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                  <text>Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region</text>
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                  <text>Introduction interview with session chair MarÃ­a Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted.&#13;
Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. </text>
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                <text>Video interview with Session 5 chair MarÃ­a Cruz Berrocal.</text>
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                <text>Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. &#13;
Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. &#13;
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                <text>MarÃ­a Cruz Berrocal and Mark Staniforth</text>
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                    <text>Centering the margins: Capitalism and the Pacific World in
mid-nineteenth century Arequipa
Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros
Department of Anthropology, Syracuse University
mbozacua@syr.edu
Abstract
Trade policy and regulation were central to the emergent Peruvian state
(ca. 1821-1879). The intersection of trade and geopolitical
reconfigurations warranted the transition from “Spanish lake” to Pacific
World in the nineteenth century. In this paper I examine the rise of the
Pacific World from its margin of the Arequipa coast, emphasizing the
effects of capitalism through the lens of maritime cultural landscapes.
After independence (1821-1824), new ports were established; operation
of certain coves sanctioned; and extractive activities shaped the region.
The ports on the Arequipa coast supplied markets across the Andean
south and Bolivia, and were a necessary and desired stop for North
Atlantic ships sailing the Pacific. The Peruvian and Arequipa governments
actively incorporated the coast into the inland urban markets of Cuzco,
Moquegua, Puno, and the largest market, the city of Arequipa. Their
efforts included the construction of roads and, way stations, and piers,
thus providing infrastructural support to the regional trade and efforts
against contraband. The economic networks that operated throughout
here encompassed a vast portion of the population in different degrees of
legitimacy. This region was strategic for the mercantile classes across the
Andean south, the national government and foreign dignitaries in charge
of the Peruvian trade. Contention among them arose from the regulation
of trade, weighing on the power balance between the new Peruvian state,
its citizens, and foreign powers. Data collected from archaeological and
historical sources are combined to understand how these engagements
and the pulses of capitalism impacted the Arequipa maritime cultural
landscape from a multiscalar perspective. Close examination of
globalizing processes reveals that the expansion of capitalism depended
heavily on the transformations and continuities that the former had in small
places and marginal areas, and that the imposition of a globalized market
was accompanied by its involvement in local economies.
Key words: Spain, Peru, globalisation, capitalism

�In this paper, I employ a maritime cultural landscape perspective to model
the conditions that paved the way for the expansion of the Pacific World
and its impact on post-Colonial Peru. Trade was key to states that
emerged from former Spanish colonies on the eastern Pacific (18211879). Trade also became an articulation of neocolonial relations North
Atlantic powers enforced over the emergent states. Britain was most
prominent, but France, Italy, Belgium, the German states, and the United
States also developed economic interests in the region (Blaufarb 2007;
Condori 2014). Struggles that ensued along the western South American
coast shaped the Pacific World, spurred by a new model of empire, one
reliant on commercial dependence, free trade, and wage labor, and
enforced with a mighty Pacific fleet (Blaufarb 2007, 761; Miller 1993). In
Peru, the southern trade created a multiscalar margin on the coast of
Arequipa: local, regional, national and global processes intersected to
shape early Republican geopolitics. The dynamics of the Pacific world
should be examined through a multi-scalar analysis of its margins to
understand the ‘local contextualities’ (Giddens 1991, 22) that constituted
it.
Natural conditions and the vast distance from the coast to the city of
Arequipa hampered state efforts to penetrate the region, tilting the power
balance away from the national government. Economically, Arequipa
channeled most of the merchandise in and out of the Andean south,
including commodities of great importance to North Atlantic powers: wool,
quinine tree bark, and metals (Condori 2014). Furthermore, this region
experienced the fastest economic recovery in the country following
independence, and a thriving export economy since the mid 1820s, a
phenomenon possible due to the efforts of the southern Andean elites.
The ports of the south became loci of contention between different interest

