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Class Descriptors: LC: VM105
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                    <text>The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project:
In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence (1850) and James
Matthews (1841)shipwreck sites

Vicki Richards
Department of Materials Conservation,
Western Australian Museum
Shipwreck Galleries, 45-47 Cliff St
Fremantle, WA 6160
Australia
Email: vicki.richards@museum.wa.gov.au

Ian MacLeod
Western Australian Maritime Museum,
Peter Hughes Drive, Victoria Quay,
Fremantle, WA 6160
Australia

Peter Veth
School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts,
The University of Western Australia, 35 Stirling Hwy
Crawley, WA 6009
Australia

1

�Abstract
Increasingly archaeologists are opting for on-site examination, reinterment and in-situ
preservation of underwater cultural heritage sites as the first option in the management
of sites at risk as opposed to the more traditional excavation, recovery, conservation
and display/storage methods. This decision will inevitably be based on significance
assessment, degree of perceived risk and resourcing issues. However, long-term
monitoring must become an integral part of these management programmes in order to
quantitatively evaluate the effectiveness of the in-situ preservation techniques employed.
Absence of monitoring is equivalent to abrogation of responsible management and in
some cases can be considered tantamount to cultural vandalism. In 2012 the Australian
Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) commenced, having secured funding
through a substantial Australian Research Council Linkage Grant with 10 Australian
Partner Organisations and three universities. One of the major aims of the project is to
develop a protocol for the excavation, detailed recording and reburial of significant
shipwrecks under threat, fostering a strategic national approach for the management of
underwater cultural heritage sites at risk. Two historically significant shipwreck sites
were chosen for this longitudinal comparative study – the Clarence (1850) located in
Port Phillip Bay, Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound,
Western Australia. Both sites have been preserved in situ using two very different but
innovative remediation strategies. More importantly a long-term monitoring programme
has been implemented which will characterise changes in the reburial environment and
the effect on the reinterred materials. In this way, the efficacy of both in-situ
preservation techniques will be systematically tested, providing a comparative analysis
of practical protocols for the long-term protection and management of underwater
archaeological resources.

Key words: In-situ preservation, Underwater cultural heritage, Shipwrecks, monitoring,
Conservation management

Introduction
The AHSPP is a national collaborative project funded by an ARC Linkage Grant which
commenced in February 2012. With ten state, territory and federal Partner
Organisations and three collaborating universities, this is the largest multi-government,
2

�multi-institutional maritime archaeological project ever initiated in Australia. The idea of
a national collaborative research project arose from the 2008 review of the Australian
Commonwealth Historic Shipwrecks Program (HSP). The report suggested that the
HSP had not developed a maritime specific conservation management planning
process for underwater cultural heritage (UCH) sites including nationally standardised
processes and procedures, capacity for the excavation of UCH sites that are considered
under threat and general guidelines for site management and in-situ preservation of
UCH material. The ASHPP aims to address some of these issues by investigating and
preserving in situ, in accordance with the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage, the Clarence (1850) shipwreck located in Port Phillip Bay,
Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound, Western
Australia. The Clarence was considered an ideal site for this project for a number of
reasons. This early colonial Australian built vessel was test excavated and surveyed in
the 1980s (Harvey, 1989), providing a baseline for ongoing longitudinal comparative
research. The site is relatively small (16.5m length; 6.2m width) and easily accessible
as it lies in 5m of water at a location close to the major population centre of Melbourne.
The site is subject to continuing anchor damage by illegal recreational anglers as well
as the natural impact of the strong currents experienced in Port Phillip Bay and is
considered under serious threat. The ex-slaver turned colonial trading vessel, James
Matthews was chosen as the second site. It is also relatively small (24m length; 6m
width) and located 12km south of Fremantle, lying approximately 100m off shore in 23m of water. More importantly, it has been the subject of a long-term detailed in situ
conservation management research programme with more than 10 years of
accumulated data on the efficacy of three different experimental reburial strategies
trialled on-site (Richards et al., 2009).The synergistic impact of industrial activity and
natural near-shore sedimentary processes has resulted in continued exposure and rapid
deterioration of the site. The implementation of appropriate long-term in-situ
preservation strategies for both sites, supported by an extensive monitoring programme
to assess the viability of the different methodologies, was of paramount importance.
However, in order for any in-situ preservation strategy to be successful the following
points must be addressed in the overall management plan:
3

�1. Ascertain the extent of the site.
2. Assess the most significant physical, chemical and biological deterioration
processes occurring on the site.
3. Assess the pre-disturbed local burial environment and the major factors affecting
the long-term stability of the site.
4. Identify the major material types present on the site and their extents of
deterioration.
5. Implement an appropriate in-situ preservation strategy or combinations thereof,
to mitigate continued deterioration and stabilize the site long-term.
6. Implement a long-term monitoring programme to evaluate the efficacy of the
implemented in-situ preservation strategy.
7. Provide alternative plans and procedures if the implemented in-situ preservation
strategies are unsuccessful.
8. Conservation, storage and curation of any recovered artefacts.
Each of these points is integral to a process-based approach when assessing
underwater cultural heritage sites and establishing successful long-term conservation
management plans (Richards, 2011). All eight points were addressed through
application of previous research results and during the development of comprehensive
research designs that included extensive methodology components and monitoring
programmes for each site prior to the implementation of any reburial strategies.

Clarence - Excavation, Conservation and In-situ
Preservation
The first fieldwork period on the Clarence occurred
from 16 April to 15 May 2012. All activities were
conducted from a 18m x 12m jack-up barge, set
3.5m above sea level, located directly adjacent to
the site. The deposition of 1700 UV stabilised
polypropylene woven sand bags onto the site was
Fig. 1 Biological growth on the Clarence
site in November 2013. (J. Carpenter)

4

�executed from support vessels. Adverse weather limited the excavation to only 9m of
the starboard side, which was fully recorded. Only 35 artefact assemblages were
recovered and kept wet at all times with seawater as opposed to fresh water to avoid
osmotic shock when reburied. After full documentation the artefacts were prepared for
reburial by wrapping them in polyester geotextile (Bidim A14), followed by a high density
polyethylene shade cloth protective wrapping (Coolaroo Exterior Fabrics - Extra Heavy
(84-90% UV Block) secured by cable ties. The artefacts were then placed in wet storage
until the reburial phase of the project commenced.
Previous research has established the 50cm datum as the minimum depth of burial for
the protection of recovered artefacts (Nyström-Godfrey et al., 2011). It was decided that
the few, smaller metal, glass and ceramic artefacts could be reinterred on the wreck site
as it would be possible to obtain greater than 50cm of sediment coverage. However,
because they were different material types they had to be separated by at least 50cm in
order to minimise the chances of unwanted chemical interactions.
Owing to the larger size of the packed organic artefacts, it was not possible to rebury
them on-site, therefore they were reburied in an off-site storage depot in order to obtain
the minimum depth of burial. A proprietary 2000L high density polyethylene water tank
was purchased, the ends cut off and the tank sawn in half. This cylinder (1.0m height;
1.2m diameter) was then dredged into the seabed about 10m south of the stern. The
sand was dredged from within the confines of the cylinder and the least degraded
organic artefacts placed at the bottom of the depot, covered with 10cm of surrounding
sand then the more fragile organics were placed on top of this layer. The depot was
then backfilled with surrounding sediment, covered with shade cloth and anchored with
polypropylene sand bags.
Towards the end of the fieldwork period, the excavated area including the reinterred
artefacts was backfilled with dredged sediment from the site, however due to the fine
nature of the clay deposit some was lost from the sediment traps and therefore the
forward section of the excavation trench was backfilled with proprietary sand emptied
from the sand bags on the site. Unfortunately, the weather deteriorated so it was not
possible to adequately rebury the entire excavation trench and the off-site reburial depot
5

�to the minimum 50cm datum. These areas were stabilised with a layer of shade cloth
and additional sand bags as an interim remediation measure.
Three weeks later saw the reburial of the excavation area and the depot with further
proprietary sand so that an average reburial depth of 1m was achieved. This was
considerably deeper than the pre-disturbance sediment profile. The backfilled areas
were then stabilised with a layer of shade cloth, anchored with more sand bags until the
final phase of the remediation strategy could be completed later in the year.
In November 2012 the final phase of the in situ preservation strategy commenced. This
entailed filling and depositing a further 1800 sand bags on the site, removing the sand
bags and shade cloth deployed in June, repositioning and adding more sand bags to
adequately support some of the higher profile structural features on the port and
starboard side of the wreck, covering the site with a shade cloth mat and finally
protecting the site with polyvinyl chloride (PVC) tarpaulins.
A pre-prepared 250m2 shade cloth mat (3 x 25m long x 3.66m wide sections joined
together by cable ties) was deployed flush over the entire site conforming to the
undulations of the wreck profile. The shade cloth was folded in a concertina fashion,
which allowed the entire mat to be fanned out, starting down current, without recourse
to deploying it in separate sections. The mat was then anchored with approximately 250
sand bags. The shade cloth mat will encourage the formation of an anaerobic
environment in a relatively short period of time. However, because the shade cloth
could be severely damaged by anchors it was covered with three 7m x 14m x 2mm PVC
tarpaulins for further protection.
The tarpaulins could not have been placed directly onto the site without the underlying
shade cloth mat because a) the PVC was just negatively buoyant and relatively inelastic
so the tarpaulins could not conform closely to the site profile leaving large water spaces
around the higher profile structures, which would take too long to become anaerobic
and b) the polyethylene mesh allowed the tarpaulins to slip and be easily moved into the
correct position so they could be joined together with minimal gaps. Most importantly,

6

�the tarpaulins will minimise the continuing physical damage to the wreck site and should
further encourage anaerobic conditions on-site.
Each tarpaulin was deployed individually, with each end unrolled from the mid-section of
the site. When all three tarpaulins were in the correct position they were joined together
with cable ties through pre-prepared plastic eyelets and heavy duty nylon tabs. Sand
bags were then tied in place along the seams and edges of the mats with previously
installed nylon straps. Another layer of sand bags was then placed on top of these to
minimise any gaps along the seams. Approximately 3-6 lines of sand bags were then
placed along the bow and stern edges of the tarpaulin and another line of bags along
the port and starboard side edges to seal any gaps and minimise water movement
under the tarpaulin by strong currents and potential lifting by anchors. Finally, the entire
interior of the tarpaulin was covered with approximately 1300 sand bags for added
protection. The same procedure was followed for deploying the shade cloth and PVC
tarpaulin (2m2) over the off-site reburial depot.
Subsequent visits in March, September and November 2013, indicated that the in situ
preservation strategy had been successful to date. All sand bags were still in place,
there was extensive biological growth on the site and considerably more sediment buildup around the sand bags on top of the tarpaulins (Fig. 1). In addition, the sediment
under the shade cloth was grey/black in colour indicating a low oxygen environment.
The inspections showed that two of the higher profile ribs had broken through the
protection and these will be wrapped in geotextile followed by impermeable black plastic.
Any additional breakouts will be managed in the same fashion. Obviously, regular
monitoring of any in-situ reburial strategy is essential in order to ensure continued longterm protection of the site.

James Matthews – In-situ Preservation
A comprehensive pre-disturbance survey and research into broader scale coastal
processes and localised sediment level monitoring began in 2000. This work was
extended in 2002 to assess the efficacy of sand bags, sediment trapping experiments
7

�using artificial seagrass and shade cloth mats and a cofferdam consisting of four
environmentally inert, interlocking, medium density polyethylene ‘road crash barrier’
units (2m length; 0.9m height) filled with surrounding sediment, as site management
methodologies. Long-term monitoring of the sediment to changes in micro-environment
via microbiological and physico-chemical analyses were initiated (Richards et al.,
2009).The crash barrier cofferdam technique appeared to be the best solution.
Preparations for this large-scale reburial commenced in April 2013 with a total of 22
personnel(AHSPP Chief Investigator and Acting Project Manager, Western Australian
Museum staff, practitioners from Partner Organisations and volunteers) involved
duringthe intensive five day fieldwork period from 18-22 November 2013.Personnel
were divided into 2 to 4 smaller teams dependent on the activities of the day. The two
main teams consisted of a land-based team, which filled 1400 x 20kg sand bags with
clean, washed proprietary sand (20m3 or 28 tonne) and the boat-based team, consisting
of divers, boat handlers and support crew carried out all sea-based work on the wreck
site. In addition two smaller teams were organised during the course of the fieldwork;a
sand-barge team, which assembled and
dismantled the sand barge and a shore-based
team, which transported sand bags from the
Museum to a beach about 100m from the wreck
site and loaded the barge.
Prior to the main program all previous site
stabilisation equipment of anodes, sand bags
and shade cloth were removed and a rope
guideline was placed around the periphery of

Fig. 2 Snorkelers sinking a RCB on the James
Matthews site. (P. Baker)

the site, which assisted in the 3 day deployment of the road crash barriers (RCBs),
about 0.5-1.0m away from the wreck site in a semi-elliptical arrangement. Each RCB
unit and connecting pin (0.9m length; 0.09m diameter) was filled with 20 kg and 5kg of
blue metal (14mm), respectively on board a rented dive boat. The floating RCB and pin
were then transported upright to the appropriate position on the wreck site using a small
tender, then three snorkelers slowly sank the barrier via air displacement (Fig. 2). Two
8

�divers received the sinking RCB and the connecting pin
and physically manoeuvred the barrier into the correct
position, inside the guideline and then locked it in
position with the pin. The RCBs weighed approximately
15kg under water and were easily manoeuvred on the
seabed.
Following this procedure 36 RCBs were individually
deployed on-site before they were permanently
anchored in place with a minimum of 120kg of blue
metal per barrier. The initial sealing of the gaps in the

Fig. 3 Plastic damp coursing
anchored over the gaps between the
RCBs with zinc tek screws. (J.
Carpenter)

coffer dam with 2m long; 1m wide black plastic strips
proved to be ineffective due to wave action across the site so they were replaced with
high density, plastic roof damp coursing (450mm width; 500µm thick) about 1.5-2.0m in
length, placed over the gaps and anchored flush against the inner surfaces of the RCBs
with zinc alloy tek screws (Fig. 3).
Operation of the sand barge, designed to bring clean, washed sand to the enclosed
wreck inside the RCB ring, proved that a beach based operation was not efficient since
it involved multiple handling steps and took one day to deliver 3.5 tonnes of sand. The
best method involved directly loading the barge from the rented dive boat moored
adjacent to the site to minimise the distance the sand barge would need to be towed
(Fig. 4).Twenty tonnes (1015 x 20kg bags) of sand was delivered to the site over the
last two days of the fieldwork leaving8 tonne of sand at the Museum. The second phase
of fieldwork was conducted over four days in early to mid-December 2013. By direct
loading from the museum truck alongside the sand barge at the nearby Jervoise Bay
Yacht Club, then towing the device to the wreck site a total of 8 tonne of sand was
dumped on-site in one day with only 9 personnel. Dead seagrass that had begun to
accumulate within the confines of the cofferdam was placed in bags and removed from
the site.

