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                    <text>A Study on the Structure of the Fourteenth Century Chinese Merchant Ship (Sinan
Shipwreck)
Hong sun-jae (Curator, National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
Further research on Sinan shipwreck structure is required. The questions raised by Lee Cheol-han and Lee Changeok in Report on Sinan Ship Conservation and Restoration and those in the new edition of Sinan Shipwreck are
summarized in this paper. They are summarized as follows: First question is about the understanding of bar keel;
second is the combining structure and inclination angle of bar keel and plate stem; third is whether additional side
plate was possible and major measurement of hull and molded depth; fourth is whether to consider the deck side
structure as deck as before; fifth is the recognition of the sectional shape of the hull center - if the four questions
above are solved; sixth is whether oars were installed; seventh is the other mast legs and liquid tank. To address
these questions, I first organized terminology and corrected incorrect terms, I then examined the literature on
analysis of structural characteristics. For methodology, my lens was that of a professional shipbuilding engineer. I
considered major structures in the excavation reports, conservation and restoration reports, and original shape
estimation report. I added missing structures that have come to light since these reports were produced. I aim to
identify the comprehensive structure of ancient Korean merchant ships for comparative studies with Chinese and
Japanese ships and development of ships by period.
Keywords: Sinan shipwreck, keel, floor, shell plating

INTRODUCTION
Sinan underwater excavation (Office of Cultural Properties of Ministry of Culture and Information 1983;
1984; 1985; 1988; National Maritime Museum 2004; National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage 2018) began on August 20, 1975 when Chinese ceramics (six items including a celadon vase)
were caught by fisherman Choi Pyeong-ho’s net. Excavation was conducted by the Cultural Heritage
Administration in cooperation with the Navy for nine years from 1976 to 1984 CE.
Sinan shipwreck sank 4 km away from Imjado Island and Hoedo Island in the offshore of Heodo-myeon,
Sinan-gun, Jeollanam-do, likely due to maritime weather and environmental factors while sailing from
China to Japan. Sinan shipwreck is a V-shaped pointed bottom type that was produced a lot during Song
and Yuan Dynasties (960-1368 CE) of China. The coins and copper mirrors arranged in the Big Dipper
in the middle of the keel followed the traditional ritual for a safe return and wellbeing of ships in China,
this detail leads us to presume it is a Chinese trade ship. In addition, the hull is made of Krempf’s Pine
and Pinus massoniana, red pine and black pine; and internal structure is Cinnamomum spp; fendering
apparatus is Cunninghamia lanceolata. The analysis of such materials showed that it was a Chinese trade
ship made about 700 years ago (National Maritime Museum 2004, 16-25).
In 1981, Kim Jae-geun conducted study on Sinan shipwreck by comparing the structure of ships of
Goryeo and China and he presented the hull structure and specifications and tested his ideas by making
miniature model. In 1989, Lee Cheol-han examined the process of making it to restore original shape of
hull of Sinan shipwreck and its significance. In 2004, Kim Yong-han classified hull pieces and identified
structural characteristics for shape and restoration scale of Sinan shipwreck. He compared and reviewed
literature and data on old Chinese ships. In 2004, Choi Hang-soon analyzed Sinan shipwreck by making
3D images to see displacement, weight, deadweight, resistance performance and structural strength from
the perspective of shipbuilding engineering. This presented major specifications of Sinan shipwreck. In
2004, NRIMCH treated hull pieces for conservation, restored remaining condition and published reports.
Further studies on 3D precision measurement of restored Sinan shipwreck in 2018, 3D printing model,
basic and detailed design, ship engineering analysis, and model to estimate original shape. However,
despite all the research, the questions raised by researchers about structure of Sinan shipwreck are not
clearly answered.

1

�REVIEW ON THE STRUCTURE OF SINAN SHIPWRECK
The structure can be divided into four: main body, reinforcement, design and auxiliary.
Main body
Keel
Keel is the most important structure of the hull. In likeness to the spine in human body, it is composed
of three connected materials. The way of connecting three materials is scarf joint for mutual joint and in
order to harden the scarf joint, wedge was used. In the joint of keel, it has a hole for inserting coins
indicating that it is a Chinese ship and a shallow circular hole was dug between bow and center keel to
put circular mirror made of cupronickel. Nine holes were made on horizontal section of the central and
stern keel and bronze coin called Tai Ping Tong Bao was put in each hole and covered with wooden
stopper. There is elevated structure with floor to separate the areas on the top surface of keel. In
particular, the keel at the center, out of three keels, have elevated central part with slight curve at the
edge downwards. It is designed to improve the navigation performance intentionally rather than external
shock during sailing or wreckage.
Floor
Floor is a structure located between the keel and bulkhead. The shape is same as bulkhead but it is
thicker. Because thicker material was used, the bulkhead and frame are placed on the floor and connected
each other. In addition, frame is installed to divide the front and back sides based on bulkhead. The
frames are installed on the front side from I to IV (to the direction of bow) and on the back side from V
to VII (to the direction of stern). The way of connection and fixing was traditional Chinese style to
strengthen the structure by placing floor at the groove on the top of keel. One of the important features
of floor structure is a square hole at the center that prevents the water inflow between compartments.
This structure applies sophisticated shipbuilding technology to prevent sinking due to flooding by
blocking holes. However, the excavation report mentioned this structure as ‘waste water corridor’ where
water accumulated on the floor passes. Therefore, additional study is required.
Transom floor
Transom floor is a structure that is located at the stern and connected to the keel. The shape of the first
stage of stern has the same floor type and connection structure but it does not have square hole at the
bottom center. However, it has elevated structure on a half of the top surface to install floor. The member
of the hull is recorded as stern frame structure. The research shows that the stern frame structure is
installed on the floor like bulkhead, it is reasonable to consider the structure installed at the stern area
on top of keen as transom floor and the thinner plate than lower stages was placed on top of the floor.
Garboard strake
Garboard strake is located between keel and the first stage of shell plating. Its shape is similar to that of
shell plating but its thickness is about 20 cm, which is significantly thicker than shell plating whose
thickness is 12 cm. Keel, floor, and garboard strakes are connected by placing the keel whose sectional
shape is square and L-shaped groove is made on both sides of the top side to attach garboard strake. The
floor is attached to the top of the keel and inside of the garboard strake. For fastening each member, iron
bar was used to maintain enough strength.
Bulkhead
Bulkhead is composed of seven bulkheads and eight windows from the shell plating (it is estimated to
be deck structure at that time) with eight compartments in total. Bulkhead is a major member that
composes frame of the hull, serving as the basis for ship shape. It serves as the fixing framework for the
assembly of shell plating. It maintains the same interval to prevent trim phenomenon and improve lateral
strength. Fourth, it secures space to be used for different purpose. Bulkheads I-VI are installed vertically
straight but stern bulkhead is connected with inclination toward stern direction and bulkhead VII is

2

�connected to the bow direction with more inclination. The section between bulkhead I to bulkhead IV
has frame to the direction of bow while stiffener structure is located to the stern direction. The frame of
bulkhead V-VI is located in the stern direction while stiffener is located in the bow direction. The
bulkhead fixing method is to use iron bar on the front and back side.
Shell plating
The shell plating is located between garboard strake and deck and is the body of the ship that composes
the final shape. This accounts for the highest share among remaining hull pieces and 176 pieces of 13
starboard and four port sections remain. The shell plating joint method is divided into longitudinal and
transverse joint. The longitudinal joint method is based on rabbeted clinker joint 1 while the bow
direction has half-lap miter joint2. Traverse joint uses tongue and groove joint3 method and half-lamp
miter joint and the plate is added and fixed by nailing. The way of connecting shell plating is one of the
representative characteristics of Sinan Ship.
Pointed stem
Pointed stem is a structure located at the very front of the ship. The shape of the bow is two-layer flat
plate structure in the shape of trapezoid close to inverted triangle. At the left and right edge of pointed
stem, L-shaped groove was made to be connected to shell plating and inner side was added by plate for
reinforcement. The thickness of pointed stem is about 11-12 cm and structural characteristics is to use
half-lap miter joint.
Bulwark
Bulwark is located on the upper starboard side of the central of Sinan shipwreck. Bulwark has a clinker
joint structure like the joint structure of shell plating. The material made of cedar tree with the thickness
of 1.5-2 cm to protect the structure. This is to have sea water inflow and be released through the same
circular holes. The upper bulwark has the same circular hole, making it reasonable to interpret it not as
the bulwark structure but as structure of shell plating. The reason can be assumed that, as it is lower than
waterline comparing to the dead weight and gross weight based, it is far away from the bulwark structure
which is side plate of the board.
Bulwark Stay
Bulwark stay is located at the top of shell plating and connected to bulwark (assumed to be the
fourteenth-fifteenth stages of the shell plate). This structure plays the role of bulkhead. Three members
of this structure were lifted from the starboard side. It is composed of thick wooden plate with 13 cm in
thickness and root was connected between structures so each angle was maintained. The bulwark stay
is located before and after circular hole located at the center of bulwark. The structure and role as well
as interpretation of terms for bulwark stay are required.
Deck
Analysis of bulwark and bulwark stay showed that deck is estimated to be the structure that support
fourteenth-fifteenth stages of shell plating. Therefore, it is reasonable to interpret the structure of deck
as structure of shell plating inside. In addition, the plate made of cedar tree with the thickness of 1.5-2
cm is added to the top side. The thickness is 10 cm and width 43 cm. There is groove 10 cm wide at the
bottom of the outer side area that is connected to the top of the thirteenth stage of the shell plating of
bulwark. At the end of the inner side area, scarf joint structure is designed to connect it to the board. As
Sinan shipwreck is estimated to be 4.0 m, the shell plating free board is estimated to be 1.5-1.9 m in

