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                    <text>Tanzania's Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage
Assets: Strategies Towards Sustainable
Conservation and Management
Ichumbaki, E.B1

Abstract
Tanzania has a long and unique maritime history. This shared history left various signatures
which are needed by present and future generations for their cultural, scientific and
economic significance. However, despite such maritime potentiality, very miniature has been
done by scholars to research, identify, document and assess the cultural significance of the
Tanzanian maritime and underwater cultural heritages. It was until rescently that the country
has started some initiatives to identify and manage her maritime and underwater heritage
assets. This is done by the established Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH)
program which officially started in february 2009. Among others, the program initiatives has
resulted to documenting some of the country‟s maritime and underwater cultural heritage
assets as well as establishing a strong team from various Government‟s departments and
institutions.

Introduction
Tanzania possesses cultural heritage assets that span from the 2.5 million
years ago to the present. These assets include but not limited to
Palaeoanthropological, Paleontological, Rock shelters with arts, Urban and
Architectural complex sites, Ethnological and Historic sites. The assets do
assist in understanding the origin and development of humanity both
culturally and biologically. Also, the country is surrounded by water bodies at
which human activities have had been taking place throughout history. These
activities have left signatures that make Tanzania have important maritime
and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) assets. They include historic towns
such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, Kilwa, Pangani and Mikindani all of which rose
as a result of commercial contact between the Tanzanian and others traders
of the Indian Ocean.
Noting the assets‟ significance, the Government of Tanzania and other
heritage stakeholders have taken some initiatives to protect them. These
measures include the establishment of various legislations and institutions.
Such legislations are the Antiquities Act No. 10 of 1964 (amended in 1979)
and the National Museums Act of 1963 (amended and 1980). The institutions
are such as the Antiquity Division (1954) and Archaeology section of the
University of Dar es Salaam (1985) responsible for cultural heritage
preservation, monitoring and research and training respectively. This paper
therefore shall explore the potentiality of Tanzania in maritime and UCH and
provide the current strategies towards sustainable conservation and
management.

1

(ichumbaki@udsm.ac.tz), Unversity of Dar es Salaam

1

�Tanzania: Geographical Considerations
Tanzania covers the previous British protectorate and a Germany Colony
which united together to become a republic in April 1964 (Chami 2009). It
roughly stretches between 5˚ and 11˚ with approximated total population of
about 40 million people (Census 2003). The country is bordered by Kenya
and Uganda in the north; Mozambique, Malawi and Zambia in the south and
Rwanda, Burundi and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in the west. In
the eastern part, Tanzania is demacated by the Indian Ocean which has
been connecting it to the external world since probably the 6th century
(Wheatley 1975; Chami 2002; Chami 2009; Christie 2011). The country is the
custodianship of fresh water resources found in the form of lakes and rivers.
Moreover, the coastal part has numerous bays, inlets, offshore islands and
the associated archipelagos (Lane 2005; Christie 2011; Ichumbaki 2011).

Tanzania’s Maritime and Underwater Potentialities
Maritime and underwater archaeology are two concepts which have been
discussed and distinguished from each other, along with the related concepts
such as nautical and shipwreck archaeology (Bass 1966; Gould 2000; Parker
2001; Lane 2005). Although maritime and UCH assets might be different, in
this paper the concepts refer to material traces and physical remains of
people who at one time engaged in maritime activities. These activities may
range from cultural, technology, economic to other related practices. They
include but are not limited to diverse features as habour installations, tidal
mills, fish traps, coastal settlements, submerged landscapes, naval defences
and inundated sites (Lane 2005). This paper therefore, shall use either
maritime or UCH assets to mean the same. That is, to refer to material
traces, manifestations and physical remains that signify the interactions
between past humans and water bodies such as ocean, sea, lakes and rivers
(see Westerdahl 1992; Christie 2011).
Having a long coast from the north to the south and varieties of lakes
and rivers, Tanzania has much to offer as a means to understand past
maritime cultures. Although there has not been a maritime based study along
the Tanzania‟s lakes and rivers, I believe there are important traces that tell a
lot about past societies. For instance, there should be interaction among the
communities surrounding lakes such as Victoria, Tanganyika, Nyasa, Natron,
Rukwa and many others. A study by Nancy Alexander (2010) at Kanazi
village near Lake Victoria in Kagera region for instance, shows how
communities used water resources to sustain their livelihoods. In this study
which aimed at explicitly establishing the subsistance strategies of the
lucustrine society during the Iron Age period, Alexander found that fishing
outweighs domestication as distinguished from many areas where
domestication were preferred by Iron Age people. This is one of the evidence
which shows that implementing maritime studies to the Tanzanian marine
environments (lakes and rivers) may contribute much towards understanding
the marine cultures. Thus, for a better understanding of the cultures of people

2

�living near fresh water such as rivers and lakes, for that purpose Tanzania
should be considered.
Apart from lakes and rivers, the coastal area has much and robust
evidence of social and economic interactions among the communities of the
Indian Ocean. However, very little has been done to reconstruct the maritime
culture. Also, the majority of works done (Chittick 1965; Chittick 1975; Chami
1994; Chami 2002; Kwekason 2010) be it in the form of historical,
ethnographical or archaeological are according to Paul Lane (2005:97), “are
themselves not „maritime‟ in nature”. In a nutshell, here are some of the
maritime potentialities which should be considered for studying and finally
reconstructing past human maritime cultures. These potentialities are found
but unlimited to sites with robust maritime evidence such as Mbwamaji,
Kunduchi, Bagamoyo, Mafia, Zanzibar, Pangani, Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo
Mnara, Ngurumahamba, Mingoyo, Sudi and Mikindani, to mention just a few.
All these sites have unique and strong histories that have not been studied in
a maritime perspective. Some of these sites have been discussed elsewhere
(see Chami 2003; Masele 2007; Ichumbaki 2009; Ichumbaki 2011;
Biginagwa forthcoming) but neither exhaustively nor with a maritime focus.
Therefore, I shall briefly explain a few sites and show their potential for study
to reconstruct past maritime cultures. In this case sites of Kilwa Kisiwani and
Songo Mnara, Sudi, Mikindani, Mingoyo, Ngurumahamba, Kitunda, Msanga,
Mtandi and Mwitingi shall be considered.

Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara
These are two islands with complexes of ruins. The islands were visited by
the great traveller Ibn Batutta in 1331 – 1332 and described them as the
most beautiful cities of the world (Chami 1994; Karoma 1996; Sasi 2006;
Kimaro 2006). Due to their unique and outstanding history, the islands were
declared World Heritage Sites (WHS) in 1981 (http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/).
However, due to both physical and human induced problems (Karoma 1996),
the sites have been deteriorating year after year. To be able to solicit support
from various partners to provide financial support and technical skills, the
Department of Antiquities made a deliberate move to add Kilwa to the WHS
„in danger‟ list (Kimaro 2006; DBSA and AWHF 2009). The most significant
ruins include numerous mosques, the prison, palaces, cemetery and tombs
of the sultans. The ruins (mosques, palaces and residences) tell of the rise
and fall of the islands under various colonial authorities‟ influences.
The time at which settlement began in the islands have been
controversial among scholars. For instance, Neville Chittick (1965, 1975) and
Karen Moon (2005) argue that these islands were inhabited since at least the
ninth century A.D. Moon (2005) explains that the islands, and especially
Kilwa, were at one point ruled by an independent African Sultanate.
According to her, Kilwa was at its most prosperous during the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries and the present ruins are what remains of a great Swahili
city-state. Other scholars (Sasi 2006; Chami 2009; Kwekasoni 2010) argue
that communities lived within the islands as early as Stone Age periods
(40K). These scholars use the recovered cultural materials running from

3

�Later Stone Age (LSA) 40K – 1K, Early Iron Working (EIW 4th – 7th C) to
days of active trading. Also, wattle and daub style2 settlement has been
dated to the beginning of the ninth century (Moon 2005; Kimaro 2006a). The
islands became major trading centers and developed major trading routes
linked to Persia and Southern Arabia in the north, as well as Mozambique in
the south, and the interior. Gold, ivory, rhino‟s horns and slaves were
amongst the traded products (DBSA and AWHF 1999:7). Materials such as
earthernware, cowrie shells, carnelian and pearls of glass (Kimaro 2006b:1–
3) are indicators of commercial and cultural exchanges between Kilwa and
other inhabitants of the Indian Ocean. These are some of the evidence which
show involvement of the Kilwa society in maritime business. However,
nothing has been done in a „maritime‟ perspective. It is a call by this paper to
investigate this site and provide education for the local communities to better
appreciate its rich maritime culture both in its proximity and to the wider
Indian Ocean and global context.

Sudi
This is an important maritime site located at about 14 km north east of
Madangwa junction on the Dar es Salaam – Mtwara road (Ichumbaki 2011).
This site has important maritime cultural remains which include but are not
limited to inscribed tombs of the 12th/13th century, old mosque of the 17th/18th
centuries and old port of the 18th centuries. The site has irrefutable evidence
that it was at one time (somewhere between 7th and 12th centuries AD)
trading with China, India and many Arabic countries. Moreover, Sudi has
signatures of a fight between Germans and other European nations which
happened during the 1st and 2nd World Wars. Also, at this site there are
courts used during both Germanic and British colonial period between 19th
and 20th centuries. In addition, Sudi is one site amongst the area where wars
of resistance (Maji Maji war of 1905 – 1907) took place (Ichumbaki 2011).
This is a good and unique history which needs to be reconstructed in a
maritime perspective.

Mikindani
A town situated along the protected bay in Mtwara region, southeastern
Tanzania (figure 1). It is one of the Swahili historic towns that flourished
between 15th and 19th centuries (Pawlowcz 2009). Mikindani‟s advantage
was its location, whereby boats move fast along the coast due to strong
monsoon winds. It was a trade centre with internal links whereby traders
were coming from as far as Zambia, Malawi, Angola and DRC (Ichumbaki
2011). These internal links were destroyed due to interference from the
Portuguese. However, once again the town became famous whilst the Sultan
of Zanzibar (Seyyid Said) was ruling East Africa starting from 1840s. The
major trade goods involved were ivory, skins, tortoise shells, copper, hides
and slaves exchanged with clothes, household utensils and weaponry metals
(Pawlowicz 2009:41–51). The town also experienced the influence of
2

. Traditional houses built of wood and stones bonded together by using mud or clay

4

�Europeans via the works of both missionaries and explorers. All these events
resulted in growth and glorification of the town, for which the results are
different architectural buildings. The buildings include Old Boma, the
Agakhan House, the Gavonor‟s house, the bank house, Livingstone‟s house,
old prison and the slave market.

Figure 1. Map Showing Location of Mikindani and its Heritage Assets
(Ichumbaki 2011)

Ngurumahamba and Mingoyo (Figure 2)
Ngurumahamba has tombs and a mosque. One of the tombs is famously
known in Lindi and Mtwara regions. It is called Kaburi la Mtu Mrefu loosely
meaning a grave of the tallest person. The so called Kaburi la Mtu Mrefu is a
rectangular pile of stones measuring 16 m long and 4 m wide (Ichumbaki
2011). Meters from this tomb is a ruined mosque attacked by vegetations.
Around the area there are scatters of potsherds of Triangular Incised Wares
(TIW) traditions, European wares and LSA artifacts made from chert.
Presences of imported ceramics such as European wares indicate the
presence of interactions via the Indian Ocean.
Mingoyo is found at about 25 km from Lindi urban following the Lindi –
Mtwara road. It is located at the landward end of the Lindi estuary and has
been hypothesized to have small fortified trading stations built by French
traders (Akinola 1969; Gray 1964; Lane 2005). Documentary sources (Lane
2005; Akinola 1969; Gray 1964) explain the area to have various trading

5

�posts, warehouse and gun-boat of four cannons. A survey made by Elgidius
Ichumbaki (2011) to this area identified heritage assets including the court
built during the German colonial times (still in use), Swahili tombs mixed with
Indian tombs and an abandoned jetty. The abandoned jetty is collapsing as
only few pillars and walls remain. At about 100 m from the jetty towards
inland there is a foundation. This foundation is orally explained as a
collapsed sisal bundle warehouse (MA Athman). Sisal bundles from
Mangawanga, Narunyu, Lua and other places of south eastern Tanzania
were stored in this warehouse before being exported.

Figure 2. Map Showing Location of Mingoyo and Ngurumahamba Sites
(Ichumbaki 2011)

Kitunda
This is another site which is rich in maritime heritage assets with
technological, scientific and economic value especially within the area
formally known as Kitunda Sisal Estate. These assets include an old port and
ruins at various locations (see figure 3). The port which is now collapsing is
the one used by the Germans to import necessary sisal production
requirements and export sisal bundles. Apart from the visible historic port, the
area has buildings of 19th and 20th century built of stones, lime, mud and

6

�wattle. According to oral information it was at this site where charcoal run
engine was firstly installed in the 1890s (YM Mpanjilu).

Msanga
An important site with maritime heritage potentials found to the east, about 8
km, of Lindi Municipality. The area has few tombs and many potsherds
scattered over the landscape. One of the tombs is roofed and has
triangulated decorations as well as Chinese porcelains. The pillared tombs
found at this area are similar to those found at Kunduchi ruins site (Masele
2007) and may date to between 15th and 19th centuries. The majority of
potsherds are of TIW tradition and few have incisions and ffing ted
decorations. According to oral information, this area attracts many people
who come to request good luck in their normal undertakings (YM Mbaraku).
This means that, the area and its built heritage assets has both spiritual and
cultural significance. Moreover, these tombs are located near the beach with
white sands and coral caves. Thus, the area has tourism potential if well
developed and promoted.

Mwitingi and Mtandi
Two maritime sites located close to one another. At this area there are big
baobab trees (Adansonia digitata). The area is orally explained to be the port
where slaves were brought before they were taken to other areas, probably
Zanzibar, Mauritius and Reunion Islands (Ichumbaki 2011). How valid this
information is has not been reconstructed. This marks a call for the need to
undertake a maritime study to better reconstruct this unknown maritime
history. The assets found at these two close areas are two ruined mosques
and various tombs. However, about 75-90% of the mosques have collapsed
and the area is currently used as a burial. Also, the mosques are in ruined
state although sewage outlets of the Mtandi mosque are clearly seen. The
local people do not know the age of the Mtandi mosque and have Thus come
up with a myth that the mosque was built by an unknown architect (YM
Mbaraku). It is probably due to this myth the mosque is used for spiritual
purpose.

