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                    <text>The Application of Photogrammetry for Recording Indonesian Vernacular and Historical
Boats and Boat Miniatures in Museum Collections
Ahmad Ginanjar Purnawibawa1,2 Chiara Zazzaro1 Agni Mochtar1,3
1

Università di Napoli “L’Orientale”, Italy
Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, Indonesia
3
National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), Indonesia
2

ABSTRACT
This paper fits best within Session 27 New Technology and Interdisciplinary Strategies as it focuses on the status and
preservation of vernacular and historical boats and boat miniatures within Indonesian museum collections. The case
study under consideration concerns challenges and strategies of using photogrammetry for recording these museum
collections and for preservation, dissemination, and scientific research. The resources available to conduct the work
include the full-size and miniature Indonesian boats kept in the Museum Nasional and Kebaharian Museum in
Jakarta and other collections in Indonesia. The research questions of this project are: what is the suitable method, and
what are the challenges in the 3D documentation of full-sized boats and miniatures in museums using the
photogrammetry technique? The results of this project are comprehensive data regarding the photogrammetry
workflow for museum collections and sets of digital boat models suitable for disseminating information and for
scientific publication. This project is part of the Indonesian Boatbuilding Endangered Heritage Project, an ongoing
collaboration among Indonesian and Italian scholars.
Keywords: boats, miniatures, museum collections, photogrammetry
List of Figures and Tables
Figure 1: The comparison of photos sequences between miniature and full-sized boats. Reconstruction on Agisoft
Metashape by C. Zazzaro, 2023.
Figure 2: Detailed result on miniature boat Janggolan Madura. Reconstruction on Agisoft Metashape by C. Zazzaro,
2023.
Figure 3: Defects on models shown on two sides of the boats. Reconstruction on Agisoft Metashape by C. Zazzaro,
2023.
Figure 4: Imperfections due to reflection on sail material. Reconstruction on Agisoft Metashape by C. Zazzaro, 2023.

INTRODUCTION
In the last decades, the application of photogrammetry in the cultural heritage field has dramatically
increased. Photogrammetry is easily accessible to everyone, and it provides a permanent record of heritage
materials and data for accurate measurement and analysis (Yilmaz, Yakar, and Yildiz 2008, 9), which
benefit the documentation and reconstruction process, and research dissemination (Forlin, Valente, and
Kázmér 2018, 2). The digital data recorded by this method benefit researchers from different fields,
including archaeologists, who can better manage the time spent on the field (Puspita et al. 2021, 343). For
Indonesian museums, photogrammetry has become more popular with the rise of demands for digital
access to museum collections. The need for digital access to entertainment and education spiked,
especially during the COVID-19 pandemic (Bramantyo and Ismail 2021, 185; Soraya and Sigit
Martyastiadi 2021, 26). However, only a few museums can cope with the demands, and most collections
still need to be digitally represented nowadays—especially endangered maritime heritage in the form of
historical and vernacular boats. In fact, in nautical archaeology, photogrammetry is especially useful for
reverse engineering processes, extrapolating naval lines from 3D models and creating a permanent record

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�of boat architectures. Unlike other types of applications, photogrammetry measurements and tolerances
are much less restrictive, and the accuracy obtained is sufficient at this scope (Martorelli, Pensa, and
Speranza 2014).
Vernacular boats and boatbuilding in many places in Indonesia faced a rapid decline with the introduction
of modern shipbuilding, accompanied by a high demand for manufactured ships. The lack of knowledge
transfer within the boatbuilder communities exacerbates the decline. As observed in the boatyards in
Pasuruan, East Java, the skills and knowledge of boatbuilding are only taught from fathers to sons, without
any guarantee that today’s generation wants to continue working on building boats (Mochtar, Taniardi and
Purnawibawa 2021). A similar situation is found in Tana Beru, a village in South Sulawesi, where there is
probably the largest cluster of wooden boatyards in the world, especially for building a type of boat
known as pinisi. Here, most of the production concerns large boats, and only a few builders master the
skills to make boats using traditional tools and processes and with the mandatory accompanying
ceremonies (Zazzaro et al. 2022).
The Endangered Indonesian Boat Building Heritage Project focuses on documenting the endangered
boatbuilding traditions in Indonesia while also building up a digital archive of boats and boat miniatures
collections, which are often overlooked. The digital copy of these collections could be used as educational
tools and for conservation purposes. This latter use, for example, would have helped preserve boats of the
Jakarta Maritime Museum, which lost around 100 collection items to a fire in 2018, including a Balinese
outrigger boat and other important vernacular and historical boats (Nizar 2018). While the museum has
now finished its reconstruction and is operating normally, the loss of part of the collection is severe. Even
though digital archives will not replace the actual collections, their absence prevents the museum from
creating replicas or integrating the exhibit with the digital collection. The Endangered Indonesian Boat
Building Heritage Project campaigns to avoid a similar scenario from happening again using
photogrammetry for documenting the boats and boat miniatures collections.

CASE STUDIES
The case study under consideration concerns challenges and strategies of using photogrammetry for
recording historical and vernacular boats and boat miniatures in museum collections and for preservation,
dissemination, and scientific publication. In the form of boats and their depiction, the maritime heritage is
critically underrepresented in virtual platforms. The only present collections are the pinisi boat and
the janggolan boat. Both miniatures are collections of the National Museum and are featured in the
National Museum virtual tour (Virtual Tour 2023). Another boat type is the alut pasak dayak, a full-sized
boat from the Jakarta Maritime Museum collection featured in the Tetangga Exhibition web-based online
platform (Tetangga Exhibition 2023). Usually, the museum works together with third parties to provide all
models used in these virtual or online exhibitions. The lack of proper equipment and necessary skills is
mentioned as the cause of the museum's inability to support its own need for a virtual museum. Hence,
there is a need to address this issue.
Despite some ambiguous information on the provenance of some boats and boat models, every object has
been carefully documented, just like an archaeological artefact. The recording is performed with a nautical
archaeology approach, meaning that the documentation attempts to record all details in the object in
opposition to merely recording the general form. Besides 3D photogrammetry of the boats and boat
models, the project also aims to produce more detailed information, such as the hull lines and the
description of the boat's components. Therefore, the results of this project would be helpful for the general
public who only wish to see the collection and the specific public, such as researchers and conservators,
who need to observe the detail of the objects. Another aim of the project is to train museum conservators

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�in photogrammetry documentation so that they will systematically produce digital copies of the new
collection acquisitions in the future.

RESOURCES
The boats and boat miniatures recorded in this research are collections of various museums in Indonesia,
namely the National Museum of Indonesia, Jakarta Maritime Museum, Museum of Indonesia, and
Transportation Museum. The chosen boats and miniatures represent different regions in Indonesia and
represent traditional workmanship for actual-sized boats, while the miniatures, to some degree, provide
accuracy and similarities to the actual boats they represent. Miniature boats are usually made by artisans
who know the boats' architecture very well because they usually live in the area or they were former
boatbuilders.
So far, data have been gathered from 2019 to 2023 through a series of fieldwork by research members.
The documentation processes are conducted using different mirrorless digital cameras, Sony RX 100II,
Sony Alpha 7C, Canon M100, and Canon M50. In order to reconstruct the objects using the
photogrammetry technique, this research uses the program Agisoft Metashape. To support the purpose of
disseminating the project results, Sketchfab is chosen as an online platform. Sketchfab offers dedicated
categories for cultural heritage and historical objects and has been used by institutions as well as amateurs
to display their collections. Sketchfab also provides editing tools and supports virtual reality devices
(Statham 2019).

FRAMEWORK
Considering the urgency of photogrammetry documentation and its benefits for the public and scientific
field, there is a need for rapidly, yet properly, documenting the collection of boats in Indonesian museums.
This article explores the suitable method and challenges in documenting full-sized boats and miniature
boats in museums using photogrammetry.

RESULTS
Photogrammetry Processes
The principle of photogrammetry is to reconstruct the three-dimensional form of an object in digital form
through a series of photographs. Ideally, the photographs cover 360 degree angles of the object from
different elevations. Considering the complicated shape of the boats, the photos easily surpassed hundreds
to generate desirable results. There are several steps to execute the work efficiently in a photogrammetry
workflow. The basic workflow includes the digitization processes, which can be broken down into several
steps, including preparations, recording, pre-processing, measurement analysis, finishing, exporting
(Puspita et al. 2021, 344), and continued with interpretation and visualization processes to make the
models accessible through different means (Condorelli and Bonetto 2022).
Following those steps should help us to produce optimal results for photogrammetry. However, the shape
of the objects, space, and light limitations inside the museum challenged the workflow. Most of the fullsized boats in the museums cannot be moved from the display room due to their weight and space

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�limitations inside the museum. For example, the Papua Canoe kept in the Jakarta Maritime Museum is
'trapped' by the museum building's structural pillars due to its large size. Another challenge was the
lighting conditions in the museum: some 'immovable' collections are hard to be photographed with even
lighting due to their positions and the proximity to structural obstacles such as walls and pillars, which
also create shadows. Finally, the museum's lighting level, which was kept dim between 50-100 lux,
proved challenging to work with. Digitisation proceeded in such conditions and limitations.
The first step was the selection of the full-sized boats based on their authenticity, historical information
provided by the museum, and visual observation in the museum. Only historical and vernacular boats were
documented, and modern boats were excluded since they did not provide value to this project. Otherwise
the miniature boats were selected based on their accuracy in representing the actual boat type, museum
information, team observation, and craftsmanship. Miniatures of modern boats and 'strange-looking'
vernacular boats deemed proportionally or architecturally inaccurate, were excluded. The project recorded
two full-sized / eight miniature boats at the National Museum, eight full-sized / five miniature boats at
Jakarta Maritime Museum, four full-sized / four miniature boats at the Transportation Museum, and two
miniature boats at the Museum of Indonesia.
The next step was recording or taking photographs of the boats. Miniature boats were more manageable
compared to full-sized boats due to their size. They were usually displayed in a glass vitrine which can be
easily transported to more open areas and placed on top of a table or pedestal helpful for the
photogrammetry workflow. In order to document the miniatures, the object was photographed from all
directions or 360 degrees with different elevations to capture details. For example, the higher elevation
angles captured the mast, sail, and deck, and the lower angles captured the hull, keel, and rudder. A
detailed photograph can be obtained while maintaining adequate overlap pictures capturing the whole
dimension of the miniature boats.

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�Figure 1: The comparison of photos sequences between miniature and full-sized boats. Reconstruction on Agisoft
Metashape by C. Zazzaro 2023.