Way of joining by making L-shaped groove on the top of the shell plating and groove was made inside the bottom part of the
top shell plating.
2 Joining two members with the same thickness by digging half of the thickness of the plate and then joining them together
(Architecture dictionary)
3 Connection to prevent the timbers from being pushed to the side (architecture dictionary)
1

3

�height. Then it is known that the deck should be installed at a sufficient height.
Reinforcement
Butt Strap
Butt strap was used to maintain the strength to reinforce the joint area by connecting joint structure to
make the length of shell plating member. The method of connection is to put 1-18 iron bars, nine on left
and right sides of the joined member respectively. The but strap has fished joint structure.
Stiffener
Stiffener is a structure that firmly fixes shell plating member attached to the bulkhead to prevent it from
being pushed to the outside. Each stage of each section has this stiffener. Stiffener reinforce shell plating
and bulkhead has a trapezoidal shape4, and the part attached to the bulkhead has a small shape about a
quarter of the size of the trapezoid. The fixing method was made strong by driving iron pins.
Bulkhead Frame and Forward Cant Frame
Bulkhead frame is installed on one side of each bulkhead to connect the bulkhead and shell plating
firmly. Forward cant frame is located between VII bulkhead and pointed stem. The forward cant frame
has twice wider gap compared to I-VII bulkhead. The bigger the space of the section, the weaker the
strength of the shell plate so it is assumed that forward cant frame was installed to reinforce shell plating.
Bulkhead frame continues from the floor to the deck rostrum and the shape is like stair type according
to the shell plating. Iron bar was used for firm fastening.
Scarf-skin
Scarf-skin protects keel, shell plating, bulwark and deck. The thickness is 1.5-2 cm and it is made of
cedar and it seems that scarf-skin was added to protect it from harmful insects.
Design
Mast
Mast is located on the front side of IV and VII bulkheads. The structure of the mast is divided into mast,
mast leg, mast leg support and cross bar as well as mast leg press (Office of Cultural Properties of
Ministry of Culture and Information 1984, 138-139). However, the floor is wider than the floor located
at the bottom of bulkhead as it is aligned with the size of the mast and width of the mast leg, a support
structure. The role of the floor structure is the basis to pile up the upper structure and support the keel.
Moreover, in the report, it is said that floor is the lower structure together with keel and strake (Office
of Cultural Properties of Ministry of Culture and Information 1984, 129). However, the mast support at
that time played the role of supporting mast leg and that is why it is called mast leg support as it was
considered to be part of the mast.
Auxiliary
Liquid tank
Liquid tank is located between IV and V bulkheads and is placed on the left and right shell plating. The
shell plating is placed on the front and back direction of the liquid tank support and the bottom plate is
placed according to the inclination of the liquid tank support; side plates are placed on four sides. It is
watertight to prevent water leakage. In order to erect bottom plate and site plate, the structure same as
bulkhead is applied for reinforcement.

4

A quadrilateral with two sides (upper and lower) parallel

4

�CONCLUSIONS
The examination on structural characteristics confirmed that the ship has important characteristics from
the perspective of the history of shipbuilding technology.
1. It has a V-shaped pointed-bottom hull, which enables the ship to withstand deep water, high
and rough waves and swell, wind waves and to perform fast navigation and stability.
2. It secured durability by planning seven bulkheads and eight windows for the space where trade
items are piled to secure durability and it has the structure of compartment to store trade items
safely.
3. It is equipped with two or more propulsion structures, it has a ‘sailboat structure’ that can sail
against the wind.
4. The front of the ship is equipped with an inverted triangular ‘trapezoidal structure’ to minimize
wave resistance during sailing.
5. It has the water tank structure at the center and left and right of the ship for drinking water
supply and balance of the ship.
6. It has the reinforcement structure that has double or triple connection through butt strap,
stiffener, frame and cant frame.
7. It has the waterproof and watertight structure to prevent the inflow of water from one
compartment to another.
8. The shape is to have a narrow bow and wide stern in order to improve sailing performance.
9. It is equipped with the hull protection structure where a scarf-skin is attached to the outer side
of the shell plating, penetrating sea bugs from entering into the hull.
The nine characteristics showed that the ship is equipped with the best shipbuilding technology and
structure in Song and Yuan Dynasties of China.

Bibliography
Cultural Heritage Administration of the Ministry of Culture and Public Information, Sinan Underwater Artifacts, Sourcebook
I. Mokpo: Cultural Heritage Administration, 1983 (In Korean).
Cultural Heritage Administration of the Ministry of Culture and Public Information, Sinan Underwater Artifacts, Sourcebook
II. Mokpo: Cultural Heritage Administration, 1984 (In Korean).
Cultural Heritage Administration of the Ministry of Culture and Public Information, Sinan Underwater Artifacts, Sourcebook
III. Mokpo: Cultural Heritage Administration, 1985 (In Korean).
Cultural Heritage Administration of the Ministry of Culture and Public Information, Sinan Underwater Artifacts,
Comprehensive Edition. Mokpo: Cultural Heritage Administration, 1988 (In Korean).
National Maritime Museum, Conservation and Restoration Report of Shinan Ship. Mokpo: National Maritime Museum, 2004
(In Korean).
NRIMCH, A Study on Restoration of Original Shape of Sinan Shipwreck. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2018 (In Korean).

5

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                <text>Further research on Sinan shipwreck structure is required. The questions raised by Lee Cheol-han and Lee Changeok in Report on Sinan Ship Conservation and Restoration and those in the new edition of Sinan Shipwreck are&#13;
summarized in this paper. They are summarized as follows: First question is about the understanding of bar keel;&#13;
second is the combining structure and inclination angle of bar keel and plate stem; third is whether additional side&#13;
plate was possible and major measurement of hull and molded depth; fourth is whether to consider the deck side&#13;
structure as deck as before; fifth is the recognition of the sectional shape of the hull center - if the four questions&#13;
above are solved; sixth is whether oars were installed; seventh is the other mast legs and liquid tank. To address&#13;
these questions, I first organized terminology and corrected incorrect terms, I then examined the literature on&#13;
analysis of structural characteristics. For methodology, my lens was that of a professional shipbuilding engineer. I&#13;
considered major structures in the excavation reports, conservation and restoration reports, and original shape&#13;
estimation report. I added missing structures that have come to light since these reports were produced. I aim to&#13;
identify the comprehensive structure of ancient Korean merchant ships for comparative studies with Chinese and&#13;
Japanese ships and development of ships by period.&#13;
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                <text>Hong, Sun-jae. 2023. “Study on the Structure of Shinan Shipwreck, the Chinese Merchant Ship in the 14th Century.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1954 </text>
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                    <text>A survey on a petroglyph illustrating a watercraft at the
hinterland site of Dehtal
Mina Safah
S iraz University
Shadi Kalantar
Tehran University