9

�A total of 165m3 or 230 tonne of sand is
required to achieve the desired 0.8m
sediment height within the confines of the
cofferdam. The enormity of this task became
apparent after dumping28 tonne of sand
which only produced a 5-15cm sterile sand
layer. By deploying 4m wide strips of

Fig. 4 Dumping of sand from the sand barge on
the James Matthews site. (J. Carpenter)

Armashade70% UV block shade cloth top
over the top of the coffer dam it was hoped

that the natural entrapment of fine sand particles suspended in the water column will
assist in filling the cofferdam and also prevent ingress of dead seagrass. Seven panels
with a 30cm overlap were sewn together with cable ties, which also enabled attachment
to the RCBs (Fig. 5). In early 2014, the cofferdam will be filled to the required depth by
dredging local surrounding sediment onto the site ensuring that minimal organic matter
is incorporated within the backfilled sediment.
Conservation Monitoring Programme
Pre-disturbance Surveys
The environmental characteristics of the pre-disturbed local burial environment should
be assessed prior to reburial in order to assist in determining the inherent stability of the
site and the major degradation mechanisms occurring on-site. In addition, this predisturbance information will be used as baseline data to assist in determining if and
when the reburial environment returns to its original pre-burial state and the rate at
which this occurs following the changes that necessarily accompany reburial. Analyses
on both the Clarence and James Matthews sites included the chemistry of the seawater,
pore water and sediments [pH; redox potential (Eredox); salinity, dissolved oxygen levels,
total iron and organic content; sulphide and sulphate concentrations; nutrient (nitrogen
and phosphorus)levels], the type and nature of the sediments (loss on ignition; particle
size distribution; porosity) and the level and type of microbiological activity within the
sediment. A 3,000km separation between the Clarence site and specialist
microbiological assays in WA precluded microbiological analyses of those sediments.
10

�It is also important to obtain an
understanding of the extent of
deterioration of the major material types
present on a site prior to reburial.
Moreover, it is essential to collect this
baseline data for long-term comparative
analysis to quantify the effect the
mitigation strategy is having on the
reburied materials. A full pre-disturbance
corrosion survey [pH, corrosion potential Fig. 5 The RCB cofferdam prior to the last length of
shade cloth being deployed.(J. Carpenter)
(Ecorr), total depth of concretion and
corrosion (dtotal), the total depth of
corrosion (dc)] was performed on the James Matthews site but no such survey was
conducted on Clarence due to the lack of exposed metal objects. In addition, in situ pH
profiles and pilodyn measurements were taken on exposed structural timbers on the
James Matthews site, however only pilodyn data was collected from timbers on the
Clarence site. Wood samples were collected from both sites for wood identification,
maximum water content (Umax), microscopic and Fourier transform infra-red
spectrometric (FTIR) analysis.
Post Reburial Surveys
The biological and physico-chemical environment of the reburial mound should be
monitored at regular intervals. Hence, the same suite of analyses will be performed on
sediments recovered annually from the Clarence and James Matthews sites post
reburial as was previously described for the pre-disturbed environment. However, since
destructive sampling of reburied archaeological materials is inherently invasive,
sacrificial modern samples, such as wood blocks and metal coupons, were included in
the reburial mounds (Fig. 6).

11

�Fig. 6 The sacrificial wood and iron samples on the Clarence site prior to reburial.(J. Parkinson)

Sacrificial wood samples and modern ferrous alloys were reburied on both wreck sites.
There were significant amounts of copper alloys (e.g. fastenings, sheathing, etc)
present on the James Matthews site, therefore duplicate copper alloy coupons were
also reburied on-site. One of the duplicate wood, iron and copper sacrificial samples
were wrapped in Bidim A14 geo textile to ascertain its protective effect on reburied
artefacts. Each set of samples had to be reburied at least 1m apart to ensure there
would be no influence of the metal corrosion products on the degradation of the wood
samples and to minimize proximity corrosion.
The sacrificial samples will be recovered and analysed annually. The same suite of insitu and ex-situ analyses will be performed on the samples post reburial as was
previously described in the pre-disturbance surveys. However, additional analyses [i.e.
weight loss, scanning electron microscope/energy dispersive x-ray analysis
(SEM/EDAX) and x-ray diffraction spectroscopy (XRD)] will be performed on the metal
coupons. The results of the biological and physico-chemical analyses of the sediments
can then be correlated to the extents of deterioration of the sacrificial samples and
extrapolated to the condition of the reburied archaeological material.
Conclusions
One of the major aims of the AHSPP is to develop a protocol for the excavation,
detailed recording and reburial of historic shipwrecks under threat by anthropogenic or
natural forces. On-site monitoring of the sediment and analysis of sacrificial samples on
the Clarence and James Matthews sites will continue until early 2015to test the efficacy
of different reburial and stabilisation techniques and provide a comparative analysis of
practical protocols. This work will be critical to the future development of national policy,
12

�methodology and technical guidelines for in-situ preservation and management of
endangered historic shipwrecks.
Acknowledgements
The AHSPP is supported by the Australian Research Council through Linkage Partner
Grant LP110200184. The Partner Organisations are: the Australian Government
Department of Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities, the
Victorian Department of Planning and Community Development, the Western Australian
Museum, Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, NSW Office of Environment
and Heritage, Tasmanian Parks and Wildlife Service, Northern Territory Government,
Queensland Department of Environment and Heritage Protection, the Norfolk Island
Museum and the Australian National Maritime Museum. We are very grateful to our
Partner Organisations and particularly their staff and to our phenomenal volunteers for
contributing their time, expertise and equipment to the project.
Bibliography
Harvey, P., 1989.Excavation of the Shipwreck Clarence: Port Phillip Bay, October
1987.Unpublished Report. Victoria Archaeological Survey, Melbourne.
Nystrom-Godfrey, I., Bergstrand, Y., and Petersson, H., (Eds.), 2011.Reburial and
Analyses of Archaeological Remains – Phase II Results from the 4th retrieval in 2009
from Marstrand, Sweden. The RAAR Project, Bohusläns Museum and Studio
VästSvenskKonservering, Uddevalla, Sweden.
Richards, V., 2011.In-situ preservation – Application of a process-based approach to
the management of underwater cultural heritage. In M. Staniforth, J. Craig, S.C. Jagoon, B. Orillaneda and L. Lacsina (Eds.),Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Regional
Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November 2011, Manila, Jericopim
Publishing House, Manila: 769-785.
Richards, V., Godfrey, I., Blanchette, R., Held, B., Gregory, D., and Reed, E., 2009.Insitu monitoring and stabilisation of the James Matthews site. In K. Straetkvernand D.J.
Huisman (Eds.), Proceedings of the 10th ICOM Group on Wet Organic Archaeological
13

�Materials Conference, Amsterdam, 10-15 September 2007, RijksdienstvoorArcheologie,
Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten (RACM), Amersfoort: 113-160.

Biography
Vicki Richards has been a Conservation Scientist in the Materials Conservation
Department of the Western Australian Museum for the past 27 years. One of her
primary research areas is devising and implementing appropriate on-site management
plans for the long-term in-situ preservation of shipwreck sites.
Ian MacLeod has extensive experience in the analysis and interpretation of corrosion
products and in-situ corrosion measurements on historic shipwrecks and archaeological
sites. His current role is Executive Director of the Western Australian Maritime Museum
in Fremantle
Peter Veth has directed numerous archaeological projects on the evolution of maritime
societies in Australia, Maluku and East Timor. He has published widely on site formation
models and heritage conservation strategies. He is Winthrop Professor of Archaeology
at the University of Western Australia.

14

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â€¢ In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices&#13;
â€¢ Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring&#13;
â€¢ Conservation treatment case studies&#13;
â€¢ Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials&#13;
â€¢ Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region&#13;
â€¢ Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. </text>
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In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence (1850) and James Matthews (1841)shipwreck sites </text>
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                <text>Increasingly archaeologists are opting for on-site examination, reinterment and in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage sites as the first option in the management of sites at risk as opposed to the more traditional excavation, recovery, conservation and display/storage methods. This decision will inevitably be based on significance assessment, degree of perceived risk and resourcing issues. However, long-term monitoring must become an integral part of these management programmes in order to quantitatively evaluate the effectiveness of the in-situ preservation techniques employed. Absence of monitoring is equivalent to abrogation of responsible management and in some cases can be considered tantamount to cultural vandalism. In 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) commenced, having secured funding through a substantial Australian Research Council Linkage Grant with 10 Australian Partner Organisations and three universities. One of the major aims of the project is to develop a protocol for the excavation, detailed recording and reburial of significant shipwrecks under threat, fostering a strategic national approach for the management of underwater cultural heritage sites at risk. Two historically significant shipwreck sites were chosen for this longitudinal comparative study â€“ the Clarence (1850) located in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia. Both sites have been preserved in situ using two very different but innovative remediation strategies. More importantly a long-term monitoring programme has been implemented which will characterise changes in the reburial environment and the effect on the reinterred materials. In this way, the efficacy of both in-situ preservation techniques will be systematically tested, providing a comparative analysis of practical protocols for the long-term protection and management of underwater archaeological resources.</text>
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                    <text>The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project – interim progress report
Debra Shefi, Peter Veth, Cassandra Philippou
School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts,
The University of Western Australia
35 Stirling Hwy, Crawley
Western Australia 6009
E-mail: debra.shefi@uwa.edu.au
Jennifer Rodrigues, Vicki Richards and
Western Australian Museum, Shipwreck Galleries, 47 Cliff St, Fremantle, Western
Australia 6160
Peter Harvey
Maritime Heritage Unit,
Heritage Victoria,
Department of Transport, Planning, Local and Infrastructure
1 Spring Street, Melbourne, Victoria 3000
Australia
Abstract
In early 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) was
formally awarded a large Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Grant, enabling
ten Partner Organisations to join with four Australian Universities in one of the largest
multi-organisational maritime archaeology projects to be undertaken in Australia. The
project involved a month-long excavation on the historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in
April/May 2012 and a complex reburial program in November 2012. Further in-situ
preservation work is also being conducted on James Matthews (1841) in Western
Australia to test experimental reburial approaches in an alternative marine environment.
The work on Clarence is now in its research, analysis, monitoring and reporting phase,
with artefact, sediment and chemical analyses being undertaken. This paper will provide
an interim report on AHSPP since its launch at the 1 st Asia-Pacific Regional Conference
on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila in 2011. It will provide analysis of some of
the more significant artefacts and features revealed during excavation and approaches
to long-term in-situ preservation and management of shipwreck sites.

Key words: In-situ preservation, in-situ management, historic shipwreck, artefacts, site
management

1

�Introduction
In early 2012 AHSPP was formally awarded an ARC grant of $500,000 AUD to
investigate the excavation, recording and in-situ reburial of wooden shipwrecks. The
historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in Victoria’s Port Phillip Bay was selected as the first
case study to test the excavation and reburial methodology. The proposed research
plan from the ARC application was presented at the 1st Asia-Pacific Regional
Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage held in Manila in November 2011 (Veth et
al., 2011).
The project commenced in February 2012 with the appointment of a project manager to
organise fieldwork logistics alongside the commercial dive operators, Melbourne based
company - Professional Diving Services, and the host organisation, Heritage Victoria. It
was decided to commence diving operations in mid-April 2012 to take advantage of
autumn tides and weather. In less than two months, a diverse multi-national team of 65
professional

and

volunteer

archaeologists,

divers,

conservation

scientists,

photographers, artefact specialists and marine ecologists converged on Portarlington,
Victoria to commence the survey, excavation, artefact cataloguing and in-situ reburial of
Clarence.
The excavation took place from a 12 m x 18 m jack up barge, which was towed by
tugboat out to the site on the 12th of April, and placed alongside Clarence, off Edwards
Point near the township of St Leonards. The barge was equipped with three shipping
containers that held the artefact photography and x-ray systems, conservation and other
general equipment and diving communication and safety equipment. Survey operations
began on the 16th of April and continued for 29 days. During this time, diving,
conservation and support teams were transported daily to the site using Heritage
Victoria’s 8 m commercial Kevlacat Trim, with both underwater and topside support
teams changing over throughout the day.
Dive teams were tasked with placing sandbags along the exterior of the shipwrecked
hull to provide structural support prior to reburial, completing a pre-disturbance marine
ecology survey, obtaining sediment cores for baseline conservation data, excavating the
2

�starboard side of the wreck from the stern towards the bow (from 0 – 9 m along the
baseline), recording the artefacts and exposed timbers in-situ, documenting all
recovered artefacts ex-situ and reburying them on site (or in the nearby underwater
repository), placing sacrificial wooden and metal samples on site and in the repository
and backfilling the excavation trench. This was all achieved in 181 hours of diving over
17 diving days. Non-diving personnel were tasked with topside and off site duties
including data input, purchasing, organisation of equipment and housekeeping.
Clarence – Artefact and Site Features
The artefacts recovered during the 2012 excavation included 109 individual artefact
pieces, consisting of 102 database entries. All recorded artefacts were subsequently
reburied; organic artefacts were placed in an underwater repository less than 10 m from
the stern of the shipwreck, and ferrous and non-ferrous objects were reburied in the
excavated trench.
The range of materials found consisted of timber thought to be dunnage, a large
number of cask components (staves and headpieces), concretions (including a
concreted bolt), lead hull-sheathing, fragile pieces of leather, rope related to rigging,
clear and olive-green glass pieces, a ceramic fragment, and an animal bone which
appeared to be burnt. A leather bag or satchel was also identified in situ, however, this
artefact was not raised. To date, analysis of the excavated artefacts continues and here
a few selected items will be profiled. A more comprehensive report on the artefacts will
be submitted later in 2014.
Tierce casks
The wooden cask components represented the majority of artefacts raised. The sizes of
the staves and headpieces fit closest to the category of tierce casks. A tierce is an old
measure of capacity equivalent to one third of a pipe, 42 wine gallons, half a puncheon
or approximately 158 to 160 litres. The
imperial tierce was 35 imperial gallons
(~159 L)  the US tierce was 42 US gallons
(~160 L). English stave lengths for tierce

3

Fig. 1: Branding mark on cask. (AHSPP).

