to its relative, the Pontian
boat. Although, there is no sign of supplementing dowels, as the planks are badly degraded and were found
in such a small length.
The discovery of the Pontian boat and its relative, Khlong Thom plank could represent, what assume to be
an early-stage lashed lug boat. However, the available evidence is scarce and incomplete. Nonetheless, a
recent survey along the coastal port sites of Khlong Thom, Krabi and Phukao Thong, Ranong, located in
the Southwestern coast of Thailand had discovered a few boat remnants that can reveal a new example of
an early-stage lashed lug boat.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES OF LASHED-LUG BOATS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
Archaeological evidence of vessels that were built using lashed lug technique number more than 20
throughout the region (Manguin 2019; McGrail 2001; Lacsina 2019). Despite the main concept of lashed
lug construction, there is a distinctive difference in each construction. The major difference is the way
planks are fastened, lashed lug vessels in the early period showed that plank stitching or lacing was a
primary fastening method and supplemented with a dowel, this included the archaeological evidence of the
Pontian Boat(3rd-5th CE), the Kolam Pinisi Boat (5th-7th CE), the Sambirejo Boat (7th-8th CE), the Punjulharjo
Boat (7th-8th CE), and Ban Khlong Yuan Boat(early 9th CE). Later period vessels such as the five Butuan
Boats (8th-10th CE), the Chau Tan shipwreck(9th CE), the Cirebon shipwreck(10th CE), the Paya Pasir
timbers (12th-14th CE), the Sha Tsui Boat (13th-15th CE), the Gujangang shipwreck (15th-16th CE), and the
San Isidro shipwreck (16th CE), only show evidence of doweling, discarded the practice of lacing (Manguin
1993; McGrail 2001; Liebner 2014; Lacsina 2016, 2019; Mochtar 2020). Archaeological finds supported
that lashed lug technique evolved from primary plank lacing and gradually adapted to doweling (Manguin
2019; McGrail 2001).

HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS
There are very few historical accounts describing boats in Southeast Asia. As Southeast Asian most likely
pass their knowledge through oral tradition (Lacsina 2016: 23). Most of the accounts are written by nonSoutheast Asian. Indeed, only a few describe insight detail of ship construction.
A fourth-century Chinese book on Southeast Asian floral describes that sugar palm bark (Arenga pinnata)
can be made into rope, which is used by Southeast Asian boatbuilders to bind timber together (Manguin
1993, 261). Another Chinese record from an eighth-century source describes the large ship of kunlun people
(people beyond the barrier which refer to Southeast Asians) which they called “bo”. The source stated that
this ship can reach 60 meters and can transport up to 1,000 passengers. The ship is bound together using
the bark of coconut trees with no use of iron nails or clamps. There are several planks and sails (Manguin
1993, 262). A smaller size vessel was recorded by Wang Ta Yuan, a Chinese traveler that visit Madura
during the fourteenth century. He stated that the boat was made using split rattan and plug the seam with
cotton wadding (Scott 1982, 340, as cited in Lacsina 2016).

2

�More detailed accounts were produced during the arrival of the Europeans in the region beginning in the
sixteenth century CE. The first Portuguese source described the Sumatra trading ship as junco, the word is
derived from the Malay and Javanese word jong (Manguin 1993, 266), which appeared in Javanese
inscription as early as the eleventh century (Manguin 1993, 266; Brandes 1889). The jong is large ship
comparable in size to the Portuguese, which can carry between 350-500 tons deadweight (Manguin 1993,
266). The plank and frame were exclusively fastened with dowels and assembled multiple layers of
planking. The jong used at least two masts and used two lateral rudders (Manguin 1993, 266–267). Another
Portuguese account written by Gabriel Rebello described a boat building in Moluccas Sea in 1569. He
described that the planks are drilled at the seam and were assembled using a mallet. The construction is so
tight that the seam is barely visible. Then, the boatbuilders tied the interior (component) to the lug or cleat
with ropes made from root (Manguin 2019). Indeed, the first-hand account of lashed-lug boat building is
the record by Francisco Alcina, a Spanish priest who recorded step-by-step boat-building techniques in the
Philippines during the seventeenth century CE. He wrote that after the keel was attached to the stem and
stern post, the suitable length of wood was chosen for the planks. Only two planks can be produced from a
single tree, the boat-builders reduces the thickness of the plank using adzes and left a series of lug or
tambuku (Alcina 2005 [1668], 169, as cited in Lacsina 2016; 2019).

STUDY OF EARLY LASHED LUG BOATS IN THAILAND
Pak Khlong Kluai Shipwreck Site
In 2016, a local fisherman discovered a large scale of wood remnants and pottery on the beach of Pak
Khlong Kluai, Ranong province (Figure 1). The site is exposed during low tide, fortunately after the found
he contact the authorities, which finally led to the Thai Fine Art Department conducting a slow process of
unearthing and conserving the remains.
The Fine Arts Department including the 15th Regional Archaeology Office (Phuket) and the Underwater
Archaeology Division (UAD) conducted several archaeological surveys and site mappings from August to
November of 2016. The remnant was identified as a shipwreck, due to a large amount of what was assumed
to be wooden planks with a mortise and tenon fastening technique, the evidence also showed many scarf
joints. The individual plank has an estimated dimension of 500 centimeters in length, 30-40 centimeters in
width, and 10 cm in thickness. The overall structure was 20 meters long and eight meters wide. The plank
analysis from the laboratory reveals that it is Terminalia nigrovenulosa Pierre which is commonly found
in Sri Lanka, Burma, and Thailand. The tenon was made of Dialium cochinchinese Pierre and the dowel
was made of Cassia sp. AMS dating of the plank sample came out between BC 170-180 (Cal BP 2120±30,
BP 2140±30) (The FAD 2017)
The site location is near Bang Kluai Canal which is linked to an early coastal archaeological site of Phukao
Thong, a site that play an important role as a port, stone, and glass ornament production dating around 2,000
years ago. Unfortunately, the wooden structure was in poor condition, and an attempt to reduce the
deterioration using Geotextiles and sandbags did not work. As a re-examination show the structures couldn’t
withstand the wave. So, the recovery excavation was planned in order to recover the main part of the wreck.

3

�Figure 1. Map showing the shipwreck remains of Pak Khlong Kluai site between 2016-2019: Courtesy of Decha Pornthai.

The excavation was conducted in 2019, and the GPR (ground penetrating radar) was used in order to detect
underground anomalies across 800 m². Test pits and trenches were planned based on this information to
cover the study area. Due to the condition of the site as the wreck is exposed during low tide, the excavation
process needs to be finished in one day. So, the trenches were divided into 17 long, narrow trenches and
five test pits.
As a result, the main wooden structure of 60m² (the volume of the structure reduced significantly based on
the 2016 report) is identified as a ship plank, the length varies, the width is between 30-40 cm, and has 10
cm thickness. It was joined edge to edge and used mortise and tenon fastening techniques and supplemented
with dowels to lock the joint. Wood identification was carried out for the second time, planks were made
from Terminalia nigrovenulosa Pierre, tenons were made of Dialium cochinchinese Pierre and dowels
were made of Tectona grandis L.f. (the fifteenth Regional Office of Archaeology 2016) Traces on the plank
show at least six scarf joints and two rectangular shape holes. During the recovery process, various sizes of
logs are found under the structure, some showed signs of rough-cut marks and were assumed not relevant
to the ship’s parts, which could suggest the wrecks were likely abandoned. 80 percent of the pottery
excavated from the site are orange-brown jar-shaped earthenware, decorated with cord marks. The rest of
the potteries are bowl-shaped and has a variety of decoration such as impressing and polishing inside with
black ash. All of them have a similar style to pottery found in Phukao Thong early historic site nearby. The
AMS dating of the plank came out to be 200-140 BCE (Ploymukda 2020, 54), which is relative to artifacts
found at Phukao Thong site. The remnant of mortise and tenon planks found at Pak Khlong Kluai site
represent a few of these techniques that are found in Southeast Asia. However, it still remains unclear if it
is part of a hull or other part, since, no further evidence of a keel or frame is found.
Surprisingly, the excavation on test pit three (including the adjoined area of trench one, and trench three)
revealed different ship construction to the main wreck. The test pit is 10 meters Southwest of the wreck.
Timbers lying on test pit three show clear evidence of lashed lug construction, in addition, the lug design
is relatively similar to the Khlong Thom boat plank and Pontian Boat which will be discussed more in detail.
A total of three distinctive timbers were found in test pit three. They were all identified as a hull plank of a
lashed lug-type vessel, as the timber is carved to create a protruding lug (Figure 2). Even though they were
4

�Figure 2. Evidence of lashed-lug plank no. 20 from Test Pit thee.