�groups, particularly foreign dignitaries and local authorities. By
reconstructing the maritime cultural landscape of Arequipa, a multi-scalar
perspective of global politics, the expansion of capitalism, and the growing
pains of the Peruvian post-Colonial state is gained.
Historical background
The first decades after independence were riddled with internal strife
caused by military strongmen known as caudillos. Caudillos engaged in
open warfare from their regional bastions, relying on local support that
was elusive to the central Peruvian government, and spread chaos across
the country (Aljovín de Losada 2003; Gootenberg 1989; Jacobsen 1993;
Larson 2004; Lynch 1992). Between the declaration of independence in
1821 and the early 1850s, the presence of a unified Peruvian state is
debatable at best. Ramón Castilla, another military leader, consolidated
the rule of Lima, pacified regional caudillos, engaged civil elites and
institutions, and inaugurated a period of state building that lasted until the
1860s (Gootenberg 1989a; Lynch 1992). Slowly, liberal economic ideas
gained broad acceptance among the ruling classes and guided aspects
of the national economy to look outward and reject protectionist measures
(Contreras Carranza 2011; Gootenberg 2013, 1989a; Larson 2004). The
first export boom cycle of the national era, guano, began to unravel, and
with it the rise of a plutocratic liberal state (Contreras Carranza 2011;
Gootenberg 2013, 1989a; Cushman 2014).
The transition towards a national economy after independence
emphasized regional ties. In Arequipa, this meant an expansion of the
wool trade, which connected the city of Arequipa to its mountainous
hinterland, Puno, and Cusco (Fig. 1); silver, copper, wine, and pisco were
also produced and exported (Condori 2010, 2014; Gootenberg 1989;
Brown 1986; Rice 2012). Arequipa elites, traditionally a landed and

�mercantile aristocracy, supported liberal policies that put them at odds
with the politically powerful protectionist merchant guild of Lima (Armas
Asín 2011; Mazzeo de Vivó 2006; Gootenberg 1989). The guild
repeatedly succeeded in imposing their agenda, creating one of the most
protectionist economies in the region.
The early Republican period in Arequipa was marked by liberal ideologies
championing individual liberties and free trade, and distancing Lima as the
center of Peruvian power (Bonilla 1974; Condori 2010, 2014; Contreras
and Glave Testino 2002; Gootenberg 1989). The south opposed
protectionist measures closing all ports but Callao to international trade
(Gootenberg 1999, 30). An increase in regional exports especially to
British merchants encouraged a cautious support for liberal causes. Some
supported a complete ban of imported (French) wines, (North American)
coarse textiles, and other goods that competed with local products. British
imports became common in other southern markets, like Cusco, where
liberal causes slowly began to gain favor, and contributed to the
expansion of the Arequipa sphere (Chambers 1999; Condori 2014;
Gootenberg 1989). Generally, the south was more interested in seceding
rather than taking over or moving the capital to Arequipa (Gootenberg
1989). Armed revolts sprouted across the region through this period.
Arequipa’s maritime cultural landscape, 1821-1879
The mercantile basis of the southern economy during the colonial period
continued in the first decades after independence, promoting an early
intersectional support for free trade reforms across the Andean south
(Gootenberg 1999, 30) (Fig. 2). After independence, efforts for the
revitalization of the southern economy arose from the Arequipa social and
political elites. Improvements that “neared it [the city of Arequipa] to the
coast”1 figured prominently. Natural conditions along the Arequipa coast

�make overland travel extremely difficult: deep ravines and narrow valleys
crisscross large expanses of deserts (Figs. 1-2). Sea navigation also
presented difficulties given the rough tides and unfavorable conditions
along the coast, but was cheaper and faster than land traffic. Routes from
the city to the sea took at least two or three days, and longer for caravans,
making necessary the establishment of way stations. The inauguration of
the Arequipa railroad in 1871 fulfilled the dreams of ocean proximity (Fig.
2). Roads and way stations were built by local governments or assigned
Peruvians; New York-born capitalist Henry Meiggs built the railroad.
Small colonial ports remained in use after independence, and new ones
were habilitated by the national government for local trade in coves along
the coast (Monsalve 2011). All sites faced the hurdles of a desert location,
mainly difficulties procuring water and foodstuffs, which were hauled from
afar or imported. Earthquakes, tsunamis and tides caused damages to the
ports regularly. Port captainships faced severe constraints for the exercise
of their functions, as did offices across the country. Captains often decried
the inability of their offices to conduct their functions due to the lack of
boats, personnel, money and food for the personnel (numerous examples
can be found across AHM Serie Capitanías). Further issues arose from
the actions of foreign vice-consuls, particularly the British, who exercised
their influence routinely, sanctioning blockades and military action against
the local community and its authorities, and otherwise were involved in
unstable national politics2. Ships calling on Islay, Arica and Mollendo
connected the Andean south to Liverpool, Bordeaux, Le Havre, Rio de
Janeiro, Valparaíso, Cobija, Guayaquil and most Peruvian seaports. Arica
and Islay were the first Peruvian ports visited by the British Pacific steamer
line.