On the other hand, recording a full-sized boat in museum collections requires a different approach. Space
and light limitations and the size of the boat made shooting more complicated. A full-sized boat cannot be
treated as a single object due to its size and obstacle in the working area. The team documented parts of
the boats individually, and then tried to connect to these parts digitally. The focus of the documentation is
on parts that contain essential detail. Since it was almost impossible to photograph the complete shape of
the boat, continuity and overlap from one photo to the next were essential. With this approach, photos
taken on full-sized boats have a clear direction and retain detail from all parts of the boat. The
consequence of this technique was that the number of pictures taken was greater than the photos in the
miniature collection, as shown in Figure 1. This process was also directly followed by museum staff, who
participated in documenting their collection.
Photos from each boat collection were then archived digitally, then processed using Agisoft Metashape
software to produce a three-dimensional model. The processing included aligning the photos, building a
dense cloud, building a mesh, texturing, calibrating, and simplifying the mesh for smaller file-size models.
The final result was then exported in .obj and .mtl format, and texture map files were uploaded to
Sketchfab.
Photogrammetry Results
The results of this project provided us with various data sets of historical and vernacular boats and
miniatures in the form of three-dimensional models and detailed pictures. The photogrammetry method
yielded satisfactory results, with the three-dimensional models successfully preserving the detail and
texture of the boat and miniature boats, as shown in Figure 2. The detail allowed us to access more data
for future research, including the iconography of the boats, decoration, and pattern used by different

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�vernacular boats. The calibrated model also preserved the detailed measurement of the boat parts. This
record will provide invaluable data for studying boat characteristics, reverse engineering, and
understanding the nature of the boats, especially in full-sized boats.

Figure 2: Detailed result on miniature boat Janggolan Madura. Reconstruction on Agisoft Metashape by C. Zazzaro 2023.

However, on a few models, there are defects in the final results due to imperfections in capturing the
image of the boat. Three factors usually contribute to the quality of the model produced from the
photogrammetry: image quality, scene complexity, and environmental condition (O'Connor 2018). In this
project, two noticeable imperfections can be observed in the final models: the different coloration of the
boat parts and the holes usually in the lower parts of the boat models.
The difference in coloration (as shown in Figure 3) could be observed in two different parts of the models
due to the difference in light exposure. Figure 3 shows that the A side of the boat is correctly exposed to
the light, while the B side is underexposed. Figure 3 shows that if the image records a shadow, the shadow
will also be introduced to the final models (Kreimer 2020). This defect is often shown on full-sized boats,
especially those positioned in the limited space of display rooms, which prohibit the introduction of
additional lights or a tripod for long-exposure photographs. This defect could be reversed using Agisoft
Delighter, with the expense of losing texture and detail on the model's surface, which is not ideal for the
purpose of this project.

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�Figure 3: Defects on models shown on two sides of the boats. Reconstruction on Agisoft Metashape by C. Zazzaro 2023.

Another visible defect is the presence of holes in less textured and plain materials. In this case, holes
occurred in the sail of miniature boats (see Figure 4). Single-colored materials lacking physical texture are
difficult to reconstruct in photogrammetry (Kreimer 2020, 7). However, Figure 4 shows that Model A
preserves the sail's detail and shape much better due to exposure to adequate light than Model B. The
underexposed Model B also shows the cast of shadows in several parts, including the sail, mast, deck, and
hull. While this defect is less likely to impact measurement data and its potential for scientific purposes
(except the study of iconography, which is affected by the loss of details due to shadows), these models
are less desirable to use for public benefit, considering their appearance.

Figure 4: Imperfections due to reflection on sail material. Reconstruction on Agisoft Metashape by C. Zazzaro 2023.

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�The photogrammetry results from this project show that practical methods for documenting the objects
needs to be adapted to the complexity of the objects. The shape and size of full-sized boats provide
challenges for the documentation team, which need to be overcome with a slightly different approach
from the usual photogrammetry method. This project also shows the importance of proper lighting and
location setup for object documentation. Considering the high complexity of the vernacular boats and
miniatures, the details need to be preserved properly to allow their digital copies to benefit scientists and
the public. In the case of Indonesian museums, these challenges are relatively common in many museums
since only a handful of museums are equipped with proper working areas and needed equipment. This
condition could change our mindset for displaying collections or storing collections, especially full-sized
boats, in a more proper location, with access from multiple angles.

CONCLUSION
The results obtained from this project show that the photogrammetric method is an effective method for
making three-dimensional collections models and has succeeded in giving a satisfactory output. However,
due to technical challenges, planning and strategy are needed in collecting data for each collection. The
technical challenges found were the position of the collection in the exhibition space or display room. In
some cases the display space could be more conducive to photogrammetry by removing obstruction of
building structures, and more space to place the camera. Another challenge is ensuring enough light in the
photograph process. The position of the collection and the lighting conditions often make the collection
underexposed, or in some cases, cause the material in the collection to reflect light, which makes the 3D
model imperfect.
For this reason, a different approach is needed to record the different types of collections in the form of
full-sized boats and miniature boats. Documentation of full-sized boats can be done in several sections and
focuses on boat attributes, compared to miniature boats that can be documented as whole objects. As a
result, a three-dimensional model can be obtained with accuracy and detail and can be used for
educational, academic, and public purposes.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
We thank the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the International Association for Mediterranean and Oriental Studies
(ISMEO) for supporting the Indonesian Boatbuilding Endangered Heritage Project. We are also thankful to the Museum Nasional
Indonesia (Indonesia National Museum), Museum Kebaharian Jakarta (Jakarta Maritime Museum), Museum Indonesia (Museum
of Indonesia), and Museum Transportasi (Transportation Museum) for providing access needed for the documentation of the
museum collections.

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�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bramantyo, B. D., and P. Ismail. “Digital Tourism Museum Nasional Indonesia Melalui Virtual Tour Di Masa Pandemi COVID19.” WACANA: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Komunikasi 20, no. 2 (2021): 184–196. https://doi.org/10.32509/wacana.v20i2.1616.
Condorelli, F., and J. Bonetto. “3D Digitalization and Visualization of Archaeological Artifacts with the Use of Photogrammetry
and Virtual Reality System.” In International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information
Sciences - ISPRS Archives, 48 (2022): 51–57. International Society for Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing.
https://doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-XLVIII-2-W1-2022-51-2022.
Forlin, P., R. Valente, and M. Kázmér. “Assessing Earthquake Effects on Archaeological Sites Using Photogrammetry and 3D
Model Analysis.” Digital Applications in Archaeology and Cultural Heritage 9, no. 6 (2018): 1-14.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.daach.2018.e00073.
Kreimer, B. “Guide to Photogrammetry Photography.” Washington, D.C: Online News Association, 2020.
Martorelli, M., C. Pensa, and D. Speranza. “Digital Photogrammetry for Documentation of Maritime Heritage.” Journal of
Maritime Archaeology 9, no. 1 (2014): 81–93. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-014-9124-x.
Mochtar, A., P. Taniardi, and A. G. Purnawibawa. “As my father said Traditional boatbuilding in Pasuruan.” The SEAMEO
SPAFA International Conference on Southeast Asian Archaeology and Fine Arts, December, (2021): 234–240.
Nizar, H. Interview on JPNN, 17 January 2018. https://www.jpnn.com/news/kerugian-akibat-kebakaran-museum-bahari-takternilai, accessed 19 April 2023.
Puspita, A. A., M. Triharini, M. Risfan, and B. Salam. “A Study on Museum Artifact Digitization Using Photogrammetry Method
for Preservation and Design Education.” Advances in Social Sciences, Education and Humanities Research 65 (2021): 343350. https://doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211228.045.
Soraya, A., and Y. Sigit Martyastiadi. “Aesthetics of Virtual: The Development Opportunities of Virtual Museums in Indonesia.”
International Journal of Creative And Arts Studies 8 no. 1 (2021): 25-33. https://doi.org/10.24821/ijcas.v8i1.5346.
Statham, N. “Scientific Rigour of Online Platforms for 3D Visualisation of Heritage.” Virtual Archaeology Review 10, 20 (2019):
1–16. https://doi.org/10.4995/var.2019.9715.
Tetangga Exhibition. Jakarta Maritime Museum. https://tetanggaexhibition.com/en/node/3, accessed 19 April 2023.
Virtual Tour. Badan Layanan Umum Museum Nasional Indonesia. https://www.museumnasional.or.id/virtual-tour, accessed 19
April 2023.
Yilmaz, H. M., M. Yakar, and F. Yildiz. “Documentation of Historical Caravansaries by Digital Close Range Photogrammetry.”
Automation in Construction 17, 4 (2008): 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.autcon.2007.09.003.
Zazzaro, C., H. Liebner, A. Soriente, G. Ferraioli, and A. G. Purnawibawa. “The Construction of an Historical Boat in South
Sulawesi (Indonesia): The Padewakang.” Journal of Maritime Archaeology 17, 4 (2022): 507–557.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-022-09332-5.

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what are the challenges in the 3D documentation of full-sized boats and miniatures in museums using the&#13;
photogrammetry technique? The results of this project are comprehensive data regarding the photogrammetry&#13;
workflow for museum collections and sets of digital boat models suitable for disseminating information and for&#13;
scientific publication. This project is part of the Indonesian Boatbuilding Endangered Heritage Project, an ongoing&#13;
collaboration among Indonesian and Italian scholars. </text>
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                <text> Purnawibawa, Ahmad Ginanjar, Chiara Zazzaro, and Agni Mochtar. 2023. “The application of photogrammetry for recording Indonesian vernacular and historical boats and boat miniatures in museum collections.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Hans van Tilburg. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1915 </text>
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                    <text>The Archaeobotanical Analysis of Flora Samples from the Phanom Surin Shipwreck,
Central Thailand
Preeyanuch Jumprom
ABSTRACT
The topic of this abstract fits best within this Session 7 Trade goods in shipwrecks – sources, routes and markets,
including glass on the Maritime Silk Road because this paper is about the analysis of the archaeological evidenc
es, especially the flora remains from the Phanom Surin shipwreck site, Lower Central of Thailand. The 2013-20
15 and 2021 excavations at Phanom Surin Shipwreck at Phanthainorasing Sub-district in Samut Sakhon Provinc
e revealed a number of archaeological finds in the Arab-style ship dating back to 9th century CE. The organic m
atters were dominantly counted. This paper aims to give an interpretation on flora found in the ship by archaeob
otanical classification and identification methods. Some specimens of flora artefacts, woods, ropes, and seeds we
re sent to a laboratory for doing scientific tests. The plant seeds were found in the stern. The analysis suggests th
at most commons are betel nuts and lucky bean seeds which were trade items. Rare items include rice grains, cor
iander, calabash (bottle gourd) and jujube. Some seeds are not clear to be identified. The macrobotanical remain
s were likely consumed by ship’s crews; i.e. nourishment, medicine, ship repairing and sailing. Some species ha
ve been known to the Arab manuscripts dating back to 9th century CE. The analyses provide further information
of tools made of domestic plants that were applied for ship building, sailing, and using on board that facilitate se
afarers’ way of life during their journey across the ocean. The significant finds show the relationship between th
e locals and the overseas seafarers.
List of Figure:
Figure 1. Location of the shipwreck site in Samut Sakhon Province, Thailand.