found in the same area, planks were lying separated from one another. It was hard to consider if they were
an adjacent plank or even came from the same vessel.
The most complete one is plank number 20, which is 230 cm in length, and 40 cm in width, it has six cm
of plank thickness and the same lug thickness. The lug shape is relative to Pontian and Khlong Thom Boat
as it shows favorable use of a rectangular design, in which lugs are almost wide as a plank and are aligned
to one side, leaving an edge protruding out about three cm, hence overlapping with the adjacent plank,
overlapped part is made slightly slope down to the edge. However, there are some distinctive features that
appear on this broken plank, there seems to be no sign of doweling or lacing hole on the seam as appeared
on other plank-lacing vessels and the lug pattern is also quite different, the evidence on this plank shows
only one rectangle-shaped hole on each lug and a combination of wide and narrow lugs with a continuous
ridge connected between them, though, there are some holes on the seam of this ridge, but it seems not
enough. AMS dating of this plank (D-AMS 034770) was dated to 2,303 BP ±29 or 408-357 cal BCE
(Piromrak 2020, 41). This is considered the oldest lashed lug-type vessel in Thailand and probably in
Southeast Asia.
The longest piece is plank number 19, which is 320 cm in length, and 60 cm in width, the thickness of the
plank is four cm, the same as the lug. The condition of this piece was badly degraded; however, the evidence
showed the favorable design of a rectangular lug with a single hole. On the other hand, wide lugs (dimension
of 60 cm) only appear with a spacing of 60 cm, and no traces of continuous ridge, doweling holes, or plank
lacing holes were found.
The last piece is plank number 17, which is the smallest 120 cm in length, 25 cm in width, and eight cm in
thickness. The plank showed evidence of a center ridge lug with two holes bored through the width,
however, one end has a slightly protruded lug roughly the width of the plank with six holes bored to the
5

�surface of the lug, these holes were not drilled through the plank but bored one and a half cm deep. There
was also no sign of plank-fastening methods. This timber part was unidentified which part of the vessel it
was, as no evidence of this kind has ever been found before.
Evidence found at Pak Khlong Kluai site is rare and significant. The wreck’s identification suggested that
at least two vessels were found, one favored a mortise and tenon technique, and another favored a lashed
lug technique. The dating of both wrecks suggests that both boat-building techniques existed in the same
period and also related to Phukao Thong site, which played a major role as an early port site, artifacts found
at this site were Indo-Roman merchandise such as granulated gold beads, precious stone carved to a lionshape, ring carved into Roman figure and rouletted wares. The wood identification also indicated the use
of Southeast Asia region woods, both vessels could be built in the region. Furthermore, sediment analysis
from test pits one and four indicates that the geology of the site might be a shore instead of a sea bed
(Ploymukda and Piromrak 2019, 197).
Khlong Thom Archaeological Site
In 1985, Pierre Manguin investigated boat planks displayed at Wat Khlong Thom Museum, the planks were
found by a local and had been given to the museum. It was identified as lashed lug type, and features on
the plank are relatively similar to Pontian boat, though no traces of dowel holes are found. The planks were
relatively dated between the fifth to the seventh century CE as it is associated with the early port and beads
production site of Khlong Thom (Manguin 1993, 257). Although Khlong Thom’s timbers are remarkably
rare, they have been overlooked for decades.
In 2019, Thai UAD conducted a survey along the canal where the plank was found in order to find more
evidence about this vessel. The area along the canal is known as Khlong Thom Site (Kuan Luk-pad), an
early port site on the Andaman coast that indicates an intensive overseas connection. The survey focused
mainly on the canal where they were reported. As a result, the survey team found 12 damaged planks
slightly buried under the sediment, the alignment was scattered and presumed not in situ. However, several
planks were also found intact on the canal bank, they were assumed to have more archaeological context,
however, no excavation had been conducted, but it is highly recommended in the future.
Timbers recovered from the site are identified as lashed lug type. As it was submerged in a water-logged
condition, which helps preserve the organic material very well, all still have ropes residue intact (Figures 3
and 4). All of the planks were classified into two main parts, hull plank, and keel plank (Piromrak 2020,
35–41).
The hull plank
The longest piece that was recovered is 150 centimeters in length, the width is around 25 centimeters, and
ten centimeters in thickness (including the plank body and the lug). Features on the plank consist of
rectangle lugs measured around 40x20 centimeters, each lug has two sets of trapezoid holes (five
centimeters wide) bore through the edge. These holes are lashing points for the frame as one sample of
plank still has what assume to be a broken piece of frame intact and several pieces still have rope residues
loosely bonded.
Each lug is 40 centimeters apart, though, one sample has a ridge connected to the others. The design of the
lugs shows the intention for plank overlapping as one edge of the lug protrudes out from the plank body. In
addition, the cross-section view of the lug also indicates inclination from the overlapped section to the other,
which is assumed to follow the curvature of the hull. Furthermore, each corner of the lug appears to have
two sets of L-shaped holes drilled through the seam of the plank, these holes acted as a plank fastening

6

�Figure 3. Lashed lug plank no. 4 (on top) and no. 5 (long piece) with ropes residue attached to each lug.

point with ligatures, as ligature is passed through each hole on the adjacent plank to create a tensioned knot,
and then supplemented with a wooden wedge bored into the knot space to create a tighter fit. However, no
traces of plank doweling are found, which puts into question the strength of this vessel.
The keel planks
Two planks were identified as keel planks, as the design of the lug is distinct from the others. Lugs are
placed in a fairly central position as opposed to hull planks that are adjacent to one edge. Evidence on plank
#004 indicates a center ridge lug with large two holes bored through, on one end of the lug also showed Lshape lacing holes. The dimension of the fragment is 53 cm long, 28 cm wide, and 10 cm thick. This design
is similar to Pontian’s keel plank (Gibson-Hill 1952, 114) and Butuan 5 keel plank which were referred as
carinate or ridged keel (Green et al. 1995, 185–186; Lacsina 2016, 116–117).
Another one is plank #003, the fragment piece is 49 cm long, 27 cm wide, and nine cm thick. The feature
on this plank has a rectangle lug with a continued ridge. Unlike other planks, this one has L-shaped holes
drilled through one side of the lug and a large hole bored through the ridge. Though the piece is very small
in dimension and wasn’t showed continuous evidence, the lug pattern is relatively similar to Ban Khlong
Yuan Boat and Butuan Boat 4 (Lacsina 2016, 190).
Unlike the Pontian Boat, an investigation showed that the Khlong Thom plank has no evidence of doweling,
the only method used for plank fastening is lacing the plank through L-shaped holes along the edge and
supplementing with a wooden wedge. The use of wooden wedges is common in this vessel, as it is found
in all spots that consisted of knot tightening, the relatively similar evidence of wedges was also found at
Punjulharjo Boat, Indonesia.
7

�Figure 4. Lashed-lug plank with a frame piece attached to it by ligature.

AMS dating by Direct AMS, USA, was conducted not long after the recovery of the plank. A sample of the
wooden wedge (D-AMS 034772) was dated to 1,856 BP or 85-229 cal CE (calibrated with Oxcal 4.3)
(Piromrak 2020, 41).
Timbers used in building Khlong Thom boat were identified into three species. The hull plank is made from
Hopea species, the frame and wedge are made from Mesua ferrea L., and the seam wadding was identified
as Payena acuminate (Blume) Pierre. Moreover, ropes used for frame lashing and plank lacing were
identified as Arenga Pinnata. As a result, all identified timbers are commonly grown in a wet tropical area
and are of Southeast Asia origin.
Other sites
Previous reports between the 1990s-2000s recorded the discovery of several lashed lug vessels found in the
Southern and up to the Central part of Thailand, unfortunately, most of them were brief and lost their
archaeological context due to the unwitting recovery of the locals.
The first one is remnants of boat timbers discovered at Ban Kok Yang, Trang province. The evidence
showed a well-preserved early lashed lug boat recovered from an alluvial deposit. The report noted the
existence of planks with integrated rectangle lugs, frames, and bulkheads, with the practice of plank lacing
by ropes. No dating was ever conducted, the examination from photographs shows the relation to the
Pontian boat and Khlong Thom timbers. Unfortunately, the remnants were demolished (Vatcharangkul
2001, 47).
The second one is lashed lug planks found in Khlong Ta-Noo canal, Ban Koh-Takien, Chanthaburi. The
report by Thai UAD in 1997 recorded that two planks were found buried under the canal bed, and being
covered by bamboo branches. Due to the bad visibility, the diver found only two planks with no associated
artifacts (Parnfuk 1997, 3-5). No radiocarbon dating or wood identification was conducted, however, planks
are relatively similar to the Panjulharjo and Ban Khlong Yuan Boat, with evidence of laced holes and dowel
8