�casks were usually given at 31.5 inches (~800 mm) (Kilby, 1971: 52). The complete
lengths for the Clarence staves averaged between 876 mm and 890 mm for the interior
and 911 mm to 930 mm for the exterior. These measurements identify the excavated
staves as slightly larger tierce casks than those traditionally described by the English.
This variation in size could be because some tierce casks were made to store dry
goods, in which case, they could be more rudimentarily manufactured as opposed to
wet casks, which required a higher level of skill and precision for storing liquids and
preventing leakages.
The casks from Clarence have similar features found on casks from other shipwreck
sites. These include branding marks, incised lines and circles (made by a scribe tool) for
ease of reassembly (Fig. 1) and branded names (either complete or partial due to
deterioration or breakage) on headpieces for identification purposes or indication of their
contents. Hoop marks are also visible on the exterior of some staves where they are
assumed to have been hammered in. Some limited evidence of concreted iron hoops
has also been found.
The branding names on the headpieces
recovered

from

Clarence,

however,

suggest that either these casks contained
ale or they are reused components. The
average diameter of headpieces raised
was 55 cm (21.7 inches), which closely
coincides with tierce cask head diameters
of 20.5 inches (52.1 cm) (Kilby, 1971: 52).
The slight difference is understandable
considering that the Clarence casks are Fig. 2: Headpiece inscribed with “J &amp; R TENNENT”.
slightly larger than the standard English (AHSPP).
dimensions of tierce casks. The pitch
(widest mid section) of the cask would be approximately 25¼ inches (64.1 cm) in
diameter.
The headpieces are attached to each other via wooden dowels along the joining flat
edges or straight flush joints. Dowels and dowel holes were visible along the joining
4

�edges. The outer circumference is bevelled in order to fit into the bite or croze groove of
the staves upon assembly of the cask. The tool marks and striations observed suggest
that the staves and headpieces were machine made rather than handmade, which was
more common in earlier centuries. In England, for example, the first patent for a
coopering machine was taken out by Plasket and Brown in 1811 (Kilby, 1971: 65). At
this time, however, most of these machines were crude and inefficient and were mainly
used for cutting headpieces. Certainly by the 1870s, a number of cooperages were
making tierces and cheap dry casks by machinery (Kilby, 1971: 65).
Some sets of headpieces, consisting of the cant and middle pieces, are branded on the
topside with the words, either partial or complete, “J &amp; R TENNENT” (Fig. 2). To date, at
least one identity of J. &amp; R. TENNENT has been traced to Wellpark Brewery in Glasgow,
Scotland, which was in operation in the 1840s. If some of the casks originated from an
overseas brewery, it is possible that the casks and similar contents were continuing to
be transported elsewhere or the casks or some components were being reused, as was

Fig. 3: Headpieces inscribed with “SAMUEL” and “BURTON”. (AHSPP).

common practice.
Another name branded on other cask heads, again, either partial or complete, is
“SAMUEL” and “BURTON” (Fig. 3). Preliminary research identifies a Brewer named
5

�Samuel Allsopp as well as The Burton Brewery Company, both based at Burton upon
Trent in Staffordshire, England. Samuel Allsopp entered business in 1807 and during
the 1840s, Allsopp’s brewery had an overwhelming superior reputation for their pale ale
(Perkins, 2012). Contemporarily, the Burton Brewery Company, founded in 1842, was
one of the largest brewers in Burton upon Trent in the nineteenth century and supplied
ships in the early 1850s with ale. However, it still may have been too late to be
contemporary with casks that were later transported via Clarence.
Further research into the connection between the Clarence casks and the abovementioned brewing companies is warranted. Although a few leads for the branded
names on the cask’s heads have been obtained, the possibility that some components
or entire casks had been re-used has not yet been ruled out.
Leather Bag or Satchel
A leather bag or satchel was also found
on the site partially buried under a
semi-circular timber artefact. Based on
discussions

amongst

divers

who

excavated the area and upon close
examination of underwater images, this
leather bag, left in situ (Fig. 4), is
thought to be a bosun’s bag. The size
and thickness of the satchel suggest it
may have been used to carry tools (i.e.
if one was repairing masts or rigging),
as it could be slung over the shoulder
via a strap on the side. Interestingly, an
image in Kilby (1971: 164) on coopers
and their craft shows a nineteenthcentury travelling cooper carrying a Fig. 4: Leather bag or satchel left in-situ. (AHSPP).
possible leather bag or basket over the
shoulder containing tools.
6

�Clarence – Management
Monitoring and Management
In June 2012, shortly after the completion of the April/May Clarence excavation, a small
team of researchers and volunteers returned to the site to finish backfilling the trench
and artefact reburial depot to a minimum of 50 cm sediment coverage, as outlined in the
research methodology. Final fieldwork took place in November when the site was
covered with shade cloth and PVC tarpaulins to encourage anaerobic conditions and
protect the site from anthropogenic and natural impacts (Fig. 5). Sediment core samples
were collected for physico-chemical analysis and a marine biological survey was
completed.
In both March and September
2013, visual inspections were
conducted

and

the

site

appears to have stabilised. A
small team returned to the site
in November 2013 to extract
sediment core samples and
sacrificial

wood

and

metal

samples.
Management of the site has
not ceased with the reburial of
Clarence.
monitoring,

Long-term
including

Fig. 5: PVC tarpaulins on Clarence (J. Carpenter).

visual

site inspections and a program of regular compliance patrols, has been established.
These site visits are conducted during periods of calm weather and on weekends and
public holidays, when recreational boating activities peak. Individuals found within the
100 m protected zone surrounding the site are issued with either official warnings or
infringement notices. Regular patrols by Heritage Victoria at Clarence have resulted in a

7

�high level of compliance by recreational anglers, with boats clustering around the
boundaries of the site but complying with the exclusion zone itself.
Although increased enforcement activities seem the likely driver for the improvement in
compliance, consideration should also be given to the fact that stabilisation works on
the site have substantially altered the seabed terrain and associated biology. Biological
surveys indicate the variation in species on-site has not been greatly impacted, but this
could have reduced the numbers of desirable fish catch, possibly also helping to explain
the decreased fishing activity over the site.
Digital Outreach
In addition to on-site visitation and management of Clarence, AHSPP has focused on
disseminating information beyond the academic and scientific communities to the wider
public. This includes providing Project Updates for meetings of the Commonwealth
Historic Shipwreck Act delegates, the AIMA quarterly newsletter and the AHSPP
website
(www.ahspp.org.au). Public
lectures and professional
papers

have

also

been

presented nationally and
internationally with a major
paper

on

the

project

published in the 2013 AIMA
Bulletin (Veth et al., 2013).
Moreover, in lieu of tangible
displays,
upon

AHSPP

digital

dissemination

relies

media

for Fig. 6: Shade cloth cover over the top of the cofferdam surrounding
of James Matthews (J. Carpenter).

information. This includes
the project website and two public-focussed outreach projects. The first project is a
triptych display banner that tells the story of the AHSPP Clarence case study using
8

�simple text and images. The pop-up banners are easily transportable and throughout
2013 and 2014 will be used as a travelling exhibition to Partner Organisations and
collaborating institutions around Australia. They are also available for further use at
presentations and conferences.
The second outreach project was a curated digital database entitled ‘Preserving the
Colonial Trader Clarence (1850)’ (the Clarence Anthology), which is publically
accessible through library database subscriptions to BiblioBoard. This contains both
web-based access and applications for mobile devices and Apple iPad and android
tablets (http://www.biblioboard.com/libraries.html).
The Clarence Anthology was the first Australian project created for BiblioBoard and also
the company’s first archaeological and shipwreck database. The concept was to curate
a collection of images, documents and multi-media items (including video and audio via
web streaming) into an ‘anthology’ as part of BiblioBoard’s new ‘Artifact of History’
module. The module is made up of a wide range of historical sources that are focused
on historical artefacts and archaeological discoveries.
The Clarence Anthology consists of more than 270 files, primarily underwater site and
artefact photographs, topside images and underwater and topside video. It also includes
presentations, previous site research, historical research, media interviews and an
edited oral history interview with a descendant of the captain of Clarence. This digital
resource thus allows for enriched, well-curated content to be accessible to a broader,
technologically-progressive audience and also facilitates access to associated grey
literature.
The Clarence Anthology is currently being utilised as a test case for future online
curation of archaeological projects. As such, this method of community outreach may be
recognized as an appropriate platform for future presentation of archaeological sites, in
particular in-situ preservation projects where artefacts are returned to the seabed with
no plan for future conservation and long-term museum curation.
James Matthews

9

�Since the inception of AHSPP it was duly noted that to be a truly national research
project, other sites around Australia should be included in the longitudinal in-situ
preservation study for comparative analysis. Following the reburial success of Clarence
in November 2012, and due to prudent project management, it became clear that the
AHSPP could expand to a second case study. Partner Investigator Vicki Richards and
colleagues at the Western Australian Museum (WAM) subsequently recommended the
reburial of James Matthews (1841) in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia using a
preferred cofferdam solution. Under the aegis of the AHSPP, WAM began organising
this innovative reburial project in April 2013.
Background
James Matthews, originally known as Voltigeur, was a French-built wooden brig
(approximately 24 m length x 6 m breadth x 3 m depth). In 1836 the vessel was sold to
a Brazilian slave dealer and registered as Don Francisco under the Portuguese flag. For
the following year, the vessel operated in the illegal slave trade between Africa and the
West Indies until its capture by the British in 1837.
Contemporarily, in 1836, British Parliament passed a Bill establishing an end to slavery.
At this time, ships were seized and destroyed, often resulting in the vessel being
dismantled and sold for scrap or burnt to the waterline and sunk (Henderson, 1977).
This was obviously not the case with Don Francisco, which was sold and re-registered
as the trading vessel James Matthews (Henderson, 1980).
In July 1841 the ship sailed for the Swan River colony in Fremantle, Western Australia,
but shortly after its arrival a violent storm struck the port and the vessel sank. Local
divers came across the site in 1973, 12 km south of Fremantle, approximately 100 m off
shore in 2-3 m of water (Henderson, 1977).
Four seasons of excavation were carried out by WAM between 1974 and 1977. All
loose artefacts were recovered and stabilised by standard conservation treatments
appropriate for each material type and the excavation trenches were backfilled with the
original overburden. The site remained buried for many years and was still relatively
stable in the 1990s. However, in early 2000 it was observed that the edges of the
10

�wooden vessel and timbers at the stern and bow were exposed and severely degraded
by marine borers and the extent of exposure was increasing every year. Therefore,
devising an appropriate in-situ management plan to mitigate continuing deterioration
was of paramount importance.
Experimental Remediation Strategies and Monitoring
Over the next ten years, a number of surveys and experiments were expedited to
assess the most significant physical, chemical and biological deterioration processes
impacting the site and determine an appropriate long-term in-situ preservation strategy
to stabilise James Matthews. This included trialling different in-situ preservation
strategies on-site, for example: sand bags; sediment trapping experiments using
artificial seagrass, shade cloth mats and a cofferdam consisting of four environmentallyinert, interlocking medium density polyethylene ‘crash barrier’ units filled with
surrounding sediment. More importantly, a long-term monitoring programme was also
introduced that consisted of measuring sediment and seabed response and any
changes in the sediment micro-environment via microbiological and physico-chemical
analyses. Based on these results, the crash barrier cofferdam technique appeared to be
the best solution for the in-situ preservation of James Matthews (Richards et al., 2009;
Richards, 2012).
However, due to the significant cost of this mitigation strategy (~$25,000 AUD for 40
crash barriers, geotextile and polymeric sandbags) and the local economic environment,
the cofferdam solution could not be funded through WAM’s budget. Therefore, in 2010,
the more exposed sections of the site were covered with shade cloth, which was
economically more viable but resulted in undesirable toe scouring around the edges of
the mats. The site continued to be monitored at regular intervals over the next two years
(Richards, 2012).
The AHSPP and the Cofferdam Solution
Preparations for the reburial of James Matthews commenced in April 2013, with
fieldwork occurring from 18-22 November 2013. A total of 22 people, including the
AHSPP Chief Investigator and Acting Project Manager, WAM staff from the Materials
11

�Conservation and Maritime Archaeology Departments, practitioners from other Partner
Organisations and volunteers, were involved during an intensive five-day fieldwork
period. During this time, 36 road crash barriers were deployed on-site in a semi-elliptical
arrangement, anchored in place with a minimum of 120 kg of blue metal per barrier and
20 m3 of clean, washed proprietary sand dumped within the confines of the cofferdam
via a manufactured sand barge, which provided a sterile sand layer of approximately 515 cm over the entire site. A more comprehensive account of the fieldwork logistics and
deployment procedures are outlined in Richards et al. (2014) published in this volume.
The amount of sand required to fill the cofferdam to an optimum level of 0.8 m is
approximately 165 m3, which was impossible to achieve in the five-day fieldwork interval.
With a considerable reduction in personnel after the fieldwork had concluded, it was
decided to cover the top of the cofferdam with 70% UV stabilised shade cloth (Fig. 6).
The suspended shade cloth aims to a) preclude the ingress of dead seagrass and other
organic material and b) encourage deposition of fine sand particles suspended in the
water column, through the shade cloth and onto the site. In early 2014, the cofferdam
will continue to be filled to the required depth (0.8 m) by dredging local surrounding
sediment onto the site ensuring that minimal organic matter is incorporated within the
backfilled sediment.
On-site monitoring of sediment characteristics and analysis of sacrificial samples will
then proceed, replicating the monitoring strategy used on the Clarence site. This should
allow for meaningful comparative analyses of these reburial interventions in different
contexts. The efficacy of different reburial and stabilisation techniques can thus be
systematically tested providing an evaluation of optimal protocols for the in-situ
preservation and management of historic shipwrecks determined to be ‘at risk’ in both
Australian and other waters.
Conclusion
The primary aim of the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project is the
development of an optimal in-situ preservation protocol for historic shipwrecks at risk.
Longitudinal recording, reburial and ongoing monitoring at both Clarence and James
12