Abstract:
Dehtal is an important hinterland site, located 170 km away from the
shores of the Persian Gulf in Bastak County, Hormozgan province. Dehtal
is a petroglyph site possibly dating to the pre-Neolithic, according to
various sources of evidence such as stone tools found within the Bastak
area and the Dehtal plain. The petroglyphs themselves, however, more
likely date to the 3rd millennium BC. According to historical written
sources, the Bastak area was located on the road linking the so-called
Silk Road to the East Asia-Persian Gulf maritime trade routes.
One of these petroglyphs, which is located beside a seasonal river,
illustrates a watercraft. The image shows a round-hull, double-ended craft
with two masts and a long saturi (bowsprit). A long saturi is a characteristic
feature of a “boom” ship. Booms were used for long-distance voyages
within Indian Ocean and they are still in use today but now work with
engines.
Firstly, this article attempts to discern the shipbuilding details of the
watercraft depicted in comparison with other ship illustrations as those
found in the Maqamat al-Hariri and the vessel depiction uncovered by
Whitehouse at Siraf. Secondly, we will discuss Dehtal as a passage from
Persian Gulf to so-called Silk Road with a focus on archaeological reports
and historical written sources.
Introduction:
This article firstly, introduces a hinterland rock art site named Dehtal dated
back to a period from the Paleolithic Age to the Islamic era. This site took
its name from the nearby village with the same name. Secondly, a
petroglyph illustrating a watercraft that is situated within the Dehtal site

�will be introduced and a typology of the craft will be discussed by
comparing it with other similar watercraft illustrations. Regarding a long
Saturi (bowsprit) showed in the watercraft illustration and due to this fact
that such a long saturi is a characteristic of Boom ship, it is believed that
the namely illustration shows a Boom ship. There is no evidence for dating
the petroglyph, however, we will try to estimate it. Thirdly, the paper will
discuss the reason why a Boom ship has been drawn in an inland desert.
Rock Art site of Dehtal
Not far from the ancient village of Dehtal in Godeh area, a rock art site
of the same name has been located. Dehtal is in Bastak County at 170
kilometers north of the Persian Gulf and 110 kilometers south of Lar
(Movahhed, 1970). The pictures of this site include all the categories of
rock arts; human, animal, and plant motifs and symbols.
Most of the motifs in the Dehtal site have been carved on circle or oval
rocks made of limy sandstone with an average diameter of one meter and
a height of half meter from the ground level using Petroglyph technique in
an abstract style. Due to the climatic conditions of the area - high
temperature difference between day and night, and extreme heat during
spring and summer - some of the carved stones have been broken and
divided into two halves. There has been no research done as to the
makers of Dehtal petroglyphs. The measure of erosions and the repeat of
drawings on over each other can be a sign of the importance of this site
to the aboriginal inhabitants or being on the way of ancient roads for
centuries. So, the scattered stones of Dehtal probably were a suitable bed
for transferring the thoughts and rituals of inhabitants or recording
observations by passengers. According to archeological findings and
historical data derived from the Godeh area and Dehtal sites, the Dehtal

�petroglyphs can be dated to a period between the Paleolithic Age to the
Islamic era (Fig.1).

Fig.1: A Landscape of the Dehtal site. (Authors)
Bastak: History and historical Geography
Dehtal is located in Bastak province, regarding this, we will have a look
at the historical geography of Bastak in this part. It could help for
understanding the land and marine trade roads which connected this site
to the internal regions of Iran and shores of Persian Gulf as well as the
probable role of the commercial caravans in making the figures of Dehtal.
Bastak is one of the southern regions of Iran plateau placed between
Bandar Lengeh, Hormozgan and Larestan. In fact, Bastak, as the gate of
Fars to Persian Gulf, was on the way of commercial caravans from the
past. So, it has had the considerable economic position. Also, Bastak
always has involved in the trade and policy of the Persian Gulf. It has been
the center of governing the extensive district between Lar province and
Persian Gulf over the time, especially late three hundred years (Movahed,
1970).

�According to the historical sources, like Farsnameh Naseri, Bastak is a
new name for a bigger zone called Jahangireh (Fasaii, 1988). In fact, it
was a part of the ancient Irahistan. It is a name recorded for Larestan
within the sources of fourth to seventh H.D and encompassed the
hinterlands between Siraf and modern Bandar Abas (Vosoughi et al.,
2008). On the basis of the record of Farsnameh Ibn Balkhi, the rulers of
Irahistan had never been the subordinate of the central government,
unless there was a powerful governor in Fars (Ibn Balkhi, 1995).
Bastak as a Carrefour:
The ancient roads in Bastak and Irahistan region can be summarized as
following: 1- A caravan road started from the nearby ports of Persian Gulf
and after passing Kachouyeh, Kemshak, Tarakameh and Lamerd
reached Jahrom and continued to Shiraz. This way has been used in
flourishing of Kish Island. 2- The second road also started from the close
ports of Kish Island and get to the Larestan with passing Jenah and
Kouhaj. There are traces of caravanserais and reservoirs along this way.
3- The third road came from Lar to Tadrouyeh and finally ended to Ilud.
Also the roads of Bastak to Bandar Lengeh, Lar, Faramarzan, Godeh,
Rouydarat, Lamzan and Dezhgan are documented in 1970. All of these
routes from Bandar Lengeh to Bastak and Lar, the similar caravanserais
with a distance of three Farsang (6 myl) can be seen are mostly named
Shah A'basi (Movahed, 1970). (Fig.2)

�Fig.2: Three main ancient roads in Bastak and Irahistan region.
(Authors)
But Bastak is located on the most important route of the ancient world;
the Southern route of the Silk Road and the Sea Route of the Spice Road
(Adviyeh Sea Route). This south way separated from the east-west main
route of Silk Road passing Rey and Isfahan, reached to Shiraz and finally
after passing Irahistaan and Bastak regions ended at the port of Kish.
Then, it joined the Sea Road of Spice, connected the east and the south
of Asia through the Persian Gulf to the Europe and the Mediterranean's
shores. During this route traded different goods such as silk, spice, pearl
and so on (Reza, 1997). (Fig.3)

�Fig.3: Route 1. Part of the South way of Silk Road. Route 2.
Continuance of the Silk Road to the Persian Gulf. Route 3. Part of the
Sea Road of Spice (Adviyeh Sea Route). (Authors)
The important rivers of Bastak region are Shoor Galedar and Mehran.
These rivers originates from around the Galedar desert and finally flows
into the Persian Gulf (Movahhed, 1970; Vosoughi et al., 2008). The Shoor
River streams into Godeh region, where the Dehtal site located in. This is
a rich area in archaeological terms, containing prehistoric, historic and
Islamic sites.
Larestan and Bastak's regions are pointed during the Achaemenid
period under the names of Yaoutiya, Tāravā and Praga/Forag in
Daryush's manuscript at Biston (paragraph 5, 7, column 3) (Sharp, 2005).
Yaoutiya was probably in the south-east of Fars, i.e. contemporary
Larestaan (Fry, 2003). It is the territory that Vahizdata rioted and named
himself Bardia. Finally, he defeated against the arm of Daryush in Tāravā
and beside Praga, a town and mountain in Yaoutiya respectively (Sharp,
ibid). Tāravā located at the east of Larestan on the commercial route of

�Hormoz toward Kerman and Darab, and Praga is a region in the north of
Taram, East of Larestan and North-east of Bastak most probably
(Vosoughi et al., 2008). After the invasion of Arabs to this region, the name
of Praga changed to Farag or Forag, while it has been recorded Praga in
the geographical books of the initial times of Islam like Farsnameh Ibn
Balkhi (Ibn Balkhi, 1995)
Another historical name which could be adopted with the sphere of
Bastak is Apostana. This name has been mentioned in the book of Aryan,
as the anchorage of the navy of Nearchus, the admiral of Alexander at
325 B.C (Arrian, VIII, p. 38). We have to notice that the first part of the
word "Apostana" can be "Ab" which means water and the second part is
"stan" that means the place. So, Apostana can be "Abestan" which means
the “land of water” with its native accent Bostaneh or Bostano. One of the
features of this place mentioned in history of Aryan is being a center for
hunting pearls (pearl diving). This indication directs us to two ports with
the name of Bostano. One near the Asalouyeh port and another one close
to Bandar Lengeh (Zarinkoob, 2008). The last one located at the east of
Bastak, exactly beside the place of entrance of Shoor River to Persian
Gulf. After this time, there is no exact data from the history of Bastak
region until 656 H.D. But undoubtedly, the existent ports and roads in the
sphere of this area have had an important role in the economy of
governments over this gap. After the invasions of Mongols to Baghdad,
some of Arabs emigrates to Bastak and its environs from Basreh and
some Persian Gulf ports (Salami Bastaki, 1991).
The rulers of Irahistan and Bastak didn't totally accept the obedient of the
central government. Unless a powerful governor appeared in Fars, like
getting power of A'zad dowlah Deylami and its campaign to Irahistan for