�The rest of this section provides a brief overview of the coast from 18211879. This includes ports, coves habilitated for trade, and the formation of
a series of networks for the exploitation of guano. The amount of
commodities trafficked increased, the number of foreign officers at these
ports grew, and foreign military presence became more common.
Contemporaneously, habilitated coves served the southern economy for
the fast transit of goods from valleys to ports and other coves, and were
central to the southern guano economies.
Quilca
Quilca serviced the city of Arequipa as its main port at the time of
independence (Fig. 2). Its location and conditions required ships calling to
moor a mile south of the cove (Hidrográfica 1879). All loading and offloading had to be done with boats across rough waters before entering
the cove. The cove itself is guarded and with calm waters (Stiglich 1918),
but the unpredictable exterior conditions of the sea made the anchorage
unsafe, and ships were lost suddenly and quickly3. Quilca also serviced
the city of Camaná. During this period, the customs house was located in
the city of Arequipa, further complicating regional and local maritime trade
in foreign goods. This arrangement delayed the arrival of merchandise to
their destination markets, and provided ample opportunity for smuggling.
The difficult conditions persuaded the government to move the location of
the region’s primary port to the cove of Islay (1826), and the cove of Quilca
was mostly abandoned after that4.
Islay
The trade through Quilca was re-channeled to cove of Islay in 1826 (Fig.
2). A pier, customs house and system to provide the settlement with water
were promptly constructed. A priest was deployed here in 1827 to service

�the port’s growing population5. While Islay has better sea conditions than
Quilca, transportation to the city demanded traversing the ample desert
east of the port, and many deep and dry ravines that separate city and
sea. New roads and way stations between the port and Arequipa were
built several times in the mid-nineteenth century.
Islay’s population reached the thousands by the 1830s. The port
channeled most of the Arequipa trade, as well as imports and exports to
and from Cuzco and Puno. Foreign trading houses and dignitaries
established in Arequipa also established branches in Islay starting the
1820s. The port town, located three hundred feet above the sea on a rocky
promenade, was protected against seaquakes that regularly hit the region.
Furthermore, the cove was already economically important for the region,
as it has served as the locus of guano extraction and distribution for
communities in the Arequipa and Cuzco hinterlands (Figs. 1-2). Guano
extraction took place in the Alvizuri and La Fuente islands, and dealings
were moved to nearby Matarani after the establishment of the port.
Completion of the Arequipa railroad signaled the end for Islay. Mollendo
was given the role of main port in 1871. The customs house, naval offices,
and consulates moved soon thereafter, and it was ordered that those who
remained there moved to Mollendo that same year.
Mollendo
Mollendo became the main port of Arequipa in 1871, with the railroad
connecting the port with Arequipa, Puno and Cuzco. Its natural capacity
for receiving small boats only required early infrastructural efforts at the
port (García y García, 45) (Fig. 1). A breakwater connected the shore with
Ponce Island. A new system of running water was inaugurated in 1873,
which required transporting water from the vicinity of the city of Arequipa,

�on what was lauded as a “the greatest work of its kind in the world”.6 A
light was raised on the promontory by the beach in the evenings to
facilitate nocturnal operations and navigation.
The move from Islay was facilitated by its proximity (12 km). Buildings had
been erected in wood on the bedrock of Islay, and were disassembled and
later reassembled in Mollendo. Some of these buildings, including the
customs house that was transported from Islay to Mollendo, remain in
place, and Mollendo is still the seat of a Navy office.
Arica
Arica was the most important southern port at the end of the colonial
period (Fig. 1). A pier and customhouse were built in 1827. Upon the
establishment of the department of Moquegua in 1857, Arica was
separated from Arequipa. Its importance for the southern trade continued.
Water was easily accessible from wells and the nearby Azapa valley,
where foodstuffs were procured. Arica was connected to the nearby city
of Tacna by railroad, inaugurated in 1856. Navigation was comparatively
easy, although tides often brought labors to a halt between June and
August (García y García 1863).

�Fig.1: Peru, according to Mariano Paz Soldan’s 1867 map. Satellite
imagery acquired through OpenLayers plugin for QGIS.
Arica channeled a significant amount of the imports destined to markets
across Cuzco, Puno and Bolivia. A Bolivian port was established at Cobija
in 1825, but it failed to challenge the importance of Arica to the Bolivian
trade. The difficulty, time and cost of overland transportation from Arica to
upland Bolivian cities were significantly lower than from Cobija7 (Fig. 1).
Iquique
A port was established in Iquique in 1827 to support mineral extraction
from the nearby mines8 (Figs. 1-2). Establishing the port proved to be
difficult. No fresh water, underground or otherwise, can be found in
Iquique. Fresh water was eventually made available through processing
seawater in condensation machines. Supply of the port depended
exclusively on imported foodstuffs. Extractive activities in the vicinity of
the port provided the basis for its growth, and population had reached
5000 by the 1860s (García y García). Iquique also channeled the guano
trade from the Guaneras del Sur, a series of islands and cliffs in the far
south where guano was extracted. The discovery and exploitation of