INTRODUCTION
In 2013, the discovery of a shipwreck site in the muddy shrimp pond at Phanthai Norasing sub-district
in Samut Sakhon Province, Lower Central Thailand revealed the buried ship and associated finds in si
tu. The 2013 - 2015 and 2021 excavations at Phanom Surin Shipwreck at Phanthainorasing Sub-distric
t in Samut Sakhon Province revealed a lot of archaeological finds in the Arab-style ship dating back to
9th century CE. The organic matters were dominantly counted. This paper discusses the result of the s
tudy of botanical artefacts from excavation of the wetland shipwreck site, which includes scientific an
alysis of the following topics: (i) location and excavation projects of the shipwreck site, (ii) classificati
on and identification of flora objects found from the site and (iii) interpretation of the origin and usabil
ity of flora samples.
Background
In September 2013, the 1st Regional Office of Fine Arts Department at Ratchaburi was informed abou
t the discovery of an ancient shipwreck. Officials in charge were sent for site investigation. After the i
nitial investigation, the shipwreck was found to be lying in the shrimp pond of Mr. Surin and Mrs. Pha
nom Sri Ngamdee where it had been discovered during rehabilitation of the pond. A huge square timb
er was discovered sitting in N-S orientation, having one end under the thick ground. Seams of fibre ro
pe lashings on the fragments of recovered planks were still visible. There was also an assemblage of c
eramic sherds that were recovered.
The definition of “Archaeobotany”
Archaeobotany is the study of ancient plant remains. By studying archaeobotanical remains we can fin
d out how people used plants in the past: for food, fuel, medicine, symbolic or ritual purposes, or for b
uilding and crafts. We can also use plant remains to reconstruct past vegetation and the ways humans i
nteracted with their environment.

1

�Location and excavation projects
The location of the shipwreck site is in Phanthai Norasing sub-district in Samut Sakhon Province, Low
er Central Thailand. The geographical feature of this area is the coastal plain, with the site located onl
y 8 kilometres from the Gulf of Thailand to the south. The discovery of a shipwreck site in the muddy
shrimp pond revealed the buried ship and associated finds in situ. Archaeologists of Fine Arts Departm
ent conducted excavation and conservation at the wetland site between 2013 - 2015 and 2021.The exc
avation was conducted in 2 periods: First period was between December 2013 - June 2014 and Februa
ry – July 2015 to mark the scope of site and study of ship construction and associated artefacts. The se
cond period was excavated in January – September 2021 that uncovered the entire ship structure and n
umerous archaeological finds.

Figure 1. Location of the shipwreck site in Samut Sakhon Province, Thailand.

The ship structures have an approximate length of 25 metres and width of 8 metres. Upon closer inspe
ction, the south end is presumably the bow of the ship. The hull on the west side was still standing upr
ight. Some planks have fallen down as the sewn fastenings were too decayed to support the structures.
On the port side, the ship hull obviously collapsed and flat down to the east. The planks are made fro
m hardwood with holes drilled along the edges and assembled with black fibre ropes. ‘Wadding’ was l
ashed along the ship length to seal space between planks. This shipwreck appears to have double wadd
ing.
The keelson is one of the main structures of the shipwreck. It was found in the middle of the ship, havi
ng features of a square timber measured length of 17.65 metres. On the larger end, the cross section is
70 cm wide and 60 cm thick. The other end of the shipwreck is not visible. The assumption can be tha
t it was severely damaged causing the artefacts to spread far out from where the ship end should be fo
und. There were two poles found at the site so far. One was found outside of the western side of the sh
ipwreck. Its total length was 17.37 metres with a circumference of 53 cm on the small end and 101 cm
on the other. On the small end, there is a groove. It is possible for a sheave fitting. The second spar w
as found perpendicular to the shipwreck on the eastern side. At the large end, it was cut off semicircul
ar making one side flat with the other side still round. Rattan ropes were found associated with this spa
r as well. Considering the size, the second one is a bit bigger than the first spar and has a length of 17.
40 metres. The end of the second spar was also found with a square tenon of 17 x 53 centimeters. It mi
ght be a joining part with another spar. From a comparative study, the ship assembled in such was com
monly known among ancient Arab shipbuilding techniques.
2

�According to Area 1, the work was extended from where the ship structure was first exposed. The exc
avation of the shipwreck unearths the skeleton of an ancient shipwreck that will slowly and subsequen
tly reveal its characteristics and construction techniques of sewn-plank methods used for shipbuilding.
Area 2, this area was extended to the north of Area 1, separated by the earthen dike of approximately
two metres width in the middle. The result of excavation shows fragments of ship structure such as fra
mes, planks, and artefacts such as ceramic sherds, fibre ropes, rattan ropes, betel nuts, and plenty of cu
t wood and set forth, were spread out all over the area.
The excavation in 2021 was undertaken by using the non-intrusive archaeological excavation techniqu
e in both areas. Most importantly, this non-intrusive method was adopted to prevent stepping on the o
bjects and a number of small artefacts were found using this technique. Moreover, the new technologi
es were also applied for more efficient and effective results such as Geo-Information System (GIS), 3
D scanning, total station and photos by drone.

CLASSIFICATION AND IDENTIFICATION OF FLORA OBJECTS
There are diverse kinds of organic materials discovered at the Phnom-Surin Shipwreck that are classifi
ed based on their physical characteristics. These categorizations include coconut shells with holes, bas
ketry, black ropes, rattan-braided ropes, and various sizes of brown ropes. Some specimens, such as w
oods, ropes, and seeds, were sent to a laboratory for further scientific tests. The scientific study was op
erated at Synchrotron Research Institute, Nakhon Ratchasima Province by Dr. Paul Joseph Grote and
Dr.Wipanu Rakmai, researchers from Northeastern Research Institute of Petrified Wood and Mineral
Resources. To avoid destroying some samples, the macro and micro organic remains were identified b
y Scanning Electron Microscope (SEM) and X-ray microtomography technique.
1. Timbers
Northeast of Area 2 was found with a distribution of timbers, crudely worked, with average length of
133-150 cm and diameter of 1-5 cm. It was found that some timbers were assembled together with rop
es. During excavation, the timbers were intact but rapidly decayed after being exposed. Area 1 also ha
s rounded timbers but all are damaged.
Moreover, many wood samples were found. Some wood utensils were modified from coconut shell, a
nd bamboo. For example, the bamboo pole that is used for carrying heavy things on both sides. A ladl
e that was made from a half coconut shell was attached to a bamboo handle.
2. Basketry
There are many baskets found from the site, most of them seem to be made from bamboo strips.
3. Cordages
There are three kinds of rope found in this site as follows.
● The first is Black rope, it was being used for ship’s structure assemblage, and for hand
ling pottery. The diameter ranges from 0.1-0.2 cm. SEM technique demonstrated the r
esult of the black rope that it was made from the Arenga Pinnata fiber (sugar palm tre
e). Arenga pinnata is an economically important feather palm native to tropical Asia, f
rom eastern India east to Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines in the east. Commo
n names include sugar palm, black sugar palm, and kaong palm, among other names.
The dark fibrous bark is manufactured into cordage, brushes, brooms, thatch roofing,
or filters.
● Besides, brown ropes were also found, they have larger diameter. The construction of
the rope indicated a Z twist, consisting of small strands. These brown ropes can be use
3

�●

d for rigging as it was found coiled. The scientific analysis indicated that the Brown r
ope was made from palm or coconut fiber.
Rattan braided ropes were set on board perhaps for navigational function. There are 2
0 – 26 rattan strands twined together to make a circular pattern that increases the dura
bility. Rattan strands were made from Rattan or calamus rotang, also known as comm
on rattan, is a plant species native to India, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar. The important fe
ature of calamus is it being cohesive and waterproof.

4. Seeds
From the number of seeds or fruits. There are more than 20 types of seed found from the excavation a
nd floatation technique – as to whether they were loaded as cargo or for other purposes.
The most common seed found in this shipwreck is Betel nuts, Areca catechu. Measuring from the com
plete pieces shows an average size of 2-3 cm diameter in circular or oval shape. They can be found all
over the shipwreck. Interestingly, a number of them were found in one of the Chinese jars in its origin
al place at the time the ship was wrecked. Betel nuts contain a large quantity of tannin and are used for
dying fabric like fishing nets. Tannin extracted from betel nuts makes fabric softer and stronger, helpi
ng to extend the lifetime of the fibre and used as an adhesive in woodwork. The areca nut is also popul
ar for chewing throughout some Asian countries. Areca palms are grown in Bangladesh, India, Indone
sia, Malaysia, Taiwan and many other Asian countries for their seeds.
Another seed that is also found a lot is Lucky Bean seed or Putranjiva roxburghii Wall. The seeds are
oval in shape pointed on both ends, their size is 1-1.5 cm diameter in common. The hard shell colours
range from dark yellow to dark brown. Lucky Bean is commonly found in tropical regions. It is a most
popular medicinal plant which is referred in Ayurvedic texts as an antirheumatic, this plant contains
many active phytochemicals in seeds which shows its protectant capacity against various diseases.
The non-intrusive archaeological excavation technique in 2021 has revealed the large amounts of smal
l grains that found from the floatation technique. Coriander fruits (Coriandrum sativum) is the dry see
ds that used as a spice and herb. Most of them are in globular form, have a diameter of 3-5 mm. Coria
nder also called cilantro or Chinese parsley. Native to the Mediterranean and Middle East regions, the 
plant is widely cultivated in many places worldwide for its culinary uses. All parts of this plant are edi
ble, the fresh leaves and the dried seeds are the parts most traditionally used in cooking.
Seeds of Wild jujube (Ziziphus oenoplia Rhamnaceae) were also found. Wild jujube is a flowering pla
nt with a broad distribution through tropical and subtropical Asia and Australia. The plant produces zi
ziphines and has a long history of use as an herbal medicine. In India the root is used in Ayurvedic me
dicine.
A few seeds was considered to be the Bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria), also called white-flowered g
ourd or calabash gourd, running or climbing vine of the gourd family (Cucurbitaceae), native to tropica
l Africa but cultivated in warm climates around the world for its ornamental and useful hard-shelled fr
uits. It was one of the world's first cultivated plants grown not primarily for food, but for use as contai
ners.
Rice grains were found resembling the stains on the interior walls of torpedo jars. The analysis from th
eir appearance was assumed to be Oryza sativa. Rice is the main food of Asian people, the archaeologi
cal evidence shows that the early rice cultivation came from China dating to 5000 BCE. Rice is also th
e main food of the crew of Phanom-Surin shipwreck.