�subduing the people of this region in the second half of fourth century (Ibn
Balkhi, 1995).
Also, the independent power of Larestan and Bastak have been
overthrown by Shah A'bas Safavi at 1009 H.D, due to kicking out
Portuguese from Gheshm and Hormuz Islands (Movahed, 1970). The
tribe of Ghavasem or Al Ghasem converted to a power at Jolphar,
contemporary Ras al-Khaimah, and started robbery of the ships on
Persian Gulf at the end of Safavid period. For a while they suppressed by
Nadershah Afshar. After his death Bani Moen, Mashayekh (ruler) of
Gheshm and Hormouz, resisted against them, but finally they had to get
help of the ruler of Bastak (Bani A'basiyan Bastaki, 1339: 125-127).
Along 1161 and 1162 H.D, in the time of the reign of Shahrokhshah in
Khorasan, the south part of Iran got into the invasion of robbers and revolt
of nomads like other regions. In this condition, Mohamd Khan Bastaki, the
ruler of Bastak, stood up against these attacks. Finally these conditions
due to supervision of the governors of Bastak and Laar on the ports like
Kong, Lengeh and Abasi, and even surveillance on far islands like
Gheshm and Kish (Bani A'basiyan Bastaki, 1960).
In the time of Karim Khan Zand (18th century) and with his sentence, a
large area from the North shores of Persian Gulf, Bandar A'bas and Minab
to Lar with some south islands ruled by governors of Bastak (Salami
Bastaki, 1991). In the time of Qajar (18th -20th century), Bandar Lengeh
became the most important port of Persian Gulf against the commercial
stagnation of Bandar A'bas and Boshehr. So Bastak raised up and
developed with locating on the way of the caravan road from Bandar
Lengeh to Shiraz (Movahed, 1970). In the reign of Pahlavies (20th
century), Bastak and its subsidiaries were still part of Larestan province

�(Vosoughi et al., 2008, vol.1, p. 106). Gradually, Bastak separated from
Larestan and changed its ranges in divisions of 1981 and 2004 (Ibid).
The Petroglyph:
The petroglyph depicts a starboard side of a double ended, almost belly
shaped watercraft (Fig.4). Double-enders are the most primarily hull
shape of the Western Indian Ocean crafts (Agius, 2008; McGrail, 2001).
Early pre-historic watercrafts depicted on Mesopotamian and Elamite
seals and seal impressions are double-ended as well.1 Also, dhows are
still in use in the Persian Gulf, except Ghanja and Baghla, which are
mostly double-ended (Al Bastaki; Paris, 1886). It can be said that prior to
the 16th -17th century A.D, the transom stern was non- existent within
Persian Gulf (Agius, 2008, Hourani, 1951).

Fig.4: The petroglyph in situ on the right (Hamzeh Qobadian) and its
drawing on the left. (Authors)
The craft illustration shows two horizontal parallel curved lines on its hull,
the three lines between the curved lines could be consider as planks, so,
the craft is obviously timber-made not reef-bundled (Fig.4). Furthermore,
the curved lines caused a perspective in the illustration of hull and makes
it more tangible. Plus to the horizontal lines, there are two vertical lines on
the outside of the hull that perpendicularly cut the horizontal lines which

�probably showing that joint planks were used to make the craft. Since
antiquity, Persian Gulf`s ship builders` ideal timber has being Saj (Tectona
grandis), it can be bent and joined to the frames, following the curves of
the ship`s sides and it is also long- lasting (Agius, 2008).
The depicted craft, has two masts. According to Bozorg, 10th century AD,
(Nakhoda Bozorg- Ibn-Shahriyar-e- Ramhormozi, 1969) 50 span of a
hand of timber was needed to build a mast.2 Each hand span is about 23
cm. (Agius, 2008), so, we can estimate that a mast was more than 100 m.
heighted. As it is mentioned above, this vessel is double- masted, if each
mast be more than 100 m, then relative to the height of the masts, its hull
– from bow to stern- must be approximately 100-150 m. so, she must be
a seagoing ship not a boat! Undoubtedly, Bozorg exaggerates in
recounting the stories but he is often honest in giving technical
information. It is said that a medieval double-masted craft required crews
of 200 (might be exaggerated) and modern ones draw about 240 kg with
crews of thirty (Whitehouse, 2009).
It can be noticed from the masts and jack- yards that the craft has lateen
sails and it is believed that lateen sail is a characteristic feature of
medieval watercrafts of the Western Indian Ocean (Hourani, 1951).
Lateen rigs are triangular and set along the craft. It permits to sail fore and
aft (parsa, 2012).
The most characteristic feature of this craft is its long Saturi (bowsprit)
which typically represents a Boom ship; the only water craft of Persian
Gulf that has such a long saturi (about 4-5 m.) is the Boom (Agius, 2008;
Eghtedari, 1966; Parsa, 2012). (Fig.5)
The boom distinguishes to two different types: for voyage, or for fishing
and pearl diving (Parsa, 2012). The voyage one is bigger with two or three

�masts (Eghtedari, 1966). The hull of a Boom, just similar to namely
petroglyph, is belly shaped and double ended which makes the craft safer
against the waves of seas and oceans. Also, its long saturi and masts
obviously show that a boom has giant rigs which makes the craft highspeeded (Parsa, 2012). (Fig.5)

Fig.5: a modern double-masted Boom ship on the right (Ethnological
Museum of Kong, Iran) and a Saturi of a modern Boom in Abadan, Iran.
(Authors)
Unfortunately, no more technical detail, such as being swan or nailed,
rudder, deck, anchor and etc., could be obtained from the petroglyph. But,
according to the characteristics discussed above (the long saturi, belly
shaped and double ended hull, being timber- made and double- masted),
it can be understood that the illustration represents a for- voyage Boom
ship. The most famous and certain illustration of Boom ship is the ones in
Maqamat-al-Hariri (13th century) which will be discussed subsequently.
(Fig.6)

�Fig.6: Two Boom ships in two different versions of Maqamat of Al-Hariri,
the one on the left is archived in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France,
Paris (Al-Hariri, 1237). The middle one archived in the Library of the
Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg (Agius, 2008) and the right one is a
graffito engraved in Siraf, Iran. (Whitehouse, 2009).
On the left side of the scene, there is a man / woman depicted riding a
horse (?). On the right, just under the hull of the ship, a fish can be seen.
The depiction of horseman is not obvious because of the erosion, neither
the fish (fig.4). The scratched lines of all described illustrations, ship,
horseman and the fish are in a same color and it shows their concurrency
(scratched lines of the petroglyphs in Dehtal turns darker over time). It
seems that this scene aims to recount a story of voyaging on the seas to
a port in South of Iran and then riding to a central city of Iran.
Comparative Consideration:
Maqamat Al-Hariri:
There are two miniatures of two different versions of Maqamat which are
believed to illustrate Boom ship (Fig.6), one at the National Library of
France, Paris (Hourani, 1959) and one at the Library of the Academy of
Sciences, Saint Petersburg (Agius, 2008). They both are obviously double

�ended with a long saturi and they both are evidently timber-made just like
what we see in the namely petroglyph. There is no doubt that the
Maqamat`s miniatures are more detailed rather than Dehtal`s petroglyph,
and the rudder, crews and even paddles can be seen but, the mutual
features between Dehtal`s petroglyph depicting ship and Maqamat`s
miniatures illustrating ships are firstly, the long saturi, secondly, being
double- ended.
Unfortunately, there are only a few pictorial evidences of medieval ships
within Iran and archaeological evidences of Perso- Arabian ships are even
less than pictorial evidences. One might say there are lots of illustrated
ships between Iranian miniatures but we should keep this fact in our mind
that these miniatures generally recount Iranian myths which are believed
to have been happened in the past, so, the artists just tried to copy the
antiquity depictions of watercrafts and rarely useful information of Iranian
medieval ships could be driven from these miniatures; In fact, it is highly
recommended to Iranian medieval artists to copy their ancestors (Beig-eAfshar, 1969). Furthermore, these miniatures were mostly done by royal
artists who were inhabitants of inland Iran and so far away from seas and
ships.
Ship Graffito of Site “K” in Siraf:
Another pictorial evidence of Iranian shipbuilding is the graffito that David
Whitehouse engraved at site “K” of Siraf3 (Fig.6). This is dated back to the
10th -11th century and it is tree-masted. As it is mentioned before, a
modern two-masted vessel of Persian Gulf draws 240 tonnes and requires
crews of thirty (Whitehouse, 2009), so, a tree-masted craft must be even
greater than a two- masted one! The ship shown in the graffito is doubleended as well as the other watercrafts that are so far introduced in this
article, but unlike the others, nor saturi neither timber planks can be