�saltpeter accelerated the growth of the port and the establishment of more
settlements and infrastructure (particularly railroads). Saltpeter, as
important for its fertilizing properties as guano, was the main export of the
port by the 1860s. Iquique became the capital of the Department of
Tarapaca when the latter was separated from Moquegua in 1878.
Chala
A port captainship was established in Chala in 1850 (Figs. 1-2). Its
purpose was to channel products from nearby provinces of Arequipa, and
those from neighboring Cuzco and Ayacucho. Conditions at sea
prevented this objective from being fully realized. Constant roughness of
the sea and unrelenting damages and losses of infrastructure hindered
operations9. Much of the regional trade continued to be channeled through
Islay and Mollendo.
Habilitated coves
The rough shores of Arequipa are littered with small coves. These coastal
nooks represented important nodes in economic networks that spread
throughout the south, and were strategic for military operations during the
tumultuous first years of the Republic. Some of the coves were habilitated
for trade in local and national commodities, and as a way to speed
transportation of agricultural products from different points along the
littoral (Fig. 2). Given the difficult natural conditions for overland travel
along coastal Arequipa, the use of these coves ameliorated transportation
times and costs.

�Fig. 2: Southern Peru. Peruvian national border following Paz Soldan
(1867). Satellite imagery acquired through OpenLayers plugin for QGIS.

Local populations at many of these coves were likely descendants of the
ethnic group known in colonial documents as camanchacas. These
coastal fishermen are poorly recorded in the ethnohistorical record and
unknown archaeologically. What is known is that they were the only group
indigenous to the coves and beaches from Arequipa throughout the
Atacama Desert; their numbers in colonial grants were the lowest in the
region; and that they went out to sea in boats made of sea lion skins.
Documentary records show that this kind of boat continued in use along
the coast from Chala to Iquique until the beginning of the twentieth century
(Stiglich 1918). Interestingly, records from Camaná show that fishermen
from Sechura serviced the valley10. These northerners used wooden rafts
(balsas de palo), which continue to be used by fishermen in the Tambo
valley today (Valdivia Ochoa 2017, personal communication). The spread

�and continuity of this northern tradition along the Arequipa coast remains
to be elucidated.
Highland groups from across Arequipa, Cuzco and Puno were also
present at the coast; their engagements with camanchaca groups remain
unclear. These highland groups descended onto the coast to put their
herds to pasture in lomas (seasonal forests), collect seaweed, and extract
guano from the islands for use in cultivation elsewhere. These practices
predate the imposition of the Spanish colonial system, and guano
remained an important commodity throughout the Andean south during
the period under study11. These dynamics created complexes of
extraction, collection and distribution of guano. Fertilizer extracted from
coastal Arequipa was moved inland across the south, and regional
extraction was complemented with imports from Chincha that were
brought to Islay and Quilca12. Guano complexes were located in Islay,
Cocotea, Lomas and Arantas (Fig. 2).
Cocotea
The Cocotea complex is located 30 km southeast of the Tambo valley.
The cove was first habilitated for the traffic of guano inland in 182813; it
appears in mid-nineteenth century trade laws as a third-tier port or
“habilitated cove”. Although closer to Islay, it depended on certain
functions from Arica offices (Paz Soldan 1877). The beach at Pacay is
very narrow and littered with rocks, conditions that favored Cocotea for
use in port operations. Cocotea also presents a better anchorage. Sea
traffic scared away the birds in the area, and in 1851 extraction was
restricted to the months of November and April in order to allow birds to
nest undisturbed (Ortiz 1852).

�Archaeological remains and documentary evidence provide insight into
the establishment and use of a guano-centered complex at Cocotea (Fig.
3). The population of the complex was small, only a few hundred semipermanently there14, who depended on the nearby Tambo valley for
provisioning. Limited water could be found in Cocotea. Extraction was
done at the islands of Jesús, La Mansa and Margarita. Once extracted,
guano was stored in platforms near the beach at Pacay; platforms near
the shore of Cocotea likely served a similar function. The extant
architectural features across the complex consist of buildings of roughly
cut fieldstones laid without mortar, sometimes constructed on artificial
terraces. At present, function for these buildings has been attributed to
housing operatives and herds in the Cocotea ravine, as well as the
storage of guano and other goods in both Cocotea and Pacay. Surface
artifacts in Cocotea include imported manufacture, local low-fired
earthenwares, and animal and shell remains. All dateable artifacts are
consistent with a mid-19th century occupation. Surface materials were
scarce in Pacay.