�holes. The plank is 250 cm in length, 30 cm in width, and 10 cm in thickness. It was identified as a hull
plank of a lashed lug boat and shows the uses of a scarf joint.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Recent studies of early watercraft in Thailand have revealed interesting evidence of lashed lug vessels with
their planks exclusively laced together and with no traces of dowel holes. They support the theory which
suggested that lashed lug boats in the early period are primarily laced together. These features are associated
with the absolute dating of the plank which came out to be earlier than the Pontian Boat, lashed lug
watercraft which represent a transitional phase between exclusively lacing to a combination of both
methods. Indeed, the site of Pak Khlong Kluai indicated an association between mortise and tenon ship
construction and lashed lug vessels, a more intensive study should address this relation. Therefore, the
discovery of exclusive plank-laced vessels has inspired more curiosity about their appearance and
construction, whether they are raft-type vessels or hull-plank vessels.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Evan, Ivor Hugh Norman. “Notes on the Remains of an Old Boat Found at Pontian.” Journal of the Federated Malay States Museum
12, (1927): 93-96.
Fine Arts Department. Rai Ngan Kan Samruat Ruea Boran Hat Pak Khlong Kluai Mu 4 Ban Phukao Thong Tambon Kumpuan
Amphoe Suk Samran Changwat Ranong. Samnak Silppakorn thi Sipsong, Nakorn Si Thammarat, (The Archaeological Survey of
Pak Khlong Kluai Shipwreck Site Ranong Province), In Thai, 2017.
Gibson-Hill, Carl Alexander. “Further Notes on the Old Boat from Pontian.” Journal of the Malayan Branch, Royal Asiatic Society
25, no. 1, (1952): 111-133.
Green, Jeremy, Tom Vosmer, Paul Clark, Ray A. Santiago and Mauro Alvarez. “Interim Report on the Joint Australian -Philippines
Butuan Boat Project, October 1992. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24, no. 3 (1995): 177-188.
Green, Jeremy, Tom Vosmer, Paul Clark, Ray A. Santiago and Mauro Alvarez. “Interim Report on the Joint Australian -Philippines
Butuan Boat Project, October 1992.” Western Australian Musuem.
Horridge, Adrian. The lashed-lug boat of the Eastern Archipelagoes, the Alcina MS and the Lomblen Whaling Boat. Maritime
Monographs and Reports. Trustees of the National Maritime Museum, 1982.
Lacsina, Ligaya. “The Butuan Boats of the Philippines: Southeast Asian Edge-Joined and Lashed-Lug
the Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology 39, (2015): 126-132.

Watercraft.” Bulletin of

Lacsina, Ligaya. “The Same-Same Boatbuilding Tradition? Looking at the Different Examples of Lashed-lug Boats from the
Southeast Asian Region.” In Past Present and Future of ASEAN Maritime Heritage, Proceeding of International Symposium 15 th16th June 2017, 38-53. The Underwater Archaeology Division, Fine Arts Department, Ministry of Culture, 2019.
Lacsina, Ligaya. Examining Pre-Colonial Southeast Asian Boatbuilding: An Archaeological Study of the Butuan Boats and the
Use of Edge-Joined Planking in Local and Regional Construction Techniques, Department of Archaeology, Flinders University,
Adelaide, 2016.
Liebner, Horst. The Siren of Cirebon, University of Leeds, 2014.

9

�Manguin Y. Pierre. “Asian Ship-Building Tradition in the Indian Ocean at the Dawn of European Expansion.” In The Trading
World of the Indian Ocean 1500-1800, Volume 3 Part 7, edited by Om Prakash, 597-629. Delhi: Pearson India, 2001.
Manguin, Y. Pierre. “The Southeast Asian Ship: An Historical Approach.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 5, no. 2 (1980): 266276.
Manguin, Y. Pierre. “Trading Ship of the South China Sea. Shipbuilding Techniques and Their Role in the History of the
Development of the Trade Networks.” Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient 36, no. 3 (1993): 253-280.
Manguin, P.‐Y. “Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: The stitched‐plank and lashed‐lug tradition.” International Journal of Nautical
Aarchaeology 48 (2019): 400–415.
McGrail, Sean. Boats of the World From the Stone Age to the Medieval Time. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.
Mochtar, S. Agni. “Recommendations on Cultural Heritage Site Management Plan for the Punjulharjo Boat in Rembang, Central
Java.” Berkala Arkeologi, Volume 40, no. 2, (2020):243-266.
Parnfuk, Veera. Rai Ngan Kan Samruat Bueang Ton Ruea Koh Khwang, Klum Ngan Boranna Khadi Tai Nam, Prachinburi, (The
Archaeological Survey of Koh Khwang Wreck Site), Prachinburi, The Underwater Archaeology Office, 1997, In Thai.
Piromrak, Napat. “Sak Ruea Jom Khlong Thom: Lak Than Ruea Phuk Yuk Raek Roem Thi Phop Nai Prathet Thai.” (Khlong
Thom Wreck: Evidence of Early Lashed-Lug Boat Found in Thailand). Silpakorn Journal 63, no. 5 (2020): 30-41, In Thai.
Ploymukda, Sira and Piromrak Napat. Rai Ngan Kan Kud Khon Tang Boranna Khadi Laeng Ruea Jom Pak Khlong Kluai Amphoe
Suk Samran Jangwad Ranong, (The Excavation of Pak Khlong Kluai Shipwreck Site), The Underwater Archaeology Office, 2019,
In Thai.
Ploymukda, Sira. “Laeng Ruea Jom Pak Khlong Kluai Lak Than Choeng Prachak Dan Theknoloyi Kan To Ruea Lae Patisamphan
Thang Thale Chai Fang Samai Raek Roem Prawat Sat. ” (Pak Khlong Kluai Shipwreck Site: Evidence-Based Shipbuilding
Technology and Marine Interaction Across the Andaman Coast in Early History Period). Silpakorn Journal 63, no. 5 (2020): 4257, In Thai.
Vatcharangkul, Erbprem. Prawat Sat Kan Panitnavy Thai Samnak Boranna Khadi Lae Phiphittaphantha Sathan Haeng Chat, Krom
Silpakorn, (History of Thai Maritime Trading), The Fine Arts Department, 2001, In Thai.

10

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                <text>Lashed-lug boat-building techniques played a significant role in Southeast Asian trading networks. The previous studies reported&#13;
that approximately 20 boats in this category have been found. Indeed, an archaeological survey in Thailand during the 1990s had&#13;
reported the existence of several boats of this type, but the information was scarce and no excavation had been conducted. Not until&#13;
2019, a team of Thai underwater archaeologists carried out a survey along the Andaman Coast, the resources available to conduct&#13;
the work including the discovery of boat remnants which were assumed to be lashed-lug type. The first was a boat plank found at&#13;
Khlong Thom, the early port site in Krabi province, likely dating back to c. 1st – 5&#13;
th century CE. The second was a boat plank found&#13;
at Pak-Klong Kluai beach, Ranong province, located in the area of Phukao-Thong archaeological site. Therefore, research on the&#13;
boat planks is needed in order to find out the technique of the boat-building and its age. The main purpose of the research is to&#13;
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and a comparative studmanguiny were carried on. The result of the study reveals a significant aspect of an early phase lashed-lug&#13;
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and no trace of a dowel hole are found. The AMS dating of a wooden sample from both sites provided a date of 1,856 ±25 BP and&#13;
2,303 ±29 BP. Comparatively, the boat structure is similar to the lashed-lug boat of Pontian (3rd – 5&#13;
th century CE). However, the&#13;
hull of these boats bears a different technique of making from other boats (e.g. Butuan and Ban Khlong Yuan boats, 9th century&#13;
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                <text>Piromrak, Napat . 2023. “Discussion on the Traces of an Early Phase Lashed-Lug Boats of Southeast Asia.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Ligaya Lacsina, Agni Mochtar, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1943 </text>
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                    <text>CAPACITY BUILDING IN THE TIME OF COVID:
THE CASE OF HMAS PERTH (I)
Dr Natali Pearson (The University of Sydney, Curriculum Coordinator)
ABSTRACT
The topic of this abstract best fits within Session 4, ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage of World War II in the AsiaPacific Region: Discoveries, Opportunities &amp; Challenges’ because of the latter’s focus on World War II heritage
in the Asia-Pacific. The case study under consideration in this paper is that of HMAS Perth (I), an Australian
warship sunk in Indonesian waters in 1942. The focus of this paper is Australia’s maritime capacity building
initiative for the wreck of Perth (I), and the challenges and opportunities of advancing this project in the time of
COVID-19. While some projects lent themselves to being conducted online, many others were forced to reevaluate their feasibility entirely. This paper considers the changes wrought by COVID-19 on conventional
heritage capacity building and management models, and the extent to which these models still apply. As it
proposes, the limitations posed by the pandemic on capacity building projects created space for more inclusive
and enduring knowledge building approaches, which elevated local stakeholders and, arguably, contributed to
more sustainable outcomes in the long-term. At the same time, however, broader questions remain about the
uses of digital heritage in a connected world.
* A detailed publication on this topic is available. Pearson, Natali. “Too Little, Too Late? Redefining the Legacy
of HMAS Perth (I), an Australian Warship Sunk in Indonesian Waters.” Historical Archaeology (2023).