�recognized in this graffito because of the erosion. Furthermore, its hull
obviously is not belly shaped!
Belitung ship wrecked:
Archaeological evidences of Perso-Arab ships are really rare. But, in
1998, a wrecked ship has been found in Belitung, Indonesia by local
divers. The vessel was carrying the Changsha wares which were in
operation during the Tang dynasty (618-907 A.D). Belitung ship is
believed to have a length overall of 18 meters. Flecker (2001) deduced
that Belitung ship was designed for carrying light cargo and she has not
being deep-drafted! Unfortunately, no bowsprit could be recognized in
Belitung wrecked, solely it is mentioned that its stern was vertical (ibid).
So, it seems not to be much similarities between Dehtal ship petroglyph
and Belitung ship wrecked.

Dating of Dehtal Ship Petroglyph:
Maritime trade since Neolithic era within Persian Gulf is proved but,
archaeological and pictorial evidences show that the watercrafts that were
used in pre-historic era have being reed-bundled not timber-made (Carter,
2006), so, pre-historical water crafts could not be comparable with
Dehtal`s ship petroglyph. Furthermore, the Achaemenids (550- 330 B.C)
adapted Phoenician ships which were totally different from the water craft
that we discuss in this article4 (Hassan, 1928).
According to Vosoughi (2016), the history of maritime trade between Iran,
under the name of An-Xi and Far East goes back to the Parthian empire
(247 B.C- 224 A.D). In that time, because of the unsecurity of the inland
Silk Road caused by Central Asian tribes, Parthians decided to sail to Far
East. During Sasanian period (224- 651 S.D), Iranians were named Possǔ

�by Chines and they have been sailing from Persian Gulf to China and back
(Whitehouse and Williamson, 1973). Archaeological evidences such as
Sassanian glass vessels found in ports of Japan evidently proves
maritime trade between Sassanians with Far East (Priestman, 2016). To
conclude, we can`t date this petroglyph as early as pre-history, because
it is obviously timber- made, on the other hand, while we have no pictorial
or archaeological evidence of Partho- Sasanian ships, we can`t deduce
that exactly since when Boom ships were used. The oldest evidences of
Boom are the miniatures of Maqamat (13th century AD) and Booms are
still in use but they work with engine! We can`t deduce that exactly since
when Boom ships were used in Persian Gulf; so, it looks impossible to
present a dating.

Conclusion:
As it is argued above in” The Petroglyph part”, namely illustration depicts
a double-ended, belly-shaped hall watercraft which is timber-made and
has two masts and jack-yard. But the most important feature of the
depicted craft is its long saturi (bowsprit) which is the characteristic of
Boom ships. So, it can be concluded that the petroglyph depicts a Boom
ship. The oldest depiction of Boom are two miniatures in Maqamat AlHariri (13th century AD) and she is still in use in Persian Gulf but works
with engine.
Dehtal is an inland rock art site situated in Bastak province and Bastak
was located 170 km. away from the sea on the passage that connected
so-called Eastern-Western Silk Road to the Persian Gulf- Far East
Maritime route. The petroglyph scene that is discussed in this article
(including a ship and a fish under it on the write and a horseman on the

�left), probably, recounts a story of a passenger who traveled from
somewhere in the East to a port in northern shores of Persian Gulf, then
maintained his/her way to the North by riding on back of a horse and on
his/her way, passed from Dehtal.
Unfortunately, there is no evidence that helps us with relative dating but
forthcoming studies of the authors of this article on absolute dating of the
lichens may be useful.
Endnotes
1

For more information about watercrafts depicted on Mesopotamian seals
and seal impression see: Qualls, C., 1981. Boats of Mesopotamia Befor
2000 B.C, PhD Thesis, Colombia University and Makela, t.t., 2002. Ships
and Shipbuilding in Mesopothamia (CA. 3000-2000 B.C), MA Thesis,
Texas A&amp;M University, Texas
2

The height of the mainmast is a little bit less than the length of the craft
(Eghtedari, 1966).
3

For more information about the dhow`s graffitos around the Persian Gulf
see: Cooper et al., 2015. Boat and ship engravings at Al Zubareh, Qatar:
the dhow exposed? Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 45:
35-48.
4

For more information about iconography of ships of eastern
Mediterranean ships see: Wachsmann, 1998. Seagoing Ships and
Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, Texas A&amp;M University Press,
London.

References
Agius, D.A, 2008. Classic Ships of Islam from Mesopotamia to the Indian
Ocean. Brill, Leiden. Boston.
Al- Bastaki, M.A., unknown date. Sailing Boats in the Gulf Area. RTA,
Dubai.
Arrian, 1996. Anabasis Alexandri, Indica. Translated by E.Iliff Robson, vol.
2, the Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge (mass) and London.

�Bani A'basiyan Bastaki, M., 1960. Tarikhe Jahangireh va Bani A'basiyan
Bestak. Bastak.
Beig-e- Afshar, s., 1963. Qanun Al- Sover, Translated by Adel Qaziov,
Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Republic, Baku.
Carter, R., 2006. Boat Remains and Maritime Trade in the Persian Gulf
During the Sixth and Fifth Millennia BC. Antiquity, Vol. 80:52-63
Eghtedari, a., 1966. The Persian Gulf. Sina Library Publication, Tehran.
Fasaii, H. H., 1988. Farsnameh Naseri. Corrected and grazed by M.
Rastegar Fasaii, vol 2, Amirkabir, Tehran.
Flecker, M., 2001. A Ninth-Century AD Arab or Indian Shipwreck in
Indonesia: First evidence for direct trade with China. World Archaeology,
Vol. 32, No. 3: 335-354
Fry, R., 2003. The ancient history of Iran. Translated by M. Rajab Niya,
Sherkat Entesharat Elmi va Farhangi, Tehran.
Hasan, h., 1928. A History of Persian Navigation, Methuen &amp; Co., LTD,
London.
Hourani, G.F., 1951. Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and
Early Medieval Times. Princeton University Press, New Jersey.
Ibn Balkhi, 1995. Farsnameh. M. Rastegar Fasaii (eds.), Bonyade Fars
Shenasi, Shiraz.
McGrail, S., 2001. Boats of The World from the Stone Age to Medieval
times. Oxford University Press, New York.
Movahed, J., 1970. Bastak va Khalij Fars. Tehran.
Paris, V.A., 1886, Collection de Plans ou Dessins de Naviers et de
Bateaux Anciens ou Modernes Existants ou Disparus. Impimeur-Libraire
de Bureau des Longitudes et de L`Ecole Polytechnique, Paris.
Parsa, A., 2012. Southern Sails: Sailing in Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean.
Farhang-e Nashr-e No, Tehran.
Priestman, S., 2016. The Silk Road or the Sea? Sasanian and Islamic
Exports to Japan, Journal of Islamic Archaeology, Vol.3: 1-35.

�Reza, A., 1997. The role of Iran in Silk Road until the end of Sassanian
era. Iranshenakht, Vol. 5: 198-211.
Salami Bastaki, A., 1991. Bastak dar gozargah tarikh. Bastak.
Sharp, R.N., 2005. The inscriptions in Old Persian cuneiform of the
Achaemenian emperors. Pazineh, Tehran.
Shahriyar-e-Ramhormuzi, B., 1969. The Wonders of India. Translated by
M. Malekzade, Entesharat-e Bonyad-e Farhang-e Iran, Tehran.