4

�5. Bitumen
The interior of the torpedo jar is coated with a black substance. Presumably, this can be evidence of a
coating technique for waterproof function or of the substance that was once contained in the jar. Besid
es a black stain, also found is a dark brown substance. The scientific analysis determined that black su
bstance is bitumen from the Middle East (Irag or Iran).

INTERPRETATION
Archaeological finds discovered in this shipwreck are varied. There are countless archaeobotanical re
mains found in the shipwreck. Some specimens of flora artefacts, woods, ropes, and seeds were sent to
a laboratory for doing scientific tests. The plant seeds were mainly found in the stern. The analysis su
ggests that most common archaeobotanical remains are betel nuts and lucky bean seeds which were co
nsidered trade items. Rare items include rice grains, coriander, calabash (bottle gourd) and wild jujube
are found as well. Some seeds are not clearly identified. The macrobotanical remains were likely cons
umed by ship’s crews; for example, self-nourishment, medicine, ship repairing and sailing. Some spec
ies have been known to the Arab manuscripts dating back to 9th century CE. The analyses provide furt
her information of tools made of domestic plants that were applied for ship building, sailing, and using
on board that facilitate seafarers’ way of life during their journey across the ocean. These finds signifi
es the relationship between the locals and the overseas seafarers through their uses of cross-regional pl
ants on the ship.

CONCLUSION
Dating of the Phanom-Surin sunken ship had been known by means of Relative and scientific dating m
ethods. The carbon-14 dating (AMS) of the shipwreck site by using the three samples of organic matte
r, that is to say, betel nut, rattan, and rope, suggests that the site dates back to 1,200 – 1,300 years ago
which is consistent with the Chinese Tang wares and torpedo jar found in the ship. Judging from objec
ts in its cargo, especially the torpedo jar, container of bitumen, the ship sailed from the Persian Gulf to
the Southeast Asia and embarked to some seaports in Southern Peninsula and/or Indian archipelagos (
Kota kapur, Muang Thong, Laem Pho, for examples) for collecting local products such as betel nuts, r
attan, ivory and antler as well as Chinese jars used as containers of some local products. Afterwards, t
he ship sailed to the Gulf of Thailand and used a waterway connecting to encounters with local comm
unities seeking local products and/or selling goods. It is likely that goods from the ship that was sold t
o the local here were torpedo jars containing bitumen and Chinese jars containing betel nuts, for two p
roducts were rare to find in this area. Local goods that the dhow’s merchants and sailors needed were r
ice grains, basketry, meats as food that contained in the local carinated-potteries. Most of them were u
sed as cooking vessels which had smoke residue on their bottom. This ship and the objects whether lo
ading on board for voyage’s supplying or being commodities give a new insight into the sailing trade r
outes between the Middle-East and the Far East (China) via the Southeast Asia and the trading interact
ion between the Arabian merchants and/or the Persian merchants and the local communities of the Dv
aravati culture in central Thailand.
To conclude, the paper first discussed the background information of the shipwreck. The paper then ex
plained the types of archaeobotanical finds discovered in the shipwreck and how they were being anal
yzed. The results of the analysis were then systematically listed here and supplement our understandin
g of the lives and trading network of the crews. (Insert your synthesized discovery here – e.g. it is beli
eved that this shipwreck is X because we have found many Y, etc)

5

�Bibliography
Chaimanee, Nirand. The Academic Report volume no. 15/2014. The Geological survey of the Location of Phanom-Surin
Shipwreck, Samut Sakhon Province. Bangkok, Mineral resources division, Department of Mineral Resources,
2014.

Fine Arts Department, Minister of Culture. Ancient Maritime Cross-cultural Exchanges: Archaeological Research in Tha
iland. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 2019. Jumprom Preeyanuch. Recovery of a Lost Arab-style Ship at Phano
m-Surin, the Wetland Excavation Site in Central Thailand. Pp 226 – 247.

Fuller, D.Q., Lucas, L.. Archaeobotany. In: Smith, C. (eds) Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology. Springer, New York, 2014
Grote, P. J., Rugmai, W., Ploymukda, S. et al. Use of in situ silica bodies in identification of rope fibers from the Phanom-Sur
in shipwreck, Samut Sakhon, Thailand. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 13, 183 (2021).
Connan Jacques, Priestman Seth, Vosmer Tom, Komoot Abhirada, Tofighian Hossein, Ghorbani Buyuk, Engel Michael H., Z
umberge Alex, Van De Velde Thomas. “Geochemical analysis of bitumen from West Asian torpedo jars from the
c. 8th century Phanom-Surin shipwreck in Thailand”, Journal of Archaeological Science 117, 2020, p. 1-18.

Srisuchat, Amara. Srivijaya in Suvarnadvipa. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 2014.
Srisuchat, Tharapong. “Thailand and Maritime Silk Routes: The Role of the Ancient Ports and Harbour Cities in Thailand” in
The Silpakorn Journal Vol. 33 No. 6 January-February 1990. Pp. 4-12. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1990
.
The 1st Regional Office of Fine Arts. Study of Phanom Surin Shipwreck, Phanthai Norasing Sub-district, Meuang Distri
ct, Samut Sakhon Province (2013-2015). Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 2016.

6

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                    <text>The Archaeological Investigation of “Kamikaze”
The Mongol Invasion of Japan
Randall J. Sasaki

Abstract
The historical event that produced the term “Kamikaze,” the Mongol Invasion of Japan led by
Kubilai Khan in 1281 Common Era (C.E.), was shrouded in mystery until a chance discovery off
Takashima Island in Japan revealed the remains of his fleet. It is said that more than three
thousand Chinese and Korean ships met catastrophic ends as a result of the powerful storm.
Scholars have asked why such a large number of ships perished; their answers range from the
effects of a typhoon to ill-prepared ships to the skills of Japan’s Samurai defenders. Despite
detailed research efforts, no conclusion has been reached due to the lack of substantial evidence.
The archaeological remains discovered at the Takashima underwater site may change how we
view this significant battle that changed Japan’s history. Based on his own research, the author
discusses various reasons why the invasion may have failed and whether the analysis of
archaeological remains can add new evidence for understanding the fate of Kahn’s fleet. In
particular, the author focuses on the construction and outfitting of the vessels used for the
invasion.
Ships are arguably the most complex “artifacts” that humans have created and thus
reflect the environment, society, and people that were involved in building the vessel.
Furthermore, ships were the essential component for the invasion of Japan. Anchors, degraded
timbers, possible repairs, artifacts such as personal effects and weaponry, as well as timber
species analysis and the study of fleet organization all tell a story about what took place in the
past. Close examination of information from Takashima sheds new light on the cause of the
largest naval disaster in the pre-modern era.

Introduction
Legends tell us that a catastrophic storm obliterated Kublai Khan’s fleet of more
than 4,000 ships off Takashima Island in Southwestern Japan during his second
invasion in 1281 C.E. (Figure 1). However, many have doubted the storm was
the only cause and proposed several reasons for the failure of the invasion
(Conlan 2001; Saeki 2003; Turnbull 2010). This paper tries to answer whether it
was human or environmental factors that caused the invasion to fail. A Japanese
archaeological team has successfully located fragments of hull timbers from this
ill-fated fleet along the southern shores of the island of Takashima (Matsuura
Board of Education 2008). This is not a typical archaeological excavation
because the entire bay may be considered an archaeological site; perhaps only 1
% of the “site” has been properly excavated. Several excavation projects were
conducted intermittently for the past 20 years at Takashima (Matsuura Board of
Education 2008). In 2004, the author initiated a project funded by the Institute of
Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&amp;M University and RPM Nautical Foundation to
analyze over 500 pieces of timber excavated at Takashima underwater site. The
data gathered from subsequent analysis provide hints of the organization of the
fleet, as well as signs of poorly constructed ships and evidence of possible
Japanese defense (Sasaki 2008). This research has provided evidence for
various factors that played a significant role in an event that changed the course
of Japanese history.

�Figure 1. A Map of Southwestern Japan and Takashima Island

Takashima Underwater Site
A unique characteristic of the Takashima underwater site is that there is no
discernable distribution pattern of artifacts and the large majority of the artifacts
appear to be small broken fragments. A brief analysis showed that 90% of the
timbers were less than 1 meter (m) in length. In addition, close to 70% of the
timbers were simply too degraded to provide any useful information. The author
believes their degraded state to be attributable to a series of post depositional
events. All excavations conducted at Takashima were rescue projects and mainly
areas close to the shoreline were excavated. The near shore zones are usually
directly affected by current and have been heavily churned up. The visual
inspection of the timber fragments exhibited shipworm damage typical of such
conditions.
Although the majority of areas excavated were heavily disturbed zones,
clear signs of an undisturbed layer were found when a small but slightly deeper
location was excavated; the discovery of well preserved anchors described below

�evidenced such condition. Four wooden anchors were found in situ as if these
were cast overboard during the legendary storm (Figure 2). These anchors, all
aligned in the same direction, were set to prevent the ships from striking against
the shore and their directions indicate that the wind was blowing from south - a
typical typhoon wind direction in the area (Takashima Board of Education 1996:
31-33). The estimated original length of the largest anchor’s shank may be 5 m
or more. Based on his study of a military treatise, Kinya Yamagata (1996:128130) estimates that the vessel may have been about 40 m in length. There
appears to be no need for further proof that there was a storm other than the four
anchors in the same direction trying to prevent the ships from being blown
against the shore. The Takashima underwater site has the potential for retaining
a number of intact and well-preserved vessels. Until this breakthrough discovery
takes place we must rely on broken isolated fragments to tell us the story of this
historic event.