�Matthews, occurring in different geomorphic and energetic contexts, will provide an
invaluable comparative study towards this end, and will continue throughout 2014. As
outlined in this paper, data collection, analysis and interpretation are continuing. The
results from the archaeological, conservation, sedimentary and biological studies will be
published in a major excavation and fieldwork report due for completion in 2015.
Analyses of the artefacts, geochemistry of the sediments, pre- and post-disturbance
biological surveys, and condition of the sacrificial tabs, will also be published over the
next several years.
Bibliography

Henderson, G., 1977. Four seasons of excavation on the James Matthews wreck. The
First Southern Hemisphere Conference on Maritime Archaeology, Perth, Western
Australia.
Henderson G., 1980. Unfinished Voyages. Western Australian Shipwrecks 1622-1850.
University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands.
Kilby, K., 1971. The Cooper and His Trade. Linden Publishing, Fresno.
Perkins, B., 2012. Tennent’s India Pale Ale. Retrieval December 20, 2013. From
http://barclayperkins.blogspot.com.au/2012/02/tennents-india-pale-ale.html
Richards, V., 2012. In-situ preservation and monitoring of the James Matthews
shipwreck site. Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, Vol. 14 (1-4):
169-181.
Richards, V., Godfrey, I., Blanchette, R., Held, B., Gregory, D. and Reed, E., 2009. Insitu monitoring and stabilisation of the James Matthews site. In K. Straetkvern and D.J.
Huisman (Eds.), Proceedings of the 10th ICOM Group on Wet Organic Archaeological
Materials

Conference,

Amsterdam,

10-15

September

2007,

Rijksdienst

voor

Archeologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten (RACM), Amersfoot: 113-60.
Richards, V., MacLeod, I. and Veth, P., 2014. The Australian Historic Shipwreck
Preservation Project – In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence
(1850) and James Matthews (1841) shipwreck sites. In S. Tripati and V. Walker (Eds.),
13

�Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural
Heritage, 12-16 May 2014, Honolulu, Hawaii, Hawaii.
Veth, P., Philippopu, C., Richards, V., Staniforth, M., Rodrigues, J., Khan, A., Creagh,
D., Viduka, A., Barham, A., and MacLeod, I., 2013. The Australian Historic Shipwreck
Preservation Project 2012: First Report on the background, reburial and in situ
preservation at the Clarence (1841-50). Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime
Archaeology, Vol. 37: 1-19.
Veth, P., Viduka, A., Staniforth, M., MacLeod, I., Richards, V. and Barham, A., 2011.
The Australian historic shipwreck protection project. In M. Staniforth, J. Craig, S.C.
Jago-on, B. Orillaneda and L. Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Regional
Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November 2011, Manila, Philippines,
Jericopim Publishing House, Manila: 753-762.

Biography
Debra Shefi is a Research Assistant Professor in the Department of Archaeology at the
University of Western Australia and is the Acting Project Manager for the Australian
Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP). She joined AHSPP after obtaining
her PhD from Flinders University, where her thesis investigated the relationship
between the in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage in law and practice.

14

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                <text>In early 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) was formally awarded a large Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Grant, enabling ten Partner Organisations to join with four Australian Universities in one of the largest multi-organisational maritime archaeology projects to be undertaken in Australia. The project involved a month-long excavation on the historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in April/May 2012 and a complex reburial program in November 2012. Further in-situ preservation work is also being conducted on James Matthews (1841) in Western Australia to test experimental reburial approaches in an alternative marine environment. The work on Clarence is now in its research, analysis, monitoring and reporting phase, with artefact, sediment and chemical analyses being undertaken. This paper will provide an interim report on AHSPP since its launch at the 1st Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila in 2011. It will provide analysis of some of the more significant artefacts and features revealed during excavation and approaches to long-term in-situ preservation and management of shipwreck sites. </text>
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                    <text>The Australian Historic Shipwreck Protection Project
Peter Veth, Andrew Viduka, Mark Staniforth, Ian MacLeod, Vicki Richards and
Anthony Barham

Abstract
Australian wooden shipwrecks represent significant submerged heritage sites with huge potential
to inform on historic connections, technological innovation and early colonial behavioural
systems. Their archaeological potential is unfortunately often under severe threat from natural
and human impacts. The Australian Historic Shipwreck Protection Project has recently been
granted a large Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage grant to investigate the excavation,
reburial and in-situ preservation of wrecks and their associated artefacts, which are at risk. This
project will focus on Clarence (1850), a historically significant colonial wooden trading vessel, and
brings together the disciplines of behavioural archaeology, maritime archaeology, conservation
sciences and maritime object conservation. The vessel lies in Port Phillip Bay in Victoria only a
few hours from Melbourne by boat and by land. The overarching theoretical focus will be on
shipwreck site formation models as well as the potential of wooden historic wrecks and
assemblages to elucidate early colonial history and shipbuilding.
One of the main aims of the project is to try and develop a protocol for the rapid
excavation, detailed recording and subsequent in-situ preservation of significant shipwrecks and
their associated artefacts, at risk. This work will foster the development of a consistent national
methodology for shipwreck and artefact storage and preservation underwater and assist in
developing a strategy for the in-situ preservation of endangered historic shipwrecks. This work
will also be critical to the future development of national, and possibly international, policy and
technical guidelines for site managers of historic wrecks.
The project will run for a period of three years. During the field work components the
investigators from the University of Western Australia (UWA), the Australian National University
(ANU), Monash University and the Western Australian Museum (WAM) with support from
research associates and practitioners from the ten partner organisations will operate from a jackup barge located over the site including purpose built laboratories where they will excavate circa
25-50% of the Clarence site, conduct imaging (x-ray and optical) of recovered artefacts, conserve
at-risk materials (where required) and rebury structural elements and associated artefacts using a
combination of in-situ preservation techniques and initiate a long-term monitoring programme for
the site. Excavation methodology will be overseen by Mark Staniforth, Peter Harvey (Heritage
Victoria) and Peter Veth; conservation and in-situ preservation protocols, analyses and pre- and
post-reburial monitoring by Ian MacLeod and Vicki Richards; imaging co-ordinated by Dudley
Creigh (and colleagues) and Andrew Viduka; geoarchaeology and Geographical Information
systems (GIS) by Tony Barham and Masters of Archaeological Science candidates.

Introduction
Australia is a maritime nation and much of its early history is represented by the
cultural heritage of its maritime zone – most notably shipwrecks. More than 7,500
shipwrecks are known to lie within Australian waters which have unrivalled
archaeological potential to provide information on social and economic history,
cross-cultural exchanges and the early role of Australia within the Asia-Pacific
region (Staniforth and Nash 2006). This maritime cultural heritage is under threat
due to development work programs and the ravages of climate change and
extreme weather events that lead to scouring and sudden exposure of buried
elements. The management of underwater cultural heritage has demonstrably
not kept pace with accelerating offshore exploration for gas and oil reserves,

�pipeline construction and port-related facilities. Never has there been a greater
need for a unified approach as to how to best manage and mitigate this
irreplaceable record (Evans, et al. 2009).
The Australian Historic Shipwreck Protection Project has recently been
granted a large ARC Linkage grant to investigate the excavation, reburial and insitu preservation of wrecks and their associated artefacts, which are considered
to be at risk. This project brings together the disciplines of behavioural
archaeology, maritime archaeology, conservation sciences and maritime object
conservation. One of the main aims of the project is to develop a protocol for the
rapid recovery (excavation), detailed recording and subsequent reburial, as well
as the in-situ preservation of significant shipwrecks and their associated
artefacts. This work will foster the development of a consistent national, and
contribute to the international, methodology for shipwreck and artefact storage
and preservation underwater (Bergstrand 2002; Björdal &amp; Nilsson 2008; Curci
2006; Gregory 1998). Furthermore it will assist in developing strategies for the insitu preservation of endangered historic shipwrecks.
This work will be critical to the future development of national, and
possibly international, policy and technical guidelines for site managers of historic
wrecks. It is clearly in the national interest that a cost-effective management and
mitigation strategy for historic shipwrecks impacted by natural or human actions
is developed as a national priority. This project will develop a model for state and
federal government collaborative research and policy development and offers an
ideal pathway for developing a national collaborative approach to the sustainable
management of maritime cultural heritage.

Background to the project
The idea of a national collaborative research project arose, in part, from the 2008
review of the Commonwealth Historic Shipwrecks Program (HSP). The report
suggested that the federal nature of Australian politics has meant that after 16
years the HSP had not developed nationally standardised processes and
procedures and no official national collaborative project had ever been
successfully initiated. Maritime archaeology projects in Australia certainly have
been collaborative in their nature but this has been largely based on personal
relationships between people and usually not between organisations. Three
examples of collaborative projects that were largely based on personal
commitments to collaboration were the excavation and research conducted on
HMS Pandora, Sydney Cove and HMS Sirius (Nash 2007; Henderson and
Stanbury 1988). And yet, despite increased impacts and loss of shipwreck site
integrity in marine precincts, there has been no large-scale maritime
archaeological excavation in Australia for more than a decade – since HMS
Pandora – which was heavily subsidized by the philanthropic sector.
There are three main reasons for a previous lack of national collaborative
projects:
 the lack of proposed projects relevant to all organisations;

�

the extreme difficulty in persuading States and Territories with limited
budgets to participate in projects where the majority of benefits are indirect
and short term; and
 the difficulty in coordinating and developing such a proposal.
In addition, there has been no significant increase in funding from the
Commonwealth government for 20 years and under the current economic climate
it is unlikely that an increase will occur in the near future. As a result there is a
clear need to identify other funding options to meet organisational and research
needs. Most jurisdictions in Australia have either remained at funding and staffing
levels or decreased with operational money becoming scarcer in successive
financial years. Furthermore, there is an ageing population of senior maritime
archaeologists with a wave of newer maritime archaeologists coming into the
field. Some of these younger professionals have not been involved in major
excavation projects and lack the technical experience of their later career
counterparts and the opportunity to develop these skills. The profile of historic
shipwrecks as a national program has not greatly expanded over the years and
our challenge is to engage a new generation of Australians to generate respect
for our maritime heritage and an understanding of why it should be protected and
conserved for the future. There is a need for national policy and standardised
operational guidelines for site management to meet current needs in the
workplace for cultural resource managers.
To address some of these issues, this project brings together, for the first
time, 10 partner organisations in Australia representing government heritage
agencies, museums and the peak avocational body – the Australasian Institute
for Maritime Archaeology (AIMA). It will focus on a particular site at risk, the
Clarence shipwreck. This project will have three main components focusing on:
 developing a world-class, and best-practice, protocol for the rapid
recovery, recording and reburial of artefacts from historic shipwrecks;
 in situ preservation of historic shipwrecks at risk from natural and human
impacts; and
 adding to the knowledge base of Australian colonial wooden ship-building.

Australian wooden shipbuilding
Australian wooden shipwrecks represent significant submerged heritage sites
with considerable potential to inform on historic connections, technological
innovation and early colonial behavioural systems. Their archaeological potential
is, unfortunately, often under severe threat from natural and human impacts. This
project will focus on Clarence (1850), a historically significant colonial wooden
trading vessel, which lies in Port Phillip Bay in Victoria only a few hours from
Melbourne by boat and by land. The project will build on the significant work
carried out on Clarence during the 1980s by Staniforth, Harvey and others and
contextualise this within the national knowledge base that has developed at the
national level over the last 25 years.

�In 1995 the Commonwealth Department of Environment and Heritage
(DEH) commissioned the Historic Shipwrecks National Research Plan (HSNRP),
which identified Australian shipbuilding as a research theme of national
importance (Edmonds, et al. 1995). Clarence (Victorian Heritage register S127)
is considered ideal for this focused reburial study for a number of reasons. This
early colonial built vessel has already been extensively monitored and test
excavated (Harvey 1989; Coroneos 1991). Clarence was one of the first
Australian built vessels to be extensively surveyed (in the 1980s) and remains
one of the best documented shipwrecks in Australia, which will allow comparison
of data from the site over more than a 25 year time period (Figure 1). While
protected by the Victorian Heritage Act 1995, it is subject to continuing anchor
damage and is considered at risk. Clarence is very accessible as it lies in 5m of
water at a location close to the major population centre of Melbourne, which will
also help to make the work economically viable. The shallow depth allows for
unlimited bottom time for the diving teams, which will help to maximise the
productivity of the field work components and finally, it is also amenable to
reburial.

Figure 1. Recording on the Clarence wreck site in 1986 (photo courtesy of
Heritage Victoria)
Clarence is representative of the majority of Australian-built vessels, which
were small coastal traders that were often unregistered and therefore largely
unrecorded. 2,786 Australian built vessels are recorded as having been wrecked
on the Australian coastline. The available databases indicate that only 271
vessels have been located to date (approximately 10% of the total number
wrecked) and that only 14 Australian-built vessels have been properly surveyed
and/or excavated with the results published. This project will build on the long-

�standing interest of Australian maritime archaeologists in the origins and
development of colonial shipbuilding (Coroneos 1991; Harvey 1989; Nash 2004
2007; O’Reilly 1999; Staniforth 1984). While research into pre-1900 colonial
shipbuilding has been conducted for more than 20 years, the colonial
shipbuilding industry overall, is relatively poorly understood. This is argued to be
a consequence of research being largely conducted on a case-by-case site basis
within different jurisdictions and lacking any comparative component.