7

�Figure 3. Map of Lindi Municipality Showing location of some Heritage Assets
(Ichumbaki 2011)

Available Strategies towards Sustainable Management and
Conservation
Despite all the evidence of Maritime/UCH assets, until very recently,
Tanzania had not been able to either intensively research on or even
document those which are known. Strategies and plans to establish a
maritime program started in early 2000 and its real implementation began in
2008. Thanks to the Centre for International Heritage Activities (CIE) for
initiating the program. In November, 2008 CIE representative, Robert
Parthesius came to Tanzania and made initial informal communication with
three bodies. These are Antiquities department – Ministry of Natural
Resources and Tourism (MNRT), Archaeology Unit of the University of Dar
es Salaa and National Museum of Tanzania. Also, Parthesius wrote the
proposal to the MNRT to request for the establishment of the Maritime
Archaeological Unit of Tanzania (MAUT). In early 2009 the proposal was
accepted and strategies to establish the MAUT started. Important program
stakeholders and „appropriate‟ staff were identified and signed the
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU).
The identified stakeholders and the relevant staff were: MNRT – 2,
National Museums – 2, Marine Parks – Dar es Salaam – 2, Marine Parks –
Mafia – 1, Archaeology Unit University of Dar es Salaam – 2 and Archives,
Museums and Antiquities, Zanzibar – 5. After finalization of all bureaucracies
among the stakeholders, the implementation of the program began in
February 2009. The program started with public lectures at the University of

8

�Dar es Salaam between February and March 2009. Identified staff from the
stakeholders attended Nautical Archaeology society (NAS) Part I training in
Dar es Salaam and went for dive training in Zanzibar. The training was
important as it provided trainees with dive qualifications. Also the trainees
learned how to implement a site survey and compile a database and fill the
site inspection form. Moreover, the trainees were also introduced to the
UNESCO 2001 Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural
Heritage (2001 Convention). This training also provided a forum for the
stakeholders‟ to meet and discuss the program‟s future prospects.
In December 2009, the team members were also brought together for
one week. They met at the Dar es Salaam National Museum and House of
Culture. The aims of the meeting were two: 1) to conducted NAS Part II
training: and 2) complete the preparation of the Great Northern Shipwreck
report (see Mahudi this volume). The meeting also initiated strategies to
establish a database for the UCH of Tanzania. During this meeting, the
trainees were equipped with more knowledge on maritime studies and each
made a presentation on various aspects of Tanzania‟s maritime story.
Moreover, the team members continued to undertake various training both
within and outside the country. For instance, in April 2010, four members of
the team went to South Africa. They were equipped with relevant knowledge
for both diving, conservation and management of UCH assets. In November
2010 the team and other archaeologists from South Africa and Namibia,
conducted a project at Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara World Heritage
Sites. This project at Kilwa identified some potential sites for future research
and raised public awareness. The report for this work is underway to be
published. After the Kilwa project, the team met in Dar es Salaam and set up
work plans for 2011. Among the planned works is to develop a database and
do more surveys in Mafia, Kilwa and other sites.
In April 2011, the team met in Zanzibar for two days to initiate the
development of a database. The meeting was conducted at the House of
Wonders on 4th and 5th April 2011. It was purposely organized to familiarize
team members on the establishment of databases for TMUCH. The team
spent considerable time discussing the relevance of and developing the
database. The samples from other countries like South Africa was also used
as models for developing the database and the strategies for this still
continue. Among other things, the workshop participants planned the survey
in Mafia and agreed that some participants should be facilitated to attend the
Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila.
Generally, the team members in collaboration with other heritage
stakeholders still have the duty to accomplish the following tasks: 1. Develop
a comprehensive database for Tanzanian Maritime assets; 2. Request and
convince the Government to ratify the 2001 Convention; 3. Do survey of
other sites e.g Mafia, Kilwa, Pangani, Rufiji and others surrounding lakes of
Tanzania; 4. Attend more training and conferences on maritime heritage; and
5. Introduce maritime related courses at undergraduate and master‟s degree
levels. Other requirements and research avenues for the development of

9

�maritime history of East Africa, and Tanzania in particular, are outlined by
others scholars elsewhere (see Lane 2005; Christie 2011).

Acknowledgements
I wish to thank the following: Conference organizers for accepting and approving my
participation in this conference, Prins Claus Fund for granting me a return air ticket and my
employer (the University of Dar es Salaam) for permitting and facilitating me attend the
conference. Also, I thank CIE for initiating the maritime program in Tanzania and TMUCH
team members and stakeholders for their endless support.

Oral Sources
Yusph Mbaraku Mbaraku, Mwiting Village – Lindi Urban, 13 November 2010,
cited as YM Mbaraku
Yusuph Mbaruku Mpanjilu, Kitunda Village – Lindi Urban, 12 November
2010, cited as YM Mpanjilu
Mohammed Ali Athman, Mingoyo – Lindi Rural, 15th November 2010, cited
as MA Athman

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12

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                <text>In the maritime heritage preservation field, we preserve what we value, and (perhaps) we only value what we truly understand.  The nautical technology of traditional Chinese sailing vessels that crossed the Pacific, often demonstrated through the stories of their voyages, have now opened a window for non-Chinese to understand more of the maritime heritage of China and the legacy of Chinese seafaring.  Yet, when the Western public first began to encounter these unfamiliar vessels, very few were capable of understanding what they were seeing.  With the exception of the few nautical experts of the time, most could not grasp the technical or cultural construction features.  Foreign observers were hampered by their social biases, reluctant to grant maritime expertise to shipwrights and sailors from a non-European tradition, unable to recognize the obvious skills that produced vessels so unfamiliar to their own experiences.&#13;
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                    <text>Textile Manufacture and Trade on the Coromandel Coast
S.B. Darsana1 V. Selvakumar2 S. Gowrisankar2
1
2

Holy Cross College, Tiruchirappalli.
Tamil University, Thanjavur.

Corresponding Author: darsanasio@gmail.com

ABSTRACT
Textile is an important commodity produced from the early historic period in Southern India. In the early historic
period, different types of textiles were produced in Southern India as revealed by the textual sources. In the
archaeological context, a few excavated brick structures at Arikamedu have been identified as dyeing vats and evidence
of spindle whorls have been recovered from the early historic context. In the medieval period, literature, paintings, and
inscriptions offer valuable information on textile production. The communities of weavers known as Kaikkolars,
Pattasalins, and Saurashtrians are referred to the medieval inscriptions. In the later medieval period, weavers from
Saurashtra in Gujarat and other parts of India moved towards the Coromandel Coast. The colonial period documents
the long-distance textile trade of the Coromandel Coast. The weaver communities thrive in certain parts of South India
even today indicating historical continuity. The paper presents the research problem related to the history of textile
manufacture and the craft groups, long-distance trade in textiles in the Indian Ocean Region, in the context of the
Coromandel Coast using diverse sources.
Keywords: Textile, Coromandel Coast, Sangam literature, Weaving communities.

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Map of the Coromandel Coast with important sites
Figure 2: Spindle-whorls from Pattanam

1. INTRODUCTION
Textile is an important cultural material fabricated and used by humans as part of their cultural adaptation
and creative and innovative solution, at least from the Iron Age-Early Historic period in south India. While
a section of the population used clothes made of various fibres, some of the people were using leaf-dresses,
as evidenced by the literature and ethnographic accounts. References to varieties of textiles are found in the
early Tamil texts datable to the early centuries of the Common Era. Material vestiges for textile production
also occur at a few archaeological sites. Among the many commodities that gave importance to the trade
activities of the Coromandel Coast, textile occupies a prominent place. The Coromandel Coast along with
its hinterland has been one of the major centres of textile production in India and trade for more than two
millennia. The Coromandel Coast extends from southern part of Andhra Pradesh to northern part of Tamil
Nadu. This paper presents the importance of textile production and trade on the southern Coromandel Coast
in the context of the Indian Ocean till the medieval period.

2. PREVIOUS WORK
The textile of Tamil Nadu, including the Coromandel region, has been the focus of investigations from the
twentieth century. Vijaya Ramasamy undertook studies on textile production and trade during the medieval
1

�period (Ramaswamy 1985, 294–325; Ramasamy 2006, 1-10; 2014, 91-121). Craft production in the early
historical context has been studied by Kelly (2009, 1-14). The textile industry of the early historic- Sangam
Age has been investigated based on literary references by Athiyaman and Athithan (2018, 41-50). Several
studies are on textile production and trade during the colonial period (Georgia 1990, 332–37; Stephen 2014,
1-10), which is not the focus of the current paper. The nature of textile production in the early historic and
medieval periods remains obscure due to the lack of detailed narrative accounts. The research problem
concerning the ancient textile industry needs to focus on the diverse sources of fibres, plant domestication,
technological processes, and social and economic contexts of production, trade, and consumption.

3. TEXTILE PRODUCTION ON THE COROMANDEL COAST
Coromandel Coast has been a centre of textile production at least from the early historic period, ca.500 BCE
(Figure 1). Diverse sources attest to the importance of the Coromandel Coast in textile manufacture in the
ancient and medieval periods, and the major resources are discussed below.
3.1. Textile Evidence from Archaeology
Archaeological evidence for textile production in Tamil Nadu has been mainly in the form of spindlewhorls, traces of drapery in terracotta images, sculptures, and paintings, rare occurrences of textile, fibres
and seeds, and architectural features of dyeing-vat and the living traditions.
Terracotta spindle-whorls are the most abundantly occurring artefacts from the archaeological sites datable
from the early historic to the medieval periods (ca.500 BCE to 1500 CE). Spindle-whorls were used for
making thread out of cotton fibre. Spindle-whorls inserted with iron rods have been found intact at
Kodumanal (Rajan 1996, 72-86), and at Arikamedu (Begley and Sidebotham 2004, 59), and at several other
sites, they are found without any iron rods. They are identified as areca-nut beads sometimes. At Arikamedu
report, they are mentioned as terracotta objects (Wheeler et al 1946, 101). The evidence from Kodumanal
mentioned above and from Pattanam, where about 60 terracotta spindle-whorls have been reported (Cherian
2015, 46), clearly prove the function of spindle-whorls in textile production (Figure 2).

2

�Figure 1: Map of the Coromandel Coast with important sites (Source: Selvakumar)

3

�Figure 2: Spindle-whorls from Pattanam (Source: Kerala Council of Historical Research)

For the actual textile fabric, very limited evidence has been identified from the archaeological context. A
piece of woven cotton has been identified at Kodumanal near Erode in Tamil Nadu in an Early Historic
context (Rajan 1996, 72-86). A cotton thread preserved in clay has been found at Pattanam in Kerala
(Chandran 2015, 29). Textile fabric is reportedly found at Adichanallur (Badhreenath 2021, 6), although
full details are not available. Interestingly, textile or fabric impression has been found on the appliqué
ceramic decorations from Arikamedu (Begley 2004, 211). A thin thread of gold (zari used in textiles) has
been found at Pattanam in Kerala in an Early Historic context (Cherian and Jaya Menon 2015, 108). This
evidence attests to the textile legacy of ancient Tamizhagam.
Arikamedu has produced evidence for textile production in the form of dyeing vats built of bricks and
drainages indicating water usage (Wheeler et al. 1946, 30-34), besides spindle-whorls (Begley and
Sidebotham 2004, 59). At Uraiyur near Tiruchirappalli, identified as the capital city of the Sangam Cholas,
the excavators have identified a structure as a dyeing vat, based on the similarity with that of a structure
found in Arikamedu by Mortimer Wheeler. The dyeing vat was found at a depth of about 235 cm (seven
feet and ten inches). A square chamber and a rectangular chamber were found. Both chambers had seven
courses of bricks. Bricks measure 43 cm x 22 cm x 7.5 cm (17” x 9” x 3”). The square chamber had a pavedflooring, while the rectangular chamber’s floor was covered with earth. The city of Uraiyur is famous for
textile production in the Sangam Age as well as in the modern period (Raman 1988, 21-22).
Many of the hero-stones and sculptures reveal the clothes of various classes of people of the medieval
period. Evidence of textiles is also found in the form of terracotta images from archaeological sites. An
image of a woman found on a pottery sherd as appliqué design from the Adichanallur excavation suggests
that the woman is depicted as wearing a dress (Badhreenath 2021, 65). The paintings from Pallavas and
Cholas of Thanjavur and those of Vijayanagar illustrate textiles worn by humans as well as deities.
Archaeological evidence of Cotton is reported from the Southern Neolithic Culture, dated between 3,000
BCE and 1200 CE. Gossypium cf. arboreum L. has been identified from Hallur (Fuller et al. 2004, 123).
Since the crops of the Southern Neolithic culture continued to be cultivated in the Iron Age, it is safe to
4

�assume that Gossypium was cultivated in Tamizhagam in the Iron Age. Furthermore, cotton seeds have been
found at the site of Kodumanal, Perur, and Mangudi in the Early Historic contexts (Fuller 2004, 5-6).