Figure 2. The Four Anchors Found at Takashima in situ.
(After Takashima Board of Education 1996: fig.13)

Organization of the Fleet
The first invasion of Japan in 1274 C.E. provides excellent insights into how the
second invasion may have been organized. Historical accounts mention three
types of vessels being prepared; one-thousand-Liao ships, Baator fast-boats,
and water transport boats). The Liao ship can be considered a large vessel that

�is 300 tons or more, the Baator ship is most likely a slender landing craft, and the
water transports can be considered as miscellaneous small boats (Yamagata
2004: 48-49). Any invasion across the sea requires a large amount of grain, thus
large cargo vessels were a necessary asset of the Kublai Khan fleet. Such
vessels, however, must be accompanied by smaller craft to carry supplies
between ships and shore. A large vessel, although excellent at keeping a straight
course in deep water, cannot navigate in shallow water because of its deep draft.
In addition to V-shaped deep draft cargo vessels, it was necessary to bring
shallow draft watercraft capable of beaching to quickly disembark troops. The
composition of the first invasion fleet makes perfect sense. The author assumes
that the second invasion was organized with a similar strategy in mind. Written
sources note two separate fleets organized for the second invasion; one set out
from Korea and another from the Yangtze River mouth. Historian Kōki Ōta (1997)
suggests that the fleet from Korea carried the main fighting force, while the ships
from China were to support the operation and to carry supplies to the front. He
based this hypothesis on differences in circumstances and physical environment.
The number of ships and troops, and the amount of grain that each fleet carried
appears to support this claim.
It also appears that Kublai may have organized the two fleets using
different ships knowing the types of vessels built in the area and the types of
vessels best suited for a specific task. Ōta (1997:46) notes a remark in Koryo
Sah made by Kublai stating “ships from the Song are big but not strong; Korean
ships are small but strong.”This implies that he was aware of different ships
available for his use and the characteristics of those ships.
Besides the 900 ships built in Korea, Kublai ordered the provinces and
towns of Yangzhou, Hunan, Kanzhou, and Quanzhou to build 600 vessels.
Korean flat-bottom vessels were constructed to navigate in shallow waters and
withstand the harsh sea environment (Sasaki 2010; Kim 1994). Vessels built in
Yangzhou were suited for both estuaries and coastal waterways while Hunan
and Kanzhou are known for excellent river-craft that they built (Worcester 1971).
These vessels were made with flat, to rounded-bottom, structure hull shape best
for miscellaneous functions including reconnaissance and transporting supplies
and soldiers between ships and near shore. Quanzhou is a famous shipbuilding
town in Fujian province where large ocean going ships with V-shaped hulls were
built (Kimura 2010). Based on the evidence discussed above, it can be
suggested that the fleet from Korea was composed of shallow draft vessels
capable of landing troops, while the fleet from China was composed of large
deep draft vessels that could carry large cargo as well as miscellaneous ships
suited for various tasks including reconnaissance and transporting goods for
short distances.
Based on the discussion above, the ship timbers from Takashima should
include fragments from large vessels built in Fujian province and smaller
watercraft built along the Yangtze River. First, the size of timbers from
Takashima is a good indication of the general composition of the fleet. Only a
handful of planks from Takashima were thicker than 8 cm, suggesting that many
of the timbers belonged to small vessels, most likely from the Yangtze River.

�Most of these timbers were beams, railings, supporting timbers, and broken
planks. A possible hull frame was found and this artifact may suggest a gentle
curving hull typical of the Yangtze estuary ships. Many of the complete timbers
were also from smaller ships. While not representing a significant portion of the
remains, at least one large vessel with a V-shaped hull built in Fujian province
was present (). The 6 m wide bulkhead plank is from a large ship, based on its
size and construction features similar to those observed in other excavated
vessels, including the Shinan and Quanzhou shipwrecks (Green, et al. 1998;
National Maritime Museum of Korea 2006) (Figure 3). The estimated length of
the vessel may be beyond 30 m and its capacity may have been 300 tons or
more. In my research, I realized that what seems to be a minor construction
feature, such as differences in joinery methods, can be used to identify the
original port of a vessel. Korean shipwrights built ships without using a single iron
nail, while the Chinese built their vessels with the liberal use of iron nails (Kimura
2010). One area of possible hull remains was isolated from other timbers at the
Takashima site, and close to two thirds of its timbers contained at least one nail.
Furthermore, none of the timbers from this site could be confirmed with certainty
as having originated from Korea. It must be noted that other types of artifacts,
such as ceramics, suggest a similar scenario; almost all artifacts were from
China, and only a small percentage were Korean made. This evidence seems to
correspond to the historical records. According to historical accounts it is known
that most of the Korean ships were saved (Ōta 1997:71-76). Overall, the
archaeological evidence gleaned from Takashima seems to correspond well with
the organization of the fleets derived from historical documents.

Figure 3. The 6 m wide V-shaped Bulkhead Planks of a Cargo Vessel
Discovered at Takashima

Sign of Poorly Constructed Ships
It is difficult to imagine how Kublai amassed more than 4,000 ships and thus it is
often argued that it was not the storm but rather poorly constructed ships that
ultimately caused the invasion to fail. Analysis of historical documents tells us
that the use of merchant and pirate ships for naval use was a common practice

�at the time (Lo 1969). One important artifact, a wooden tag with lacquer
inscription, was uncovered at Takashima. This tag reads, “in the first year of ….,
[name of an official] inspected, repaired, and approved [this item]” (Yokkaichi
2002). It is logical to assume that the item repaired was something important,
perhaps a ship. If this was indeed the case, it implies that not all ships were
newly constructed.
From Takashima, no less than twenty timbers exhibit evidence of possible
repair and recycling. More than a dozen timbers had multiple nails of different
sizes from various angles placed in close proximity--often less than 2 cm--which
can be taken as a sign of recycled wood. It is not logical to place so many nails in
such a close proximity and I believe these are signs of repairs. The presence of
such signs indicates some repairs took place, but does not shed light on how
many vessels were repaired or how extensive these repairs were. Considering
the nature of the site, it is difficult to know exactly what percentage of the ships
were repaired. Many timbers, including a possible mast step and 6 m long
bulkhead planks, exhibit what seems to be a sign of poor craftsmanship.
However, a deeper understanding of East Asian shipbuilding tradition may alter
such ideas. For instance, a mast step from Takashima has been noted as an
example of poor craftsmanship (Man 2006; Turnball 2010) However, mast steps
in East Asian ships played a minor role in the hull’s overall integrity, compared to
Western ships and should not be used as a clear evidence for the ship being built
in a poor manner. A mast step played an important role in supporting a mast in
Western built ships (Steffy 1994). On the other hand, in Chinese shipbuilding
tradition, the stress from the mast is distributed to the hull through tabernacles,
carlings, and bulkheads. A mast step is only a small component in supporting the
weight of the mast. Thus, a poorly constructed mast step alone may not indicate
that the ship itself was constructed in a hasty manner. At the same time, some
timbers exhibit evidence of excellent craftsmanship and attention to detail. A
representation of one or two example(s) of poorly constructed or well-crafted
components does not tell us about the relative strength of a vessel. Nonetheless,
it is clear that not all ships in the invasion fleet were new.
The species identification of wooden artifacts from Takashima may hold
the key to the riddle, and these analytical results may be essential to
understanding the strategy for preparing the invasion. Historical accounts as well
as archaeological evidence from some shipwrecks reveal that traditional
shipwrights had a preference in choosing the types of wood they used to build
vessels. In general, Chinese shipwrights used camphor (Cinnamomum
camphora) or China fir (Cunninhamia lanceolata) to construct ship hulls (Xi
1999). It can be assumed that if the shipwrights were constructing vessels in a
hasty manner and were subject to environmental pressures, the species that
shipwrights used to build vessels would vary.
The species identification of 475 samples of wood from Takashima was
conducted and the results published (Matsuura Board of Education 2008: 193230). The author isolated 174 samples of hull components from the rest of the
timbers, and 32.8% are camphor wood, while pine accounted for 22.4% and
China fir accounted for 14.9% of the sample group. Fifteen timbers were

�identified as possible bulkheads and twelve of these were manufactured from
camphor wood. Also, fifteen timbers thought to be hull planks included nine
samples of camphor. Smaller components and thin planks showed more variety
in wood species while larger and thicker components showed less variety of
wood types.
The analysis of firewood, perhaps the most overlooked item in the
archaeological record, was also important in determining the potential
environmental pressure that China experienced at the time of the invasion. A
total of 80 timbers from Takashima were identified as firewood (Figure 4). One
important use for firewood was for communication between ships. The use of
signal fires to keep the fleet intact and guide its vessels (many of which had few
navigators), was a well known practice in East Asia (Batten 2006:83; Ōba
2001:1). The result of the species identification revealed that 80% of these logs
were softwood, with 63% of them pine. Softwood, such as pine, does not require
much time to season and can be used when slightly damp, which makes an
excellent choice for use on board a vessel. Softwood also produces more smoke
than hardwood. The analysis of the wood species indicates that preparation for
the invasion was not based on the strategy of, “using whatever wood they could
get their hands on”, but was based on, “using the wood types that best fit the
purposes”. It appears that when constructing these vessels shipwrights were not
forced to use alternative less desirable timber.

Figure 4. A Large Number of These Firewood were Found at Takashima.

�Evidence of Possible Japanese Defense
Thomas Conlan (2001) claims that the Japanese did not need a great typhoon to
win the war; the Samurai’s bravery and fighting skills combined with the
defensive walls that the Japanese built, were effective in keeping the Mongols
from landing. The timbers found at Takashima contain clues to the actions of the
Japanese defenders. Charred ship timbers may be one such clue. Close to forty
timbers appear to have been scorched and many more timbers showed traces of
fire damage. These charred timbers may be parts of vessels consumed by
Japanese fire attacks. Furthermore, remnants of heavily burnt upper hull
structures add credence to the argument that the samurai set fire to the enemy’s
ships (Man 2006; Turnball 2010). Another clue is an elongated plank the surface
of which was covered with numerous nails. Various sizes of nail holes were
found and no order was found in the placement of nails. It might have been part
of a spiked gunwale that prevented the enemy from boarding the vessel; when
enemies tried to board the vessel, their hands would be caught on these nails.
Yamagata (2004:88) mentions a Chinese treatise stating the use of such a
defensive device. The presence of the spiked gunwale, if indeed that is what this
artifact represents, implies that the Mongols were prepared for the possibility of
Japanese attacks on their vessels.

Conclusions
The archaeological evidence from Takashima contributes new data to the
ongoing discussion of what really took place during the second Mongol invasion
of Japan. Although the site’s environment would appear to prevent its meaningful
interpretation, careful analysis has revealed a variety of potential research
directions. Although it is clear that there was indeed a powerful storm at the time
of the invasion, there was no single cause that led to the invading fleet’s
destruction. When discussing whether human or environmental factors caused
the failure of a particular event in history, we forget that the environment often
shapes human decisions. First, Kublai Khan decided upon an invasion across an
open sea, which can be considered an “environmental barrier”. A large number of
troops had to be gathered with enough provisions to sustain them during and
after the battle, and the invasion ships had to be built to withstand open sea
conditions. The presence of shallow water along the Japanese coastline made it
necessary to bring smaller, shallow-draft vessels. These would necessarily
include vessels not suited for open ocean sailing or the ability to withstand a
storm, but the plan to bring such vessels was part of Khan’s larger military
strategy. The wood species analysis and interpretation implies the vessels were
constructed using preferred timbers. From historical documents, it is known that
the Mongols could not take control of the land and were kept at bay by Japanese
fighters for a prolonged period of time. The Japanese defending forces that
prevented the Mongols from landing contributed significantly to the outcome of
the invasion event. Considering that the invasion took place during the typhoon
season, the chances of the Mongol forces being struck by a storm increased day
by day as long as they remained in their ships.