Whitehouse, D., 2009. Siraf: History, Topography and Environment. The
British Institute Persian Studies: Archaeological Monograph, London.
Whitehouse, D., A. Williamson, 1973. Sasanian Maritime Trade, Iran, Vol.
11: 29-49
Vosoughi, M.B., 2016. Heritages of Iranian Sailors in China, Entesharat-e
Miras Farhangi, Tehran.
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Hamsayeh, Tehran.
Hariri, A., 1236-1237.Les Makamat. Exemplaire orné de peintures
exécutées par Yahya ibn Mahmoud ibn Yahya ibn Aboul-Hasan ibn
Kouvarriha al-Wasiti, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris.
Zarinkoob, R., 2008. Re-knowing an Achaemenid's port in Persian Gulf.
Khalij Fars: Farhang and Tamadon, Moasseh Tahghighat va Tosee Olom
Ensani: 270-276.
Biography
Mina Safa graduated with B.A. degree in Archaeology and with M.A.
degree in History of Ancient Iran from University of Tehran. She received
a Ph.D. degree from Shiraz University in History of Iran after Islam. Her
initial interest in the field is around Art History of the Middle East,
particularly around three thousand B.C. She follows the cultural,
commercial, and political relations between neighboring civilizations and
their roles in making a final format of artistic objects and thoughts. Until
now, She worked on rock art of Homyan and Mirmelas (two ancient sites

�of west Iran) and the Deh-Tal rock art site, as well as studying the
artifacts of Jiroft (an old civilization of south Iran).

Shadi Kalantar is a MA student of archaeology at Tehran University and
at the moment working on a thesis titled “Identification, Classification and
Typology of the Water-Crafts Illustrated on the Proto-Elamite and Elamite
(3200 BC- 7th Century BC) Seals and Seal Impressions with a Focus on
their Functions” and I benefit supervising and advising of Dr. Shahrokh
Razmjou and Prof. Philip Castro.
She is also a former member of Iran national Canoe/Kayak team. Because
of this background, in her early undergraduate years, she was interested
in ancient boatbuilding and subsequently, nautical archaeology. Soon
after, Shadi started scuba diving and studying nautical archaeological
methods.
Her focus, currently is on pictorial evidences of watercrafts (rockreliefs,
seal impressions, petroglyphs and miniatures) around the Persian Gulf
and Western Indian Ocean as well as ethno-archaeological studies on
boat/ship building.

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                  <text>The country of Iran benefits from having a long coastline. Sea spaces and coastlines were attractive settlements for humans throughout history. These extensive maritime landscapes have resulted in interactions between human and sea along the northern (Caspian Sea) and southern (Persian Gulf and Sea of Oman) coastlines of Iran.  Iranâ€™s rivers and lakes contain a great deal of evidence of human habitation and interaction. Due to the countryâ€™s long history of maritime culture, we can also observe sea effects on coastal communities in Iran. Maritime archaeological studies in Iran, however, are at a nascent stage. &#13;
&#13;
In the 1990â€™s, a small group of archaeologists from the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research (ICAR) investigated in the north of Persian Gulf to decode its unknown history. In 2000, the first coherent and planned activities of that group produced the "Underwater Surveys around the shores of Siraf Port in Bushehr Province". After that, the team surveyed "Bandar-e Rig"(Rig port), Portuguese castles in Siraf port, Southern Shores of the Bushehr Peninsula in the Persian Gulf. The team has worked on sites from "Shushtarâ€™s Band-e Mizan"(Shushtar barrier), "Takht-e Suleiman" Lake, and the Amir Abad and "Zaghmarz" shipwrecks; the "TammÄ«sheh and GorgÄn" Underwater Walls, and the "Ghorogh" and "Rudsar" shipwrecks.  These projects were published in Persian by a domestic magazine. The team then prepared and distributed a booklet titled of "Iran, Underwater Cultural Heritage and It's Share in Maritime Archeological Studies" for the annual meeting of States Parties of The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in 2016. Next, UNESCO and ICHTO held "Training Workshop on Underwater Archaeology with a Focus on the UNESCO 2001 Convention" in Iran. These activities are continuing and we hope for some continued progress in maritime archaeological studies and international cooperation. &#13;
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                  <text>Hossien Tofighian&#13;
Research Institute of Cultural Heritage &amp; Tourism (RICHT), Iran</text>
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Higher Institute of Marlik University, Iran</text>
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                <text>A survey on a petroglyph illustrating a watercraft at the hinterland site of Dehtal </text>
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                <text>Dehtal is an important hinterland site, located 170 km away from the shores of the Persian Gulf in Bastak County, Hormozgan province. Dehtal is a petroglyph site possibly dating to the pre-Neolithic, according to various sources of evidence such as stone tools found within the Bastak area and the Dehtal plain. The petroglyphs themselves, however, more likely date to the 3rd millennium BC. According to historical written sources, the Bastak area was located on the road linking the so-called Silk Road to the East Asia-Persian Gulf maritime trade routes. One of these petroglyphs, which is located beside a seasonal river, illustrates a watercraft. The image shows a round-hull, double-ended craft with two masts and a long saturi (bowsprit). A long saturi is a characteristic feature of a â€œboomâ€ ship. Booms were used for long-distance voyages within Indian Ocean and they are still in use today but now work with engines. Firstly, this article attempts to discern the shipbuilding details of the watercraft depicted in comparison with other ship illustrations as those found in the Maqamat al-Hariri and the vessel depiction uncovered by Whitehouse at Siraf. Secondly, we will discuss Dehtal as a passage from Persian Gulf to so-called Silk Road with a focus on archaeological reports and historical written sources.</text>
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                <text>Mina Safah </text>
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                    <text>Abandonment Issues: An Assessment of Military Vessel
Discard Trends Derived from Australasia’s Torpedo Boat
Defences, 1884-1924
James W. Hunter, III

Abstract
Between 1884 and 1924, a total of fourteen torpedo boats served in the naval defence of
Australia and New Zealand. Australasia’s colonial governments purchased these vessels as a
consequence of fears of seaborne invasion by Imperial Russia and other foreign powers during
the 1870s and 1880s. All were eventually decommissioned, put up for sale, stripped of their most
valuable components, and abandoned. Archaeological investigation of four of these discard sites
has revealed abandonment attributes distinctly different from documented disposal trends
associated with commercial watercraft of the period. This paper will highlight these unique discard
trends, and explore tentative explanations for their presence through the filter of site formation
process.

Archaeology and Watercraft Discard
Abandoned watercraft have been addressed extensively in archaeological
literature; however, recent research conducted by Nathan Richards (1997, 1998,
2002, 2008, 2011) constitutes the first concerted effort to identify, evaluate and
define cultural mechanisms associated with ship discard. These studies have
demonstrated the utility of cultural site formation theory—as advocated by
scholars such as Michael Schiffer (1972, 1983, 1995, 1996; see also LaMotta
and Schiffer 2005; Skibo and Schiffer 2008) Keith Muckelroy (1975, 1976, 1978),
and Martin Gibbs (2005, 2006)—within maritime contexts, and builds upon
existing models by incorporating terms and definitions that apply exclusively to
archaeological signatures of watercraft use and abandonment. Richards
addresses some discard behaviours specific to military vessels, including the
intentional destruction of warships for offensive or defensive tactical purposes
(i.e. block ships and fire ships) but gives relatively little attention to their
abandonment in non-combat contexts. This is countered somewhat by his
acknowledgement that many potential research themes have emerged, "from the
need to refine the abandoned vessel data set and more comprehensively
establish, dismiss, and discuss any number of discard trend correlates", including
the intentional peacetime disposal of decommissioned military vessels (Richards
2008:183).
Richards (2008:145-147) identifies archaeological signatures of use and
discard that operate as indicators of a vessel’s functional utilisation in a pre- and
post-abandonment capacity. Although the bulk of his explanatory model is
applied to commercial watercraft, many—if not all—of the behaviours he
describes were also common in military contexts and can therefore be applied to
the torpedo boats addressed in this paper. Relevant archaeological signatures of

�use as they apply to watercraft include their conversion and modification to
secondary functional roles, transition to specialised support vessels, and
functional post-abandonment use. Similarly, abandoned watercraft may exhibit
one or more specific signatures of discard including: structural minimisation, a
variety of pre- and post-depositional salvage and scrapping behaviours, methods
of preventing a vessel’s movement once abandoned, as well as the overall
discard environment and abandoned vessel’s orientation within it. A particularly
noteworthy and common archaeological signature associated with abandoned
ships is their inclusion within officially designated discard areas such as ships’
graveyards.