�Fig. 3: Cocotea complex. Satellite imagery acquired through
OpenLayers plugin for QGIS.

Discussion and conclusion
Given the central role of trade commodity in the nineteenth century global
economy and the traditional reliance of the Andean southern economy on
trade, the coast takes a preeminent role. No regional or international trade
could take place without maritime ports. The geopolitical reconfigurations
of the nineteenth century across the Pacific basin arose in good measure
as a result of the capitalist orientation of North Atlantic powers. Islay and
Arica were required stops along the way for steamers and sailboats
regularly crossing the Atlantic to the Pacific to Asia, and back.
Entanglements between involved interest groups impacted local
conditions, national policies and international relations.
As the Pacific world spread and established itself across the Peruvian
Pacific, private foreign investors provided certain maritime services,

�particularly the transport of passengers, mail and cargo. In contrast, local
governments and Peruvian citizens provided the construction and
maintenance of roads and way stations, respectively. During their visits,
foreign ships would also deliver luxury and staple imports, and take with
them products indispensable for the reification of the mid-nineteenth
century world order, including: wool destined to British looms, quinine tree
bark for pharmaceutical products that aided in the expansion of European
powers into malaria-ridden areas, and silver and copper to stimulate the
world economy. Operations were secured by force, with British and
French warships closely navigating the South American shores. Southern
ports were not unique for being blockaded; these took place in Callao, the
Chincha islands, and other northern ports. In many cases, the reason for
these blockades directly involved trade and traders. These military actions
disregarded international law and intervened in local conflicts, particularly
during revolutions, uprisings and other political conflicts that arose in Peru
between 1821 and 1879. A glaring exception to visitors on the Arequipa
coast were North American whaling boats: while their presence is noted
in port records from Callao and the northern port of Paita, they are
conspicuously absent from Islay, Mollendo, Arica and Iquique records.
The operation of southern ports raised other international questions as
well. The case of Arica highlights both the mutual integration of Bolivia
and the Peruvian south, and the issues that arose from the regulation of
trade with the neighboring country. The inauguration of the Bolivian port
at Cobija in 1825 does not seem to have affected the flow of goods
destined for Bolivia through Arica. International conflicts and several
treatises emerged from this situation. The Bolivian trade through Arica,
and Tacna en route to Bolivia, encouraged the construction of the Arica-

�Tacna railroad in addition to the establishment of small customhouses and
checkpoints between the port and the border.
Small-scale conditions in the southern coast heavily affected the
processes of state formation undergone by the emergent Republic of
Peru. Struggles between the Lima and Arequipa mercantile elites cannot
be explained without considering their entanglements with foreign traders
based in Peru. Lima’s merchant guild was directly responsible for
overthrowing regimes during the first years of the Republic with the stated
purpose of blocking liberal economic policies. Early liberal trends across
the south, particularly at the city of Arequipa, encouraged social unrest in
the region and promoted improvement projects in the southern ports.
Indeed, a force just as mighty as Lima’s merchant guild were the citizens
of the city of Arequipa whom, in allegiance with groups in Moquegua and
Tacna, defended democratic values and its economic sequitur, liberalism,
through newspaper editorials, public demonstrations, and armed action.
Peace, the deciding factor for the definitive establishment of the state in
the Peruvian Republic, was only possible after the defeat and death of
most caudillos. Preliminary analysis of port records suggests a sustained
growth of international trade through these ports at times of peace.
Inherently tied to the peace process was the trend towards a liberal,
globally oriented national trade economy that ultimately consolidated the
Peruvian state, an endeavor that escaped nationalist military leaders
before the 1850s (Gootenberg 1989).
The spread of influence of Arequipa City, particularly in regards to
economic dogma, grew consistently during the mid-nineteenth century,
and gave rise to the Andean south (Flores Galindo 1977). The political
separation of Moquegua did not affect the formation of this regional
bastion. The geographical and economic distance of the Guaneras del