KEYWORDS
World War II, naval shipwrecks, capacity building, heritage post-COVID

INTRODUCTION
International capacity building projects were seriously affected by the combination of travel
restrictions, reduced budgets, and health considerations associated with the COVID-19 pandemic.
While some projects lent themselves to being conducted online, many others were forced to reevaluate their feasibility entirely. For Australia and Indonesia, the limitations imposed by COVID–19
prompted a re-evaluation of what constitutes capacity building, and the extent to which maritime
heritage collaboration and cooperation can be advanced in the absence of face-to-face engagement.
Australia and Indonesia share one of the longest maritime boundaries in the world and have expressed
their commitment to working together to build and strengthen cooperation in the area of maritime
cultural heritage. This commitment is articulated in the Plan of Action for the Indonesia-Australia
Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (2020–2024), which places a priority on intensified maritime
cooperation and posits cooperation as critical to both country’s shared strategic interests (Australian
Government, 2018).
In recent years, bilateral maritime heritage cooperation has centred around HMAS Perth (I), an
Australian warship that sunk in Indonesian territorial waters. As the final resting place for hundreds of
sailors, Perth represents both a complex and sensitive example of the challenges of protecting and
preserving shared maritime heritage. In many ways, COVID exacerbated these challenges. At the
same time, however, and as this paper argues, the limitations imposed by COVID have presented
unexpected opportunities to imagine a more sustainable model for future maritime engagement
between the two countries.

1

�CASE STUDY: HMAS PERTH (I)
HMAS Perth (I) was a modified Leander class cruiser that began life as HMS Amphion before being
purchased by the Royal Australian Navy, prior to the outbreak of WWII. Perth and her crew saw
action all over the world, including in the Caribbean and the Mediterranean. In 1942, Perth joined
American, British, and Dutch forces to guard Java from Japanese occupation in the Battle of the Java
Sea (27–28 February 1942). The Allies were decisively defeated, and Perth, together with USS
Houston, was fortunate to escape (Perryman, 2017).
The two vessels fled west, arriving in Tanjung Priok (Jakarta) on 28 February to re-fuel and re-load.
Almost immediately, they received orders to sail through the Sunda Strait and towards Cilacap on the
southern coast of Java. Although they had been told the coast was clear, Perth and Houston
encountered the Japanese Western Invasion Convoy in waters near Banten Bay, just west of Jakarta.
The intense battle that ensued has come to be known as the Battle of the Sunda Strait (28 February–1
March 1942). Both Perth and Houston were destroyed by Japanese torpedoes and gun fire, with Perth
sinking just after midnight and Houston shortly thereafter. Japan also suffered losses. HMAS Perth (I)
had 681 men aboard, including naval personnel, air force personnel, and civilian staff. Of these, 353
died when Perth went down. Of the 1061 aboard USS Houston, 693 lives were lost. Most of the
survivors were taken as prisoners of war and endured years of suffering on the Thai-Burma railway.
HMAS Perth (I) sank, largely intact, on her port side in Banten Bay. The wreck lay undisturbed until
1967 when it was rediscovered by Australian diver David Burchell. His intention was to recover
touchstone objects from the vessel before it was ravaged by what he called ‘diving pirates,’ who, he
feared, were salvaging non-ferrous metal from the many sunken warships scattered across the region
(Burchell 1971, 26). After twenty-five years in the warm waters of Banten Bay, both Perth and nearby
Houston had become thriving marine ecosystems, alive with colour. Then as now, local fishermen
have relied on these wrecks for their livelihoods and, due to the birds they attracted, as navigational
aids.
Burchell’s efforts to find and recover objects from HMAS Perth (I) heralded the first of many human
interactions with the wreck. Many of these interactions were motivated by a desire to pay respect to
Perth and her crew. Some visitors placed floral wreaths into the water above the site, while others
descended below the waves to the wreck itself. These divers, some of whom visited the site on a semiregular basis, were the first to sound the alarm in 2013 that Perth was being salvaged on an industrial
scale due to the re-sale value of its scrap metal (Besser, Oakes, &amp; Hermant 2013). The salvaging of
Perth for scrap metal has destroyed marine habitats, deprived local communities of sustainable
livelihoods from tourism and fishing, and desecrated the final resting place of Australian war dead.
Besides the concern over human remains, the presence of unexploded ordnance and fuel oils add a
further complication.
Despite the imminent threat of destruction by looting, bilateral collaboration to protect and preserve
Perth was—for reasons outlined elsewhere in the literature (Pearson 2023)—slow. In May 2017, the
Australian National Maritime Museum (ANMM) and the National Centre for Archaeological
Research (Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional, or Arkenas) conducted a technical survey of the site,
which revealed that just 40 per cent of the wreck remained in situ (Hosty, Hunter, &amp; Adhityatama
2017). The 2017 survey, together with petitioning by the Banten provincial government, played a
critical role in supporting efforts to advocate for the establishment of a protected zone around the
wreck.
RESOURCES
For Australia and Indonesia, the salvage of Perth placed maritime heritage cooperation in the
spotlight, prompting greater bilateral engagement and collaboration to manage the wreck for the
2

�future. In February 2018, then-Minister for Marine Affairs and Fisheries, Susi Pudjiastuti, issued a
Ministerial Decree designating HMAS Perth (I) and surrounding waters as Indonesia’s first Maritime
Conservation Zone (Kawasan Konservasi Maritim) (Republic of Indonesia 2018). The Maritime
Conservation Zone establishes a core zone around the wreck, surrounded by a zone of limited
utilisation. The Decree provides a legal basis for site protection, and, in accordance with Indonesian
law, was introduced at the national level but must be implemented at the provincial level.
Since the establishment of the Maritime Conservation Zone around Perth in 2018, key stakeholders
on both sides have worked hard to develop and refine a comprehensive management plan for the site
that incorporates the technical requirements of wreck conservation with the historical, administrative,
and economic considerations of managing a tourism site of Perth’s significance. Some of these efforts
have taken place under a project funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s Maritime
Capacity Building Initiative (MCBI) and managed by the ANMM with support from the Australian
Embassy in Jakarta and the Sydney Southeast Asia Centre at the University of Sydney. The MCBI, as
initially conceived, was aimed at promoting greater awareness of the challenges and opportunities of
managing HMAS Perth (I). In particular, it recognised the need to balance preservation interests with
economic benefits for local communities.
One of the first activities conducted under the auspices of the MCBI Perth project was a follow-up
survey of the wreck by ANMM and Arkenas in May 2019 (Hosty, Hunter, Adhityatama, &amp; Malliaros
2020). Results suggested that the wreck had been damaged further by a tsunami in Banten Bay in late
2018. Community consultations and capacity building were also considered to be essential
components of the MCBI in its original incarnation, due to the value of Perth not only as a grave site
and a historic site, but also as a source of tourism opportunities and sustenance for the local fishing
economy in Banten Bay. These consultations, involving Australian and Indonesian stakeholders, were
due to take place in Banten in 2020, and were intended to contribute towards the development of an
overall management plan for the wreck.
FRAMEWORK
Plans to undertake community consultations and capacity building were, however, temporarily, and
then permanently, disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic. The challenges posed by COVID had a
severe impact on the project, with travel (both international and domestic), budgets, timelines, and
expectations all affected. In the absence of face-to-face activities, were the capacity building aspects
of the project still feasible?
Initially, consideration was given to engaging local enumerators to conduct community consultations,
but it was agreed that this would pose an unacceptable health risk to the enumerators themselves.
Instead, adapting the project required the development of methodological alternatives. This included
engaging more directly with key Indonesian collaborators to facilitate access within and beyond the
national level of government. In some respects, this approach serves the capacity building objectives
better, in that it allowed for deep and extended engagement with specific individuals. At the same
time, however, this reliance on certain stakeholders placed a significant imposition on their time and
commitments. This was a delicate balance and one that had to be negotiated with care.
Another consequence was a greater reliance on existing networks. This has served as a valuable
reminder of the importance of investing in relationships prior to any capacity building project. Strong
relationships don’t come about because of capacity building projects; successful capacity building
projects are the result of such relationships.
RESULTS
Due to the pandemic, and in lieu of face-to-face activities, the MCBI pivoted to support a range of
other events and programs. This was a complete reframing of what constitutes capacity building in a
travel- and budget-constrained environment, requiring a reconsideration of the purpose of such
3