�Discovery of a complete vessel in the near future may or may not confirm
this interpretation of the Mongol invasion event. The research presented here is
based on actual remains of participating vessels and their associated artifacts,
but is still far from complete. Historians and archaeologists must actively debate
these analyses in order to clarify what really took place, and it is hoped such
discussion persists for the foreseeable future.

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Kimura, J.,
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Kim, Z.G.,
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Man, J.,
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Ōba O.,
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Ōta K.,
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National Maritime
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Saeki, K.,
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In Little Need of Divine Intervention, East Asia Program,
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The INA Quarterly, 32,1, pp. 3-8.
Wooden Shipbuilding and Interpretation of Shipwrecks,
College Station, Texas A&amp;M University Press.
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                <text>The Archaeological Investigation of "Kamikaze"&#13;
The Mongol Invasion of Japan</text>
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Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management</text>
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                <text>The historical event that produced the term â€œKamikaze,â€ the Mongol Invasion of Japan led by Kubilai Khan in 1281 Common Era (C.E.), was shrouded in mystery until a chance discovery off Takashima Island in Japan revealed the remains of his fleet. It is said that more than three thousand Chinese and Korean ships met catastrophic ends as a result of the powerful storm. Scholars have asked why such a large number of ships perished; their answers range from the effects of a typhoon to ill-prepared ships to the skills of Japanâ€™s Samurai defenders. Despite detailed research efforts, no conclusion has been reached due to the lack of substantial evidence. The archaeological remains discovered at the Takashima underwater site may change how we view this significant battle that changed Japanâ€™s history. Based on his own research, the author discusses various reasons why the invasion may have failed and whether the analysis of archaeological remains can add new evidence for understanding the fate of Kahnâ€™s fleet. In particular, the author focuses on the construction and outfitting of the vessels used for the invasion.&#13;
&#13;
Ships are arguably the most complex â€œartifactsâ€ that humans have created and thus reflect the environment, society, and people that were involved in building the vessel. Furthermore, ships were the essential component for the invasion of Japan. Anchors, degraded timbers, possible repairs, artifacts such as personal effects and weaponry, as well as timber species analysis and the study of fleet organization all tell a story about what took place in the past. Close examination of information from Takashima sheds new light on the cause of the largest naval disaster in the pre-modern era.</text>
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                    <text>The Archaeological Type of Sambyeolcho and Maritime Route of Korean Peninsula in the
Goryeo Dynasty
Yun Hyeung-won (Director, National Museum of Korea in Buyeo and Previous Chairman of
the Korean Association for Central Asian Studies)
ABSTRACT
Sambyeolcho, Goryeo Dynasty in Korean Peninsula, the events that took place at Gaegyeong-Ganghwa IslandJindo Island-Jeju Island-Ryukyu take on the aspect of an international war. This subject is proceeding for long
time on archeological excavation and historical resesrch in Korea. What is a real shape of Goryeo, according to
interpretate Sambyeolcho and Maritime route of Korean peninsula. Anaysis archaeological artifacts and historical
records. Synthsis archaeological-historical perspective. This research is necessary that it reveals hidden Goryeo
culture and new medieval Korean Maritime route. And it is related with Mongol-Goryeo-Japan military force.The
archaeological remains that show the Mongol (Yuan Dynasty)’s active maritime route is the Sinan shipwreck 700
years before. It was a trading ship going from Ningbo, in 1323.
Keyword: Goryeo Dynasty, Sambyeolcho, Mongols (Yuan Dynasty), Sinan shipwreck 700years

INTRODUCTION
Mongol Empire (Chinese branch Yuan Dynasty) in the time of Genghis Khan, the steppe nomadic
society was unified. Political and military obstacles to land transportation have been removed. A turning
point in trade based on peace covering the north, south, east, and west called ‘PAX MONGOLICANA’
was prepared. The emergence of the Mongol Legion, which boasts fast cavalry and excellent tactics, can
be compared to the emergence of ‘Total Soccer’ in modern football. There was a perception that the
appearance of the Mongol Corps was 'the world's strongest on land, but not so much on the sea...’.
During the Goryeo Dynasty, the military authority moved the capital to Ganghwa Island, The
Sambyeolcho fought in Jindo Island and Jeju Island. There are also traces of movement from Jeju Island
to Ryukyu (now Okinawa). Kublai Khan (元世祖) encompassed the continent and conquered the
Southern Song; he was well aware of the economic benefits of maritime trade, and had great interest in
maritime management. Kublai Khan sent edicts to Asian countries encouraging them to trade. He carried
out maritime military expeditions to Japan and Southeast Asia (Annam, Champa &lt;now Vietnam&gt; ․ Java
&lt;now Indonesia&gt;). As a result, Yuan's trading spheres were greatly expanded. He supports the Saekmok
people (色目人), who were well versed in finance and trade during the Southern Song Dynasty, to
continue their maritime activities, A state-owned ranch (one of 14 in the Mongol Empire) was
established in Jeju Island and used as a bridgehead for maritime expansion.

THE EXPEDITION OF MONGOL ARMY
SAMBYEOLCHO

AND THE MARITIME ROUTE OF

Historical background
Mongol Expedition to Goryeo was in 1215, when the Mongols entered Goryeo for the first time. In 1225,
the Mongol envoy Jeo Go-yeo was murdered. From 1231 to 1259, there were major six invasions in
Goryeo. In 1255, the Mongolian army organized a naval force and fought in Aphae Island with about
70 warships. After the Sambyeolcho's resistance in 1273, Jeju Island became a direct Mongol territory.
The Sambyeolcho In 1270, they led about 1,000 ships from Ganghwa Island and moved south, focusing
on Jindo Island. In 1271, when the Jindo Island front line was collapsed, they moved the centre to Jeju
and worked there. In 1273, part of the Sambyeolcho moved from Jeju to Ryukyu (now Okinawa). The
Goryeocheopjangbulsimjojo (高麗牒狀不審條條; Tokyo University Historical Archives), which
contains notes on the contents of the correspondence sent to Japan from the Sambyeolcho, Jindo Island,
remains. It did not get any help. After conquering the stronghold of Sambyeolcho in 1273, the Yuan
1

�Dynasty changed the name of the island to Jeju, meaning ‘a place where everything is perfect’. They
installed the Tamra General Headquarters and dispatched Darughachi directly to station troops and set
up army agriculture, called dunjeon (屯田). The Mongols’ direct administration of Jeju Island played a
role in raising horses, building ships, preparing for the Japanese expedition, and monitoring the Goryeo
court and troops. The Mongols’ dominance over Jeju Island had lasted for 98 years until the ‘Mok-ho
Rebellion’ broke out in 1374 in the 23rd year of King Gongmin’s reign and was suppressed by General
Choe Yeong.
Archaeological types of Goryeo Sambyeolcho
Ganghwa Island Fortress
Ganghwa Island in the Ganghwa period had an outer and a middle structure, and although there was no
record of construction, it was a triple structure with an inner structure. The Ganghwa Jungseong (Middle
Structure) Fortress was first excavated in 2009, and the construction process is largely based on
foundation formation and inner waterway formation → stylobate stone churn formation → center plinth
mound formation after lumber facility installation → cladding formation → inner and outer mound
embankment → outer skin. It can be classified according to the composition of the soil. Thirteen building
sites were identified in the Okrim-ri area, and a large number of roof tiles and celadon were jointly
excavated.
Jindo Yongjangseong Fortress
It was designated as Historic Site No. 126 in 1964. In the 1980s, it was known that it is a double castle
structure of gungseong (palace) or naeseong (inner wall castle), and naseong (outer wall castle);
additionally, in 1989, the central part was investigated. In 2004, a survey of the city walls, gates, and
ancestral rites was conducted. Full-scale excavations had been conducted from 2009 to 2015. In 1270,
Sambyeolcho appointed Seunghwahu ‘On’ as king and established a new government. Yongjangseong
Fortress was operated with the concept of a capital city, and its shape resembles the structure of
Manwoldae in Gaeseong. Yongjangsanseong Fortress as naseong, is 13 km long and is a stone-built
structure built by the Hyeopchukbeop-a method of building the inner and outer walls with stone.
Excavated artifacts include celadon incense burners, celadon chair (don), bronze utensils,
Gwangmyeongdae, and various roof tiles. In particular, roof tiles from 「癸卯三月大匠蕙印」 have
been excavated from Sadang-ri, Gangjin, Cheonghaejin·Beophwasa Temple Site, Wando Island, and
building sites in Sinyong-ri, Apahae Island, Sinan. It is understood that Yongjangseong Fortress was
built before entering Jindo Island. In the underwater excavation at Oryu-ri in the Myeongnyangdaecheop
Sea area of Jindo Island, pottery and bottles (‘蒙古甁’, 褐釉四長耳壺) from the Yuan Dynasty were
also found.
Jeju Island Hangpadu Fortress
In 1271, when Jindo Island was captured by the Ryeo-Mon (Goryeo-Mongol) allied forces, the
Sambyeolcho led the remaining forces to enter Jeju Island and build it. Until 1273, it was a fierce
battleground of the Great Mongolian Rebellion. In 1978, the restoration work of Hangpaduseong was
carried out, and in 1997, it was designated as a historic site. In 1993, an excavation of the presumable
southern gate was excavated, and in 2012, an earthen fortress was excavated. A survey of the inside of
the fortress was conducted from 2010 to 2015, and more than 250 materials from 20 building features
were secured. As a result, it was revealed that a three-layered defence system was being built, including
the Hwanhae Great Wall (first line of defence), intermediate defence facilities (second line of defence),
and it was found that they were building a triple defence system, including Hangpadu Fortress and inner
wall castle. As for excavated artifacts, inlaid celadon (cover, chair, and pillow) from the end of the 13th
century was found, and ceramics from the Yuan Dynasty was also confirmed. The relic that draws
attention is the roof tile inscribed 「敦眉瓦草造辛丑2月日高內村徒上吳」, which is dated to the year
of 1241.