Discard Attributes of Australasia’s Torpedo Boats
Of the fourteen torpedo vessels that participated in the naval defence of Australia
and New Zealand, four have been the subject of archaeological investigation.
Analysis of archaeological and archival data compiled during the aforementioned
studies has highlighted abandonment processes unique to each vessel, as well
as discard trends shared among the assemblage in its entirety.

HMVS Lonsdale
HMVS Lonsdale served in the colonial navy of Victoria from 1884 until 1901 at
which point it transferred to Australia’s Commonwealth Naval Forces (CNF). It
was put up for auction the following year but failed to find a buyer and was
subsequently transferred to the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) in 1911 (Cahill
2009:133-135; Gillett 1982:115-119). In 1914 Lonsdale was put up for sale a
second time but was once again overlooked and ultimately ended up abandoned
on the beach at Queenscliff, Victoria sometime after 1915 (Figure 1). Archival
photographs of Lonsdale reveal the degree to which its hull still appears much as
it did when in operational service (Hunter in-prep; see Figure1). Outwardly, the
shell of the torpedo boat is clearly intact to the gunwales and various hull
components are all still in their original positions. The only obvious exception is
the steel plating that comprised the weather deck and armoured casemate.
These architectural elements appear to have been either removed or cut open in
an effort to facilitate removal of the torpedo boat’s engine and internal machinery.
The conning tower hatch cover and majority of external fittings are also absent,
although at least one deck-mounted lifting lug is visible.
Data recovered during archaeological investigations of Lonsdale’s
abandonment site has proven useful in the development of general hypotheses
regarding its discard (see Hewitt and Tucker 2009). When exposed and
documented, the torpedo boat’s conning tower and the hull beneath it were still
largely intact and appeared much as they did when photographed during the
early twentieth century (see Figure 1). The same can be said of the hull aft of the

�Figure 1. Top, HMVS Lonsdale’s hulked remnants at Queenscliff, Victoria ca. 1915; bottom,
Lonsdale’s conning tower (centre) and disarticulated bow section (bottom right) as they appeared
during the 2005-2006 investigation. Top photograph reproduced with kind permission of the
Queenscliffe Maritime Museum. Bottom photograph by Geoffrey Hewitt, courtesy Terra Culture
Heritage Consultants.

conning tower, which appears to have retained its overall structural integrity (D.
Cahill, as cited in Hewitt and Tucker 2009:32). By contrast, the foreship and bow
are no longer articulated with the remainder of the vessel (Figure 1). Indeed, the
vast majority of Lonsdale’s forward section disintegrated into largely incoherent
structure as a consequence of "gross corrosion" and collapse of the hull
subsequent to its complete burial (Hewitt and Tucker 2009: 30-32).

�Discovery of Lonsdale’s disarticulated prow constitutes the only
archaeological evidence of culturally manifested alteration of its discarded hull.
However, as the prow was ultimately re-deposited on site, its removal almost
certainly did not constitute salvage activity. To the contrary, its presence lends
credence to local lore that states it was intentionally cut away and moved aside
during boundary fence construction at Queenscliff’s former Buoy Depot (Ferrier
1989).
Based on available information, Lonsdale does not appear to have been
subject to any form of placement assurance. Strategies to neutralise the hull’s
buoyancy were not evident among its documented remains, nor were tidal
variation or orientation of the vessel carefully considered factors in its disposal
process. Lonsdale appears to have been discarded almost exactly perpendicular
to the shoreline in a manner more common to larger watercraft (see Richards
1997: 89). Further, its orientation suggests it was originally abandoned with its
midships positioned roughly at the interface between sea and land (Hewitt and
Tucker 2009:30). This would seem to contradict contemporary practice which
advocated that vessels be beached at high tide in order to leave them as high
and dry as possible when the water receded (Cockroft 1983: 200).

HMVS Countess of Hopetoun
Like Lonsdale, HMVS Countess of Hopetoun was an asset of the Victorian
colonial navy, entering service in 1891. The torpedo boat was transferred to both
CNF and RAN control before being decommissioned in 1920. Countess of
Hopetoun spent the next four years in ordinary before being purchased and
stripped it of its engines and machinery. Ultimately, it ended up abandoned on a
beach at Swan Island in Port Phillip Bay (Cahill n.d.; Gillett 1982:126-132; Gillett
1991). Archival evidence of its discarded hull is represented by a single
photograph taken sometime between 1922 and 1932 (Figure 2). Architectural
elements visible above water included all hull plating between the gunwale and
the water, the entire deck structure forward of the conning tower, and the conning
tower itself. Although certain deck fittings were removed prior to the torpedo
boat’s abandonment, the vast majority remained untouched and in their original
positions. Save for isolated flash rusting of their steel fabric, the vessel’s

�Figure 2. Top, HMVS Countess of Hopetoun hulked at Swan Island, Victoria ca. 1930; bottom,
archaeological plan of the Countess of Hopetoun site as it appeared during the 1980s and 1990s.
Photograph reproduced with kind permission of the Queenscliffe Historical Museum, Inc. Site
plan produced by the author.

surviving architectural elements do not exhibit significant signs of corrosion or
damage and appear to have been structurally sound at the time it was
abandoned.
The photograph depicts a form of placement assurance in direct
association with Countess of Hopetoun. A crude mooring line comprising a length
of cable is shown extending shoreward from the torpedo boat’s bow. A number of
trees are present in the image along the shoreline and it is possible the mooring
line was attached to one or more of these in an attempt to prevent Countess of

�Hopetoun’s movement after it was abandoned. Orientation does not appear to
have played a role in the discard process, as the discarded hull was partially
awash and oriented perpendicular to the shoreline when captured on film.
Archaeological investigations have revealed Countess of Hopetoun’s hull
is still largely intact and retains much of its articulated bow and stern structure
(Figure 2). When documented between 1986 and 1996 the foredeck was
complete for much of its original length (Anderson 1996; Heritage Victoria n.d.;
Williams 1983; Williams 1986; Williams 1992). Most bow fittings were present
and bore no indication of attempted salvage. The stern was also largely
unaltered. Although Countess of Hopetoun’s engines and boilers were removed
prior to its abandonment. The steel propeller and propeller shaft did not share the
same fate. Curiously, neither exhibited outward signs of wear or damage that
would have precluded their removal and reuse.
Perhaps Countess of Hopetoun’s most unexpected in situ features were
its rudder and tiller. Both appeared largely complete and undamaged, save for
degradation resulting from the site’s surrounding marine environment. Richards
(2008:149) observes that the rudder is the structural element most frequently
missing from beached and abandoned watercraft, not only because of the ease
with which it can be unshipped and transported but also its potentially lucrative
resale value. He goes on to note that "it is even more common to find vessels
without in situ…engines, prop shafts, or propellers" (Richards 2008:149).
Countess of Hopetoun was stripped prior to its hull being put up for sale so it is
surprising that these components were not salvaged for their reusability. Equally
perplexing is that they were not later removed for their scrap value.
A length of steel cable was also observed in association with Countess of
Hopetoun’s stern structure (Williams 1992). Although tentatively identified as the
remnants of a towline, its diameter appears to approximate that of the mooring
cable visible in the archival photograph. The presence of the cable could account
for the absence of other methods of anchoring the discarded hull in place.
Alternate forms of placement assurance were not observed archaeologically and
do not appear to have been utilised, even though their absence runs counter to
Richards’ (2008:172-177) discussion of what constitutes a logical vessel
abandonment scenario in a beach environment.
The discard locations of both Victorian torpedo boats are situated a
relatively short distance from the Barwon Heads Ships’ Graveyard, which
became the final resting place of a number of former Australian warships (Ryan
et al. 2009). It is especially curious that Countess of Hopetoun did not join the
increasing number of watercraft abandoned there during the early twentieth
century. By 1924 five vessels had "officially" been scuttled in its waters; three
years later it would become the final resting place for seven more watercraft,
including four decommissioned J-Class submarines (Beringer-Pooley, 2005;
McCarthy, 2009; Ryan et al. 2009).