3.2. Textiles in Early Tamil Literature
Tamil Sangam literature dated between 300 BCE and 300 CE have references to the textiles used by the
ancient Tamil people along with the trade activities. The main raw material for textiles was cotton in ancient
Tamizhagam (Sasivalli 1989, 77). Cotton derives from the cotton plant, and also from the silk cotton tree.
The Purananuru 299 mentions the settlements with cotton plants or cotton trees (Bombax malabaricum) as
boundaries (‘parutti veli seerur’).
Purananuru 326 describes the process of removing the seed and the dust from the raw cotton. To remove
the cotton from its seed, the ancient Tamils used a type of bow as known from Akananuru 133 and Narrinai
247.
Interestingly, it was usually the women who spin the cotton into a thread as revealed by the textual
references. There are also references that the widowed women performed this task. They are called Parutti
Pendir (Cotton Women). Purananuru 125 refers to the untangled cotton thread made by the Parutti Pendir.
Narrinai 353 refers to the parutti pendir, as women who work for textile production at night with the help
of a lamp.
Perhaps men used the threads spun by women to weave intricate cloth. Purananuru (383) describes the cloth
as fine as the thin inner layer of the bamboo plant. The Porunaarrupadai (80-84) describes the torn cloth of
the poor bard who was given a new cloth as fine as the skin of a snake, with floral designs. The fine cloth
was called tukil in Tamil.
A Purananuru poem (145) refers to pataam, a type of cloth given by the chief Pegan to a peacock. It was
perhaps a silk shawl. Cirupanarrupatai 85 mentions kalingam, as a type of cloth given by a king Pegan to
a peacock. Kalingam could be a thick material probably like a modern-day shawl or upper garment. This
incident indicates the extreme kindness of the chief.
Poetess Auvaiyar in Purananuru 392 compares the old, torn dress of the bard with that of the root of the
duckweed spread in a well. The Purananuru poem 398 graphically describes the cloth as fine as smoke
worn by the king. Purananuru 400 refers to the old and torn clothes worn by the poor bards who sought gift
of fine and soft clothes decorated with floral motifs.
Perumpanarrupadai 468 to 470 refers to the extremely thin cloth (tukil) which was as fine as milky-coloured
smoke being given as a gift to the bards by the king. Akananuru song 11 describes the fine sand as a cloth
spread out indicating the fineness.
The Sangam literature refers to clothes made of tree leaves (Akananuru 7). It is not implausible to suggest
that leaf dresses are used by people who could not afford cotton dresses.

5

�Narrinai 21 talks about the lower garments (kachchai) worn on the waist by soldiers. Apart from these
clothes, the people would have worn stitched dresses as known from the reference in Perumpanarrupatai
69-71. The word puttagam mentioned in Narrinai 12:17 probably indicates a saree-like clothe.
Nedunalvadai, describes a bed as adorned with:
‘… pearls on fine threads strung
That look like lattice work….
On this, a mattress made of pure white down
Of mated swan is placed and pillows too
Above all this a sheet washed white and starched’ (Chelliah 1946, 132).
In Purananuru 393, a bard compared his old and torn dress with that of a tongue of a snake that laid new
eggs and asked the king to give him a new garment that folds like the petals of pakandrai (Crotalaria
verrucosa) flowers. In the same poem, poet Nalliraiyinar describes the pleated dress which looked like the
petals of a flower.
The white cotton clothes were dyed with colours as known from the Sangam poems. Kalitokai (72.1)
describes a blue-coloured cloth, while Narrinai 33 talks about red-coloured cloth. The colouring of the
garments is further attested by the presence of dyeing-vats in excavations at Arikamedu and Uraiyur.
These poetic references suggest that by the early historic and early medieval periods, textile production
became common in south India. However, it appears that only from the Late Medieval period, i.e., from the
thirteenth century CE, textile use became more common.
3.3. Textiles in Foreign Literature
The Periplus of Erythrean Sea, while describing the important port cities in India, talks about ports on the
western coast and it describes cotton and silk clothes as important exports along with spices. It refers to an
inland town called Argaru which is known for muslin, called Argaritic (Schoff 1912, 46). Italian traveller
Marco Polo talks about the fine clothes produced on the Coromandel Coast (Eraly 2011, 208). These
accounts do suggest the prosperous textile traditions of the Coromandel Coast.
3.4. Communities of Textile Manufacture from Medieval Inscriptions
While the early texts do not refer to any specialised communities involved in textile production, medieval
inscriptions clearly refer to textile-weaving communities. Several communities specialised in textiles are
discussed in the inscriptions and a few of the groups still survive as caste groups in Tamil Nadu. They are
Kaikkolars, Pattasalins, Padmasalins and Devangars. The inscriptions refer to the tax on textiles as tari irai
(tax on looms) from the Pallava times (Hall 1983, 113; SII 22, 166).
3.4.1. Kaikkolars
Kaikkolar is a caste group of weavers with the title Mudaliyar living in many parts of Tamil Nadu and more
particularly on the Coromandel Coast. They are also known as Sengunthar (Frasca 1975, 1119-1123). They

6

�seem to have been associated with the Chola army and the Chola inscriptions refer to Terinja Kaikkolar
(Heitzman 1997, 118), which was an army wing.
An inscription from Tiruppazahanam refers to one Karrali Battalakan, a member of the
regiment Arumolideva-terinja Kaikkolar, who offered a donation to feed the Brahmanas, the priestly class
(SII 19, 29). Another Chola inscription refers to Sankayan Orri, who was a member of the
regiment Adityapanma-terinda-Kaikkolar (SII 19, 25). A Chola inscription refers to Karikala-Chola-terinja
Kaikkolar regiment (SII 19, 27). An inscription from Valikandapuram dated 1227 CE refers to Kaikkolar
as part of the Pathinen Vishayam merchant guild (Karashima 2012, 15). It appears that the Kaikkolars were
employed in the army of the Cholas and were also weavers. They were very active textile manufacturers till
the early twentieth century CE. The Kaikkolar weavers seem to have attained social mobility and received
a number of privileges during the time of the Vijayanagar, which reveals the growing importance of craft
production in the economy (Sinopoli 2003, 278). Although it has been often reported that Kaikkolar occurs
in medieval Tamil inscriptions, a rare Tamil-Brahmi inscription datable to the early historic context from
Arikamedu, reads ‘Kaikkolar’ (Wheeler et al. 1946, 114) indicating their presence in the early historic
period.
3.4.2. Saurashtra / Pattunulkarars
Saurashtra weavers are originally from the Saurashtra region of Gujarat in western India, and they migrated
to south India from the time of the Vijayanagara period (Sapovadia 2014, 6-7). A major concentration of
this community is found in the Madurai and Kumbakonam regions of Tamil Nadu. It appears that the Indian
Ocean interactions and the development of mercantile activities on the Coromandel Coast have induced the
migrations of Saurashtra craft groups (Ramasamy 2014, 102-103; Selvakumar and Hauser 2023, in press).
3.4.3. Devanga Chettiyars
Devanga Chettiyars are Kannada-speaking weavers found in various parts of India (Haridarshan 2021, 2).
They seem to have migrated to the Tamil region during the Vijayanagara period (Palat 1986, 137). They
were associated with silk weaving and continue to be involved in the production of textiles even to this day
to a limited degree.
3.4.4. Pattasalins and Padmasalins
Pattusali or Pattasalins are silk-weaving communities of south India, and they are from the Andhra region
and spoke Telugu (Swarnalatha 2005, 30-31). Padmasalins were also weavers of Andhra region specialised
in cotton weaving (Swarnalatha 2005, 30-31). The weaving communities are referred to in the Madras
Museum Copper plates of the Chola king Uttama Chola. It records the presence of Pattasalins in
Kanchipuram, referred to as Kachipedu. The Sanskrit part of the inscriptions refers to these
Pattasalins living in the areas of Kanchipuram such as Karuvulan-pati, Kamasahappati, Atimanappati, and
Erruvalichcheri. This suggests that the Pattasalins were active as early as the tenth century in the Chola
regions (SII 3, 128).

7

�4. COROMANDEL COAST AND THE INDIAN OCEAN TRADE
The active participation of the Tamil region in the Indian Ocean trade seems to have begun in the early
historic period. The Periplus reports the export of silk from the port of Muziris and the Sangam Tamil texts
report different kinds of clothes including very fine fabrics. It is reasonable to assume that certain varieties
of clothes were exported from the Coromandel Coast in the early historic period. The contextual evidence
of pepper found in Berenike and the Tamil Brahmi inscriptions from Egypt and Oman indirectly point
towards such a possibility. Berenike has procured cotton textiles possibly from Gujarat (Wild, 2014, 91).
The reference to Argartic as a type of cloth exported from the east coast mentioned in the Periplus Marei
Erythrea along with the spindle whorls and the dyeing vat from Uraiyur and Arikamedu may indicate the
export of textile from the Coromandel Coast to the Indian Ocean regions.
In the early medieval context, under the Pallavas, weaving gained importance and some of the Pallava
sculptural images and paintings reveal the clothes. Kanchipuram which is famous for silk became an
important centre of weaving (Hall 1983, 189). The Pallavas had strong connections with Southeast Asia and
China where textile export could have taken place.
The South Indian merchant guilds were very active in East and Southeast Asia (Dale 2009, 86) and there is
a possibility that textiles of the Coromandel region reached East and Southeast Asia through merchant guilds
dealing in clothes. The Chola period was well known for the export of cotton textiles (Devare 2009, 179).
The textile trade seems to have reached its zenith during the Vijayanagara times.

5. CONCLUSIONS
The survey of the evidence indicates the importance of Tamizhagam and the southern Coromandel coast in
textile production. Based on archaeological evidence, it is certain that the textile tradition of this region can
be dated to late first millennium BCE. However, the antiquity of tradition could go back further in the Iron
Age or even earlier. The region witnessed migration of craftspeople from the early period. The crafts groups
of Kaikkolkars were the earliest local crafts groups. Silk textile manufacture probably started in the medieval
period during the time of the Pallavas. We need more evidence of silk fabric being produced on the
Coromandel Coast in the Early Historic period, although the Periplus reports the export of silk from southern
India. The mid-late Medieval period witnessed monetization and the movement of various groups of textile
weavers into the Coromandel Coast. The development of the Indian Ocean markets and long-distance trade
coupled with the higher intensity of state formation and the associated developments in the late medieval
period induced such migration of craft persons, more particularly, Pattasalins, Padmasalins,
Suarashtra/Pattunulkarars and Devanga Chettiyars. Thus, Coromandel coast became one of important hubs
of commodity production in the Indian Ocean thanks to the long durée of historical process. Further research
including excavation and scientific analysis could throw more light on the dynamics of textile production
and consumption on the Coromandel Coast.

8

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
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10

�Wild, John-Peter “Berenike and textile trade on the Indian Ocean” Textile Trade and Distribution in Antiquity Textilhandel und distribution in der Antike, edited by in K.Dross-Kruepe, 91-109. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2014.

11

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                <text>Darsana, S.B., V. Selvakumar, S. Gowrisankar. 2023. “Textile manufacture and Trade on the Coromandel Coast.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Kaushik Gangopadhyay, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1948 </text>
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Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports.&#13;
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Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organizations.&#13;
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                <text>The textile industry became one of the important economic activities on the Coromandel coast from the Late Medieval Period. Several ports became active on the Coromandel coast as a result of the urbanization contributed by long-distance trade and colonialism. The Lower Kaveri Delta region on the Coromandel Coast had many ports and was connected hinterland settlements. The settlements show evidence of textile production at many of these sites, and settlements of weaver communities are present in this area even today. The settlement of Nangur excavated by the author in 2019 produced evidence of textile weavers in archaeological as well as ethnographic contexts. Thirumullaivayil was one of the important ports of the region that connected with Nangur and other craft settlements in Sirkazhi region. This paper focuses on the textile trade on the later medieval and colonial periods and the hinterland settlements that connected with the ports of Lower Kaveri valley. </text>
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                <text>Selvakumar, V.. 2021. “Textile Trade and Hinterland Settlements of the Lower Kaveri Valley on the Coromandel Coast of India from 13th to 20th Century CE.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL:&#13;
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                    <text>The “Stone Four Legged Quern” (Bench) recovered in
the oldest Maritime Archaeological Site at Godawaya
(Ambalantota) in Sri Lanka
Mr Sanath Karunarathna

Abstract
The stone bench that was recovered at the oldest Maritime Archaeological site at Godawaya
(Ambalantota) in Sri Lanka is an unusual archaeological artifact which has become instrumental
in turning the history of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka in a new direction It has been
recovered for the first time in the area of Godawaya (Ambalantota) in the Hambantota District in
Sri Lanka. The particular object is a Stone Bench with four legs where the whole thing is carved
out of a single stone. The main purpose of this article is to describe this stone bench and to
discuss the symbols it carries with its making. Also an attempt will be made to look into the site
where the object was found and other certain related aspects as well.
In August 2008, Maritime Archaeologists attached to the Department of Archaeology and
Central Cultural Fund (CCF) under the aegis of UNESCO launched an exploration in the area
where this stone bench had been found. The location was around 30 meters under the sea at a
place 4 km away from the fishery harbor in the coastal area of Godawaya village in the proximity
of Ambalantota Town in the Hambantota District in Southern Province of Sri Lanka.

Stone Bench
An unusual artefact, which has become instrumental in turning the history of
maritime archaeology in Sri Lanka towards a new direction, has been recovered
for the first time in Godawaya (Ambalantota) in the Hambantota District. This
particular object is a stone bench with four legs carved out of a single stone. The
main purpose of this article is to describe this object and to discuss the symbols it
carries. Also an attempt will be made to analyze the site and associated
materials where the object was found.
In October 2008, maritime archaeologists of the Maritime Archaeology
Unit (attached to the Central Cultural Fund and the Department of Archaeology)
under the aegis of United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) launched an exploration in the area where this Stone
Bench was found. The location was around 30 m under the sea, 4 km away from
the fishery harbour in the coastal area of Godawaya village.
This exploration did lead to recovery of a number of significant artefacts.
The MUA observation of remains spread over the area of concern pointed to the
possibility that this place could very well be the oldest maritime archaeological
site to date to have been found in Sri Lanka. Accordingly, a number of significant
samples have been collected for further studies and, at present, the research
work is in progress.