2

�Ryukyu (now Okinawa, 流求)
A large roof tile from 「癸酉年高麗瓦匠造」 is excavated from a terraced defence facility called
‘Gusk’. There are several theories... The position that the date is set in 1273 suggests that Sambyeolcho's
activities were carried out in Ryukyu after Jeju Island based on the similarity with the roof-end tile of
Yongjangsanseong Fortress in Jindo Island.
GORYEO-MONGOL ALLIED EXPEDITION TO JAPAN
Historical Background
First round (October 1274) it was Kamakura bakufu (鎌倉幕府) shogun (將軍). Monggoseuprae
(蒙古襲來). A total of 40,000 expeditions, with Kim Bang-gyeong’s 8,000 combat soldiers, 6,700 noncombatants, 25,000 Heundo (Hundun) and Hong Da-gu‘s combatants, were organized. 900 battle ships
were mobilized, including the Cheonryoju (front vessel), the Baldorogyeongjilju (landing vessel), and
the Geupsuju (supply/connection vessel). They returned with the loss of one third of their troops. Second
round (1281): conquered the Southern Song in 1279. Kublai Khan prepared for the conquest of Japan in
earnest, Beom Mun-ho, a native of Southern Song, sent a personal letter to Japan recommending
surrender. In 1280, an order was issued to build 3,500 warships, and Arahant and King Chungryeol took
responsibility for the Jeongdonghaengseong. In May 3, 1281, 42,000 Dongro Troops and 100,000
Gangnam Troops mobilized, and in July 30, they were hit by a typhoon (Kamigajae). The court of Yuan
Dynasty tried to launch the third expedition to Japan; but the expedition was stopped due to the death of
Kublai Khan, who prompted the 3rd expedition to Vietnam.
Archaeological data
In Japan, an underwater archaeological investigation was started in the Takashima area in 1980 to
investigate the Mongol invasion. In 1981, the area of 7.5 km along the southern coast of Takashima and
200 m in the sea area was designated as a cultural property distribution area. Four wooden anchors
equipped with anchor stones were unearthed during the excavation of Kanzaki Port embankment
construction in 1994-95, and they can be classified as large or small. About 1,000 artifacts were
recovered during the port construction of Kanzaki Port in 2001-02. Artifacts such as jars, pottery, knives,
bows, no (crossbow), arrows, lacquerware for armor, decorative hardware, and coins were found. In
particular, the figurative product made of earthenware seems to be an explosive bomb marked as iron
cannon in the ‘Monggoseupraehoesa (蒙古襲來繪詞)’, a documentary painting of the Kamakura period.
In 2006, Matsuura City (松浦市) showed interest and conducted an investigation, and in 2012, the area
was designated as a national historic site. Professor Yoshifumi Ikeda (池田榮史) of the University of
the Ryukyus has been involved in underwater archaeological excavation since 1992, and in 2005
independently conducted sonar surveys and made submarine topographical and geological maps. Based
on these achievements, the 'Takashima sunken ship 1' in 2011-12 and the 'Takashima sunken ship 2'
were excavated and investigated in 2014-15. Judging from the structure of the hull and the excavated
artifacts, it was identified as a ship sunk during the Mongol expedition to Japan in the thirteenth century.
CONCOLUDING REMARKS: CELEBRATING THE 700TH ANNIVERSITY OF THE SINAN
SHIP’S DEPARTURE
The Mongols, a nomadic empire, was aware of the importance of the sea, and the Mongols organized
the manpower of the occupied territories into the Mongolian army. The government actively supported
Saekmok people so that they could engage in trade with preferential treatment, and maximized their
efforts to become a maritime power by making Jeju Island their direct jurisdiction in marine management.
In the 60 years of war between the Mongols and the Goryeo, from the military regime of Goryeo to the
resistance of Sambyeolcho, the events that took place on the stage from Gaegyeong-Ganghwa IslandJindo Island-Jeju Island-Ryukyu take on the aspect of an international war. The material that shows the
3

�Mongols (Yuan Dynasty)’ active maritime activities is the Sinan Ship. It was a trading ship going from
Ningbo, China to Japan via Goryeo in 1323. A vessel with a length of 34 m, a width of 11 m and a total
weight of 200 tons, 20,000 pieces of ceramics, 8 million coins, and 1,000 pieces of rosewood were
revealed. In October 2016, a special exhibition was held at the National Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage (40 years of underwater excavation in Korea). There is a great need to recognize the Sinan Ship
as a ship of the Mongol Empire, not a ship of China. This year, 2023, marks the 700th anniversary of
the departure of the Mongol Empire ship Sinan from the Yuan Dynasty.

Bibliography
Kwon, O-young, Maritime Silkroad and Ancient Kingdoms in East Asia, ACC, 2019 (In Korean).
Inha University Museum, Excavation Report-Ganghwa Jungsung site, Inha University Museum Report, 89, 2011 (In Korean).
Ganghwa National Institute of Cultural Properties, Basic Study of Ganghwa palace in Goryeo, Academic Study of Ganghwa
palace in Goryeo, 1, 2017 (In Korean).
Ganghwa National Institute of Cultural Properties, Archaeological Research of Ganghwa palace in Goryeo, Academic Study of
Ganghwa palace in Goryeo, 2, 2017 (In Korean).
Mokpo University Museum, Excavation Report-Palace sitr in Jindo Yongjangsung (珍島 龍藏城 王宮址), Mokpo University
Museum Academic Series, 180, 2019 (In Korean).

4

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time on archeological excavation and historical resesrch in Korea. What is a real shape of Goryeo, according to&#13;
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records. Synthsis archaeological-historical perspective. This research is necessary that it reveals hidden Goryeo&#13;
culture and new medieval Korean Maritime route. And it is related with Mongol-Goryeo-Japan military force.The&#13;
archaeological remains that show the Mongol (Yuan Dynasty)’s active maritime route is the Sinan shipwreck 700&#13;
years before. It was a trading ship going from Ningbo, in 1323.</text>
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                    <text>The Archaeology of Manila Galleons
Roberto Junco

Abstract

Manila Galleons are the stuff of legend. Active for 250 years they were the vehicle for people,
products and ideas between Asia and the Spanish World. Among the biggest ships of their time,
they were built to endure one of the most difficult navigations, the crossing of the Pacific Ocean which sometimes lasted half a year on the way to New Spain. As a topic of archaeological
research, little has been done regarding these important ships. This paper deals with the known
Manila Galleons found to date. Unfortunately treasure hunters have salvaged most of them and
little information if any is accessible to researchers. However, archaeological projects are
currently active on sites regarding such ships. The Archaeology of Manila Galleons has the
potential to understand diverse aspects of the exchange and interaction that took place between
Asia and the Spanish Empire, as well as to shed light on the ships themselves, which were built
in the Philippines to Spanish shipwright traditions and remain a mystery in many ways.

Introduction

This paper presents a brief recount of the Manila Galleon sites investigated to
date. It also proposes, some ideas of what the archaeology of Manila Galleons
could consider in its research objectives. The Manila Galleons, loaded with their
rich cargos of oriental goods are still a great mystery to researchers, especially
those belonging to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Furthermore, studies
of Asian ceramics and other products of exchange in New Spain and beyond are
scarce. While the work of historians and art historians has contributed
significantly to the topic, archaeological studies are rare given the few sites
located. In this paper, I shall mention the Manila Galleon sites that have come to
my attention, and then present some ideas that I deem relevant in the pursuit of
what can be termed the archaeology of Manila Galleons.

The San Agustín (1595)

By the end of the sixteenth century, the route between New Spain and the
Philippines had been firmly established. The piratical endeavours of Drake in
1579 and Cavendish in 1587 alerted the Spanish authorities of the need to
explore the northern Pacific coast (Gerhard 2003). Thus, Viceroy Luis de Velasco
commissioned the skilful Portuguese sailor Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeño to
explore those latitudes on his return voyage from the Philippines (Bancroft
1886:96). Cermeño´s San Agustín, was a 200 ton ship carrying considerable
volumes of porcelain and other goods. It left Manila in July 1595 and on early
November, reached California (Junco and Fournier 2008:70). The shipwreck
occurred during a storm in what is today known as Drakes Bay (Bancroft
1886:88). The surviving crew built a craft that made the trip south in an almost
fictional account (Wagner 1924): the crew starving to death ate the
accompanying dog and even the rotting corpse of a beached whale. None the
less, they survived the ordeal and finally arrived at the port of La Navidad. Years
later, in 1603 Sebastian Vizcaino's expedition entered the Bay with some of
these sailors, and found no trace of the ship. It was not until 1940, when
archaeologist Robert Heizer (1941) excavated a dozen Indian sites in the vicinity

�and found traces of iron and Chinese porcelain. In 1982 the Submerged Cultural
Resource Unit (SCRU) of the National Park Service (NPS) carried out a survey
with a magnetometer in the bay, possibly identifying the wreck site (Delgado
1998:357). A few years later, Robert Marx got a license to exploit commercially
the wreck, but the strong position of NPS officials stopped the treasure hunter
who planed to sell some of the artefacts found (Ibid.). Some of the porcelain
picked up by beachcombers has been studied and compared to other collections
such as the Drake cargo, helping to establish a chronology (Shangraw and Von
der Porten 1981; Shangraw and Von der Porten 1997; Von der Porten 1972).

Nuestra Señora de la Concepción (1638)

In 1990, the popular magazine National Geographic published an article about
the salvage operation of the Manila Galleon Nuestra Señora de la Concepción,
which sank on route to Acapulco in 1638 (Mathers 1990). Pacific Sea Resources
undertook the salvage operation between 1988 and 1999 with the intention to sell
the entire collection to a Japanese hotel chain with plans to create a touristic
project on the island of Saipan in the Northern Mariana Islands (Delgado
1998:277). The wreck site was known since 1674, when a Spanish recovery
expedition secured most of the 36 cannons on board (Mathers 1993:33). This
type of salvage operation was very common throughout the Spanish empire and
not just by the Crown, but also by commercial contracts (Serrano 1991). Thus,
thanks to the historic document and the Chinese porcelain washed out in the
beach, treasure hunters located the archaeological site (Galvan 1998:88). The
ship sank while the crew brewed a mutiny in the midst of a great storm that
destroyed the masts, and left the ship at the mercy of wind and currents (Mathers
1993:29). On September 1638, the Concepción broke up on a southern reef of
the island of Saipan (Mathers 1990:45). The Chamorro Indians (given this name
by Magallanes) attacked the castaways and only 28 survived of which only six
finally arrived to the Philippines starved and thirsty to tell the story (Schurtz
1992:236). Several years later, priests visiting the islands found gold chains
hanging from the trees and iron tools being used by the natives (Fish 2011:14).
Among the many objects recovered by the operation, is a collection of gold
objects such as rings, chains, and other objects, some Chinese coins of the Wan
Li period (1573-1620), and a sixteenth-century Spanish silver coin. Among the
highlights of the collection are the 156 glazed Southeast Asian ceramic
containers used to transport supplies, with interesting markings in Spanish,
Tagalog and Chinese, as well as fragments of porcelain and glass, and a number
of objects related to the construction and operation of the ship (Mathers, et al.
1990).