�activities within the context of the MCBI project. The activities conducted as part of this pivot were
led by the author in her capacity as project consultant to the ANMM. To guide the re-design, the
project objectives–to balance Perth’s preservation requirements with its tourism potential–were front
of mind.
The first pivot activity was the Historic Shipwrecks Workshop Series, which ran online across five
modules in November 2020. The Series was designed to promote understanding among Indonesian
government stakeholders, academics, and diving practitioners about the significance of HMAS Perth
(I) and the necessity of working together to develop a plan to protect and preserve the wreck. It
attracted key representatives from the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries; the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs; the Ministry of Education and Culture; the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal
and Security Affairs; the Indonesian Navy; Indonesian Universities; and representatives from local
diving associations. Australian, Indonesian, and international experts presented on themes relating to
maritime heritage in Indonesia, sustainable management of WWII wrecks, and public education and
engagement.
The Historic Shipwrecks Workshop Series helped identify areas for further collaboration.
Subsequently, representatives from the University of Sydney and the ANMM met with representatives
from the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (national level) and the Marine Affairs and
Fisheries Service in Banten (provincial level) to review and refine the draft management and zoning
plan (Rencana Pengelolaan dan Zonasi) for HMAS Perth (I).
To ensure access to knowledge for ongoing capacity building, Australia also supported the creation of
digital content that can be accessed online. This includes a limited podcast series called Perth’s
Stories (https://soundcloud.com/hmasperthi_asharedhistory). Produced and hosted by Australian and
Indonesian partners at the University of Sydney and the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries, the
podcast features survivors, descendants, historians, advocates, officials, scholars, students,
archaeologists and Banten Bay locals. The podcast series is readily accessible via major streaming
platforms including Spotify and Soundcloud.
The project team also developed a bilingual digital museum via an online portal, with the intention
that it would be made publicly available. The portal seeks to do justice to HMAS Perth (I) and its
communities by broadening the scope of our understanding of underwater cultural heritage
management beyond a conflict-centred approach to one that instead creates space for multiple
viewpoints, including not only survivors and descendants but also those who have lived with the
wreck in their waters for close to eighty years. It provides an entry point for members of the public
interested in learning more about both HMAS Perth (I) and Banten province, and features themes
including ‘The Battle of the Sunda Strait,’ ‘The Ship’s Bells,’ ‘Waters of Banten Bay,’ ‘View from
the Shore,’ ‘Sites of Pilgrimage, ‘The Pepper Sultans of Banten,’ and ‘Preserving a Wreck.’ A key
feature of the website is an option for members of the public to submit their own stories and photos of
Perth. The portal also provides links to Perth and Banten-related resources and websites.
Many of these activities and achievements have resulted from a project-based approach to maritime
heritage collaboration between Australia and Indonesia. However, Australia has also taken steps to
establish a more strategic and sustainable model of maritime heritage engagement. It has done so by
embedding bilateral collaboration within a revitalised whole-of-government approach, building on
previous ad hoc arrangements and ensuring ongoing future collaboration between Australia and
Indonesia on maritime archaeology research and underwater cultural heritage management.
CONCLUSION
As project managers, researchers, and educators reconsider what bilateral engagement looks like in a
post-pandemic world, this project also offers an opportunity to reassess what heritage will look like.

4

�First, COVID has forced us to face the problems of extractive research. We now rely on local
partnerships more than ever and must recognise the shared responsibility of these research
partnerships. This prompts the question of why we haven’t been doing this all along, and how we can
embed this as part of collaborative research practices in the future.
Second, given the healthcare and economic crises across the world, it is increasingly important to be
aware of why we are choosing to give time and resources to heritage. We need to not only have a keen
sense of why heritage matters at a time when there are so many competing priorities, but to be able to
communicate the value of heritage meaningfully and effectively. As the dismantling of confederate
and other pro-slavery statues in the United States in 2020 demonstrated, heritage is a flashpoint for the
biggest issues of our times. It is where these debates–about identity, inequality, privilege, opportunity,
modernity, colonialism, national ambition–come together, where the ideas and legacies of the past
intersect with the present and create both friction and opportunity.
Finally, COVID has accelerated the push toward digitisation and access for all. With museums closed
and travel banned, the need to digitise the past and make it accessible seemed to become more
pressing. At the same time, however, the embrace of digitisation raises many important questions that
we are yet to fully reckon with, such as the value we ascribe to authenticity (Lixinski 2022), and the
potential for open access data to be exploited for purposes other than those intended.
Although many decades have passed, the sinking of warships and the catastrophic loss of life that
accompanied their destruction continues to reverberate today as nations grapple with the complexities
arising from the presence of naval shipwrecks in foreign territorial waters. Cooperation and
collaboration are essential if this maritime heritage is to be managed for the future. HMAS Perth (I) is
a significant shipwreck for both Australia and Indonesia, and there is strong interest from both sides in
working together to ensure that we can do justice to its communities and continue to tell its stories for
the future. COVID forced us to think more creatively and more expansively about heritage and about
bilateral cooperation. Even as we continue to prioritise the protection and preservation of sites such as
HMAS Perth (I), we must also be cognisant of the broader questions about how heritage is being
used, and the opportunities, for better and for worse, it presents.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Australian Government. (2018). Plan of Action for the Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (20202024). https://www.dfat.gov.au/geo/indonesia/Pages/plan-of-action-for-the-indonesia-australia-comprehensivestrategic-partnership-2020-2024
Besser, L., Oakes, D., et al. (2013). HMAS Perth: WWII Warship Grave Stripped by Salvagers. Retrieved from
http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-12-13/outrage-as-warship-grave-stripped-by-salvagers/5156320.
Burchell, D. The Bells of Sunda Strait. Adelaide: Rigby, 1971.
Hosty, K., Hunter, J., et al. (2017). Maritime Archaeological Investigation of HMAS Perth (1942) (THE HMAS PERTH
PROJECT 2017). Retrieved from Sydney; Jakarta: http://www.hmasperth.asn.au/drh0507/Perth_2017_Report.pdf
Hosty, K., Hunter, J., et al. (2020). Maritime Archaeological Investigation of HMAS Perth (1942) (THE HMAS PERTH
PROJECT 2019). Manuscript, Australian National Maritime Museum and Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional,
Sydney, Australia.
Lixinski, L. (2022). Against Authenticity. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 28(11-12), 1213-1227.
Pearson, N. (2023). Too Little, Too Late? Redefining the legacy of HMAS Perth (I), an Australian shipwreck in Indonesian
waters. Historical Archaeology, 57(1).
Perryman, D. J. (2017). HMAS Perth (I). Retrieved from http://www.navy.gov.au/hmas-perth-i.
Keputusan Menteri Kelautan dan Perikanan No.21 Tahun 2018 tentang Kawasan Konservasi Maritim HMAS Perth di
Perairan Provinsi Banten (Ministerial Decree from the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries No.21/2018
regarding HMAS Perth Maritime Conservation Zone in the waters of Banten Province), (2018).

5

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                    <text>Forgotten Past? Alternative Forms for Museological
Approach to interpret Egypt's Maritime Heritage
Nevine Nizar Zakaria

Abstract
In the past decades, Ministry of Antiquities (MA) has invested many efforts
in excavating underwater archeological sites, and mapping them to reveal
the navigation routes during ancient times. Remarkable discoveries have
been made by the European Institute of Underwater Archeology (IEASM)
as well as others archeological projects on Egypt's coasts.
Despite this wealth of Egypt's maritime history and intellectual resources,
it lacks a Maritime Museum till present or even an exhibition gallery
dedicated to elucidate maritime' legacies to the local community. It also
lacks a special legal placement for Maritime cultural heritage with
scientific management principles oriented towards interconnects the
society, local governing authorities and museums professionals with
cultural purposes to promote and preserve Maritime History of Egypt.
Maximizing awareness is the key element to preserve and publish the
Maritime Heritage. So, How to make it accessible to the public? How to
foster this richness past in the minds of young generations?
This paper presents approachable alternative forms to ensure effective
engagement with the public and develop new strategies for sustainable
future of Egypt's UCH.
Key words: Egypt, UCH, public engagement
Introduction
Maritime history of Egypt dates back to thousands of years where Egypt
was at the center of the global commerce and at the axis of trade routes
linking Asia, Europe, and Africa. It's blessed with a rich maritime history
and diversity of underwater archeology holds the memories of our nation's
past and the legacy of Egypt's history that still preserved beneath the sea.
Hence, this paper is rooted in several interconnected purposes and
concerns contribute to developing understanding of maritime Egypt which
is crucial for preserving and promoting the tangible and intangible of

�maritime cultural of Egypt as living heritage. The central aim of this paper
is to propose new alternative approaches to go beyond to raise interest
among the public with maritime cultural, and foster the involvement of
local community in an awareness-raising process lead to major
endearment towards shaping the national identity of Egypt maritime.
The framework is consisting of three main sections 1) elucidate the
historical value and cultural significance of Egypt maritime; 2) define how
maritime cultural interpreted in the Egyptian antiquities museums; 3)
setting up new effective

solutions for imparting knowledge and

information of Egypt's maritime and encourage interaction and
engagement among the public.
1) The Cultural Setting
The cultural setting of maritime Egypt is commitment to two main factors;
a) maritime material cultural that's derived from the human interaction with
the seas, Nile river, lakes, etc (which is known today as maritime
archeology); b) underwater archeology that is relate to the archeological
sites submerged beneath the water in old times (Bass, 2013), taken into
consideration that most of Egypt' underwater archeological sites of the
Mediterranean Sea were originally maritime sites ( served as trading
ports) before disappearance in the waters due to seismic factors and
geological subsidence (Stanley, et al., 2007).
A) Cultural significance of Maritime Egypt
'When the Nile covers the land, only the towns are visible above the water,
and they look like nothing so much as the Aegean islands. The rest of
Egypt becomes open sea, with only the towns rising up out of it'.
(Herodotus II.97).
On the geography of the country, the Greek historian Herodotus (c. 484425 BC) called Egypt 'the gift of the Nile' (Herodotus, 1998). Egypt's