�Figure 1. Stone Bench Site. (Photo by R. Muthucumarana - M.A.U)
In fact, the story behind the recovery of this stone bench found in the
Godawaya area is rather interesting. One day in March 2003, I was participating
as the officer in charge of the excavation work carried out on the premises of the
Godawaya (Buddhist) Temple. In the meantime, two people named Peminda and
Sunil who were commercial divers who collect conch shells for their living
brought an object they had over their shoulders and placed on it the ground
before me. They said that they had found it in the sea while diving and discussed
it uniqueness in finding something like this on the seabed around this area. They
went on to say that there was a large number of pottery shards widely scattered
over the same area.
Having listened to them attentively, I examined the Stone Bench very
carefully. Some parts of the object were covered with sea shells and plants. On
the flat surface (top part of the bench) there were three symbols which were very
artistically carved. Those Symbols can be identified as Nandipada, Sri Vatsa and
Mathsya (fish). Interestingly a number of similar stone benches had been
recovered in the excavations performed at the Yatala stupa terrace and the
surrounding area which are now kept in the Yatala museum in Tissamaharamaya
In addition, some stone benches which are similar to those mentioned above,
have been found in the past excavations carried out at Akurugoda and
Sarwodayawatta in Tissamaharamaya (Sanath 2008:9). It was clear to me that
this stone bench possessed a significant historical value in addition to its unusual
recovery from the seabed. Therefore I chose to show this stone bench to Mr.
Oliver Kessler, a German Archaeologist, who had come here to assist in the
excavation work. His opinion was the same as mine. When I explained the
situation to Peminda and Sunil, they agreed to keep it at the Godawaya
(Buddhist) Temple to be preserved as an archaeological object. Subsequently
this stone bench paved the way to the underwater archaeological exploration
around the Godawaya area.

�Figure 2. Profile of bench showing legs / close-up of symbols in bench.
(Photos by Gamini Saman – MAU)
This bench measures 37.5 cm in length, 16cm in width and 17cm in height
and has four legs. There are three symbols finely carved along a border at the
top. However, when those symbols are closely studied with the available
historical evidence it becomes clear that those symbols have their origin from
Hindu religious symbols but were later treated as Buddhist symbols
(Wimalarathana 1991:63), It is also a fact that those symbols have been
simultaneously accepted in both Buddhism and Hinduism during a certain period
(Wimalaratana1991:63), Nandipada and Sri Vathsa can be seen on Amarawathie
Stupa in India while the same symbols are found among Buddhist carvings
available in Sri Lanka (Sanath 1979:167-193), Samuel Beal holds the view that
those symbols are used to depict Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha in Buddhist
iconography (Beal 1884:60), The opinion of Samuel Bell is that the Nandipada
has been employed to depict the Triple Gem (Rathnatra) and Buddhahood
(Beal1884:60), "Sri Vathsa" is considered to be a symbol found on the chest of
the god Vishnu (Basham 1995:385; Senaratna 1992:26).
There are ideas which argue that the Nandipada is only another symbol or
a figure representing the Trishula symbol (Wimalaratana 1991: 64), which can be
found in Hinduism. However as the Trishula is not accepted in Buddhism, a
majority of scholars agree that this symbol is used to denote the Triple Gem
(Rathnatra) (Beal 1884:60). The Sripada Stone (The Buddha‟s Footprint carved
on a stone slab) which was recovered in Anuradhapura and is, at present,
preserved in the museum in Colombo carries all three symbols and is thought to
belong to the second century Anno Domini (A.D.) (Karunaratna1979:167-193).
The widely recognized view is that they tend to symbolize the Chakrawarthi
Status (Holding Universal Sovereignty) or Buddhahood (Karunaratna1979:167193). There is also evidence available to show that the Mathsya or the "fish"
symbol had been used to imply auspiciousness (Subha mangala Sanketha or the
auspicious symbol) (Senaratna1992: 26).
A Sripada Stone (Buddha's Foot Print) bearing the Symbols of Mathsya
(fish) Nandipada and Sri Vathsa has been found at Amarawathie Stupa in India
which is also identified as belonging to the second century A.D. (Senaratna1992:
26). This further supports the hypothesis that during a certain period those
symbols had simultaneously been employed in Buddhist iconography in both Sri

�Lanka and India. In addition to use in contemporary works and creations, those
symbols have been utilized in the gateway structure (Archway for Entrance) of
the Sanchi Stupa in India, Also, a few similar stone benches found in the
excavations carried out at the Yatala site in Tissamaharama have been identified
as artefacts from the first and second centuries B.C.E; (Somadeva 2006:197198). Further, there is one stone bench on which a few Brahmi letters, which are
believed to be of first or second century B.C., have been inscribed (Somadeva
2006:197-198). Karunarathna, in his book Shanthiya, has classified the eight
Auspicious symbols (Asta mangala Lakshanas) by allocation them to different
cardinal directions (Karunaratna1979:167-193); only four of them given here:
 Sri Vatsa
Ravi (Sun)- East
 Mathsya
Rahu (Shadow of the moon) - South
 Nandipada Shani (Saturn) - West
 Conch
Budha (Mercury) - North
Therefore, it has been suggested, that the symbols were used to indicate
direction (Karunaratna1979:167-193). The begging - bowl (Patra) recovered in
Abhayagiri bearing those three symbols along with the eight auspicious symbols
(Asta Mangala Lakshanas) has been judged to belong to the sixth century A.D.
(Senaratna1992: 26).
However there is available evidence to suggest that there have been
instances where stone benches of similar shapes have been utilized as grinding
stones for domestic purposes - perhaps for kitchen work or medicinal
preparations (Karunaratna 2008:9; Somadeva 2006:197-198). A number of such
quern stones as well as a host of grinder stones and upper grinder stones (or
Doogala,) have already been recovered in the excavations performed at
Sarvodaya wattha and Akurugoda in Thissamaharamaya (Karunaratna 2008:9).
Hans Josim Waighsaar (Director KAWA project-Tissamaharama), who inspected
the marks on the quern, said these objects were used for domestic purposes or
medicinal preparation (KAWA Excavation Unpublished Report 2008-2010).
It was allowed to sit on those noble symbols which had highly and widely
been accepted and respected in both Sri Lanka and India altogether? If the
symbols inscribed on the stone bench represent the Lord Buddha, Buddha hood
or the triple gem there is no way that these benches were used for the purpose of
sitting. Some scholars argue that these comparatively shorter stone benches
could possibly have been constructed to go with the Rank / hierarchy of the chief
reverent / Bhikkus (Buddhist Priests) so they may have been prevented from
sitting on comfortable seats in terms of a disciplinary code enacted then
(Anandamaithree 2006:135-140).
My idea is that either those structures could very well be the direct
offerings for the Lord Buddha himself or the structures upon which offerings
would be placed before being proffered to the Lord Buddha. Such structures, in
this case the stone benches, in my opinion would be placed in the image House
of the Temple (Aramaya). (It represents the “Great Enlightenment of the Buddha”
Scholars believe it was the first brave step by the Greek Buddhists, who wanted
to create a sculpture of Buddha according to the style of the more familiar Greek
tradition of sculptures. Before the image of the Buddha was created, Buddhists

�believed should never be created or represented as a figure of The Buddha with
His Great Qualities (Wimalaratana 1991:64). Hence Buddhists considered some
of the symbols in Buddha‟s likeness to be the “Representation of the Buddha”
Bodhi tree (Picas Religiosa), which provides shelter, and the Seat (AsanaVajrasana), which provides seating facilities for attaining "The Great Buddha
Hood” under the Bo Tree (Basham 1995:134). These were venerated as a great
honour from the beginning of Buddhism. It is very obvious in early paintings and
sculptures that these represent those objects on behalf of the Buddha
(Anandamaithree 2006:135-140). Wherever Artist wants to show the Buddha it
appears as “Asana” or “Bo Tree". And this practice has been continuous for a
long time, even after the introduction of the Buddha sculpture. I believe it is a
very reasonable and widely accepted view that sailors carried “Asana” to areas of
religious practices while they voyaged. It mean, they may have used these
“Asanas” as the representation of their religious leader and as the protector of
their life.

Figure 3. Grinding stones. Photo by Sanath karunarathna
Considering the above information it can be deduced that the symbols that
we have discussed were used during the period of the second century Before
Christ (B.C.) to the second country A.D. So far a number of Sri Vathsa Symbols
carved out of the copper material have been recovered from the Katharagama
area (Somadeva 2006:197-198). It could therefore be said that similar symbols
had been very popular during that period.
The fact that this object has been recovered from the deep seabed, away
from the shore, we also can think they were transported as merchandise on
vessels. At the same time it could be assumed that those objects had acquired a
degree of social recognition and were honoured with a sense of respect and
sacredness. Nandadasa Samaraweera (Nandadasa 2010: 1-5) Has clearly

�expressed his opinion that the glazed ingots found from the same site belong to a
period spanning from the first century BC to the second century AD.
It has been firmly established that the Godawaya harbour, by the second
century AD, (Gamini 2010:32-35) had been a well organized and highly active
centre where even the tariffs and customs charges were duly collected (Kessler
2001:290-300), The stone inscriptions found at the Godawaya Buddhist Temple
actively help to support this view (Kessler 2001:329). However, it is possible that
this harbour was functional long before the specified period. Namely, the
excavations carried out by Somadeva in the area surrounding the Kirinda
Harbour (Somadeva 2006:163-165) can be cited as proof that the Kirinda
Harbour had been operational prior to the Christian era. Considering the
archaeological findings obtained in that area, Somadeva holds the view that the
functional city situated in the Akurugoda area in Tissamaharama was linked to
the Kirinda Harbour while the settlement, situated at Ridiyagama close to
Ambalantota, had been linked to the Godawaya Harbour via the Walave River
(Somadeva 2006:115-120).

Figure 4. Bench like stone object with Brahmi Letter's perod between 250-100
BCE (Somadeva 2006:197-198). Photo by R. Muthucumarana
When the above facts are carefully studied and analyzed we could readily
accept that those archaeological findings and the old Harbours could easily be
traced to the same social era in the 2nd century AD (Paranavithana 1983: 101).
However, the research is still ongoing so a valid conclusion has not been
reached.

Other Findings
After the 2008 exploration another two small scale explorations have been
conducted. The main one took place at the end of 2010 as a collaboration project
of MAU, UNESCO and the Government of Netherlands. The Godawaya
shipwreck discovery generated much interest among the local archaeologists as
well as international historians and archaeologists with interests in Asian

�underwater cultural heritage. It caused for much enthusiasm in the international
layer, which provided allocation of funds towards a UNESCO training programme
in maritime archaeology (post-field activity MAU 2010). The international team
comprised of experts in diving and underwater archaeology from India,
Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines who participated in the assessment with
the MAU team on the shipwreck at Godawaya. According to the previous
exploration the site was identified as spread over an area of 40 X 22 m. Before
initiation of the actual site survey, the team had to explore what had been
previously collected such as jars, cooking vessels, stone benches and
unidentified parts of the main wreckage (possible timber stacks).
 Investigation of the exploration was mainly concern with the following:
 To inspect and survey of the site and identify possible artefacts and
antiques apparently visible on the sea bed.
 To make a surface plan with the finds using measuring equipments.
 To photographically document the site with digital cameras and other
documentary equipment.
 To make an evaluation of the site with available data and resources.
The exploration team was comprised of underwater archaeologists,
selected on the basis of their experience in multi-disciplinary approaches A well
balanced team was thus engaged in the exploration activities for extracting
maximum information and taking firsthand experience through non-disturbance
survey. This survey produced observation of a large number of artefacts on the
seabed, including varieties of pottery and a large area in the north-western
quadrant covered with the remains of shipwreck (including the unidentified
cargoes). During the exploration we found that there were more stone benches
scattered around the site and most of them are different in style and size from
each other and required close inspection to identify any symbols carry on them. I
suppose that early mariners may have carried these stone benches in their
personal belongings for making individual religious rituals and offerings. Keep in
Possession these benches as in personal properties which brings symbolic
message of the “Great Victory” (The Attainment of Buddha hood) of their
religious leader may bring them self-esteem to do the uncertain voyages
The main obstacle in this case is the fact that all the recovered
archaeological objects seem to have relationships to regional countries,
especially to India and Sri Lanka during certain time periods. Nevertheless,
wooden remains of the wreck are in very fragile condition and worn out, so its
origins deduced by construction methods is difficult. This problem could hopefully
be reached by proper documentation of the site and the scientific analysis of the
findings in the near future.

Bibliography
Anandamaitree, B.,
2006
Basham, A. L.,
1995

“Vinaya Pitakaya”, in Senasana Khandaka
Chullawaggapali, Part 11, government of Sri Lanka.
Asirimath Indiyawa , Educational Publication
Department, Reprint, Colombo.

�Beal, S.,
1884
Fouche , A .,
1918
Gamini , P.A.L.,
2010
Karunarathna, T.B.,
1979
Nandadasa,S.M;
2010
Paranavithana, S.,
1983
Roth, W., Kessler,
O., Rocker.,
Wijepala W,.
2001
Sanath, W.K.,
2008
Samuel, B.,
1884
Senarathna, W.,
1992
Senavirathna, A.,
1979

Somadeva, R.,
2001
Weisshar, H.J.,
Wijepala, W., Roth,
H.,
2001
Wimalarathana, B.,
1991

Buddhist Record of the Western World, London.
The Beginning of the Buddhist Art, London.
Godawaya, S &amp; S Printers, Colombo.
“A new Interpretation of The Buddhist Trirathna
Symbol”, Ancient Ceylon, Journal of the Archaeological
Survey, Department of Archaeology, Colombo.
“Sri Lankawe Glaze bhavitaya saha Godawaya
muhuden hamu u Glaze kutti ”, in MAU News Letter,
Volume ιι, Part 1, Central Cultural Fund, Colombo.
Inscription of Ceylon ,Archaeological Survey of Sri
Lanka, Volume II, Part 1, Colombo.
“Sri Lankan -German Archaeological Project in
Southern Province”, in Ancient Ruhuna, Volume Ι,
Germany.
Excavation report, „tissa-3 “, Regional Archaeology
Office, Galle, 2008.
Buddhist record Of the Western World, London.
“Ashtamangala Patraya”, in Sanskrutika Puranaya,
Volume 1, Part II, Central Cultural Fund, Colombo.
“A Symbol Which Represent the Buddha in early
Singhalese Sculpture, Ancient Ceylon", in Journal of the
Archaeological Survey, Department of Archaeology,
Colombo, 1979.
"Urban origins in Southern Sri Lanka", in Studies in
Global archaeology, 7, Uppsala University
Uppsala.
“Sri Lankan -German Archaeological Project in
Southern Province”, in Ancient Ruhuna, Volume 1,
Germany.
Budu Pilimaya asana saha Mudra, Sedevi printers, Dehiwala.