�Sur from Arequipa, the interest of the national government in the
exploitation of guano and saltpeter in the region, and the later loss of the
southernmost strip of Peru (including Arica and Iquique) to Chile in the
Ancon Treaty of 1883, definitively shaped the south in Arequipa-centric
terms.
Two interconnected trends can be recognized from the changes in the
Arequipa maritime cultural landscape. First, the establishment of ports
and habitation of coves for trade in increasing numbers throughout the
period of 1821-1879. These “new” ports built on long-standing economic
traditions connected the Pacific to places as far as eastern Cuzco and the
Titicaca basin. Second, the construction of roads, way stations and
railroads that facilitated trade and sought to bring the city of Arequipa
closer to the coast. These efforts fall in line with the early outward look of
the southern economy and its entanglements, particularly with British
traders. Unsurprisingly, investments in infrastructure across Arequipa and
the south at large originated from regional governments more often than
from Lima. These improvements were the logical answer to the needs of
the emerging southern trade at the beginning of the Republic. The
founding of Islay, given the inadequacy of the port at Quilca and its later
move to Mollendo, the final point of the railroad, highlights this. While
Arequipa began to rise early in the Republic as the center of the Andean
south, it only did so by facilitating trade across the region through its ports.
The traditional and intersectional reliance on trade across the south
created the conditions for the economic recovery of the region after the
wars of independence, and for part of the political instability in the country
at the beginning of the Republic.
Importantly, trends in the Arequipa region differed from others in the
country during the guano boom years. The use of guano was widespread

�across southern agricultural areas from coast to uplands, and
consumption of the dung extracted from coastal Arequipa remained in
Arequipa. Some guano from Chincha was also being taken to Islay and
Quilca. Whether this was due to reduced guano availability because of
damage to the birds’ nesting grounds, excessive sea traffic and human
presence or because extraction was constrained otherwise remains to be
elucidated. At the same time, guano extracted from the islands of
Chincha, Guañape and the Guaneras del Sur was being exported in
formidable amounts (Figs. 1-2).
The lens of maritime cultural landscapes provides a unique perspective of
the multiple forces that impacted the Arequipa coast in the mid-nineteenth
century. These were affected by broad scale processes, such as the
expansion of free trade capitalism across the Pacific basin, the rise of
post-Colonial Latin American states, and the formation of a regional
bastion in the Andean south.
Endnotes
1

El Registro Municipal Num 18 p. 1, 24 Set 1859. Biblioteca Nacional del
Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms)
2

Noticias de Islay, in El Rejenerador Num 8 p. 1, 26 nov 1856.
Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms); Comunicación
del Cónsul SMB al General Pardo de Zela, in El Republicano Vol. 5 N.
25 p. 5, 5 jun 1830. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca
(Microfilms)
3

El Republicano Num 45 p. 196, 30 Set 1826. Biblioteca Nacional del
Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms)
4

Archivo Histórico de Marina, Serie Capitanía Islay 1842, f. 7 En las
caletas de Quilca y Cocotea no tienen habitantes
5

Gutiérrez de la Fuenta, Antonio, Comunicación del Ex-Prefecto a la
Junta Departamental, in: El Republicano Tomo 4 N. 32 p. 4, 8 ago 1829.
Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms)

�6

The Peruvian Evening Chronicle Vol. 1 N. 12 p. 2, 28 Apr 1873.
Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms)
7

El Republicano N. 59 p. 250-252, 6 Ene 1827. Biblioteca Nacional del
Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms); (Díaz Araya et al. 2012)
8

Decreto del Ministerio de Hacienda, Lima 6 de Setiembre de 1827, in
El Republicano N. 97 p. 117 (6 Oct 1827). Biblioteca Nacional del Perú,
Hemeroteca (Microfilms).
9
Many examples of this can be found in at the Archivo Histórico de
Marina, Serie Capitanías, Chala (C25.C1-C7).
10

Archivo Histórico de Marina, Serie Capitanías, Camaná, 1862, f. 4
“Sobre balseros de Sechura”
11
Archivo Histórico Regional de Arequipa, Serie Prefectura, Legajo 19
(1851-1858), Contrata de Barqueros del Huano (25 jul 1851).
(Hidrográfica 1879; Stiglich 1918)
12

Entradas y salidas del Puerto de Islay, in La Bolsa Year 1 N. 33 p. 1,
25 Set 1860
13
El Republicano N. 39 p. 1, 27 Set 1828. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú,
Hemeroteca (Microfilms)
14

Archivo Histórico de Marina, Serie Capitanía Islay 1842, f.7 En las
caletas de Quilca y Cocotea no tienen habitantes.
References
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1821-1845: Duke University Press.
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del Perú IV: Economía de la primera centuria independiente, edited by C.
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Blaufarb, Rafe. 2007. The Western Question: The Geopolitics of Latin
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Bonilla, Heraclio. 1974. Guano y burguesía en el Perú. Lima: Instituto de
Estudios Peruanos.