�landscape is determined by the presence of the Nile River, the largest
river in the world, stretching from Africa to the Mediterranean Sea, and
unquestionably most important element for the geography of both ancient
and modern Egypt (Rice, 2003, Shaw and Nicholson, 1995).
In addition to the riverine environment of Egypt, it has a special
geographical location overlooking the Mediterranean Sea by the north and
Red Sea by the east. With this unique nature, Egypt is considered in its
role as seafaring nation influencing and interaction with others through
well-established shipbuilding technology that permitted the Egyptians to
sail round-trip journeys as early as ancient times. (Ward, 2012).
The wealth of maritime Egypt materials (textual, iconographic, and
archeological) comes from the ancient Egyptian cultural, which is called
'Pharaonic Egypt' [ Fig. 1] with many historical and archeological
evidences provide significance data on the ancient Egyptian maritime
activities and tasks; diversity of ships and boats representations,
seafaring, sea power and naval forces operations, nautical expeditions,
shipbuilding technology, models of boats left in tombs, full-size boats
buried in the ground, mariners with their nautical titles, nautical themes
within religious practices and much more meaningful resources reveals to
what extent and variety the maritime influences on all levels of the ancient
Egyptian civilization and penetrated in every aspect of its culture.

�Fig. 1: Chronological Periods of Egypt. An asterisk (*) used to refers the
periods mentioned in text.
This has been formulated with references to:
Shaw. G. J., The Pharaoh. Life on court and on Campain, London, 2012.
Shaw, I., the Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford, 2000.
The petri Museum's Digital Egypt for Universities:
http://www.ucl.ac.uk/museums-static/digitalegypt/chronology/index.html
accessed on 10th of July 2017

�It is worth mentioning that Egypt maritime had direct impact on the
formation of the Egyptian state in Pharaonic times, as the earliest kings
used maritime forces not only to facilitate communication and trade within
Egypt and its neighbors, but also to conquer their enemies, threaten their
rivals, and to consolidate their power (Gilbert, 2008).
Egypt's shipbuilding technology was well-developed by late Naqadah II
period (Vinson, 2009) indicate considerable navigation linked Egypt with
Asia to the east and Sudan to the south. Great innovation in nautical
technology was promoted by Predynastic period, in which Egyptian kings
sent mining expeditions involving maritime forces along the Nile and cross
the Red Sea to the south of Sinai (Gilbert, 2008). [Fig. 2]

Fig. 2: Major trade routes used by Egyptian seafarers for mining and
trade missions cross the Nile and the Red Sea's coastline during the
Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom periods. (Gilbert, 2008)
The seafaring activities is documented since old Kingdom and continued
throughout ancient Egyptian History referring to maritime Egypt contact
with the Late Bronze Age civilizations of the Eastern Mediterranean and

�Aegean (Vinson, 2009). The Egyptians seafarers used both the Red and
the Mediterranean seas for military expeditions to protect Sea Power
ashore, as well as tribute and trade expeditions to obtain valuable
products (Gilbert, 2008). [Fig. 2]
Broad seagoing ships are seen in Queen Hatshepsut's expedition to Punt
(probably the Horn of Africa) [Fig 3] provides clear evidences of seagoing
ships arriving at Punt through the Red Sea. (Ward, 2012, Vinson, 1994,
Landström, 1970).

Fig. 3: Queen Hatshepsut's expedition to Punt commemorated in reliefs
on her Funerary temple at Deir el Bahri, it is portray eight seagoing ships
arriving at Punt loading with products. (Vinson, 1994)
Close relationship between both Egyptian and Greek Civilizations initiated
in the Saite period through maritime trade cross the Mediterranean Sea
admitted Greek and Phoenician traders into Egypt (Goddio. and MassonBerghoff, 2016) up to the trading point of Naukratis at the east Delta.
(Vinson, 2009) [Fig. 4] .After Alexander death 332 BC, the New city of
Alexandria turned into one of the most important commercial port and

�cultural centers of the Hellenistic Mediterranean (Vinson, 2009, Vinson,
1994).

Fig. 4: Map of Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean illustrate the Greek
cities and Island involved in the foundation of Naukratis according to
Herodotus. (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff. 2016)
The eastern trade was facilitated by the construction of a canal linking the
Nile to the Red sea. subsequently, an open-water trade route between
Egypt and India has been established by the Roman period "the Red SeaIndian Ocean route" turning Egypt into nexus of a far-flung international
maritime system that tied the Mediterranean to distant ports in East Africa,
Arabia, and India (Vinson, 2009, Meyer, 1992).
(A)

Underwater Heritage

Beyond the evidences offered by the representations and epigraphy of
ancient Egypt maritime, enormous numbers of archeological remains

�submerged beneath the waters of the Mediterranean Sea and Red Sea,
contribute information on new archeological sites with all its harbours,
temples and towns that still preserved under the sea. In addition to large
number of shipwrecks that's still lie on the seabed of both Mediterranean
Sea and Red Seas.
Hence, Egypt's Underwater cultural Heritage (UCH) have been stepped
in the beginning of the twentieth century with individual amateur efforts
reflect the growing interest in Egypt's underwater archeology especially in
Alexandria (Khalil and Moustafa 2002). In late 1996, the foundation of the
Department for Underwater Antiquities (DUA) supervised by Ministry of
Antiquities (MoA) to survey and carry out topographical study for the
submerged landscape in collaboration with international institutions (Abdel-Maguid, 2012). This has been resulted in the discovery of many new
underwater archeological sites in the Mediterranean Sea, the Red Sea,
the Nile, and Lake Qarun, spans the history of different periods including
the Pharaonic, Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine and Islamic periods (Abdel-Maguid, 2012, Khalil and Moustafa 2002 ).

Major efforts are promoted by the Institut European d’Archeologie SousMarine (IEASM) in co-operation with MoA to allocate, identify and
excavate the major ancient sites that vanished into the Mediterranean,
specifically in the Eastern Harbours of Alexandria. It led to the rediscovery
of two ancient sunken cities; Thonis-Heracleion and Canopus. (Goddio
and Masson-Berghoff, 2016). Excavations uncovered monumental
building, heads of Pharaohs, sphinxes, basins, columns, stelae, sizable
assemblage of pottery and coins, and other significant colossal artifacts
(Goddio and Masson-Berghoff, 2016, Goddio, 2007).

�Archeological remains submerged in Red Sea indicate the wealth of UCH
of the Red Sea with considerable efforts invested by the Institute of
Nautical Archaeology (INA-Egypt) and In Situ Institute working alongside
with DUA to revealing and surveying Red Sea underwater heritage (Abdel-Maguid, 2012).
2) Define and assess the presentation of maritime materials in the
Egyptian Antiquities Museums
This approach is largely depends on How maritime Egypt exists within the
narrative structure and communication styles of the Egyptian Antiquities
museums? And how the social interaction formulation exists both within
and beyond the museums walls? In fact, the answers to these questions
have direct impact on the content, context and consequences of
interpreting maritime heritage of Egypt.
Accordingly, we need first to examine the current museums setup that
provides any context relate to maritime aspects of Egypt and obtain
baseline information upon which we could define the missing aspects,
subsequently generate creative solutions to messages communication
and interpretation for the maritime heritage of Egypt.
Egypt has different types of museums, ranging in size and activity from
main national museums to small provincial museums. They vary too in
their purpose, their collections, the ways of display, and the public they
seek to serve.
According to the programme set by the Ministry of Cultural and the
Supreme Council of Antiquities (later MoA) in 2005, the Egyptian
museums subdivided into five main categories; (1) Regional civilization
museums (2) Site museums (3) Specialized museums (4) Graeco-roman,
Coptic and Islamic museums (5) Main national museums (Hawass, 2005).