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                <text>Session 2&#13;
Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>The stone bench that was recovered at the oldest Maritime Archaeological site at Godawaya (Ambalantota) in Sri Lanka is an unusual archaeological artifact which has become instrumental in turning the history of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka in a new direction It has been recovered for the first time in the area of Godawaya (Ambalantota) in the Hambantota District in Sri Lanka. The particular object is a Stone Bench with four legs where the whole thing is carved out of a single stone. The main purpose of this article is to describe this stone bench and to discuss the symbols it carries with its making. Also an attempt will be made to look into the site where the object was found and other certain related aspects as well. &#13;
&#13;
In August 2008, Maritime Archaeologists attached to the Department of Archaeology and Central Cultural Fund (CCF) under the aegis of UNESCO launched an exploration in the area where this stone bench had been found. The location was around 30 meters under the sea at a place 4 km away from the fishery harbor in the coastal area of Godawaya village in the proximity of Ambalantota Town in the Hambantota District in Southern Province of Sri Lanka.</text>
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                    <text>The 12th to 13th century Cargo Ships of Korea:
Proof of Medieval Maritime Transportation Found in Taean waters, Korea
Jong-guk Shin
530-839 136 Namnongro, Mokpo, Jeonnam, Korea
Email: sjk1203@ocp.go.kr
Abstract
This paper is about the wrecked ships found in Tae-an, Korea, and the ongoing
investigation. Four cargo ships of the Middle Ages were excavated from Taean, Korea
during 2007 - 2011. Three of these four ships were found in a 1 km radius, as such, this
sea area is famous for sinking ships since ancient times. Among the found relics were
wooden tablets describing the origin of the cargoes, the receiver, types of cargoes and
quantity was found. These wooden tablets were the first of its kind found in a Korean
wrecked ship, which provide specific historical facts. The four wrecked ships found in
adjacent place, were wrecked during the transportation of products from a production
area in the mid-southern part of Korea, where a capital city was located at one time.
One ship was transporting tens of thousands of porcelain, while the other three were
transporting a small quantity of porcelain and foodstuffs.
Key words: Tae-an waters, Medieval maritime, Transportation, Taean Shipwreck,
Yellow Sea coast
Introduction
The Taean Peninsula is a prominent area of the Yellow Sea coast. It is known for its
rough seas; in the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910 AD) they tried to build a canal to change
the seaway, since many cargo vessels transporting taxed grains had wrecked. In
particular, they had to pass through between Gauido and Gwansugak across the route
between Sinjindo and Anheungseong to transport tax grain from the south of
Yangkwang Province. This is where marine accidents happened frequently, so uring the
Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392 AD) this place was known as “Nanhangnyang”, a waterway
dangerous to pass( Anheungnyang since Joseon) and considered it as one of the most
dangerous sea areas including Uldolmok in Jindo, Sondolmok in Kanghwa Island, and
Indangsu in Seohae Province. For this reason, from the Goryeo Dynasty the excavation
work for canals was conducted to keep cargo vessels safer. The following shows the
situation of marine accidents in the early Joseon. Although all of these accidents did not
occur in the Taean waters, most of them are considered involved in this area.
1

�

Ship Accident Statistics during 1395 to
1455 (for 60 years) (a total of 200 ships;
loss of grain-15,800 bags of rice)

As a part of an effort to overcome these frequent
sinking accidents of cargo vessels, they had
attempted the excavation of canals since the
Goryeo period, to develop new routes in order
not to pass through Anheungnyang. The first
attempt was in 1134, which was at the Gulpo
Canal passing between Cheonsu Bay and
Garorim Bay. This canal was planned as a total
of

7km

sluiceway.

They

succeeded

in

excavating 4 km, but failed because of the
bedrock in the way. It was resumed in 1391, but
was

ultimately

uncompleted.

The

second Fig. 1 Shipping places and destination of
attempt made was the Uihang Canal, between medieval Korea. (NRIMCH)
Uihang-ri and Mohang-ri, Sowon-myeon, Taean-gun in 1521 during the Joseon Era.
They mobilized 3,000 people to excavate but eventually the project was abandoned.
The region of Anheungnyang, Taean, was the standard ship course that they had to
pass through to transport tax grain of Jeolla and Gyeongsang Provinces, the
breadbasket of Korea; by ship, but as there were many barriers to sailing the region
such as strong tides, rocks, winds and thick fog. About 80 anchor stones were
discovered in 200 x 100 m area between Mado and Geunheung where tidal currents
were relatively weak and the winds were manageable while exploring the Mado waters
from 2009 to 2012. These anchor stones were used for anchoring premodern ships and
tied to wooden anchors. With nearly 100 anchor stones found in that part of the Mado
Sea area implies that this place used as an anchorage over a long period.
The 12th to 13th Century Shipwrecks Found in the Taean Waters
The Taean Shipwreck, a porcelain carrier, was investigated between 2007 and 2008,
and the Mado 1, 2 and 3 Shipwrecks were excavated consecutively between 2009 and
2011 in the Taean waters, this place became where most of the underwater
2

�archeological surveys were actively conducted in Korea recently. These shipwrecks are
located within a radius of 4km, dating to the early 12th century to the end of the 13th
century and dating within the Goryeo Dynasty Period.
The Taean Shipwreck
The Taean Shipwreck had sunk while transporting porcelain made in the famous
ceramic producing area in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, from the then
capital city at that time. In a space of 12 m east to west and 8 m south to north,
approximately 25,000 pieces of porcelains loaded in five stories were recovered, and
external boards of the ship framed in 4 levels appeared in the bottom. It is inferred that
the reason there is no bottom plank, compared to both bottom plank and external plank
are identified usually in the other vessels, is that at the time of sinking the vessel was
completely tilted a port or a starboard and settled on the seabed. It was likely that the
other prow, stern and bottom parts disappeared, except for a part of the external plank
in one side pressed by the heavy porcelain after sinking.
The excavated relics from the Taean Shipwreck
include 34 wooden tablets, 23,760 porcelains, 9
pieces of earthenware, 2 iron pots, including
bamboo baskets, bronze bowls and anchor
stones. Porcelain was the major cargo of the ship.
On the wooden tablets were a list of recipients,
and the other things were items that the crew
used. Most important among these artifacts are
the wooden tablets. Even though wooden tablets
Fig. 2 Canals and shipwrecks in Taean were also identified in the Sinan Ship (the first
peninsula. (NRIMCH)
Korean ship excavated underwater ship) the ship

was of the Yuan Dynasty, China, and it was the first time that wooden tablets were
discovered from a sunken ship operating in Korea. Since the wooden tablets recorded
the kinds of cargo, quantity, shipping places, destinations, recipients and shipment
times, they offers critical clues to specifically figure out the historical features of the ship.
Brief examples of the tablets are as follows:

3

�○ wooden tablet 1: (the front side) “I send 80 pieces/packs of pottery to the house of a
government official (隊正 仁守) in Gaegyeong from Tamjin (place name).” “We load the
same amount as mentioned above. Captain’s signature/ Tamjin-hyeon as the shipping
place (Kangjin, located in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula at present), a
recipient called Daejeong Insu in the Goryeo’s capital, Gaegyeong (present Gaeseong),
pottery as a kind of cargo, and 80 pieces or packs as the amount of cargo were
inscribed there.
○ wooden tablet 2: (the front) “I offer this to Daegyeong Choi”/a Daegyeong (a highranking title of the official of jeong 3 pum to jong 3 pum) having his last name of Choi
○ wooden tablet 3: (the front) “I offer pottery to Jangmyeong Yu /a Jangmyeong (title of
the office) having his last name of Yu.
○ wooden tablet 4: As the result of wiggle match, combining dendrochronology and
radiocarbon dating of wooden tablet/the body of the ship where year marked, if we
consider the ship was made of wood cut down between 1126 and 1150 and the
porcelain was made between the early and mid-12th century in terms of pottery
chronology, the Year of the Swine was ascertained to be 1131, and eventually the
Taean Shipwreck was assumed to be wrecked while transporting cargo in 1131. Thus,
we could specifically grasp historical facts of the sunken ship through the wooden
tablets discovered from the Taean Shipwreck. However, as only 4 levels of the external
planks remain out of the hull, it is hard to comprehend the structure of the ship.

4

�The Mado Shipwreck No.1
The Mado Shipwreck No.1 was found in 2009,
and was investigated in the same year. The
sea area where the ship was wrecked is about
15 to 20 m deep and is affected by the
strongest tides in the harbor. The remaining
conditions of the hull were relatively fine; 7
rows of bottoms, 2 levels of port, 3 levels of
starboard, and stem, although not framed,
were identified. The port and starboard Fig. 3 Wooden tablets of shipwrecks.
remains, in term of cross section of the bottom (NRIMCH)
of the ship almost maintains level, and in terms of longitudinal section the ship has
raked forward. Artifacts found comprised of nearly 300 pieces of porcelain, 49 pieces of
earthenware, 69 wooden tablets, 9 bamboo trays, 6 wooden combs, 2 bamboo baskets,
13 bronze spoons, 3 iron pots. This shipwreck was a cargo ship having transported
mainly grains such as rice seed, buckwheat and bean. Other foodstuffs such as fish
bones and Korean sauces inside earthenware jars were found as well. Unlike the
porcelain carrier Taean shipwreck, the Mado Shipwreck No.1 was mostly a grain carrier.
The shipments of the Mado No. 2 and 3 shipwrecks seem to have transported grains
such as rice in the remainder but the center of hull, and earthenware jars containing
food such as Korean sauces, porcelain for merchandise, and craftworks such as
bamboo trays in the central part. A lot of wooden tablets were also excavated in these
ships. Major items are as follows:
○ wooden tablet 1 : “I offer these produce to Choi Gwang in February 19, the Year of
the Dragon (1208): 10 bags of millet and 3 bags of buckwheat harvested in the field,
and 2 bags of fermented soybean lumps; 10 mals (approximately 34L) of produce are
put in each bag.”
○ wooden tablet 2 : “I offer this produce to Honorary Army Commander Yun Gi-hwa in
Capital from Juksan-hyeon in December 28, the Year of the Hare (1207): 3 bags of
millet harvested in the field. 20 mals (approximately 68L) a bag”

5

�○ wooden tablet 3: “I offer this to Nangjung Choi (a government official in jeong 5 pum
post having his last name Choi): a jar of salted fish”.
○ wooden tablet 4: “I offer 24 bags of white rice harvested in a new field in Hoejin-hyeon
(now Naju city)”.
○ wooden tablet 5: “I offer these to Army Commander Kim Sun-yeong. 6 bags of rice
harvested in the field”.
We can understand concretely about the Mado shipwreck No.1 through the contents of
the wooden tablets. First, regarding freight shipping and departure date, as a result of
comparing with Kim Sun-yeong, a figure appearing in “History of the Goryeo Dynasty
Period”, a historical book on Goryeo, we can find out that the period of shipping was
around October 1207 to February 19th, 1208, and the departure date was not later than
February 19th. The places of shipping identified in wooden tablets are at present
Haenam-gun, Naju-si, Jangheung-gun and Yeongam-gun in South Jeolla Province, and
the recipients were persons of high position, including Army Commander Kim Sunyeong, Nangjung Choi, Kwon Geuk-pyeong and Yun Bang-jun. In the kinds of cargo,
well-polished rice, unpolished rice seed, millet, buckwheat, bean, fermented soybean
lump, salted fish, salted mackerel, salted crabs, bamboo tray and comb are verified in
the wooden tablets. In particular, as all recipients of the grains were individuals, the
freight was almost for rent. Therefore, the Mado 1 doesn’t seem to be a state cargo ship
but a private one transporting grains, food and craftworks of South Jeolla region where
there were private lands of the then influential persons residing in capital.
The Mado Shipwreck No. 2
The Mado shipwreck No.2 was discovered in 2009 in process of trial excavation and
fully excavated in 2010. 2 levels of external planks of the port, 7 rows of bottoms and 5
levels of external planks of the starboard remain; it listed 25 degrees to starboard in
terms of cross section yet it was almost level between stem and stern. We removed soil
layers by checking exposed relics. There are 5 layers into the Mado Shipwreck No.2.
The first layer was the surface of the mud; the second is the state that base blocks
expose stacks of grain; the third is the side where bridging, vessels for living, and
earthenware and porcelain for cargo in the central part are exposed after removing the

6

�base blocks; the fourth is the side where the hull is completely exposed; and the fifth is
the state after salvaging the hull.