Rapid recovery, recording and reburial
What the proposed rapid recovery, recording and reburial protocol relies on are
understandings of archaeological site formation models – generally for all sites –
and specifically for wooden vessels in maritime contexts. While different aspects
of maritime site formation models have been developed and profiled over several
decades (Godfrey, et al. 2005; Richards, et al. 2009; Ward, et al. 1999) their
longitudinal evaluation via excavation, reburial and monitoring (including coring
and minimally intrusive sampling after reburial) has yet to be properly trialed in
Australian waters. It is now accepted that sites pass through many stages of
deterioration towards eventual quasi-equilibrium – and that these processes are
structural/physical, chemical and biological in nature. What is less well
understood is the cyclical nature and reversibility of these taphonomic processes
in contexts where the sedimentary budget may vary widely due to natural
systems (such as episodic scouring) and cultural impacts such as dredging or
changes in the morphology of shorelines and the construction of port facilities
and the like. The detailed mapping of seabed contours, recording of three
dimensional (3D) relationships of artefacts and ship’s structure, x-ray and optical
imaging and the analysis of the physico-chemistry, geochemistry and
microbiology of the site by the team during the recovery and reburial phase in
Year 1 and subsequent monitoring phases in Years 2 and 3 will represent the
first multi-decadal longitudinal monitoring at this important site – for which there
are benchmark studies arising from the 1980s excavation programs. This current
work will represent the beginning of long-term phyico-chemical and
microbiological environmental studies of the site.
The reburial methodology will subject all excavated artefacts and objects
to a sophisticated, forensic documentation prior to their reburial. Rapid
documentation includes two dimensional (2D) to 3D imaging of all retrieved
artefacts in a special purpose built chamber with rotating stage as well as laser
imaging and morphometric and geochemical recording conducted on the working
barge-platform. This approach maximises information gain, while minimising
deterioration. Documentation such as stereo optical recording of all objects will
be entered rapidly into a GIS database allowing unprecedented sophistication in
how information is handled. This has not been previously achieved in maritime
archaeology. Documentation will include non-invasive analytical methodologies
such as X-ray imaging of smaller objects and possible imaging of larger elements
at the Australian Synchrotron and portable x-ray fluorescence (XRF)
spectroscopy, where applicable.

�At the Clarence site some of the assumptions of these varied site
formation models will be examined via detailed visualisations of the sea bed
(staff from University of New South Wales and Port Melbourne); GIS-enhanced
logging of wreck structures, fittings and objects (Mark Staniforth, Peter Harvey,
Andrew Viduka and others); and laser and synchrotron 3D images of smaller
artefacts and larger elements (Dudley Creagh, David Hallam and colleagues).
Sacrificial samples will be placed on-site for continued future analysis and
environmental changes in the reburial mound will be monitored over time by
measuring the pH, redox potential, dissolved oxygen content and
sulphate/sulphide, concentrations (see Godfrey, et al. this volume for details) in
the sediment with micro-electrodes and other wet chemical techniques (Vicki
Richards and Ian MacLeod). Sediment core samples will be collected both on
and off site to: a) describe bedloads across the site; b) model sedimentary
trends: c) establish control on facies development: d) assess any environmental
changes that occur once the site is reburied; and e) assess the consolidation of
the sediments. Terrestrial signatures may occur in the form of pollen, dust, insect
remains and similar fossils, as well as non-living traces, such as sediments and
dung (Tony Barham and Masters candidates). On prehistoric and historic vessels
these properties can be highly informative about voyaging tracks, ports of call
and previous cargos. In short, the efficacy of reburial as opposed to excavation
and conservation – as a viable intervention needs to be tested. This will be
judged on the actual conservation outcomes obtained through time, research
insights afforded against opportunity and cost, the robustness of the protocol
used to decide whether materials are conserved or reburied and the research
ethics associated with excavation, recovery and conservation versus rapid
recovery, recording and reburial.

In situ preservation
The coming into force of the UNESCO 2001 Convention on the Protection of
Underwater Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2001) and the ICOMOS Charter for the
Protection and Management of the Archaeological Heritage (ICOMOS 1996)
have focused attention on in situ preservation as the preferred method for the
long-term preservation of underwater cultural heritage (Broadwater and Nutley
2009; Carducci 2006; Manders 2006; Oxley 1996; Panter 2006; Staniforth 2006).
Thus these conventions set a political framework for the in situ protection of
submerged cultural heritage. A properly planned reburial should eventually
provide a storage option for archaeological material in a similar or improved
environment to that which was responsible for its preservation in the first place.
Reburial is a technique that should involve minimal continuing maintenance costs
and also allow access to the reburied materials if necessary in the future. Martijn
Manders (et al. 2008), and Staniforth and Debra Shefi (2010) have provided
overviews of some of the methods of in situ preservation that have been applied
to submerged sites over the years.

�Reburial of an archaeological site and/or artefactual material may be an
appropriate means of stabilising and decreasing the overall deterioration rate of
our underwater cultural resource by limiting dissolved oxygen, nutrients,
chemicals and so forth and minimising water movement which will, in turn,
decrease physical, chemical and biological degradation of the site and
associated artefacts. Unfortunately in the recent past, when sites or artefacts
were reburied there was often little, if any, subsequent monitoring to determine
the effectiveness of the technique (Gregory 1998). It is imperative that there be a
holistic approach to the study of the environment, pre- and post-burial to gain a
full understanding of the changes occurring in the local reburial environment and
the associated deterioration of archaeological material (Caple 1994; Hogan, et al.
2002). This, in turn, will allow the accurate assessment of the success or failure
of the adopted remediation strategy on the long-term preservation of the site
(Nyström Godfrey, et al. 2009; Richards, et al. 2009).
In order for any in situ preservation strategy for an underwater cultural
heritage site to be successful the following points must be addressed in the
management plan:
 Ascertain the extent of the site;
 Assessment of the pre-disturbed local burial environment and the major
factors affecting the long-term stability of the site;
 Assessment of the most significant physical, chemical and biological
deterioration processes occurring on the site;
 Identification of the major material types present on the site and their
extents of deterioration;
 Implementation of an appropriate in situ preservation strategy or
combinations thereof, to mitigate continued deterioration and stabilize the
site long-term;
 Implementation of a long-term monitoring program to evaluate the efficacy
of the implemented in situ preservation strategy;
 Provision of alternative plans and procedures if the implemented in situ
preservation strategies are unsuccessful; and
 Conservation of recovered artefacts.
Australia, in general has been involved with in situ preservation and site
stabilisation work for more than twenty-five years. A few of the more notable
projects include the William Salthouse (Hosty 1988; Harvey 1996; Moran 1997;
Staniforth 2006) and Cerberus wrecks in Victoria (Figure 2) and the ex-slaver
James Matthews in Western Australia (Godfrey, et al. 2005; Richards, et al.
2009; Winton and Richards 2005; MacLeod 2010; MacLeod and Steyne 2011).

�Figure 2. Divers measuring corrosion potentials on anodes treating gun barrels
in-situ from HMVS Cerberus in 2009 (photo courtesy of Heritage Victoria S117).

Conclusion
Excavation and reburial is likely to become an increasingly important technique in
the preservation of archaeological materials and underwater cultural heritage
sites despite the current uncertainties surrounding such methods. Current and
future reburial projects must continue and provide information that will ultimately
lead to a better understanding of the associated benefits and disadvantages of
this in-situ preservation technique. To this end the proposed in-situ preservation
and reburial study on the Clarence (1850) will significantly contribute to this
knowledge base and will make an interesting comparison with past and present
reburial projects.
This project will be critical to the future development of Australian national,
policy and technical guidelines for site managers of historic wrecks as well as at
an international level. It is clearly in the national interest that a cost effective
management and mitigation strategy for historic shipwrecks impacted by natural
or human actions is developed as a national priority. This project will develop a
model for state and federal government collaborative research and policy
development. This project offers an ideal pathway for developing a national
collaborative approach to the sustainable management of maritime cultural
heritage.

�Acknowledgements
The Australian Research Council (ARC) and the state and territory institutions for the provision of
funding that have made this project possible -The Western Australian Museum, Heritage Victoria,
The Northern Territory Department of Natural Resources, Environment, Arts and Sport,
Queensland Department of Environment and Resource Management, NSW Department of
Planning, Norfolk Island Government, Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology (AIMA),
Tasmanian Department of Primary Industries, Water, Parks and Environment, The Australian
National Maritime Museum and the Commonwealth Department of Sustainability, Environment,
Water, Population and Communities (DSEWPaC).

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                <text>Australian wooden shipwrecks represent significant submerged heritage sites with huge potential to inform on historic connections, technological innovation and early colonial behavioural systems. Their archaeological potential is unfortunately often under severe threat from natural and human impacts. The Australian Historic Shipwreck Protection Project has recently been granted a large Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage grant to investigate the excavation, reburial and in-situ preservation of wrecks and their associated artefacts, which are at risk. This project will focus on Clarence (1850), a historically significant colonial wooden trading vessel, and brings together the disciplines of behavioural archaeology, maritime archaeology, conservation sciences and maritime object conservation. The vessel lies in Port Phillip Bay in Victoria only a few hours from Melbourne by boat and by land. The overarching theoretical focus will be on shipwreck site formation models as well as the potential of wooden historic wrecks and assemblages to elucidate early colonial history and shipbuilding. &#13;
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One of the main aims of the project is to try and develop a protocol for the rapid excavation, detailed recording and subsequent in-situ preservation of significant shipwrecks and their associated artefacts, at risk. This work will foster the development of a consistent national methodology for shipwreck and artefact storage and preservation underwater and assist in developing a strategy for the in-situ preservation of endangered historic shipwrecks. This work will also be critical to the future development of national, and possibly international, policy and technical guidelines for site managers of historic wrecks.&#13;
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The project will run for a period of three years. During the field work components the investigators from the University of Western Australia (UWA), the Australian National University (ANU), Monash University and the Western Australian Museum (WAM) with support from research associates and practitioners from the ten partner organisations will operate from a jack-up barge located over the site including purpose built laboratories where they will excavate circa 25-50% of the Clarence site, conduct imaging (x-ray and optical) of recovered artefacts, conserve at-risk materials (where required) and rebury structural elements and associated artefacts using a combination of in-situ preservation techniques and initiate a long-term monitoring programme for the site. Excavation methodology will be overseen by Mark Staniforth, Peter Harvey (Heritage Victoria) and Peter Veth; conservation and in-situ preservation protocols, analyses and pre- and post-reburial monitoring by Ian MacLeod and Vicki Richards; imaging co-ordinated by Dudley Creigh (and colleagues) and Andrew Viduka; geoarchaeology and Geographical Information systems (GIS) by Tony Barham and Masters of Archaeological Science candidates.&#13;
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                  <text>2021 Session 14: In the Mind of the Boatbuilder: Asia Pacific studies in Maritime Ethno-archaeology</text>
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                  <text>Abstract&#13;
&#13;
The study of contemporary maritime cultures and their materials through first hand observation, maritime ethnography is a ‘relatively’ new tool available to maritime archaeologists. By using ethnographic analogies, archaeologists can propose hypothetical reconstructions of incomplete objects or structures, suggest the possible use of enigmatic structural elements, and describe in detail how the object or structure was made.  Ethno-archaeology can provide clues or suggest ways of thinking about past cultures, and serve as a launch pad for retrospective enquiry.  Analogous applications of ethnography to archaeology allow us to breach temporal and spatial gaps by using information derived from one context (the present) to help explain data found in another (the past).&#13;
&#13;
In keeping with the Conference theme and proposed sub-theme (8), ‘Nautical Technology in Asia-Pacific’, this session is intended to provide a forum for researchers from ethnography, archaeology, anthropology, digital humanities and related disciplines, to exchange ideas, present new research and explore challenges in the collection, investigation, interpretation and dissemination of maritime ethno-archaeological data.&#13;
&#13;
The focus of ‘In the Mind of the Boatbuilder: Asia Pacific Studies in Maritime Ethno-archaeology’ will be on water transport technology in Asia-Pacific, including regional studies and collaborative projects, which employ innovative and emerging technologies, observe boatbuilding traditions and explore archeological evidence for traditional boats, social practices, maritime rituals and associated traditions.&#13;
&#13;
We invite researchers from across the Asia Pacific region to submit papers on topics including, but not limited to:&#13;
&#13;
ancient seafaring in Asia-Pacific;&#13;
boat ethnography in Asia-Pacific;&#13;
ethno-archaeological studies of water transport systems and practices,&#13;
new and emerging technologies for recording traditional boats; and&#13;
ethnographic studies of maritime rituals and traditions in boat construction.&#13;
We particularly welcome submissions that provide new information about regional seafaring that is changing our understanding of human history and creating opportunities for interdisciplinary collaboration beyond national boundaries.&#13;
&#13;
Session Organizers:&#13;
&#13;
Sarah Ward and Ying Ying Yan</text>
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                  <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology&#13;
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                  <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>The Barbari-Habeshi crewmen and merchants – Uncovering an African maritime tradition in the Indian Ocean World&#13;
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&#13;
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                <text>Ancient Axum was a maritime trading empire based in present day Ethiopia, Djibouti and Eritrea in the Horn of Africa from 400BCE to around 940CE and for a while the empire even extended across the Red Sea to Yemen. &#13;
&#13;
Historians have tended to neglect the story of free African movement across the Indian Ocean. However, a multidisciplinary approach to the evidence of Africans in Asia, demonstrates that the following the arrival of Islam in the Horn of Africa in the 8th century the legacy of Axumite maritime trading was passed successively to the states of Shoa, Ifat and Adal. This maritime tradition gave rise to Muslim African communities known as Habeshis or Habshis in the Indo-Pacific region from the Red Sea to the Straits of Malacca and possibly beyond into the South China Sea.  &#13;
&#13;
Through images and archives this paper traces the growing presence of Habeshi communities in the Indo-Pacific world from the 8th to the 17th centuries and demonstrates how they were part of the mechanism that turned the Indian Ocean into an “Islamic lake” before the arrival of the Europeans and how these Habeshi’s adapted to the European naval presence and ventured further into the Asia-Pacific region. The paper suggests that the Habeshi were also responsible for the spread of live poritis coral exploitation from their homelands to the East African littoral and across the Indian Ocean. The last point is still being researched in Southeast Asia. &#13;
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                <text>Cliff Pereira</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology&#13;
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                <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>Pereira, Cliff. 2021. “The Barbari-Habeshi crewmen and merchants – Uncovering an African maritime tradition in the&#13;
Indian Ocean World.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In&#13;
Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and&#13;
Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/699</text>
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                    <text>The Barragup Mungah – A site so well known that there's nothing left to learn?
Kevin Edwards1 and Ian McCann2
1 PhD researcher at Flinder University;
2 Independent researcher

ABSTRACT
The Barragup mungah, is situated on Gnaala Karla Boojas land, it is a well-researched site and oral history from
both traditional owners and settler communities. Traditional owners and Western academics emphasise the
importance of the site to indigenous people for fishing, social and ceremonial activities.
Survey maps from the early nineteenth century of the region, and photographs that may be of the
mungah, indicate the general location of the mungah. Despite all this information and research, the mungahs
exact location on the Waangaamaap Bilya or Serpentine River is still in doubt. Ethnohistorical data which
include indigenous and Western oral history, newly digitised early maps of the region and extensive fieldwork,
may have relocated the mungah. In addition, it has raised the intriguing possibility of there being more than one
mungah at Barragup.  
With low visibility and thick mud in parts of the river, side scan sonar was used as a screening tool to
help identify potential locations. The sonar also indicated possible site formation processes that may prove
useful in detecting fish traps in riverine environments.
Future work will be directed by the Gnaala Karla Booja people.