�Brown, Kendall W. 1986. Bourbons and brandy: imperial reform in
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Condori, Víctor. 2010. Sociedad, identidad y regionalismo en Arequipa,
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2014. Economía y empresa en Arequipa a inicios de la República, 18251850. Economía 37 (74):163.
Contreras, Carlos, and Manuel Glave Testino. 2002. Estado y mercado
en la historia del Perú. Perú: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú,
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Chambers, Sarah C. 1999. From subjects to citizens: honor, gender, and
politics in Arequipa, Peru, 1780-1854. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania
State University Press.
Díaz Araya, Alberto, Rodrigo Ruz Zagal, Luis Galdames Rosas, and
Alejandro
Tapia Tosetti. 2012. El Arica Peruano de Ayer. Siglo XIX. Atenea 505:159184.
Flores Galindo, Alberto. 1977. Arequipa y el sur andino: ensayo de
historia regional (siglos XVIII-XX). Lima Editorial Horizonte.
García y García, Aurelio. 1863. Derrotero de la costa del Peru. Peru
Giddens, Anthony. 1991. Modernity and Self-Identity. Cambridge: Polity.
Gootenberg, Paul. 1989. Between silver and guano: commercial policy
and the state in postindependence Peru. Princeton, N.J: Princeton
University Press.
1999. Cocaine: global histories. GB: Routledge Ltd.
Hidrográfica, Chile Oficina. 1879. Jeografía náutica i derrotero de las
costas del Perú.

�Jacobsen, Nils. 1993. Mirages of transition: the Peruvian altiplano, 17801930. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Larson, Brooke. 2004. Trials of nation making: liberalism, race, and
ethnicity in the Andes, 1810-1910. Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Lynch, John. 1992. Caudillos in Spanish America, 1800-1850. Oxford;
New York: Clarendon Press.
Mazzeo de Vivó, Cristina Ana 2006. Los comerciantes, el Consulado, y
los préstamos al gobierno republicano (Lima - Perú, 1820 - 1840). Revista
Complutense de Historia de América 32:63.
Miller, Rory. 1993. Britain and Latin America in the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries. New York; London: Longman.
Monsalve, Martín. 2011. Industria y mercado interno, 1821-1930. In
Compendio de Historia Económica del Perú IV: Economía de la primera
centuria independiente, edited by C. Contreras Carranza. Lima:
IEP/BCRP.
Ortiz, José Manuel. 1852. Colección de Leyes, Decretos y Órdenes
Publicados en el Perú desde su Independencia. Huaraz: Imprenta de la
Colección.
Paz Soldan, Mariano Felipe. 1877. Diccionario Geográfico Estadístico del
Perú. Lima: Imprenta del Estado.
Rice, Prudence M. 2012. Vintage Moquegua: history, wine, and
archaeology on a colonial Peruvian periphery. Austin: University of Texas
Press.
Stiglich, Germán. 1918. Derrotero de la Costa del Perú. Lima: Berrio &amp;
Co. S. C.

�Biography
Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros is a PhD candidate in the Department of
Anthropology at Syracuse University, where she specializes in historical
archaeology. Her dissertation research focuses on the impact that
processes of formation of the Peruvian state and the expansion of
capitalism had on the Arequipa coast. She has conducted
archaeological and bioarchaeological research across Peru and the
United States. Maria Fernanda is also an affiliate researcher at the
Peruvian Center for Maritime and Underwater Archaeology (CPAMS).

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&#13;
Despite this centrality, the study of human-ocean interactions and coastal ecological histories in Andean South America remains in a nascent phase. New research technologies, theoretical approaches and innovative research projects provide new opportunities to evaluate human-ocean interactions from a long-term perspective. &#13;
&#13;
This session addresses the ways in which the ocean has been central to the manifold ways in which migration, social complexity, native sailing, economic activities, culture contact, colonialism, capitalism and modernity have insinuated themselves through the Pacific Maritime Cultural Landscapes of South America. With the presentation of recent researches conducted in the region, the purpose of this session is to have a better understanding of how the different societies and human maritime communities along South America incorporate the marine and maritime spaces of the Pacific Ocean as part of their Cultural Landscape and Seascape.&#13;
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                <text>Trade policy and regulation were central to the emergent Peruvian state (ca. 1821-1879). The intersection of trade and geopolitical reconfigurations warranted the transition from â€œSpanish lakeâ€ to Pacific World in the nineteenth century. In this paper I examine the rise of the Pacific World from its margin of the Arequipa coast, emphasizing the effects of capitalism through the lens of maritime cultural landscapes. After independence (1821-1824), new ports were established; operation of certain coves sanctioned; and extractive activities shaped the region. The ports on the Arequipa coast supplied markets across the Andean south and Bolivia, and were a necessary and desired stop for North Atlantic ships sailing the Pacific. The Peruvian and Arequipa governments actively incorporated the coast into the inland urban markets of Cuzco, Moquegua, Puno, and the largest market, the city of Arequipa. Their efforts included the construction of roads and, way stations, and piers, thus providing infrastructural support to the regional trade and efforts against contraband. The economic networks that operated throughout here encompassed a vast portion of the population in different degrees of legitimacy. This region was strategic for the mercantile classes across the Andean south, the national government and foreign dignitaries in charge of the Peruvian trade. Contention among them arose from the regulation of trade, weighing on the power balance between the new Peruvian state, its citizens, and foreign powers. Data collected from archaeological and historical sources are combined to understand how these engagements and the pulses of capitalism impacted the Arequipa maritime cultural landscape from a multiscalar perspective. Close examination of globalizing processes reveals that the expansion of capitalism depended heavily on the transformations and continuities that the former had in small places and marginal areas, and that the imposition of a globalized market was accompanied by its involvement in local economies. </text>
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                    <text>Lacustrine battles carried out by the Mexica people:
Use of war canoes in Tenochtitlan
Mariana FavilavVázquez
UNAM
México D.F. 04340
México
Email: mariana.favila@gmail.com