Fig. 4 Plans of Mado shipwreck No. 2. (left: Fig. 5 Plans of Mado shipwreck No. 3. (left: 3-1
second layer plan, right: third layer plan). layer plan, right : 3-2 layer plan). (NRIMCH)
(NRIMCH)

The area where the Mado No. 2 sank is not an area that has active sedimentation, since
there were not many collapsed timbers of the upper part. Relics from the upper part, the
external planks of port and starboard, stem and stern seem to have been all washed
away. We see the entrance of the vessel as the second section and the central part as
the third section, the bridging and base blocks for loading grain were found in the
second, fourth and fifth spaces, and grains such as rice seed were identified in the
exposed upper side of base block, so grains probably was loaded in the second, fourth
and fifth sections. A mast was installed in the central part of the end of the third section,
and there is an area to make a fire comprised of fragments of roof tiles, stones and clay
to port. Iron pots that sailors used, big jars containing water, dinnerware, spoons and
bamboo baskets were excavated around the “fireplace”, and there were jars for salted
fish, 2 mae-byeong (a type of jar), a pack of cups and overlapped iron pots assumed as
freight were recovered in the second section. In the last (sixth) section a millstone was
recovered.
The excavated relics from the Mado No. 2 are: 157 pieces of porcelain, 28 pieces of
earthenware, 58 wooden tablets, 8 bronze spoons, 4 bronze bowls, 8 iron pots, bamboo
baskets, and grains such as rice seed, millet, buckwheat, wild sesame, and bean.
7

�Similarly, we can find out the places of shipment, recipients and date of the wreck
through the contents of the wooden tablets. The places of shipment were Gochang-gun
and Jeongeup of North Jeolla, Korea, and the recipients were government officials
residing in capital, whose names are Lee Geuk-seo, Yu Ja-ryang and Oh Mun-bu. The
sailing time is not correct, but it can be assumed to be approximately 1200 to 1213 CE
in the light of records on the persons above. Freight carried included polished rice,
beans, malt, fermented soybean lumps, salted fish, honey, sesame oil, and some iron
pots. Like the Mado No.1 shipwreck, we can see this shipwreck as a cargo ship that
mainly carried grains, including food and other craftworks of the North Jeolla region,
where there was private lands of influential people living in the capital.
The Mado Shipwreck No. 3
The Mado Shipwreck No. 3 was investigated in 2011 and holds the best state of its hull
among the regions’ shipwrecks discovered. The maximum height of the ship is 2.8 m;
10 levels of port, 9 levels of starboard, and 5 rows of bottoms remain; body of the ship
tilted 8 to 12 degrees to port and about 5 degrees to bow. The reason that the Mado No.
3 remains are well preserved is in the position of sinking. The area where the Mado
No.3 was discovered was about 200m from shore, and as it is surrounded by land and
islands like the Mado No.2. There is almost no tide and it is a place used for a refuge
area in storms even today. It is also an area where there is active sedimentation. We
can guess why the Mado No. 2 and 3 sank although they already arrived at refuge.
The Mado No. 3 was excavated in four sections. The first section is a state that clay is
removed up to around – 60cm, with lumbers for loading grain and wooden relics were
recovered from this side. The second section is the exposed side where the ship
framework collapsed, where fragments assumed to be a deck board of the upper part
and the upper external boards collapsed. The third section is comprised of shipped or
used relics at –180 to 250 cm depth. The upper area in the section is classified as 3-1
and the lower part as 3-2.The inside of the hull is divided into six sections; from the bow,
the first space was too steep to ship goods. In the second, fourth and fifth sections, a
bridging and base block for loading grain was recovered, as well as some grains. The
sixth section of the stern part is the narrowest space, where bamboo boxes containing
shark jerky, baskets and earthenware jars were loaded. Grains are found in the port and
8

�southern areas along with earthenware in the third section the central part (where a
mast is installed), yet these grains seem to have flowed into this section from the
second and fourth sections while the ship wrecked. Particularly, there is a space only for
earthenware jars in about 70 cm section of the central part from the second section,
from which about 20 pieces of earthenware were excavated. A fire place for cooking
was installed in the southwest corner in the 3-2 side of the third section; earthenware
goods are loaded in two rows north; iron pots and earthen goods in the central part; and
about 50 bronze containers such as bowls, plates and spoons (9) were identified around
the starboard side and right lower side corner. From the bow, the first section was the
space unfit for use due to the inclination of the bottom part, a large amount of grains
were onboard in the second, fourth and fifth section, and additional cargoes were
loaded in the sixth section. And in the center of the third section, there was a fireplace
and a living space for crew dinnerware and cooking containers. Earthenware jars
containing salted fish for freight were also loaded.
In the Mado No. 3 various relics were recovered, including 50 pieces of earthenware, 41
pieces of porcelain, 35 wooden tablets, 2 iron pots, 43 bronze tableware, 9 bronze
spoons, 7 wooden combs, fabrics, janggi (Korean chess) pieces, 12 antlers, and grains
such as rice, buckwheat, millet and barley. The facts that we can know through the
wooden tablets are that the shipping place of the Mado No. 3 was Yeosu-city of
southeast area of South Jeolla Province, and individual recipients were Shin Yun-hwa,
Yu Cheon-u and Kim Jun, among whom especially Kim Jun was a man of supreme
power who seized power of the Goryeo at that time. Unlike the other ships, individuals
as well as state institutions appear as the recipients; Jeonmin in charge of the reforming
land system, Jungbang-ubeon and U-sambeon-byeolcho were military departments in
nature, and Dogwan, in charge of documents on slaves and lawsuit. Barley, salted
abalone viscera, salted mussel, abalone, shark jerky, peasant, fish oil, and dog meat
jerky are verified as the kind of freight in the wooden tablets. We can find out that the
Mado No. 3 sunk between 1265 and 1268 through the comparison of persons’ names
on the wooden tablets and historical records.

9

�Conclusions
The number of the sunken ships excavated in the sea of Korea by now is 12, and all of
them fall under the Goryeo Period (10th to 14th centuries). Thus, it can be said that in
the Goryeo maritime transportation at home and abroad was the most active. These
four cargo vessels of the Goryeo period were discovered in Taean waters, over recent
years, and they give more abundant proof of maritime transportation in the region than
anything else among the sunken ships of the time e.g. the data of the ship structure, the
pottery, grains, food and articles of the crew. The most significant finds are the wooden
tablets inscribed with specific information of the cargo. As these wooden tablets
sometimes have records on the shipping time as well as the shipping places, recipients,
kinds and quantity, we can figure out historical facts of the shipwrecks. Cargo ships of
Goryeo investigated by now are classified into two kinds according to the kinds of freight.
One is a porcelain carrier, which was a vessel transporting porcelain made in the
southern part of the Korean Peninsula, the then major porcelain-producing area, mostly
to the central region where the capital was located. The Taean Ship represents one of
these types, as well as the Wando Ship and the Sibidongpado Ship. These pottery
carriers seem to have shipped only porcelain and earthenware usually, not other freight.
The other type of ship is identified as a grain carrier, represented by the wrecks Mado
No.1, 2 and 3. For convenience sake, we can call it a grain carrier, but in these vessels
various goods were shipped, not only grains but also various foods such as salted fish,
fermented soybean lumps, Korean sauces, jars of honey and sesame oil, craftworks
such as bamboo trays, combs, bronze vessels, iron pots, porcelain and fabrics, and raw
material for handcrafts such as antlers. In the light of Mado No. 2 and 3, it is thought
that the method of shipping cargo such as food and craftwork was in the central part of
the ship, or in the central part and in the stern part, and grains were commonly shipped
in the other sections. These sunken ships were generally estimated to be between 13 to
20 m long and more than 2.5 m high, but it is not certain; a mast was installed in the
central part in terms of ship structure; and the floor was flat. A simple cooking facility
was located in the central part where the mast was installed, and articles for the sailors,
food and craftworks seem to have been packed there as well. It is not certain yet

10

�whether these ships were operated officially by the state, by influential persons or by a
merchant group.
Acknowledgements
I am thankful to everyone who participated in the underwater excavation on Taean
Shipwreck and Mado Shipwreck No. 1, 2, 3 projects. Also, I appreciate to Mr. Sung-Tae
Lim and Gwang-Hee Hong who were supposed to join in 2014 APCONF. I have deep
gratitude to Mr. Seojin Kim who helped me a lot and all of my colleagues of the
NRIMCH.
References
NRIMCH., 2009. Taean Treasure ship, Report of the Research of Antiquities of the
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 17.
NRIMCH., 2010. Taean Mado Shipwreck No.1, Report of the Research of Antiquities of
the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 20.
NRIMCH., 2011. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 2, Report of the Research of Antiquities of
the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 22.
NRIMCH., 2012, Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 3, Report of the Research of Antiquities of
the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 27.
Shin Jong-guk is senior curator (40 years old) serving at National Research Institute of
Maritime Cultural Heritage, the Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea. He has
excavated 3 shipwrecks of the Goryeo Dynasty as a team leader of the underwater
excavation and investigated from 2010 to 2013 and participated in the marine
exploration in various places of Korea.

11

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                  <text>East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCOâ€™s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia.&#13;
This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. </text>
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                <text>The 12th to 13th century Cargo Ships of Korea:  Proof of Medieval Maritime Transportation Found in Taean waters, Korea</text>
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                <text>This paper is about the wrecked ships found in Tae-an, Korea, and the ongoing investigation. Four cargo ships of the Middle Ages were excavated from Taean, Korea during 2007 - 2011. Three of these four ships were found in a 1 km radius, as such, this sea area is famous for sinking ships since ancient times. Among the found relics were wooden tablets describing the origin of the cargoes, the receiver, types of cargoes and quantity was found. These wooden tablets were the first of its kind found in a Korean wrecked ship, which provide specific historical facts. The four wrecked ships found in adjacent place, were wrecked during the transportation of products from a production area in the mid-southern part of Korea, where a capital city was located at one time. One ship was transporting tens of thousands of porcelain, while the other three were transporting a small quantity of porcelain and foodstuffs. </text>
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                    <text>The 17th Century Wooden Shipwreck off Hatsushima
Island, Japan
Hayato Kondo
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology
hkondo@kaiyodai.ac.jp
Akifumi Iwabuchi
Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology
iwabuchi@kaiyodai.ac.jp
Toshiaki Hayashibara
Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology
sea.museum@gmail.com

Abstract
The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (ARIUA) at
Fukuoka and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, which
is a member institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unitwin
Network, have researched upon the 17th century wooden shipwreck off
Hatsushima Island in front of Atami city, Shizuoka Prefecture, since 2011.
The shipwreck lies on the seabed at the depth of 20 metres, 200 metres
from the western shore. It consists mainly of a cargo of roof tiles or
grinding bowls and some parts of the wooden hull. Judging from them,
the original vessel seems to have been a 17th or 18th century wooden
freighter or kaisen (廻船), which left a port of western part of Japan for the
capital town of Edo; most of well made roof tiles were not made in eastern
part at that time. Because most of the roof tiles are high-quality and one
of them is marked by the wild ginger trefoil coat of arms of the Shogunate
family, they might mean to have been used for the Edo Shogunate castle.
In 2011 and 2012, archaeologists with financial assistance from the
Nippon Foundation, did the submersible survey upon this wreck site,
about which local fishermen had already known to identify its exact
position. In 2013, then, its bathymetry was made with a multibeam sonar.
In order to make a precisely measured drawing of the 5 metre square
wreck site, an AUV in 2013 and a ROV in 2015, both of which were
developed uniquely by Tokyo University of Marine Science and
Technology, and divers in 2016 were deployed to collect numerous
underwater photos to generate 3D photogrammetric models with
photogrammetry software Agisoft ‘PhotoScan’.
Key words: Shipwreck, survey, Photogrammetry

�Introduction
Hatsushima Island is approximately 4km around and located in the
Sagami bay off east coast of Izu peninsula. In terms of its administration,
it belongs to Atami city, Shizuoka Prefecture. From the mainland city, we
could always see the island and vice versa, and regular ferry services are
frequently available between them (Fig. 1).

Hatsushima Island has

approximately 200 inhabitants, most of whom engage in fishery and tourist
industries. There is only one elementary school, about 30 guest houses,
and a resort hotel on it. The surrounding sea around Hatsushima Island
is managed by the Fisheries Cooperative Association of the Hatsushima
Island; without permission from the association, neither recreation fishing
nor fun diving around the island is allowed.

Fig. 1: Location of Hatsushima Island.

�The so-called Hatsushima shipwreck lies on the seabed at the depth of
20 metres, being 200 metres from the western shore. Its cargo mainly
consists of roof tiles or grinding bowls and some parts of wooden hulls.
Judging from them, the original vessel seems to have been a 17th or 18th
century wooden freighter or kaisen (廻船), which left a port of western part
of Japan, might be Osaka or Hyogo, for the capital town of Edo, which is
currently known as Tokyo. During the Edo period, Japan was in national
isolation, called sakoku (鎖国); consequently, there was only limited
contact with foreign countries, while domestic seaborne transportation
systems were highly developed.

Almost all areas in Japan were

connected by the shipping traffic with wooden freighters. Using ships, rice
was transported from northern Japan to Edo or Osaka, which was the
largest town in western Japan; earthenware from western Japan to Edo;
marine products from Hokkaido to western Japan, and so on.

The shipwreck site was officially found in the latter half of 1970s by a
constructor of underwater pipelines which supplied pure water to
Hatsushima Island from mainland. Even before, however, it has been
known by fishermen that roof tiles and grindstones have sometimes been
caught by fishing nets. In addition, the islanders have inherited legends
testifying that at the shipwreck, night after night, a sodden samurai who
wore armour used at that time, landed on the western shore of
Hatsushima island from the bottom of the sea. Since the area was opened
as a diving spot, some leisure divers have recognized the shipwreck.
Because the Fisheries Cooperative Association of the Hatsushima Island
has strictly managed the wreck, its destruction has been prevented
somehow.

�A series of surveys have been done mainly by the Asian Research
Institute of Underwater Archaeology (ARIUA) and by Tokyo University of
Marine Science and Technology, a member institution of the UNESCO
Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network. The Asian Research Institute
of Underwater Archaeology is the only an active academic society for
underwater cultural heritage in Japan. Although its headquarters is
situated at Fukuoka city, Kyushu, the institute has not only Japanese
members but also foreign scholars including from Korea and Germany. It
was founded in 1986 under the name of the Kyushu Okinawa Society for
Underwater Archaeology or KOSUWA, and then in 2005 it became a nonprofit organization. The president director is Kenzo Hayashida, who is an
expert advisor of the Submerged Sites Study Committee at the Agency
for Cultural Affairs. The institute has regally published a journal titled The
Journal of Underwater Archaeological Studies which is the only one
periodical specialized about underwater cultural heritage in Japan.

In November 2011 and in February 2012, several ARIUA underwater
archaeologists did the underwater survey upon the Hatsushima shipwreck
site to locate its exact position. The third diving campaign was executed
on April 2012, which was covered by a TV programme, and the fourth
diving campaign was executed on October 2012 in order to create plans
for future surveys and excavations. On March 2013, the multibeam sonar
survey and pilot survey using an autonomous underwater vehicle (AUV),
which was built by Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology,
were executed (Kondo, 2017). Figure 2 shows the bathymetry around the
site generated by a multibeam sonar mounted. A group of embossments
surrounded in a circle shows the wreck site.
multibeam survey was a SONIC 2024.

A sonar used for this

�Fig. 2: Bathymetry of the archaeological site.
Archaeological Relics
The shipwreck site itself measures 4.7m from east to west and 5m from
north to south. In an area of 5m square, the freighter’s cargos, such as
roof tiles, grinding bowls, and whetstones are spread (Fig. 3). Although
decorative ridge-end tiles, pan eaves-tiles, and whetstones are found
dispersedly, other cargo components such as pan-tiles, round eaves-tiles,
and grinding bowls are well aligned. It could be imagined that, when this
freighter sank, the heavy cargos might be placed bottom on the wooden
hull. The number of pan-tiles, round eaves-tiles, and grinding bowls were
spread far more than that of decorative ridge-end tiles, pan eaves-tiles,
and whetstones. As for the hull, its greater part seems to be buried inside
the sandy seabed; after the sand is push aside, a few wooden plates from
the ship could be observed between the group of aligned pan-tiles and
grinding bowls.