�However, this classification did not support the national identity of the
Egyptian heritage.
Doyon classify the full range of Egyptian museums by subject- type using
the five basic distinction of archeology (from prehistoric to Islamic),
history, art, ethnography, and natural history (Doyon, 2008). Compared
with the classification and types of museums that are seen nowadays
around the world, there is a specific type for maritime history and nautical
activities specialized in displaying ships, navies, military use of the sea
and all that is related to any human activity at the sea. (Bass, 2013, Neill
and Krohn, 1991).
In this view, and despite the wealth of Egypt's maritime history and the
massively intellectual resources, it lacks that type of maritime museum or
even a comprehensive gallery disseminates the cultural identity of Egypt
maritime and its legacies to the local community with well-constructed
interpretive model.
Although that a wide range of archeological objects of ships, boats, and
other related materials can be seen broadly in many galleries at the
Egyptian museums, but the composition of the archeological displays
does not elucidate the maritime heritage of Egypt at any level or reflect
the historical and geographical significance of the Egyptian civilization that
rely heavily on the development of the maritime and the utilization of the
sea power (see Gilbert, 2008).
In researching the presentation of permanent displays for boats and ships
among the Egyptian museums, two main museums become evident. One
is Solar Boat Museum (Cheops) at Giza that displaying full-size vessel
from ancient Egypt used for religious purposes. The other is that the local
regional museum of Suez; the Suez National Museum which tells the

�history of Suez Canal at ancient times, and displaying a round 1500
archeological artifacts span the full order of Egyptian history from
prehistoric period till modern times with themes highlight on the Suez as
an important port and navigational link at ancient Egypt, in addition to
remarkable collection for boats accompanied with with maps and
illustrations.
Both museums are classified as Archeological museums (Doyon), and the
thematic archeological exhibits are avoiding constructing narrative that
would inform the public about the existence of distinctive maritime cultural
in Egypt, moreover they have yet to produce any educational programmes
communicate the maritime pasts to the public.
Hence, it should be mentioning that, there is a series of exquisite touring
exhibitions for Egypt's sunken treasures occurred throughout the last
decade till present on loans to different destinations; France, United
Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, United states of America, Japan,
presenting objects of underwater excavations of IESAM in collaboration
with MoA (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff. 2016, Goddio and Clauss 2004).
A variety of remarkable collections ranging between 250-500 underwater
objects on displays in diverse venues all over the world attracting millions
of visitors with focused scope on the lost world of the pharaohs beneath
the sea and the relevant aspects of maritime Egypt.
A good example is the Sunken Cities Exhibition at the British Museum in
2016. The Exhibition's narrative aimed to explain the encounter between
ancient Egypt and Greek with understanding of the deep and meaningful
interconnection between both Greek and Egyptian Communities through
many themes highlighting on the cultural integration between Egypt and
Greek world through the Sea, religion aspects interaction, trade and
exchange cross the open water of Mediterranean Sea, Thonis- Heraclean

�and Naukratis as international ports, long history entanglement between
Egypt and Rome, Navigation of Osiris boats (Goddio and MassonBerghoff. 2016). The narrative is conveyed through a variety of
explanation materials help communicate the information to the audience.
In comparison with the local underwater venues of Egypt, there are
number of permanent exhibitions in Alexandria' museums dedicated to
display the recent excavations of underwater archeology, but without
constructive narrative for neither Egypt maritime, nor intended messages
rendering cultural/historical interpretation for the displayed objects.
The concept is focusing only on presenting the recovered objects from the
Eastern Harbour of Alexandria and Aboukir Bay and put them on display
with textual description (artifacts labels) in different venues; the renovated
Alexandria National Museum gallery presenting underwater artifacts,
thematic section at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina Antiquities Museum
demonstrate the submerged Antiquities, and part of the open –air
landscape of the Roman Theater at Kom Al-Dikka display a number of
underwater sculptures.
Noticeably, the absence of maritime identity in the exhibitions context is
related to the narrative content which avoiding the maritime scope and
subsequently affect all levels of presented information and related public
programmes. The main intention is to display the archeological materials
of maritime form archeological point of view without considering any
conjunction with the distinctive cultural of maritime Egypt.
In general, the original formulation and fundamental structure of the
display at all the Egyptian Antiquities museums derives from Egyptological
and archeological prospective (Doyon, 2008). The methods of
presentation the archeological collections rely on the repetition of certain

�themes within the multiple periods of the ancient Egyptian history following
the chorological order.
Within a larger framework of presentation maritime materials, there is an
ambitious plan to establish Underwater Museum in Alexandria's bay
supported by the Egyptian authorities and UNESCO to preserve and
exhibit the underwater heritage of Alexandria in sit (.Abd-el-Maguid,
2012).
3) Proposing innovative ways for interpreting maritime Egypt
Maximizing awareness is the key element to preserve and publish the
maritime heritage of Egypt and foster this richness past in the minds of
young generations. Thus, this section aims to present approachable
alternative forms to ensure effective engagement with the public and
develop new strategies for sustainable future for Egypt's maritime and
UCH through the following:
 Formulating an illustrative and modern shape web-site for
maritime
It is now an uncontested fact that technology is pervasive throughout our
lives; technology has become an integral part of the way that we
communicate with each another and has increasingly taken the place of
face-to-face communication (Kotler et al., 2008). We need to use these
modern technologies advancement to communicate that level of
engagement with the public and lead them gradually to embrace their
maritime cultural heritage virtually.
This approach will provide comprehensive information and broader and
more cohesive picture on the overall maritime heritage of Egypt;
subsequently will open up new opportunities for public to learn about
varied aspects of maritime and UCH in an engaging way. In fact, it will fill

�the gap for the absence of maritime museum in Egypt and will serve as a
powerful engine for regeneration both tangible and intangible maritime
heritage of Egypt.
Keeping up with what the global museums offers nowadays for their users,
and by adopting the current use of technologies and digital media
particularly the revolutionary use of both AR and VR application and 3D
modeling technology (Gutiérrez et al. 2016), this trend can take many
forms; from building a virtual maritime museum with interactive stories
arranged in chorological order (INDICAT, 2012), to diversity of meaningful
visual narratives reveal the maritime legacies and the submerged heritage
underwater arranged thematically, or virtual field trips to maritime cultural
landscape and long coastlines of Egypt, or diving virtually into the depths
of seas and encounter the treasures of the sunken cities, or using the
visualization technology to reconstruct the UCH and maritime sites and
get glimpse of lifestyles of the people in the past.
In this concern, it should referring to the remarkable efforts of IEASM in
create reconstruction for the discovered underwater cities ThonisHeracleion and Canopus, also the international harbour town of Naukratis
with its Egyptian and Greek temples (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff, 2016)
[Fig. 5].

�Fig. 5: Reconstruction of the international harbour town of Naukratis
features the Egyptian and Greek temples. (Goddio and MassonBerghoff, 2016)
These virtual experiences will promote the UCH and make it accessible to
the public. On another hand, implementing interactive visualization
technology and 3D modeling/mapping on underwater archeology will
safeguard and preserve this endangered heritage under the seas.
This approach can be achieved through active collaboration between MoA
and Center for Documentation of Cultural Heritage at Egypt (CULTNAT),
with support from IEASM and together with other local and international
cultural authorities that concerned with maritime cultural and underwater
archeology.
 Online Exhibitions for Maritime Series
Indeed, online viewing of maritime cultural heritage whether movable
(museums) or immovable (underwater archeological sites) will attract
visitors and encourage them to make actual visits, but what if the visitors
themselves share their maritime memories online?

�Online Exhibition is online display of collections with the aim of engaging
an audience that is not necessarily expert (Museum Association, 2011).
It's a new approach allow to share the museum collection through build
online exhibits with objects, and invite visitors to share their memories
(INDICAT, 2012, Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media,
2011).
This online experience is relatively affordable in comparison to other
techniques of display and considered to be interactive digital experience
allows to use social media and search to build audiences, thus, it is two –
way conversation process with the audience provide immersive
engagement to the maritime cultural (Museum Association , 2011).
In fact, these online maritime series can serve as social media platforms
help

in

building

maritime

memories

and

promote

two-

ways

communication with the local community through offering them the
opportunity to share their maritime stories and other related memories.
Hence, it can used broadly to preserve the intangible heritage and oral
history of Egyptian maritime identity and linked the public with their
maritime history as living heritage.
 Visitor Center as interpretive tool for maritime cultural heritage
of Egypt
Visitor center is a powerful tool can be used effectively in the raising
awareness process to stimulate the public towards understating their
history of both maritime and the underwater archeology. visitor center has
been identified as physical buildings located in a city or in historical and
natural sites to provide visitors with services and information, it vary from
a small building with modest services to great one with entertainment
center and even a museum. (Mohamed, 2015, Pearce, 2004).

�One of the main aspects of the visitor center is adopting interpretation
content and technological components to communicate the provided
information and related context to users (visitors, staff, and local
community) (Pearce, 2004). Due to the International Conference
organized by the Getty Conservation Institute and Paul Getty Museum in
May1995, the main role of visitor center is to prepare the visitor to enjoy
and understand the history behind the archeological site using different
interpretive tools accompanied with walking tours whether guided or
independent. (Mohamed, 2015).
Bibliotheca Alexandrina(semi-governmental institution), one of the main
cultural institute in Egypt has publish a book stressing the importance of
visitor center in Egyptian community as a crucial tool for the preservation
of archeological

sites as well as participate in the community

development (Hassan and Youssef 2008).
In this light, considering a visitor center at the coasts of both
Mediterranean and Red seas will emphasis particular interest for the local
community and enabling them to understand the precious maritime
heritage of Egypt.
In the same context, it should be referring to the ambitious project that
carried out in 2008 with the purpose of creating a network of visitors
centers in the southern region of the Red Sea, entitled; ' Visitor Center
Information Distribution Network –VCIDN' from Marsa Allam to Shalateen
within a distance of 200 km. among the overall objective of this project, it
aim to provide a deeper understanding of the cultural and marine history
environment of the Red Sea region. Despite the construction of these
networks of visitors' centers, it didn't open to the public till present. (USAID
2008).