INTRODUCTION
Mungah or fish traps were an important method of catching food for indigenous people living near
water and were used throughout Western Australia. While some river sites are yet to be relocated such
as the Como and Guildford mungahs in the Derbarl Yerrigan (Swan) River, others such as the
Kalganup (Kalgan) River mungahs are well recorded (Dix and Meagher 1976:183). The Barragup and
Como mungahs were being used by traditional owners during the early colonial period. Fish were
traded or sold from Barragup (Hammond 1933, 46) while the Como fish trap was being worked by
one indigenous family and the fish sold to settlers in Perth (Kelvin Garlett pers comm 03/09/22).
The Barragup mungah is situated somewhere on the lower reaches of the Waangaamaap Bilya
(Serpentine) River, approximately 2.5 km from the Djilba (Peel) Estuary. Gibbs states that his mungah
was used to trap marine fish that moved up the river as the salinity increased during the summer and
then left the river systems when the first rains of autumn fell, and the salinity decreased (Gibbs 2011,
6). This cycle of fish movement is disputed by Weaver who states the movement of the fish has more
to do with the mullet spawning (Weaver 1997, 91).
When the traditional owners noticed the fish moving along the river, they would first rebuild parts of
the mungah as it was sometimes partly dismantled after a seasons use and sometimes was damaged by
seasonal rains (Gibbs 2011, 8; Hammond 1933, 46). Indigenous people from the surrounding areas
were invited to the site to take part in this annual event. It is suggested that up to 300 people may have
camped at the site in mias or huts (Gibbs 2011, 9).
Hammond wrote:
“To make this trap they chose the narrow neck of the river, at Barragup on the Serpentine, where the
water was up to about four feet in depth. A wicker fence was built across the stream, completely
closing it from bank to bank, except in the centre, where a small opening was left. Through this
opening a race was constructed by driving two rows of parallel stakes in the riverbed. The bottom of
the race was filled with bushes, until there was only about eight inches of clear water above the
bushes for the fish to swim through. On either side of this race was built a platform, about two feet six
1

�inches below the top of the water. On these platforms the natives stood to catch the fish as they swam
through the race.” (Hammond 1933, 46).
Hammond also drew, from memory, a plan of the weir (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Barragup Mungah Serpentine River (Hammond 1933:47)

There are also two photographs taken at around 1900 and both are described as showing a mungah on
the Murray River (Figure 2). Gibbs suggests that Figure 2 (right) may portray the Barragup mungah.

Figure 2. Left, fish trap on the Murray River, c. 1900, Western Australian Museum (Dortch 1997, 29 plate 5).
Right, Aboriginal fish trap, Murray River, c.1900,
Western Australian Museum, Anthropology Department collection (Gibbs 2011, 8).

Indigenous Oral History
The Gnaala Karla Booja people have several recorded stories relating to the Barragup mungah.
Collard and Palmer have captured some of this information and included them in The Gcayut
Research and Training Project. This document contains input from eight elders and knowledge
holders of the region. Within this document are descriptions of the construction of the mungah, how it
was used and the fish that were caught. There are details of ceremonies and songs performed at the
site and the implements and goods that were made to trade with the other tribes who were invited to
2

�Barragup to share the trapped fish.
Collard and Palmer mention that the elders:
“… obtained a Ngoonjook… interwoven wire grass used as a 'net', also used in the construction of the
weirs” (Collard and Palmer 1996, 21).
Another fish trap is also mentioned:
“The narrow creek joining Goegrup Lake to the smaller south-eastern lake was blocked by a Mungah
or fish trap” (Collard and Palmer 1996, 26).
In a video called Barragup Yarns George Walley describes a:
“… fish trap as being made of sticks” (Lyons, Barragup Yarns 2104)
And:
“… small trees, skinny ones placed vertically into the mud. And from there, there's horizontal pieces
of wood that’s tied up and you can make the small ropes from what we call Wagyls whiskers, from the
reeds that grow along the waterways” (Our Knowledge Our Land 2016)
The website Our Knowledge Our Land Ngalang Kaadadjan, Ngalang Boodja includes a page on the
Barragup mungah that contains a piece of information regarding the mungahs consteuction:
“… the stones that once formed the base of the fish mungah on the bottom of the riverbed are not
visible from the surface.” (Our Knowledge Our Land 2015/6)
On the same website it locates the mungah:
“… where the Serpentine River forks in two directions, is Mungah on Serpentine”. Bilya cultural trail
(Our Knowledge Our Land 2015/11)
Harry Nannup, in an interview transcribed from Stretch Festival Mandjar Dreaming Audio recording
states:
“I don’t think a lot of people know… where the real fish trap was. Just there on the Serpentine River,
by the bridge there, in Barragup” (Stretch River Festival Mandjar Dreaming 2015),
Frank Nannup has also recorded interviews in July 1995 with the Winjan Aboriginal Centre about his
early life living around the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River. Though not directly mentioning
the Barragup mungah his interview provides an insight into how local indigenous people caught fish
in the river (Our Knowledge Our Land 1995). When at school he sometimes played with a local,
Charles Norton, and they would talk about the fish trap and its location (Charles Norton pers comm
13/06/21).
In 2020 when discussing the use of fish traps on the Swan coastal plain, an individual who only wants
to be identified as a Wadjuk Noongar person, mentioned that there was a method of trapping fish
using two fish traps. The first weir would have an access point for the fish and would be upstream of a
second continuous barrier. Once sufficient fish had entered through the first weir it would be blocked
leaving the fish trapped in a small area where they could be kept alive and only removed when they
were to be eaten. This technique has been recorded being used throughout Eastern Australia (Kelly
2014, 18; Kreij et al 2018, 149; Martin et al 2022, 108; Rowland et al 2011, 3). This possibility should
therefore be considered when assessing potential fish trap sites.
These accounts build a picture of a site that is of great importance to the traditional owners. They
describe aspects of its construction, general location and state that the mungah is part of a larger
system of trapping fish. This includes another mungah north of the Barragup site at Goegrup Lake.
Hammonds description of the munga matches the traditional owners oral histories, but the traditional
owners add three additional pieces of information. First, that stones were placed at the base of the
munga, second, that ‘small ropes’ were used to tie parts of the fish trap together and third that woven
3

�nets were used to assist trapping the fish. Gibbs cites Stranger from a 1972 letter to the West
Australian Museum stating that nets were used to catch fish that were strung across a six-foot gap that
was made in the mungah. This was to allow boats to pass (Gibbs 2011, 13). It’s not known if this is
the use of nets that traditional owners mention.
Modern Oral Histories
The authors contacted a local, Charles (Charlie) Norton, after discovering he had first-hand
information about the Barragup mungah.
Charlie was born on the 20th of July 1940 and lived on his family's 500-acre farm situated on the north
side of the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River.
Charles recalls seeing some of the fish trap wooden stakes still in situ in the mid 1950’s. His father
told him about the fish trap and how the indigenous people used it and it was made from casuarina
sticks that were pushed into the riverbed at random angles.
Charlie took one of the authors to the location of where the sticks were seen. Charlie revealed that the
riverbanks have lost around 4 metres from each bank due to erosion. The river at this location is now
36 metres wide so it was approximately 28 metres when Charlie first saw the sticks.
Modern Netting
At Nortons mungah location are two drill rods that have been driven into the south side of the
riverbed. They are set at 90 degrees to the riverbank and angled at approximately 60 degrees towards
the riverbank. These may have been used as anchor points for setting nets across the river.
The removal of the wooden stakes that Norton reported seeing in the 1950’s may have been removed
modern as they could have snagged modern nets set off the drill rods.
Early Maps
Early colonial maps that include the Barragup area were produced in the 1840’s, the accuracy of
which can be seen when compared to a modern map (Figure 3, Left). Browne’s copy of a Watson map
from 1841is of particular interest (Figure 3, right. SRO 3844-250). The cartographer’s notation on this
map reads ‘Barragup fishing ground’, underlined in red by the authors. Both maps show little change
in the river course over the past 183 years.
Brownes map has locations added by the authors marked by numbers from one to six. Position one on
Brownes map is where some traditional owners indicate the mungah was (Our Knowledge Our Land
2015/11). Position two, the approximate position as the State Heritage office place number 09017 and
the Department of Planning, Lands and Heritage site 3314. Positions three and four is where the
authors suspect the fish traps are. Both Browne and Creerys maps show limited access for a boat
trying to navigate the small branch of the river at position five. The unnavigable small creeks, position
six, are still visible today. An 1840 map by Creery of the Geerginup estate, (SRO 3869-018), also
matches the river course shown in Brownes map.
It can be said with some confidence that since the 1840’s the main river channel is where the Barragup
Fishing Ground is noted on Brownes map. This is likely to be the place where the Barragup fish trap
was positioned as it would restrict boat access, and this is the reason given for it to be repeatedly
damaged and finally removed in 1937 CE (Collard and Palmer 1996, 29; Gibbs 2011,13).
If the mungah was at location one, there would be no reason to remove it as maps from the period
clearly show this branch of the river is a dead end and not navigable for boats. Charlie Norton
4

�mentioned that he had widened the ‘dead end’ at position five to increase waterflow, but this was well
after the fish trap was removed.

Figure 3. Left, Google Maps accessed 20/03/23. Right, Browne after Watson. 1841 SRO 3844-250

This is not discounting the possibility that there was once another mungah at location one. The river
and lake system may have formed as early as the Late Pleistocene (Gibbs 2011,13) and over the
millennia the river would have changed course many times. Any oral history locating the mungah
elsewhere may be a reference to an earlier mungah.
First Site Visit
Barragup was first shown to McCann by David Austin, Michael McGee and Nicholas Reynolds from
the Mandurah Museum Maritime Museum. The first trip to the area was aboard one of the tunnel
boats that the group had restored. These boats have an inboard engine with a propeller that is recessed
into the hull allowing the boat to navigate the shallow waters of the river.
Subsequent Surveys
Due to the shallow nature of the waterways, the initial visual surveys were conducted using canoes.
Over 34 kilometres of river and lake banks were inspected with particular attention taken of any
narrow sections of the waterways as well as any evidence of wooden structures.
The only wooden structures found were fence lines that extended into the lakes made up of closely
spaced, split timber posts.
The Dortch Stake
The only physical evidence said to be from the Barragup mungah is a short wooden steel cut stake
found by Charlie Dortch when diving in the area in the late 80’s (Email Charlie Dortch 17/02/2020
and O’Connor et al. 1989, 14) and reported in the West Australian newspaper on the 18/02/89.
Over the past three years McCann has found seven wooden stakes within the surveyed area and all are
of a similar size and shape to the one found by Dortch. They have been found along the riverbanks of
5

�the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River and one in the Djilba (Peel) Estuary 1800 metres south of
the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River mouth. All were steel cut, had a rough point at one end
and the other end was cut flat. They were between 450mm to 550mm long and between 40mm to
70mm in diameter. The stake from the Estuary was driven vertically into the inlet bank.
Unfortunately, the authors have been unable to inspect the Dortch stake, which is currently held by the
West Australian Museum Boola Bardip who have not yet provided access.
These wooden stakes may have been used as land anchors for recreational and commercial netting of
fish. The commercial set, haul and boat netting of fish in this region started around the third quarter of
the nineteenth century (Worsley et al 2012, 334) and was one of the largest estuarine fisheries in
Australia (McComb and Lukatelich 1995, 5). McCann has used this technique of a land anchor when
assisting commercial fishers in Western Australia.
This method of using land anchors for netting has been used for millennia, a mosaic from the Roman
villa of La Vega Baja de Toledo, third-fourth centuries BCE, show a net set onshore and a fishing boat
deploying the net it in a curve (Lopez 2010, 167 Figure 1). Interviewing the retired commercial fishers
who operated in the Djilba (Peel) Estuary may well help confirm if wooden stakes were used in this
fashion.
Side Scan Sonar
On later surveys the authors used a Lowrance HDS Carbon 9 with a Totalscan transducer to scan the
river and lake beds. This unit has a transducer that is bolted to a boat's hull and was chosen as the
river has numerous obstacles, particularly sunken trees, that could snag a towed side scan transducer.
Over a period of four years, thirty-three kilometres of side scan sonar survey lines were recorded.
These were from the Waangaamaap Bilyas (Serpentine) River junction with the Djilba (Peel) Estuary
and upriver for 8500 metres. Scanning was conducted during different seasons as the rainy season
allowed the boat to access shallower parts of the river.
There are limitations to using a side scan in shallow water as the effective range of the sonar is quite
short, often requiring multiple runs to scan a small area. Also, any remnant wooden stakes or stones
from the mungah would be in a line at 90 degrees to the transducer meaning the return signal would
show multiple objects as one signal (Blondel 2009, 15 and 37-38). Targets are illuminated from the
side, consequently only the surfaces facing the sonar will be seen. Interpretation of the side scan
images can be difficult and requires practice. Basically, soft objects, mud, sand and wood, return a
weak or dull signal and hard targets, such as rock, a strong or bright signal (Blondel 2009, 78).
The side scan sonar picked up two sections of the riverbed where a bank had formed across the river
(Figure 4, A, B and C) In the same areas rocks could be seen at the topmost part of the bank, these are
circled in red. These are the only sections of the riverbed where a bank forms across the river.
The side scan screenshots (Figure 4, B and C) are taken at the same location but different times of the
year. Note the difference in the signal from the rocks, in B only one rock is visible, in C, three. The
position of these rocks were confirmed by wading across the river and seven rocks, in two lines, set at
90 degrees to the riverbank, were detected. The rocks vary in size from approximately 300mm to
800mm in diameter.
These banks and stones seem to fit the description of where the traditional owners say the mungah
should be, a narrow section of the river, a shallow bank with a deeper central channel and rocks in a
line on the riverbed. The two banks and two lines of rock may indicate two mungahs.