�Fig. 3: Rough drawing of the wreck site.
At the southern part of the relics-concentrated site, pan-tiles are aligned
in five rows and two layers to the east-west directions; and others are
aligned in one row and one layer to the north-south directions. About the
northern part, round eaves-tiles are aligned in two rows and two layers.
Contrarily, pan eaves-tiles and decorative ridge-end tiles are sporadically
spread to relatively outside of the relics-concentrated site.

Judging from their forms and characteristics, the grinding bowls were
produced from the middle of the 17th century to the beginning of the 18th
century in the Tamba region of western Japan, which is now in Hyogo
Prefecture. This Tamba ware or Tamba-Tachikui ware had started to be
made around 1000 years ago, and then became famous in Japan

�especially for its grinding bowls.

Before the 18th century almost all

Japanese grinding bowls came either from the area of Tamba or from
Seto. After the middle of the 18th century, however, the cheap bowls
produced in a town of Sakai, near Osaka, became much more popular.

As for roof tiles, the original production area might be Awaji Island, which
is also now in Hyogo Prefecture. Throughout Japanese History, we had
three famous roof tile production areas, viz. Awaji Island at Hyogo,
Sanshu at Aichi, and Sekishu at Shimane. The roof tile production at
Awaji Island is said to have started around the 6th or the 7th centuries.
The roof tiles produced at Awaji Island are characterized by their beautiful
silvery colour, which could be observed on some roof tiles at the
Hatsushima wreck. Indeed, it would be possible that not all roof tiles
belonging to the wreck came from Awaji Island, but other roof tiles might
have also been produced at some tile kilns, at least near Awaji Island,
such as kilns around Osaka or Kyoto.

Most of roof tiles found on the shipwreck seem to be relatively high-quality
products. One of the decorative ridge-end tiles has a well-known mark, its
centre displays the wild ginger trefoil coat of arms (三葉葵文) of the
Tokugawa Shogunate family or clan. The decorative cap of each round
eaves-tile presents the crest of three comma-shaped figures (連珠三巴文)
in a circle without circular line. On the other hand, the decorative cap of
each pan eaves-tile has the ‘Osaka-typed’ motif of arabesque (均整唐草
文) which is marked by elongated calyxes and y-shaped sides both on the
right and left. All the roof tiles were polished-up beautifully that even did
not display trace of polishing marks.

�These high-qualitied roof tiles seem to have been produced especially for
the Edo Shogunate castle as one of the decorative ridge-end tiles that has
the crest of the Tokugawa family or clan. In 1657, the Great Fire of Meireki
burned down more than the half districts of Edo, including the castle;
therefore, the roof tiles of the Hatsushima wreck might be ordered for the
reconstruction attempt of the castle after the fire. Also, there is a record
that the Genroku earthquake hit Edo in 1703, yet the physical damage on
the castle against the Edo castle was minor; only some gates or guard
houses were reported to be collapsed.

Consequently, it is natural to

consider that the roof tiles were to be used for the repair works after the
fire rather than the earthquake.

The roof tiles of the Hatsushima wreck must be specially ordered products
by the Tokugawa Shogunate family or clan, while the grinding bowls seem
to have been general-purpose products. As this freighter carried both
products, it was not a ship owned by the government but rather a private
merchant vessel.

During the Edo period, two types or systems of

mercantile operations were recorded. One was ‘kaizumi (買積)’, in which
vessels itself went to productions, factories, or industrial areas to buy
goods directly in order to bring those goods back home ports or to bring
them to the big cities such Edo or Osaka to sell. The other one was
‘unchinzumi (運賃積)’, in which vessels carried cargos for customers, for
instance the government and other merchants, based on orders and
requests of customers. The Hatsushima wreck did belong to the latter
system.

The wreck of the same trading type was discovered off of

Kozushima Island (Iwabuchi, 2012).

Survey after 2015

�The main purpose of the survey after 2015 was to map the wreck site
accurately using a 3D photogrammetry technique. The obtained data will
help us to understand the whole archaeological site off Hatsushima Island
including the shipwreck. Presumably the evaluation of this site by using
this data would open a way that the site will be registered as a place of
buried cultural properties which will be a legal evidence to help the site.
Another purpose of this survey is to consider the potential usage of
underwater vehicles and underwater photogrammetry for archaeological
site.

Methodology: A remotely operated vehicle (ROV) was operated to take
pictures while keeping close distance over the wreck for mapping. Divers
were attended at the seabed to prevent any accidents. To complement
for the mapping, visual inspections and measuring were operated by
divers. The survey area was set to 5m square focusing on the relicsconcentrated area. A small boat was locally hired to serve as a research
vessel which delivered divers and instruments from pier to the site; and
operation of the ROV was also done from the boat. The survey operations
were completed by both photo-shooting by the ROV and visual inspection
by divers; any destructive operations such as excavation and rising
artefacts of the relics were not executed.

Homemade Remotely Operated Vehicle: A simple ROV was designed and
constructed by Kondo laboratory of Tokyo University of Marine Science
and Technology. Figure 4 shows the general arrangement of the vehicle.
The length of the ROV is 1m, width is 0.58m and the depth is 0.48m
(excluding hanging points). The weight is about 70kg, yet it is neutrally
buoyant in seawater. Four propeller thrusters are mounted on the vehicle;
two horizontal thrusters are mounted horizontally to make the vehicle

�move forward and backward; the other two thrusters are mounted
vertically (see Fig. 4) to make the vehicle to move upward and downward.

Fig. 4: General arrangement of the homemade ROV.

Four cameras are mounted on the vehicle as observational equipment.
Main camera has Type 4/3 sized, 3296 x 2472 resolution CCD. An F
mount lens was attached to the camera. The camera is sealed in a
homemade pressure bottle with underwater connectors. Still images are
transmitted from the ROV to the surface boat via an umbilical cable, and
stored in a laptop computer.

This main camera is mounted

vertically/perpendicularly as the camera face-down to the seabed. Other
used cameras were wearable cameras (GoPro), one camera was
mounted perpendicularly to take top-view movies. Other two were paired
as works as stereo cameras, and mounted slightly diagonally angled down
to take slant-view movies of the site. Three original underwater LED lights
were also mounted to provide lighting.

A syntactic foam, which is a buoyancy material made of glass
microspheres and compound was mounted on top of the vehicle. A main
pressure bottle made of aluminum alloy was attached beneath the
buoyancy material. Microcomputers, control units, a depth sensor and
batteries were stored in the main bottle. The main bottle was relatively

�heavy to make the long separation between centers of buoyancy and
gravity to provide better stability for the vehicle’s motions.

An umbilical cable which encloses ethernet and power lines connected
the main bottle and a laptop computer on the boat. Operator can control
the vehicle’s motion and onboard equipment from the laptop.

The

structure of the ROV consists of High Density Poly Ethylene (HDPE),
which is positively buoyant in seawater, free from corrosion and easy to
let any equipment to be mounted.

Results: Although divers supported the ROV (Fig. 5) because of electric
failure of thrusters, an orthophoto mosaic of the wreck (Fig. 6) was
obtained from 3D spatial data generated by photogrammetric processing
using digital images taken by the ROV. Agisoft ‘PhotoScan’ was used for
photogrammetric processing. Although blank parts can be seen on the
orthomosaic because of the bad image conditions, distortions of the
orthomosaic are minimum, and this orthomosaic can be used for
archaeological drawings.

�Fig. 5: A photo taken by a diver during the Survey.

Fig. 6: Orthophoto mosaic of the wreck site.

�In November 2016, to obtain better 3D photogrammetric data, several
ARUIA divers took numerous underwater photos of the Hatsushima
shipwreck. At that time, two grapnels were discovered at north-east from
the wreck site (about 10 metres apart from the site).

However, the

relationship between these anchors and the wreck is still under
investigation. Both in 2015 and in 2016, the open briefing sessions of the
survey for the general public living in Hatsushima Island were organized
by ARIUA and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology during
the campaigns.

Many islanders, including members of the Fisheries

Cooperative Association of the Hatsushima Island, attended the sessions
and displayed their high interests to this underwater cultural heritage
(Hayashibara et al., 2016). We have once again understood that working
together with local people is necessary.

Additionally, foreign researchers participated in the surveys at
Hatsushima Island both in 2015 and in 2016. In 2015, one Indonesian
student from the graduate school of Tokyo University of Marine Science
and Technology received hands-on training of underwater archaeology in
this field campaign. This was a part of the programmes of the UNESCO
Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network at TUMSAT. In 2016, two
Italian scholars from the International Research Institute for Archaeology
and Ethnology, one Dutch from ICOMOS Netherlands, and one American
from the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology, attended the survey to
help the underwater investigations.

Complying with the UNESCO

international standard, ARIUA and Tokyo University of Marine Science
and Technology are planning to make good use of this underwater
archaeological site for education and training, not only as a touristic
attraction.

�Conclusions and Perspectives
An orthophoto mosaic of the wreck was generated from 3D spatial data
generated by photogrammetric processing using digital images taken by
the ROV and divers. Line art (2D site plan) for the cultural heritage
documentation is under drawing. Currently, the team is planning more
data collection in order to obtain sectional drawings. The ROV operation
was executed twice and its total time is about one hour; this is a large
saving

for

divers’

archaeological sites.

underwater

operation

time

for

underwater

The advantage of underwater vehicles for

archaeological survey has been confirmed by the orthophoto mosaic of
the wreck. Also, we are planning to evaluate the validity of increasing the
image quality and usage of underwater technological instruments.

The goal of these investigations is to produce a site map as an orthophoto
mosaic, and share detailed and accurate information of the site with the
Board of Education of Atami city. Although it has already recognized its
existence, the Hatsushima shipwreck has not designated as a ‘Buried
Cultural Property’ or ‘Historic Site’ under the Japanese domestic law of
the Cultural Properties Protection Act (Hayashibara, 2013). The board of
education believes that more detailed information is required, for instance
its historical values or current situation including the complete picture of
the hull buried beneath the seabed. Without raising all archaeological
components of the site, which is against the Convention on the Protection
of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, its general view of the site could not
be appeared and observed. The other reason why the board of education
does not want to protect this site under the civil law is that the Agency for
Cultural Affairs has ordered every board of education to execute the
Cultural Properties Protection Act upon all sites before the Middle Age,

�but this order also implies that it is not priority to apply this order to heritage
sites dated after the Early Modern Age.

Acknowledgements
The research in 2011 and in 2012 was carried out with financial assistance
from the Nippon Foundation, in 2013 from the Canon Foundation, and in
2015 from the Asahi Shimbun Foundation, to which our thanks are due.
We also wish to thank ARIUA members and graduate or undergraduate
students at Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology who
helped our surveys.
References
Hayashibara, T., 2013. Off Hatsushima Island, Atami city. Archaeology
Quarterly, Vol. 123: 31-33.
Hayashibara, T., Kondo, H., and Iwabuchi, A., 2016. Making a site map
of underwater cultural heritage off Hatushima Island. ARIUA Newsletter,
No. 5: 2-11.
Iwabuchi, A., 2012. Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An Introduction to
Underwater Archaeology. Kagaku-Dojin, Kyoto.
Kondo, H., 2017. Underwater techniques to exploit new possibilities of
deepwater archaeology. In K. Hayashida (Ed.), Underwater Cultural
Heritage: History Resuscitated from the Sea, Bensei, Tokyo: 175-203.
Biographies
Hayato Kondo is Associate Professor at Tokyo
University of Marine Science and Technology. His
research
interests
include
ocean-related
autonomous
system,
high-resolution
ocean
observation, AUV system design, and its payload
system including optical and acoustic sensors. He
received his PhD from the University of Tokyo in 2002
on naval architecture and ocean engineering, M.Eng.
and B.Eng. from Waseda University on mechanical
engineering. He is a co-chair of the technology committee on unmanned

�maritime vehicles and submersibles, Oceanic Engineering Society, IEEE.
He is also a member of the Japan ICOMOS National Committee.

Akifumi Iwabuchi is Professor of Maritime
Anthropology and Nautical Archaeology at Tokyo
University of Marine Science and Technology, a
member institution of the UNESCO Underwater
Archaeology Unitwin Network. He is the ICOMOSICUCH National Representative for Japan, being
also Directors of the Japan Society for Nautical
Research, of the Asian Research Institute of
Underwater Archaeology, and of the Forum on the
Oceanic State of Japan. He received his PhD from the University of
Oxford in 1990. His publications include The People of the Alas Valley
(Clarendon Press, 1994) and Cultural Heritage under the Sea: An
Introduction to Underwater Archaeology (Kagaku-Dojin, 2012).

Toshiaki Hayashibara was born in Tokyo in 1960. He
received his MA from Toyo University in 1986. He is
a director of the Asian Research Institute of
Underwater Archaeology at Fukuoka and lecturer in
underwater archaeology at Tokyo University of
Marine Science and Technology. He is also a
member
of
the
Japanese
Archaeological
Association. His archaeological specialties include
prehistorical bronze wares in Japan, underwater
cultural heritage, and heritage management.
In the process of
participating in underwater researches all over Japan, he has most
gradually come to have his doubts about treatments of underwater
archaeological sites and their managements in Japan.