New Zealand Torpedo Boat Defender
Defender was one of four torpedo boats purchased for the naval defence of New
Zealand during the Russian Scare. It arrived in the port city of Lyttelton in 1884

�and remained in service until 1900, when a local steam launch operator
purchased the vessel, stripped it of its engines and machinery, and abandoned
the hull at Purau Beach on the southern shore of Lyttelton Harbour (Cooke
2000:129-130; Moffat 1996:5, 11-13, 35). During the 1930s the local county
council broke the hull into two sections during an attempt to move it further away
from the water (Ogilvie 1970:75). Defender’s remnants were a distinct landmark
at Purau Beach for several years until they were intentionally broken up and
buried with heavy machinery in 1959.
A circa-1930 painting entitled Purau Beach depicts Defender in a
secondary discard context, after its broken hull was removed from Purau Bay’s
foreshore (Figure 3). One particularly noteworthy aspect of the torpedo boat’s
remnants is that they were still largely intact approximately 30 years after being
abandoned. Aside from obvious hull separation and isolated flash rusting, both
the bow and stern sections are largely complete. The same can be said for the
vessel’s conning tower and adjacent casemate. Elements missing from Defender
include the conning tower hatch cover and various deck fittings. By the 1940s
and 1950s when the surviving hull was documented photographically some hull
plating and casemate structure visible in the painting was noticeably absent,
likely as a consequence of both natural and cultural processes.
Examination of the torpedo boat’s existing architectural elements has
confirmed a significant portion of the discarded hull survived up to its burial in
1959. This is particularly true of the bow and stern sections, which in their
reconstructed form are approximately 65 to 75 percent intact (Figure 3). Most hull
elements visible in historic renderings of Defender’s remnants have survived to
the present day, as have internal components such as framing and bulkheads
(Hunter 2009: 6-9; Hunter 2010:152; Thornycroft Torpedo Boat Museum 2003).
Defender’s conning tower was not discovered among the site’s buried
components and its current whereabouts remain an open question, although at
least one source claims it was acquired by the Lyttelton Museum and later
accidentally sold to a scrap merchant (Cooke 2000: 132).
Forms of placement assurance neither appear in archival images of
Defender’s hull nor were any observed during the excavation, suggesting they

Figure 3. Left, reconstructed bow section of New Zealand torpedo boat Defender, as exhibited
today at the Thornycroft Torpedo Boat Museum, Lyttelton; right, ca. 1930 painting Purau Beach,
showing Defender’s broken and disarticulated hulk. Photographs by the author.

�were not utilised during the initial abandonment episode. There is neither
archaeological evidence of fill material within the hull nor is there damage
consistent with intentional hull breaching methods. To the contrary, it appears
little or no consideration was given to scuttling Defender, based on the discovery
of a pair of wooden bungs in association with its screw aperture. These were
hammered into both ends of the aperture in an attempt to keep the hull watertight
and afloat during transport to its disposal site. As they were still in situ when
found, it appears no effort was made to remove them and compromise the hull’s
ability to float away before abandoning it to its fate (Hunter in-prep).
Defender’s discard locale is situated a mere 1.1 kilometres southwest of
Wreck Bay, a small cove within Purau Bay that functioned as a ships’ graveyard
during the late nineteenth century. Although it is unclear whether the ships’
graveyard was inactive by the time Defender was discarded in 1900, it is
surprising a known discard area would be overlooked for what appears to be a
randomly chosen abandonment site in such relatively close proximity to it.

HMQS Mosquito
Queensland’s colonial navy acquired HMQS Mosquito in 1884. It remained on
the active roster—subsequently serving the CNF and RAN—until 1913 when it
was purchased, stripped of its engines and machinery, and abandoned in a
tributary of the Brisbane River (Adlam 1981: 29; Foote 2001: 2; Gillett 1982: 3336). In 1966 Mosquito’s discarded hull was photographed and revealed to still be
largely intact (Hunter 2011:379; Figure 4). The bow and stern sections, in
particular, were articulated and in an upright position (see Figure 4). As with
Lonsdale, steel plating that comprised the weather deck appears to have
remained largely in situ, but only in areas where it did not restrict access to the
vessel’s engines and internal machinery.
By contrast, the sides of the hull, all but one bulkhead, and the remaining
upperworks had collapsed either within or outside the hull and become partially
or completely buried in mud by 1966. A single articulated bulkhead visible in the
photographs seems to have played a significant role in holding the torpedo boat’s
surviving stern structure together. The vessel’s conning tower, which by the
1960s was disarticulated from the rest of the hull and lying on its side, was still
almost completely intact as an architectural element. Attached to the conning
tower was a surviving—but heavily corroded—section of its hatch cover (Hunter
2011: 379-382).
Archaeological investigation of Mosquito’s discard site has confirmed most
of the exposed hull collapsed and subsequently settled into the mud and silt of
the swamp floor (Hunter 2011:381-384). By contrast, Mosquito’s stern, already
largely buried at the time of the 1966 photographs, appears to have retained its
structural integrity. This is best evidenced by results of a probe survey, which
detected contiguous metal contacts along the hull’s projected stern centreline. A

�Figure 4. Top, starboard bow section of HMQS Mosquito’s discarded hulk, as photographed in
1966; bottom, archaeological plan of the Mosquito site as it appeared during the 2009 survey.
Photograph by S. Prior, courtesy Queensland Maritime Museum collection. Site plan produced by
the author.

series of similar contacts were encountered during an athwartships probe
transect in the same area (Valis 2010: 1).
Based on available evidence, human alteration of Mosquito’s hulk prior to
1966 seems to have been restricted to the conning tower, which was removed
and re-deposited at some point between the boat’s disposal at Boggy Creek and
when it was captured on film (Hunter 2011:381). Individual artefacts, including
the complete stern section of its casemate, were removed between 1966 and
1972. All were eventually donated to the Queensland Museum and later
accessed and analysed by the author (Hunter 2011: 382). A notable feature of
these objects is their relatively good state of preservation. For example, the
casemate section is intact, ductile, largely free of corrosion and still retains paint
over much of its exterior surface. If these attributes are indicative of the overall
condition of Mosquito’s hull at the time it was discarded, it is surprising the
majority of its metal constituents weren’t targeted for salvage.
With the possible exception of the mud and silt substrate in which the hull
was embedded, placement assurance strategies do not appear to have played a
role in Mosquito’s abandonment. Inspection of the site’s visible components
neither reveal evidence of treatments such as filling or induced perforation of the
hull nor are indicators of these techniques apparent in the 1966 photographs. As

�happened with Lonsdale and Countess of Hopetoun, Mosquito was beached
roughly perpendicular to the existing shoreline, with its bow facing away from
Boggy Creek.
Mosquito’s discard site is located a short distance from Bishop Island
Ships’ Graveyard. Bishop Island functioned as Brisbane’s "official" ship
abandonment site from approximately 1912 until it was buried beneath land
reclamation and the city’s modern port facilities. Included among the many
vessels discarded along its foreshore was the colonial government steamer
Miner, which tended submarine mine fields in Moreton Bay and frequently
participated in naval exercises with Mosquito (Gillett 1982: 55; McLeod 1973: 2326).

Conclusion
Australasia’s torpedo boats exhibit reuse and discard attributes distinctly different
from those of commercial watercraft. None of the examples discussed above
underwent conversion or modification, nor were they adapted to roles in either a
specialised secondary or functional post-abandonment capacity. Archival and
archaeological evidence indicates that Lonsdale, Countess of Hopetoun,
Defender and Mosquito were not subject to structure minimisation or hull
reduction activities and that placement assurance strategies and environmental
considerations played little, if any, role in their abandonment. Defender and
Mosquito were both subject to limited salvage but this appears to have been
more for the purposes of collecting historical keepsakes than intentional removal
of hull components for reuse or resale.
An explanation for these trends may lie in Richard Gould’s (1990:160-223;
2000:265-298) discussion of "trend innovation" and "tactical indecision". These
tendencies were the result of an Industrial-era arms race among nineteenthcentury navies to acquire and use rapidly evolving military technology. The
specialised construction and tactical application of torpedo boats meant they
were uniquely unsuited for other military roles; this problem was further
compounded by their general obsolescence at the time of discard. The small size
and relatively light construction of these watercraft precluded their use in
secondary military functions and likely reduced the value of their constituent parts
to such an extent that they simply weren’t worth the time, money and effort to
dismantle or dispose of properly. Further, it would appear that these military
prejudices against torpedo boats may have carried over to contemporary civilian
populations and explain—in whole or in part—why their stripped hulls were not
reused in a functional non-military capacity and ultimately abandoned largely
intact.

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Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management</text>
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