6

�Figure 4. Screen shots of cross riverbanks and lines of stones (circled in red).

CONCLUSIONS
Through a combination of investigative methods, the authors may have relocated the position of the
Barragup mungah and suggest that a second mungah may be in the same area. The side scan sonar
data clearly show two sand and mud banks that cross the river from bank to bank. These are the only
locations on the lower Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River where this occurs. Each of the banks
have stones set in a line on top of the bank, a feature of the mungah mentioned by traditional owners.
These banks and stones were located prior to meeting Charlie Norton. This discovery was not
mentioned to Charlie until he indicated where he last saw the mungah sticks. This proved to be in the
same spot as one of the banks and line of stones that is at position 3, as shown on Brownes map
(Figure 3, right).
The use of side scan sonar may be a viable screening tool for locating wooden or stone barrier fish
traps in limited visibility environments. If in position for a long time they can change the deposition of
sediment thus altering the topography of a lake or riverbed. This will be evidenced by sedimentation
along the length of the structure (Van Denderen et al. 2022, 2), such as the two sandbanks found by
the authors.
There is still plenty of research that needs to be done before we can definitively say that the mungah
has been relocated. Some of the mungah wooden stakes may have snapped off and could still be
implanted under the mud on the riverbed. These could be found with a non-invasive fingertip survey
by divers.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Thanks to the Gnaala Karla Boojas people who allowed us to research their mungah (fish trap) on their land.

7

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Blondel, Philippe. The handbook of sidescan sonar. Springer Science &amp; Business Media, 2010.
Collard, L, and D. Palmer. "Gcalyut Research and Training Project." Unpublished, (1996): 1-107.
Dix, W. C., and S. J. Meagher. "Fish traps in the south-west of Western Australia." Records of the Western Australian
Museum 4, no. 2 (1976): 171-187.
Dortch, C. E. "New perceptions of the chronology and development of Aboriginal fishing in South‐Western
Australia." World Archaeology 29, no. 1 (1997): 15-35.
Gibbs, Martin. "An Aboriginal fish trap on the Swan Coastal Plain: the Barragup mungah [Paper in:'Fire and Hearth'Forty
Years on: Essays in Honour of Sylvia J. Hallam. Bird, Caroline and Webb, R. Esmee (eds).]." Records of the Western
Australian Museum 79 (2011): 4-15.
Hammond, Jesse E., and Paul Hasluck. "Winjan's people: the story of the South-West Australian Aborigines." (No
Title) (1933).
Kelly, Damian. "Archaeology of Aboriginal Fish traps in the Murray–Darling Basin, Australia." Charles Sturt University,
Sydney (2014).
Kreij, Anna, Jason Scriffignano, Daniel Rosendahl, and Sean Ulm. "Aboriginal stone-walled intertidal fishtrap morphology,
function and chronology investigated with high-resolution close-range Unmanned Aerial Vehicle
photogrammetry." Journal of Archaeological Science 96 (2018): 148-161.
López Monteagudo, Guadalupe. "Nets and fishing gear in Roman mosaics from Spain." Nets and fishing gear in Roman
mosaics from Spain (2010): 161-185.
Lyons, Karen 2014. Barragup Yarns https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7U4fWs3n71E last accessed 20/03/23
Martin, Sarah, Hubert Chanson, Badger Bates, Duncan Keenan‐Jones, and Michael C. Westaway. "Indigenous fish traps and
fish weirs on the Darling (Baaka) River, south‐eastern Australia, and their influence on the ecology and morphology
of the river and floodplains." Archaeology in Oceania (2022).
McComb, A. J., and R. J. Lukatelich. "The Peel-Harvey estuarine system, Western Australia." CRC Press, 1995.
Nannup, H. https://soundcloud.com/user-427497721/mandjar-dreaming/s-6DhqH 2015. 2015 Last accessed 15/04/23
O'Connor, Rory Pearse, Corrie Bodney, and Gary Quartermaine. Report on an investigation into Aboriginal significance of
wetlands and rivers in the Perth-Bunbury region. Western Australian Water Resources Council, 1989.
Our Knowledge Our Land. 1995. Our Stories. https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/story/frank-nannup/ last accessed
01/04/23
Our Knowledge Our Land. 2015/6. Mungah on the Serpentine.
https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/mapitem/12-barragup-fish-mungah/
Our Knowledge Our Land. 2015/11 Bilya Cultural trail Mungah
https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/mungah.pdf location last accessed 18/01/23
Our Knowledge Our Land. 2016. Mungah on the Serpentine
https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/experience/walking-in-history/bilya-country-story-trail-map/ Last
accessed 06/03/23
Rowland, Michael J., and Sean Ulm. "Indigenous fish traps and weirs of Queensland." Queensland Archaeological
Research 14 (2011): 1-58.
Van Denderen, R. Pepijn, Emiel Kater, Luc H. Jans, and Ralph MJ Schielen. "Disentangling changes in the river bed profile:
The morphological impact of river interventions in a managed river." Geomorphology 408 (2022): 108244.
Weaver, Paul R. "An ethnohistorical study of the Swan-Canning fishery in Western Australia, 1697-1837." (1991).
Worsley, J. P, Worsley, Green, J. "Capes of Sunset: Western Australia’s Maritime Heritage between Peel Inlet and Flinders
Bay." (2012).

8

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                <text>The Barragup mungah, is situated on Gnaala Karla Boojas land, it is a well-researched site and oral history from&#13;
both traditional owners and settler communities. Traditional owners and Western academics emphasise the&#13;
importance of the site to indigenous people for fishing, social and ceremonial activities.&#13;
&#13;
Survey maps from the early nineteenth century of the region, and photographs that may be of the&#13;
mungah, indicate the general location of the mungah. Despite all this information and research, the mungahs&#13;
exact location on the Waangaamaap Bilya or Serpentine River is still in doubt. Ethnohistorical data which&#13;
include indigenous and Western oral history, newly digitised early maps of the region and extensive fieldwork,&#13;
may have relocated the mungah. In addition, it has raised the intriguing possibility of there being more than one&#13;
mungah at Barragup.&#13;
&#13;
With low visibility and thick mud in parts of the river, side scan sonar was used as a screening tool to&#13;
help identify potential locations. The sonar also indicated possible site formation processes that may prove&#13;
useful in detecting fish traps in riverine environments.&#13;
&#13;
Future work will be directed by the Gnaala Karla Booja people.&#13;
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                <text>McCann, Ian and Kevin Edwards. 2023. “The Barragup Munga – A site so well known that there's nothing left to learn? Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Paul Montgomery, and Bill Jeffrey. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2008 </text>
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                    <text>The Belitung Wreck Site After
Commercial Salvage In 1998
Agus Sudaryadi

Abstract
The Belitung Shipwreck Site, located at 17 meters (m) depth in Belitung waters, Indonesia, is a shipwreck
site containing Tang Dynasty (AD 618-906) cargo that was lifted by private salvage companies, Limited
Corporation/Perusahaan Terbatas (PT). Sulung Segara Jaya and Seabed Exploration Company in 1998.
1
The salvaging process was done without involving Indonesian State archaeologists. The shipwreck is an
Arab or Indian vessel that includes 60,000 artifacts from the Tang Dynasty. In 2005, the artifacts sold to
Singapore Sentosa Leisure Group.
In 2010, the Office for Cultural Heritage Preservation of Jambi conducted the first underwater
archaeological survey at Belitung Shipwreck site in order to find out the conditions of the site after the
salvaging operation. The result shows that the site is extremely ravaged, with unidentified ceramic
fragments spread out in a radius of ± 20 square meters (m²). It seems clear that the ceramic fragments
have been removed by the company then thrown back into the sea because considered non-commercial.
Meanwhile, the structure of the actual shipwreck was not found. It was only a big hole with 6 m wide and
15 m long, which seems to be where the ship may have settled. The remnants are now just a few small
wood fragments and a sizable chunk of wood, this maybe the mast-step. The Belitung Shipwreck is
recognized worldwide as an extremely valuable find in Indonesian waters. Preservation efforts are
needed to remind future generations that the shipwreck site very important for underwater archaeology in
Indonesia. Some preservation efforts that can be done are legal protection, site rehabilitation, and
establishing a maritime museum in Belitung Regency. The last of which efforts have initiated two years
ago with the aim to preserve artifacts from Belitung shipwreck site and other underwater sites in Bangka
Belitung Province.

Keywords: Belitung, Tang cargo, Shipwreck site, Preservation

Introduction
The Fantastic selling price of the cargo of De Geldermalsen salvaged by Michael
Hatcher in Riau water has stimulated businessmen in Indonesia who want to try their
luck to get treasure. It encouraged the government to form a National Committee, one
of its responsibilities is to manage licenses, salvage, and exploitation. One of the
salvaged shipwrecks is Belitung Wreck or popularly known as the Tang Cargo. The
company which salvaged it was PT. Sulung Segara Jaya and Seabed Exploration, a
German company. The company carried out excavation work at the site in September
and October 1998, and continued in April 1999 (Flecker 2001:335). The process of
salvage was done without involving archaeologists or Indonesian researchers.
The Belitung wreck is the first archaeological evidence for direct trade between
the western Indian Ocean and China. A remarkable portion of the ship’s hull survived.
The hull planks were stitched together, with no sign of wooden dowels or iron fastening.
The keel is 15.3 m long, a keelson, stringers, ceiling planks, and thwart beams still in
1

The term salvage is associated to random removal of ship parts or cargo for their reuse or sale;
excavation is the term used for scientific methodology in the removal of heritage objects

�place. The majority of the surviving cargo consisted of ceramics from the Changsha
kilns2 of China. Primarily bowls and ewers, but also a smattering of figurines and jarlets.
Other significant finds from the wreck include white-ware from the famous Ding Kilns,
and Yue wares3 from Zhejiang Province, several rare pieces of high-fired blue and
white, lead ballasts, some pieces of resin which would come from Sumatra, pillowshaped silver ingots, and a number of gold vessels (Flecker 2001:336-345).
How is the Belitung Wreck now? Only fragments of tile remain and useless cuts
of wood on the site. They are scattered about the seabed in 17 m depth to the west of
Belitung Island. The identified cuts of wood are not known from which part of the wreck,
if at all, the may have originated. Potentially, a propped-up wood chunk is the maststep. A long sand pit indicates the site of the shipwreck where it was found by the
salvagers. What should be done with the ruins? This shipwreck is the only known ship
from the 9th century Anno Domini (AD) that has been found. It needs preserving.

Belitung Wreck now
The location of Belitung Wreck site is in the Western Belitung Island. Its geographical
location includes Batu Itam (Black Rock) village area, Sijuk district, Belitung regency,
Bangka Belitung Archipelago province. To get to the site, we can start from Batu Itam
beach about 3 km (1.8 mile) or from Nusantara port in Tanjung Pandan city, from which
the distance is 8.8 km (5.4 mile). The visibility is quite good at around 5-7 m.

Figure 1. The Location of The Belitung Wreck (Google Earth)
The result of the survey done in November 2010 shows that the salvaging of the
Belitung Wreck left broken jar and bowl ceramics. The scattered fragments of jars and

2
3

Changsha kilns located in Hunan Province where the ceramics produced
a porcelain that the ancient Chinese likened to snow because of its delicacy

�bowls are in about 20 m2 surrounding the wreck site. It seems that the fragments were
lifted then thrown away again into the sea because of their broken condition.

Figure 2. Fragment of Jars and Bowls in Seabed
(Agus Sudaryadi/Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala Jambi)
Meanwhile, the ship itself can not be found again. There are only some small
wood chunks left. The sinking of the ship in the seabed left a trace in the form of 6 m
wide and 15 m long hole with orientation South West – North East. In the hole, there are
many small fragments of tile and a part of the ship which is identified as the mast-step
(Manurung 2010:8).

Figure 3. a small wood fragment
(Agus Sudaryadi/Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala Jambi)

�Figure 4. The wood predicted as the mast-step
(Agus Sudaryadi/Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala Jambi)

Preservation Efforts
The condition of Belitung Wreck is unknown so far after salvaging in 1998. We have no
data about its. As a consequence, there have not been any preservation steps taken.
There are many factors that cause this, some of which are unavailable human
resources (see Wahjudin this volume) and the preservation of underwater sites has
never been done before in Indonesia. Due to that case, in my opinion, the preservation
that can be done is legal protection, it becomes the collection of maritime museum and
a site rehabilitation is needed.

a) Legal Protection
UCH protection in Indonesia is very neglected compared with land cultural heritage.
The salvaging of De Geldermalsen (The Nanking Cargo) incident in Riau Archipelago
waters by Michael Hatcher in 1985-1986 has stirred up government and society (Utomo
2008:20-21). The auction 140,000 tiles and 225 bars of gold was held by Christie’s in
Amsterdam totaled US$18 million. The Government reacted by implementing
Presidential Decree No. 43 of 1989 on the National Committee for Salving and
Exploiting Valuable Objects Retrieved from Shipwreck (henceforth referred to as the
National Committee). The National Committee’s duty is to manage the licensing of
survey, salvage, and exploitation4. The laws which protected Indonesian culture
heritage at that time was Monumenten Ordonnantie (Netherland Law) No. 19 of 1931
(Staatblad 1931 No. 238) then changed into Monumenten Ordonnantie No. 21 of 1934
(Staatblad 1934 No. 515).