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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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                <text>The Asian Research Institute of Underwater Archaeology (ARIUA) at Fukuoka and Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, which is a member institution of the UNESCO Underwater Archaeology Unitwin Network, have researched upon the 17th century wooden shipwreck off Hatsushima Island in front of Atami city, Shizuoka Prefecture, since 2011.  The shipwreck lies on the seabed at the depth of 20 metres, 200 metres from the western shore.  It consists mainly of a cargo of roof tiles or grinding bowls and some parts of the wooden hull.  Judging from them, the original vessel seems to have been a 17th or 18th century wooden freighter or kaisen ( å»»èˆ¹ ), which left a port of western part of Japan for the capital town of Edo; most of well made roof tiles were not made in eastern part at that time.  Because most of the roof tiles are high-quality and one of them is marked by the wild ginger trefoil coat of arms of the Shogunate family, they might mean to have been used for the Edo Shogunate castle.  In 2011 and 2012, archaeologists with financial assistance from the Nippon Foundation, did the submersible survey upon this wreck site, about which local fishermen had already known to identify its exact position. In 2013, then, its bathymetry was made with a multibeam sonar.  In order to make a precisely measured drawing of the 5 metre square wreck site, an AUV in 2013 and a ROV in 2015, both of which were developed uniquely by Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, and divers in 2016 were deployed to collect numerous underwater photos to generate 3D photogrammetric models with photogrammetry software Agisoft â€˜PhotoScanâ€™.</text>
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                    <text>THE 2001 CONVENTION:
A FRAMEWORK FOR INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
IN SAFEGUARDING OUR UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE
Dr. Tim Curtis
Chief of Culture Unit
UNESCO Bangkok Office

Conference participants,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Good morning.
On behalf of UNESCO, I am very pleased to be here at this Inaugural Asia-Pacific
Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, in the company of distinguished scholars
and professionals who have devoted their careers to the study and protection of this
region’s invaluable underwater cultural heritage. As the first academic conference on
this significant theme focused on Asia and the Pacific, our gathering here today marks
an important milestone.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank our host, the National Museum of the
Philippines, for its warm hospitality, and to commend the organizers, the Asian
Academy for Heritage Management and, in particular, Dr Mark Staniforth of Flinders
University, for their initiative in making this conference a reality.
Challenges for Underwater Cultural Heritage
All around the world, our underwater cultural heritage is under threat. Unlike
archaeological sites on land, which are under stringent legal protection and widely
understood by the general public to be worthy of conservation, the sites underwater are
still vulnerable to exploitation and destruction.
Looting by treasure hunters, commercial fishing, seabed exploitation, construction of
offshore and on-shore maritime infrastructure, improvements in diving technology,
environmental changes and the rise in marine tourism – these are all factors that have
put this heritage at risk.
Here in the Asia-Pacific region, it is common knowledge that our waters are home to
some of the world’s richest archaeological remains, bearing witness to over three
millennia of history concerning the region and, indeed, the world. The extensive
1

�underwater cultural heritage ranges from ancient shipwrecks to the remains of
submerged cities and settlements to other traces of maritime infrastructure.
Yet, the state of protection of the underwater cultural heritage in Asia and the Pacific is
particularly worrying, as most States have very limited resources to adequately enact
measures to protect such sites – from the policy level down to practical in situ protection
operations. This leaves a gaping chasm which has resulted in the witting or unwitting
destruction of the sites by a range of actors, from illicit treasure hunters to deep sea oil
exploration companies.
Data compiled by UNESCO shows that at least seventy-two shipwrecks were reported
to have been looted and/or commercially excavated in the region within a period of
forty-seven years from 1963 to 2010. Of the seventy-two shipwrecks, only eight were
excavated with government cooperation or participation of archaeologists from relevant
agencies.
Commercial salvage operations by treasure hunters are of particular concern for
UNESCO. With financial resources fueled by the growing market in antiquities, these
operations have become increasingly ubiquitous. Driven by commercial motivations,
such treasure hunting operations often result in destruction of the wreck site, selective
recovery of high-value artefacts and a dispersal of finds into the hands of antique
collectors in various countries. They do not provide the means to undertake the rigorous
scientific inquiry and preservation measures for the sites and artefacts which is
advocated by the international conservation community and by UNESCO.
National legislation governing the protection of underwater cultural heritage is greatly
varied. Some countries provide a high level of protection, others provide a minimum
level of protection, while many provide no protection at all. Moreover, the remit of
national legislation is limited only to waters in the exclusive jurisdiction of states. Given
that only a small part of the world’s underwater cultural heritage are in territorial waters,
this leaves a vast amount without any effective protection.

The Making of the 2001 Convention
In response to the international community’s growing concern about the underwater
cultural heritage, the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage
was promulgated under the auspices of UNESCO.
The Convention is the key international treaty that sets a common framework and
standard for the protection of underwater cultural heritage against looting and
destruction. The Convention extends protection to cultural heritage underwater that is
2

�comparable in spirit to the protection granted by existing international conventions or
national legislation for cultural heritage on land.
The Convention helps to strengthen the international normative framework that
UNESCO has been supporting in the fight against the illicit trafficking of cultural
property. As an instrument dealing specifically with underwater cultural heritage, it fills
the gap in the international law and reinforces the provisions of three other important
conventions, namely:
•
•
•

the 1954 Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed
Conflict (known as the Hague Convention),
the 1970 Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import,
Export and Transfer of Cultural Property
the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Objects

The Convention was the result of four years of intense negotiations which started in
1998 and included a wide range of stakeholders from government representatives to
archaeologists, lawyers and NGOs. It was adopted by the UNESCO General
Conference in 2001 and entered into force on 2 January 2009.
Popularly referred to as the 2001 Convention, at present, it has been ratified by forty
countries: fourteen from Latin America and the Carribean, eight from Africa, three from
the Arab States and fourteen from Europe and North America. This includes both Spain
and Portugal, two major maritime powers during the colonial era.
However, to this day, there has been only one signatory to the Convention from the
Asia-Pacific region, that is, Cambodia.

The 2001 Convention: An Overview
How does the 2001 Convention contribute to the protection of the underwater cultural
heritage?
The 2001 Convention starts by providing a shared understanding of what constitutes the
underwater cultural heritage. It defines underwater cultural heritage as “all traces of
human existence having a cultural, historical or archaeological character which have
been partially or totally underwater, periodically or continuously, for at least 100 years”.
The 2001 Convention sets out basic principles for the protection of underwater cultural
heritage, and attempts to harmonize the protection of underwater archaeological sites
with that of heritage on land. It provides a detailed cooperation system among States.
3

�Finally, it provides practical rules for the treatment and research of underwater cultural
heritage in its Annex.
It should be noted that the 2001 Convention does not regulate the ownership of cultural
property. As such, the Convention cannot be used to arbitrate quarrels or claims to
ownership between the various parties concerned.
Similarly, the 2001 Convention has no bearing on the sovereignty of States. Article 3 of
the Convention specifically says that it is not intended or designed to amend the
regulations of 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) or any
other international law which outlines the definition and boundaries of maritime zones
and the jurisdiction and sovereignty of States.

The 2001 Convention: Main Principles
The 2001 Convention is underpinned by four main principles.
1. States Parties have an obligation to preserve underwater cultural heritage
2. In situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage shall be considered as the
first and preferred option
3. Underwater cultural heritage shall not be commercially exploited
4. States Parties should promote training and information sharing
The preference given to in situ preservation as the first option stresses the importance
and scientific significance of the historical context of the cultural object, which should be
respected. It also recognizes that, under normal circumstances, heritage is well
preserved under water, due to the lack of oxygen and low rate of deterioration.
The Convention prohibits commercial exploitation for both trade and speculation; it also
dissuades against the irretrievable dispersal of finds. Furthermore, the Convention
requires States Parties to take measures against the illicit trafficking of cultural objects.
In particular, they should prevent the entry into their territory, the dealing in, or the
possession of underwater cultural heritage that was illicitly exported/and or recovered.
States Parties should seize such property if it is found in their territories. The rationale is
that if treasure hunters have a difficult time to sell looted objects, the financial motivation
for conducting illegal excavations will eventually decrease.
Finally, the Convention promotes information sharing, training in underwater
archaeology, and technology transfer with a view to raising public awareness
concerning the significance of underwater cultural heritage. States Parties are
4

�encouraged to cooperate and assist each other in the protection and management of
such heritage, including collaborating in its investigation, conservation, study and
presentation.
It should be understood that the 2001 Convention contains minimum requirements.
Each State Party, if it so wishes, may choose to develop even higher standards of
protection. For instance, Australia, under the 1976 Historic Shipwrecks Act, protects all
shipwrecks and associated artefacts that are older than 75 years.

The 2001 Convention: A Framework for International Cooperation
The 2001 Convention provides States with a clear framework for cooperating with other
States to protect underwater cultural heritage sites wherever they are located. Prior to
the Convention, the existing international law did not furnish a sufficient basis for such
cooperation. UNCLOS, for example, has only two provisions that establish an obligation
of its States Parties to protect underwater cultural heritage, with Article 303 saying
simply that the States “shall cooperate” to protect the underwater heritage (paragraph
3), without providing further details or a mechanism for doing so.
The 2001 Convention proposes a State Cooperation System for the protection of
underwater cultural heritage. Within the current situation, a State usually has exclusive
jurisdiction only within its Territorial Sea, limited jurisdiction over the Exclusive
Economic Zone and Continental Shelf, and jurisdiction only over its own vessels and
nationals at High Sea. As such, a Coastal State cannot prevent a vessel from another
State from pillaging a site beyond its territorial seas. As for the Flag State of the
pillaging vessel, it usually ignores the activities of its vessels and nationals, especially if
they are undertaking activities very far away from its own territorial waters.
As the extension of jurisdiction of States at sea was not an option, the 2001 Convention
chose to facilitate cooperation among States as the only way to resolve this situation.
By joining the 2001 Convention, States agree to prohibit their nationals and vessels
from looting underwater cultural heritage, regardless of its location. The Flag State sets
legal regulations for its nationals and vessels, and other States help it in implementing
them. If no State has jurisdiction over a site, a “Coordinating State” takes over the
control, coordinating the cooperation among States Parties and implementing their
decisions, while acting on their behalf and not in its own interest.
The Convention also provides specific regulations for the reporting and the coordination
of activities, depending on the location of an underwater cultural heritage site. In their
Internal and Archipelagic Waters and Territorial Sea, States Parties have the exclusive
5

�right to regulate activities. For activities further afield, for instance, in the Exclusive
Economic Zone and the Continental Shelf, States Parties should report discoveries and
activities concerning heritage in these areas, and inform other States Parties.
Interested States can then cooperate in the protection of these sites.
This system makes it easier for States to take joint and effective action against treasurehunting and pillaging being conducted in territories outside the national jurisdiction of
any Coastal State. In the event that a large number of States join the 2001 Convention,
this international cooperation scheme will eventually render comprehensive protection
of underwater heritage sites around the world.

Initiatives and Next Steps for Protecting UCH in Asia and the Pacific
Even though ratification of the 2001 Convention is still pending among most Member
States in Asia and the Pacific, a number of initiatives have already been implemented
which are consistent with the spirit and intention of the Convention. That said, on the
whole, legislation, institutions and professional expertise still need to be substantially
strengthened, as the issue of underwater cultural heritage is relatively new in the region.
UNESCO has been supporting Member States to raise awareness among policy
makers and the general public, and to build national capacities in the protection and
management of underwater cultural heritage.
Of particular concern in the region is the lack of trained professionals who are qualified
to protect and manage underwater cultural heritage. Without adequate human
resources at the frontlines, efforts to apply the principles and regulations of the 2001
Convention will be difficult, even if policy and legislative measures are enhanced.
In order to respond to this need, UNESCO has trained over 70 underwater
archaeologists and professionals in allied fields since 2009 through a regional
programme supported by the Norwegian government. A Field Training Centre has been
set up in Chanthaburi, Thailand, which is hosted by the Royal Thai Government’s Fine
Arts Department. Trainees hailing from as far afield as the western reaches of the
Indian Ocean (like Kenya) and as far east as the Pacific islands have received rigorous
instruction in various aspects of managing underwater cultural heritage during
Foundation Courses, including GIS applications and techniques for in situ preservation
in two Advanced Courses.
To reinforce these skills, a number of graduates of the training courses were sponsored
by UNESCO to take part in an actual survey and research project organized by the Sri
Lankan Maritime Archaeology Unit on an ancient shipwreck in southern Sri Lanka.
6

�The curriculum and materials used in the training course will be made available in early
2012 as a standard training package for underwater cultural heritage. Already, the
UNESCO-affiliated training centre in Zadar, Croatia has already expressed interest in
using these materials for their upcoming training courses.
As a way of reaching out to a broader audience, an interactive exhibition on underwater
cultural heritage was organized for three months from August to October in 2010 at the
Siam Ocean World Bangkok, viewed by an estimated 150,000 visitors. The exhibition
material, which includes a full-scale model of a ship wreck, is now a part of the
permanent exhibition of the National Maritime Museum in Thailand. It can also be
accessed online through UNESCO Bangkok’s website as a virtual exhibition.
To sustain these efforts in the future, the Thai Government has indicated its
commitment to sustain the Field Training Centre over the long term. This welcome
gesture will allow trainees from around the region to continue to benefit from the fullyequipped facilities of the Centre, one of the leading venues of its kind in Asia and the
Pacific, and indeed, the world.

Conclusion
The success of the 2001 Convention hinges on the commitment of States to put into
action this framework for international cooperation to protect the underwater cultural
heritage. As a large part of this heritage is found on ocean floors located outside
national jurisdiction, by definition, it cannot be sufficiently protected by any State alone,
but only by a community of States.
Until such time that a significant number of States ratify the Convention, the Asia-Pacific
region will remain vulnerable to pillaging by treasure hunters and the destruction of
underwater cultural heritage will continue.
On behalf of UNESCO, I urge you, as policy makers, as leading scholars, and as
professionals, to help support the process for the ratification of the 2001 Convention in
your countries. It is only through our cooperation that this vulnerable heritage can be
protected for future generations to come.
Thank you.

7

�For further information
Tutorial on the Annex to the 2001 Convention:
http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/underwater-cultural-heritage/underwaterheritage-tutorial/tutorial/
Code of Ethics for Diving on Submerged Archaeological Sites:
http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/underwater-cultural-heritage/scubadiving/
Frequently Asked Questions about the 2001 Convention:
http://www.unesco.org/culture/underwater/faq-en/

Reference:
______.2006.Finishing the Interrupted Voyage: Papers of the UNESCO Asia-Pacific
Workshop on the 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural
Heritage.L.V.Prott(ed.),Leicester,UNESCO/Institute of Arts and Law.

8

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