�Another project in the Red Sea region funded by the United States
Agency for International Development (USAID) regarding the restoration
and transformation of historical ottoman fort dates back to 1571 at the
Quseir ( located on the Red Sea ashore) into heritage visitor center with
the involvement of the local communities. It served as learning center
teaching the history of the Red Sea' legacy to the local by using creative
interpretive methods ( e.g. they were able to revive the oldest fishing boat
used in the port called the Gatira and create an identical replica based on
the local’s memories). Unfortunately, after shifting this center under the
jurisdiction of MoA, it loses many of its authenticity as heritage building
due to lack of training for the staff. (Mohamed, 2015)
However, the proposed venues for creating visitor center for interpreting
the context of Egypt maritime and UCH can be located in different places;
in the Red sea coastline; underwater archeological sites of Mediterranean
Sea coastline particularly at Alexandria as a unique attraction point for
both tourists and locals; the Bibliotheca Alexandrina or Qaitbay fort -the
top-visited cultural site in Alexandria- since they both overlooking the
Mediterranean Sea; or we might consider using one of the historical
buildings in the Alexandria and transformed into a visitor center.
This visitor center of maritime cultural and UCH could enrich both locals
and tourists with a wide variety of maritime topics and encourage them to
visits museums, thus will lead them to deeper engagement with the
displays of sunken treasures collections and other related exhibitions in
the Alexandria museums.
 Cultural Network
Egypt lacks a special legal placement for Maritime cultural heritage with
scientific management principles oriented towards interconnects the

�society, local governing authorities and museums professionals with
cultural purposes to promote and preserve maritime history of Egypt.
In this regard, we need to fostering cooperation on international scale
between MoA, Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology, IEASM,
together with UNESCO and ICOM committee for Maritime ICMM, and all
relevant stakeholders to build up a "cultural network" tasked with
developing sustainable strategies for preserving and communicating
maritime cultural heritage of Egypt. The focused actions should be 1)
Create thorough databank compiles all the UCH sites and maritime
resources of Egypt both tangible and intangible; 2) create cultural map for
all UCH sites and maritime sites of Egypt ; 3) develop methodology with
standards and guidelines for promoting social and cultural programmes to
the local community education; 4) set up implementation strategies for
disseminating explanation materials and information, as well as
collaborative projects with community participation.
 Heritage Tours and Water Adventures
By recognizing the vast submerged landscape that facing the
Mediterranean and Red Seas, daily nature cruises and heritage tours with
interpretive storytelling and explanatory materials can help the audiences
to unlock the historic past beneath the water and had immersive
engagement with maritime legacy. This might be led by museums staff,
DUA staff, trained docents.
In conclusion
Egypt's maritime cultural is rich and diverse; its tangible and intangible
aspects exerted a dominating influences on the formation and
consolidation of the Egyptian civilization and its interconnection with the
neighbors. Maritime Egypt still not defined, it is in need to identified,

�explained and interpreted as powerful tool for the Egyptian history linked
the public with their maritime national identity,

and affect on their

perception to the riverine and maritime nature of modern Egypt through
developing and delivering meaningful and engagement offerings.
Bibliography:
.Abd-el-Maguid. M. M., 2012. Underwater Archaeology in Egypt and the
Protection of its Underwater Cultural Heritage. Journal of Maritime
Archeology, Vol. 7:193–207.
Bass. G. F., 2013. The Development of Maritime Archeology. The Oxford
Handbook of Maritime Archeology. Oxford University Press. Oxford.
Doyon, W., 2008, The Poetics of Egyptian Museum Practice. British
Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, Vol. 10:1-37.
Gilbert, G.P., 2008. Ancient Egyptian Sea Power and the origin of
Maritime Forces. National Library of Australian Cataloguing. Australia.
Goddio, F. and Masson-Berghoff, A., 2016. Sunken Cities. Egypt's lost
worlds. Thames &amp; Hudson. UK.
Goddio, F. 2007. The Topography and Excavation of Heracleion-Thonis
and Eaast Canopus (1996-2006), Underwater Archeology in the Canopic
Region in Egypt, Oxford Centre for Maritime Archeology 1, Oxford.
Goddio, F and Clauss, M., 2004. Egypt’s sunken treasures. American
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Hassan, F. and Youssef, M., 2008, Introduction, Cultural Heritage and
Development in the Arab World. Cairo; 1-11.

�Hawass, Z.

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International Network for Digital heritage E-

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archaeology. Plenum Series in Underwater Archaeology, New York; 519–
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Kotler et al., 2008. Museum Marketing and Strategy. Jossy-Bass. San
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Meyer, C., 1992. Glass from Quseir al-Qadim and the Indian Ocean trade.
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�Pearce, Ph. L., 2004. The functions and planning of visitor centres in
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for Sharing Museum Collections and Creating Digital Exhibits.
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�Biography
Nevine Nizar Zakria, has PH.D in Egyptology (2016), member staff of
Ministry of Antiquities since (2001) till present. She has 15 years'
experience of curatorial work and museological practices, involved in the
process of developing the exhibition content of the Grand Egyptian
Museum (2004-2015). She promotes her experience in Museology
professionally by joining the international training programme of the British
Museum (2012), and extra training in 2015. She has exposed to the best
practices in the field of museums at UK, USA, Germany and India. Since
(2015) She joining Helwan University as Lecturer in Museum Studies.

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                  <text>Cultural heritage derives its value from societal contexts, and so public engagement plays an important role in growing support for, and interest in heritage. Engagement may take many forms, from awareness-raising to formal learning programmes to creating platforms for public participation in the process of heritage conservation, governance, and/or interpretation. Papers bridging theoretical and practical approaches to engagement with UCH are particularly welcome, as are papers which offer collaborative and/or participatory models, stakeholder engagement, capacity-building and development, approaches to the particular challenges of engagement with underwater cultural heritage vs other kinds of cultural heritage.&#13;
&#13;
Of course heritage exists in a variety of cultural frameworks, and ensuring sustainability requires approaches to engagement to be both responsive and sensitive to the overlapping cultural contexts in which UCH may exist. As a culturally diverse region, the treatment of heritage must be also tailored to cultural definitions, heritage management frameworks and conventions which may, in some cases, differ across jurisdictions/countries and their interests. The panel will also attempt to explore the ways in which UCH is managed within diverse cultural frameworks, and invites papers to examine topics including contested UCH, ownership, security, etc.&#13;
&#13;
The panel invites papers exploring significance within local, national and transnational historiographies and the implications for funding and management of UCH. UCH includes material that has been deposited on the seabed as a result of warfare and catastrophe, so papers which explore and/or engage with topics including loss, warfare, conflicted significance and contested heritage are particularly welcome.&#13;
&#13;
Other relevant sub-themes include:&#13;
&#13;
* Public engagement in the management of UCH&#13;
&#13;
* Interpreting maritime cultural heritage for non-specialist audiences&#13;
&#13;
* Significance, interpretative potential, stakeholders and support/sustainability&#13;
&#13;
* Museums, Education, Outreach and Conservation&#13;
&#13;
* Memory, memorials and memorialisation</text>
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                  <text>Raphael Igombo&#13;
National Museums of Kenya, Kenya</text>
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                  <text>Michelle Damian&#13;
Monmouth College (IL), USA</text>
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                <text>Forgotten Past? Alternative Forms for Museological Approach to interpret Egypt's Maritime Heritage </text>
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                <text>In the past decades, Ministry of Antiquities (MA) has invested many efforts in excavating underwater archeological sites, and mapping them to reveal the navigation routes during ancient times. Remarkable discoveries have been made by the European Institute of Underwater Archeology (IEASM) as well as others archeological projects on Egypt's coasts.  Despite this wealth of Egypt's maritime history and intellectual resources, it lacks a Maritime Museum till present or even an exhibition gallery dedicated to elucidate maritime' legacies to the local community.  It also lacks a special legal placement for Maritime cultural heritage with scientific management principles oriented towards interconnects the society, local governing authorities and museums professionals with cultural purposes to promote and preserve Maritime History of Egypt.   Maximizing awareness is the key element to preserve and publish the Maritime Heritage. So, How to make it accessible to the public?  How to foster this richness past in the minds of young generations?   This paper presents approachable alternative forms to ensure effective engagement with the public and develop new strategies for sustainable future of Egypt's UCH.</text>
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                <text>Nevine Nizar Zakaria </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Nevine Nizar Zakaria </text>
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