4

Until now, The Indonesia Government has issued three Presidential Decree, Presidential Decree No.
43/1989, Presidential Decree No. 107/2000, and Presidential Decree No. 19/2007. Now the National
Comitte Chairman is Ministry of Marine and Fisheries.

�From the salvaging of Geldermalsen’s cargo, Indonesia got neither financial nor
non-financial award. The result of the auction was not done clearly, meanwhile the
process of lifting, packing, conservation, and auction did not involve Indonesian
archaeologists at all. Thus, there was no data, documentation nor improvement of
underwater archaeologists’ knowledge in Indonesia. One of the more horrendous
consequences of the event is that an Indonesian archaeologist is considered dead, his
body thus far not found, who was active in the investigation of locating the
Geldermalsen. He was an alumni of an underwater archaeologist training course held in
Thailand in 1985 and 1986 (SEAMEO Project of Archaeology and Fine Arts). That
incident left deep pain for Indonesian archaeologists and a gap in the knowledge on
Indonesian UCH.
To replace the old ineffective law in the Law No. 5/1992 was issued concerning
culture heritage objects. The weakness of Indonesian law has been exploited by the
looter and the salvaging of UCH. The cargo which is known as Belitung Wreck has been
desalinated, conserved, and researched in New Zealand. The cargo taken out of the
country against the rule. The auction conducted by Christie’s with a total earnings of
US$32 million. The agreement that obliged the salvagers to share half the value was
broken with only US$2.5 million delivered in total (Rachel 2009; Sofian 2010:21).
In 1999 salvaging by Michael Hatcher occurred again to a shipwreck in Gaspar
straits which is known as Teksing Cargo. The major findings were blue and white
ceramics about 18th – 19th century AD produced in Dehua Kiln in Fujian Province. Not
only ceramics, from the cargo found cannon, objects of brass and copper, watches,
china ink container, folding knife, and incense burner (Widiati 2007:35). They were
shipped to Australia in 43 containers. All the cargo of the ship was sold by Nagel
auction in Stuttgart, Germany in November 2000. It sold 350,000 ceramics at a total 7,2
million deutsch marks (DM). The Indonesian government got only 2 million DM and only
1,000 ceramics (Wahjudin 2003:17).
The forming of National Committee did not reduce the illegal salvaging of UCH.
During 2005 – 2011 there have been eleven cases. Meanwhile, survey and legal
salvaging were only 26. Of all the incidents, there was only one successful
archaeological excavation namely the Cirebon Wreck salvaged by PT. Paradigma
Putera Sejahtera cooperate with Cosmix, Belgia. The process of salvaging was done
systematically under the supervision of government officials. There were 500,000
ceramics, objects of gold, silver, copper, tin, iron, bottle, glass, beads, coin, and
precious stones (Utomo 2008:35-60).
Law protection toward UCH in Indonesia has changed by the issue of Law No.
11/2010 on Culture Heritage. This new law is more firm in managing the discovery of
culture heritage in the water and the repercussions for bringing it abroad. There are
heavy punishments for those who break the law. The explanation about that is as follow:
Discovery
Government is obliged to bring about discovering of objects, building, structure and location
predicted as Culture Heritage.
The discovery of culture heritage or predicted as culture heritage can be done individually by
excavating, diving, and/or lifting in the land and/or in the water.
The discovery as meant in Verse (1) and (2) can only be done through research with caring about
belonging right and location authority.

�Everyone is prohibited to carry out discovery of culture heritage or predicted as culture heritage
by excavating, diving, and/or lifting in the land and/or in the water as meant in Verse (2), except
with license from government or local government with its authority. (Article 26, Versus 1-4)

Carrying
Foreigners and/or law institution can not possess and/or dominate culture heritage, except
foreigners and/or foreign law institution that live and inhibit in Indonesia territorial;
Foreigners and/or foreign law institution as meant in Verse (1) is prohibited to carry Culture
Heritage, either all or a part of it, out of Indonesia territory. (Article 14, Verse 1 and 2)
Culture Heritage, either all or a part of it, can only be brought out of Indonesia territory for the
sake of research, cultural promotion, and/or exhibition;
Everyone is forbidden to bring Culture Heritage as meant in Verse (1), except by Minister
Permission . (Article 68, Verse 1 and 2)

Punishment
Everybody without governmental license or local government bring about discovery of Culture
Heritage as meant in Article 26 Verse (4) is punished by sending to jail at least 3 (three) months
and the longest is 10 (ten) years and/or fined at least Rp. 150,000,000,- (one hundred and fifty
million rupiahs) and the most is Rp. 1,000,000,000 (one billion rupiahs). (Article 103)
Everybody without ministry licence, bring Cultural Heritage out of Indonesia territory as meant in
article 68 Verse (2) is punished by sending to jail at least 6 (six) months and the longest is 10
(ten) years and/or fined at least Rp. 200,000,000,- (two hundred million rupiahs) and the most is
Rp. 1,500,000,000,- (one billion and five hundred million rupiahs). (Article 109)

How is the law protection of underwater culture heritage in Indonesia? still a lot of
shipwreck site is not determined yet. Whereas, in Law No. 5/1992 about Culture
Heritage Objects Verse 11 states, “Government determines the finding of Culture
Heritage Objects or objects predicted as Culture Heritage Objects as meant in Article 10
Verse 1 about the site with its border”. Government Regulation No. 10 of 1993 about the
implementation of Law No. 5/1992 about Culture Heritage Objects Article 24 Verse (1)
states, “ in conserving Culture Heritage Objects Government decides the site”.
Meanwhile Law No. 11/2010 has changed the determining of Culture Heritage
becomes national and local government’s responsibility. According to verse (1):
Regent and mayor issue the determining of Culture Heritage status 30 (thirty) days the longest
after the recommendation is accepted by experts team which states the object, building.
structures, location and/or geographic space unit which is registered as Culture Heritage.
Regency and municipality government convey the result of determining to Provincial Government
and continued to the central government. (Article 35)
Government and local government can bring about the ranking of Culture Heritage based on the
importance to be national ranking, province ranking, and regency/municipality ranking based on
recommendation from Culture Heritage Expert Team.(Article 41)

The determination of Belitung Wreck site as a possible site is due to survey result
data (Manurung 2010:8-9). It was done after 12 years since its salvage. Before that, the
obstacle of determining the location of the underwater site was lack of survey, so there
was no underwater site data available that could aide in its identification.

�Legal protection of the Belitung wreck and other underwater sites would need to
be followed by marking the protect sites, both on land and at sea. The sign is installed
on land are information board. The board provide information about the history of the
particular wreck and layout of the site, but will also carry a strong conservation
message, stressing the legal protection, and the responsibilities of divers when visiting
them. The board installed adjacent to the slipway at a harbor from which divers access
to a shipwreck. While at sea, the location of shipwreck with an installed buoy. The buoy
is moored with rope/chain which is bound around the cement block in the seabed. On
the cement block, there is a bronze plaque of the writing relating its lawful
determination.

b) Maritime Museum
Since two years ago the Indonesian government prepared to build a maritime museum
in Belitung Island. At that time, there were 8 hectares of land available for development.
The choosing of Belitung Island as the location of maritime museum is quite
appropriate due to the amount of shipwrecks around the seawater territory of Bangka
and Belitung Island. Noted since 1950-1878 43 ships sank in the Gaspar straits and
surroundings, including Gaspar Island, Karang Coope, Karang Beldeveree, Karang
Arang Marai (Pramono 2005:85; Tangkilisan 2009:10). Wreck site found by
Arqueonautas from 2007-2010 include 27 sites located at a depth of 6 m to 53 m.
Condition of the sites has been largely heavily disturbed and looted. Seven sites are
European shipwreck from the 19th century AD. Two of them are believed to be the
location of Alceste5 and Forbes6 (Mirabal 2008: 28; Mirabal 2011:30)
Indonesia has 275 museum with only two categorized as maritime museums.
They are the Museum Bahari in Jakarta and Museum Bahari in Ende, Flores. However,
the museums do not have underwater heritage collections. Museum Bahari in Jakarta is
Culture Preserve building inherited from the Dutch government. The building was used
by Dutch government officials as storehouse to keep, choose, and pack Indonesian
commodities. Museum Bahari of Jakarta was officially opened on 7th July 1977. The
collection exhibited in the museum consist of various kinds of classic Vereenigde OostIndische Compagnie (VOC) boats, Indonesian traditional boat, and models of modern
boat. It also includes the equipment of sailing such as navigation tools, anchors,
lighthouse models, and many kinds of cannon. It displays sea biota collection (fish in
Indonesia’s seawater), technology of traditional boat building, and folklore of Indonesian
fishermen customs. The museum exhibits Indonesian Navy dimension, cartography,
maritime kingdom heroes and figures, and photos of the voyage of Koninkelijitke
Paketvaart Mattscappi KPM) ship. Museum Bahari in Ende collects sea biota in Nusa
Tenggara area. The total collection amounts to 22,000 kinds.
The Maritime Museum in Belitung must build a new building. Ideally, the
architecture of the building reflects Indonesian culture, like the shape of the ship,
Indonesian traditional building, history of Indonesian maritime, or Indonesia’s sea
potential . However, based on the comparison of maritime museums in Osaka Maritime
5

The English ship was on voyage to China with a famous ambassador on board. The ship was wrecked
on this reef which now bears its name, Alceste Cliff (Wells 1995:94)
6
Forbes is a English country trading ship which sank on November during its voyage from China to India
(Ibid.)

�Museum, Japan, Western Australian Maritime Museum, Fremantle, Australia and
Maritime Museum of Chicago, USA, the maritime building in Indonesia needs to
consider the concept of developing modern architecture. For the collection, museum
needs to add the collection of (1) Indonesian Maritime History, (2) Indonesian Maritime
Culture, (3) Sailing technology and safety, (4) Variation of water transportation, (5) Port
and shipping (6) Various kinds of weaponry, tools and social material cultures related to
territorial defense and security (Supardi 2009:8-13).
Problems with the collection that came from the Belitung wreck is most of the
objects have belonged to the Singapore Artscience Museum. Indonesian Government
has only 39 ceramics which are in the National Museum. For that we need to do a good
negotiation so that Indonesia government to get additional artifacts the Belitung wreck.
Artifacts from Belitung Wreck will also be the collection the Museum Timah in Belitung
but most of the ceramics is broken. Other ceramics are in private collections and their
number is unknown.

c) Site Rehabilitation
As illustrated above the rest of the site is only the scattered fragments of ceramic jars
and some unprovenienced wood. I think that site should be preserved in a way
rehabilitated. According to Indonesia Big Dictionary, rehabilitation is the recovery to
previous condition (Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia 1990:737). So in this paper,
rehabilitation means the recovery to condition before the salvaging.
The consideration factors to do the rehabilitation of Belitung Wreck are :
1. Important underwater site as the proof of sailing in 9th century AD
2. The location is near Belitung island
3. It is located about 17 meters deep
4. It can be developed for under water tourism resorts and complete the maritime
museum
Site rehabilitation activity is the reordering of scattered objects on the seabed and
the returning the land objects to the sea. The land objects are the fragments of ceramics
in a villa which used to be a basecamp when the salvaging took place and the seizure
of court given to the Museum Timah in Belitung. In addition, it is needed to make the
imitation from the pieces of the ship and other objects. Belitung Wreck Site
Rehabilitation is expected to support society’s curiosity after visiting the maritime
museum. They conduct diving tourism to know the situation under the sea. There are
two spots that can be diving tourism destination which are the location of sunken ship
and the reef that cause the sunken ship.

Conclusion
Belitung Wreck is one of underwater site salvaged without involving Indonesian
archaeologists. Since it was salvaged not many people has known the condition of the
site. It is different from the objects exposed in permanent exhibition or travelling
exhibitions. It causes amazement and also controversy as lifting is considered an
infringement of the 2001 Convention.
Belitung Wreck site can be an example of how salvaging is a loss of objects to
National governments. More importantly the information of the site was lost due to there

�being no report submitted to the Indonesia government on the salvage operations or
any of the conservation or auction follow-ups. There were only pieces of ceramics and
planks of wood left on the seabed. It would have been best if the shipwreck site had
been approached as a research and preservation activity; with the inclusion of scientific
considerations and the preservation/monitoring of in situ objects. In my opinion it is
much better to excavate only some objects designated to be exhibited in museums
while leaving the rest in situ.

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                <text>The Belitung Shipwreck Site, located at 17 meters (m) depth in Belitung waters, Indonesia, is a shipwreck site containing Tang Dynasty (AD 618-906) cargo that was lifted by private salvage companies, Limited Corporation/Perusahaan Terbatas (PT). Sulung Segara Jaya and Seabed Exploration Company in 1998. The salvaging  process was done without involving Indonesian State archaeologists. The shipwreck is an Arab or Indian vessel that includes 60,000  artifacts from the Tang Dynasty. In 2005, the artifacts sold to  Singapore Sentosa Leisure Group. &#13;
&#13;
In 2010, the Office for Cultural Heritage Preservation of Jambi conducted the first underwater archaeological survey at Belitung Shipwreck site in order to find out the  conditions of the site after the salvaging operation. The result shows that the site is extremely ravaged, with unidentified ceramic fragments spread out in a radius of Â± 20 square meters (mÂ²). It seems clear that the ceramic fragments have been removed by the company then thrown back into the sea because considered non-commercial. Meanwhile, the structure of the actual shipwreck was not found. It was only a big  hole with 6 m wide and 15 m long, which seems to be where the ship may have settled. The remnants are now just a few small wood fragments and a sizable chunk of wood,  this maybe the mast-step. The Belitung Shipwreck is recognized worldwide as an extremely valuable find in Indonesian waters. Preservation efforts are needed to remind future generations that the shipwreck site very important for underwater archaeology in Indonesia. Some preservation efforts that can be done are legal protection, site rehabilitation, and establishing a maritime museum in Belitung Regency. The last of which efforts have initiated two years ago with the aim to preserve artifacts from Belitung shipwreck site and other underwater sites in Bangka Belitung Province.&#13;
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