Santa Margarita (1601)

In 1995, the Seattle based company IOTA Partners got a permit to salvage the
Santa Margarita wrecked off the island of Rota in the Northern Mariana Islands. It
is not entirely clear what their work has been - although there is a report that I
have not been able to consult (IOTA Partners 1996). What can be said is that
they have had legal problems, because of violations of contract with the local

�government involving the destruction of part of the reef where the galleon is
located (Deposa 2006). Several pieces of ivory, porcelain and gemstones have
been recovered (Shen 2007). An anchor from the ship has been located and
rests in the ocean (Galvan 1998:93). The ship sank in 1601 with a crew of over
300, however only a few survived the incident (Driver 1983:200). The following
year, a galleon that carried the missionary Fray Juan Pobre de Zamora, came
into contact with a survivor of the Santa Margarita, that shared information with
him about the Chamorro Indians (Ibid.).

Nuestra Señora del Pilar (1690)

The Manila Galleon, Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Zaragoza, sank off the island of
Guam in 1690 on route to the Philippines. It has a history that resembles the
Nuestra Señora de la Concepción in that it was also salvaged at the time and
has been pursued by several treasure hunters such as the Australian company
Maritime Archaeological Investments, Pilar Proyect Ltd. (related to the former)
(Surry 2001). In 1989, they located in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville the
record of 5000 silver coins recuperated from the wreck. According to this
document (Cruzat 1700), the three hundred ton galleon lost the majority of the
crew in the event. Supposedly, Tresure hunters have only found 36 silver coins
minted in Mexico City, Lima and Potosi, several sheets of lead belonging to the
hull, timber, iron nails, cannon balls and musket shot, and five tons of stone
ballast (Surry 2001). Further more, iron fasteners, hundreds of fragments of olive
jars and three claws from Mexican black bears have been recovered in continuos
operations (Showronek 2009:497). According to The New York Times
(Richardson 2001), in 2001 they went on the hunt for investors in Australia to
raise half a million dollars to finance their operations

The San Diego (1600)

The San Diego, built on the island of Cebu, sank in battle against the Dutch near
Manila in 1600 and is often cited as a Manila Galleon (Brown 2009:178). The
wreck was located by Franck Goddio of the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical
Archaeology in partnership with archaeologists of the National Museum of the
Philippines (1994; see Orillaneda and Ronquillo this volume), who recovered
more than a thousand pieces of blue and white Wan Li porcelain, Japanese
sword guards, 570 storage jars (the largest collection found to date), a gold and
ivory crucifix, a brass astrolabe (only six known prior to 1600), a glass and
bronze compass (one of the few in those days), gold rings, cannons, anchors
and other artefacts (Harper 2010). It is true that the San Diego shares common
features with the ships that are the subject of this work, however it should not be
considered as such, because the ship was on a combat mission and in that
sense, at the time of sinking it was not fulfilling the functions of a Manila Galleon
if ever it was intended to.

The Manila Galleon in Oregon

Archaeological evidence of a Manila Galleon has been located on the west coast
of the United States in Nehalem, Oregon. Preliminary investigations point to a

�ship of the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century, and two candidates are
already proposed, the Santo Cristo de Burgos (lost in 1693), or the San
Francisco Xavier (lost in 1705), whose contemporary testimony is as follows,
Nothing has been heard from it, nor a plank, or object of any kind, big or small,
has served as clue to speculation that it crashed into an unknown rock or that it
was swallowed up by the waves with all that was on board [….] The Ocean kept
the secret of this horrific tragedy (Fernandez 1898).

The on going project, called "Beeswax Wreck" is currently headed by
Scott Williams, a specialist in the area of Cultural Resources at the Service of
Natural Resources in Washington State, and has the support of volunteers and
researchers who have analyzed the archaeological material collected to date
(Williams 2006). Since the nineteenth century, wax blocks have been
documented in the area, some with interesting markings engraved on them. The
marks have been compared with those recorded in ceramics from the shipwrecks
of Nuestra Señora de la Concepción and the San Diego already mentioned,
finding some similarities (Rogers 2008). In addition, work has been done on the
porcelain recovered from the site, concluding that it dates to the early Kangshi
period (1662-1722) (Lally 2009). Also, studies have been done on wooden
nautical items recovered in the coastal dunes confirming an oriental origin, teak
(Williams 2009). Interestingly, oral histories have been recorded that testimony
Indians in the area who claim to be descendants of shipwrecked sailors, some
with European features (Williams 2010).

The Manila Galleon in Baja California

For 12 years now, there have been several field seasons by American
researchers and the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Histoira (INAH) in the
Pacific coast of Baja California, where thousands of pieces of Chinese porcelain
dating to the sixteenth century, as well as coins, blocks of wax, and other objects,
whose origin no doubt, is a Manila Galleon shipwreck have been documented
(INAH 2005; INAH 2007; INAH 2009; INAH 2010). The porcelain collection is one
of the most important in Mexico and opens a window into the early trade of the
New Spain and Asia. In July 1751, the tireless Jesuit missionary Father Consag,
in his explorations of Baja California records the site:
By mid morning those who went to survey the spit of sand brought a bowl, a
cup, a big cup, a plate of Chinaware and a good portion of white wax paste.
They informed that the area is full of vases, large plates and the like, nails and
pieces of iron that disintegrate into powder with contact, even the nails that are
still tucked into the broken timbers; lead pieces can be found, several medium
and small pieces of bronze, but what is more abundant and easily found is the
wax. For lack of water they cannot stop for much time, because the nearest is
very salty, and if it does not give thirst, it does not quench it. All these things,
clearly indicate that in this sandy beach or contours, a vessel sank, which can
even happen without a big storm, or because the coast is unknown (Ortega
1887:524).

�Although there are historical records of the site, as the one above, it was
ultimately the archaeological material found by beachcombers that led to the
investigations by Maritime Historian Edward Von der Porter -who had analyzed
the porcelain of the San Agustín- and organized the first site visit with Jack
Hunter in the year 1999. So far, it has been concluded that the porcelain
collection of 1500 sherds corresponds to a period between 1574 and 1576,
placing it in the early part of the route (Von der Porten 2008). This led to the
possibility that it could be one of the galleons lost in that period: Espiritu Santo,
San Juanillo, San Felipe or San Antonio, making it very likely that it is the San
Felipe of 1576 (Von der Porten 2010). Beside the rich porcelain and stoneware
collection, other materials such as sheets of lead used to cover the hull have
been documented - some with the remains of iron nails that testify to the spanish
construction of galleons of the period (Von der Porten 2008:4). Also, wax blocks
of up to nine kilograms, some analyzed in the laboratory to confirm that it is
beeswax. These blocks contain important information in the form of three
centimeter diameter holes made by worms. They give a clue as to the formation
of the archaeological context as they would have needed to be submerged in the
sea at least a year for the worms to eat the wax (Von der Porten 2010). Thus, the
galleon in Baja with all the crew dead ran aground and remained stranded at
least one year in the water until it broke and dispersed the materials on the
beach (Von der Porten 2010). Furthermore, other interesting objects have been
collected such as a plate of Chinese cloisonné, a compass gimbal, a sounding
lead and a bronze figure of a Fu dog.

Some thoughts to go forward

The future study of Manila Galleons is promising in several aspects. First, the
plausible chance of locating the physical remains of a galleon would open an
interesting line of research in the investigation of shipbuilding of these famous
ships, especially those of the sixteenth or seventeenth century of which there are
few references. Let us remember, that these ships were built mostly in the
Philippines, and although their design adhered to the canon of Iberian naval
architecture, their large size and local solutions may show substantial differences
with Atlantic ships of the time. Secondly, although there are currently two projects
investigating Manila Galleon sites today – Baja California and Oregon, other sites
might be discovered in the future, especially in the Philippines, giving more
information to compare between sites. As new technology to explore deep waters
becomes widely available and surveys carried out, sites will be located.
All Manila Galleons found to date are by the coast. An important research
objective should deal with the impact that these shipwrecks might have had on
the indigenous populations (see Nayati this volume). Already the historical
references provide clues, such as the gold chains hung in trees by the Chamorro
Indians already mentioned, but archaeological materials, like reused porcelains
to make arrowheads for example, at the San Agustín and Baja California wreck
sites, will shed more light on this topic. Furthermore, the possibility that some of
the wreck survivors might have mixed with the local population makes an

�interesting case for the archaeology of contact, as these shipwrecks happened in
many cases before the “official” contact period (Mathes 2010:63).
Interesting questions could center upon aspects of life on board - given
that most of the studies center on the cargo; what was it like to spend up to six
months on board a galleon amidst the uncertainty of arriving to safe port in
between the storms of the north Pacific? Historical references can help in this
matter, but often leave out the mundane daily activities, material culture might be
in a position to shed light on this topic, as well as to the ethnic nature of the crew.
Furthermore, what navigational equipment did these ships carry? And did it
change at the same pace as it did in Atlantic navigation? Although ceramic
studies might have been more abundant than those of other materials – such as
typology and interpretation of motifs, what other ways can be devised to study
the materials (see Craig this volume)? As is the case of other products; what was
the perception of these objects for the people that produce them in China, the
people that exchange them in the Philippines, and the people that consumed
them in New Spain and beyond? This kind of studies could unveil a richer
understanding of the societies involved. Furthermore, what changes in the choice
of transported products can we infer in our research (Showronek 2009:498)? Silk
and porcelain were always transported in galleons but do percentages shift
through time? How were products transported? The questions are endless, but
they should be posed before going out to the field.
Another line of enquiry, resides in those archaeological sites and materials
that are related to the trade and route of the galleon and which serve as
comparative evidence to the materials found in shipwrecks. For example, a
recorded site in the coast - north of Acapulco, where Chinese porcelain of the
sixteenth century suggests a smuggling point on the trade of the Manila Galleon
(Junco 2006). Likewise, documentation of Chinese porcelain within the territory
of New Spain has yielded significant insight into the distribution of oriental
products that arrived in the galleon (Junco and Fournier 2008) which can be used
for comparative purposes as well as to show, for example, the impact of oriental
products on local ceramic traditions (Kuwayama 1997). To conclude, there are
few archaeological studies of Manila Galleon to date, as can be seen from those
presented in this paper, in which I have also stated some of the research
questions that can help us move forward in the study of Manila Galleons.

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