Abstract
There have been multiple studies in relation to the political, military and ritualistic
confrontations between ancient societies, which have been carried out to address the
problem of war in pre-Hispanic times. In particular, we are interested here in
approaching the problem of the existence of an armed navy which participated in the
confrontations that took place in the lake that surrounded the Mexica capital, before and
during the process of conquest, in order to propose some guidelines which may help us
to understand the complexity that hardly looms, in relation to these lake battles. By
turning our attention to the spatio-temporal context that interests us, the Mexica in the
Late Post Classic period on the island of Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco, we have found
evidence regarding the fact that the canoes, in this sense, seem to have worked as a
specialized mechanism within this context, providing huge advantages to its users for
defense and offense during the fighting tactics involving both land and water
confrontations.
Keywords: Mexica, canoe, navigation, war, lake, Mexico, Spain, nautical, archaeology

Introduction
It is possible to identify in the case of Mesoamerica, some examples of scenes where
we can recognize boats driven by what could be described as armed commandos; such
is the case of sheets 75 and 80 of the Nutall Codex, where Lord 8 Deer, with his half
older brother, Lord 12 Movement, join the Lord 4 Jaguar in his expedition to conquer the
Gulf Coast, by navigating in what appears to be war canoes (Jansen, 1997).There are
many interesting scenes represented in Maya vases photographed by Justin Kerre
where we can observe diverse deities fighting against marine monsters in their canoes
(Grofe, 2007). Another example is the mural paintings found in several Chichén Itzá
buildings; in the interior walls at the Warriors Temple were discovered two murals which
were reconstructed by Earl Morris in 1930: Attack on a town and captive holding and
Coastal town (Staines, 2004). Many of the Mexica examples will be described in the
1

�next lines. As we can see, the use of canoes in different kind of water battles in
Mesoamerica is unquestionable, nevertheless, in the case of the Mexica, there has
been a constant discussion regarding the existence or inexistence of what could be
described as an armed navy (Bravo, 2005; Hassig, 1992). Starting from this point and
with the evidence presented in the next lines, we propose that there was no such thing
as a specific Mexica navy, but one armed body capable of using both land and water
with the purpose of fighting. And yet so, those canoes used in war activities, were also
part of the complex military system in which they functioned as attack and defense
mechanisms, and not only functioned as a mean of transportation. Such seems to have
been the relevance of the boats in the pre-Hispanic context that in the 04v sheet of the
Mendocino Codex there is a scene where some Mexica warriors were murdered by
Chalco people, who also took the trouble to destroy their canoes. From the matter
exposed above, we make the next questions to the available information: which was the
logistic in the Mexica fleet? How were their boats? Is it possible to characterize a naval
Mexica tradition that confronted the Spanish maritime tradition? We will try to develop
some answers to this and also formulate some others that we can’t answer yet.
What has been said about the Mexica lake battles?
Let us now consider the space and time context, which interest us: the Mexica society
during the Late Post classic period in the Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco Island. We have
already mentioned that any attack to the population within the lake probably demanded
a considerable military effort, war material and specialized resources both by them and
by their enemies (Goñi, 2008). The written sources made by the witnesses soldiers of
the battles, or by some of the chroniclers such as Fray Diego Durán or Fray Bernardino
de Sahagún, give us a vast amount of information about the functioning of what has
been described as the Mexica fleet. Fray Juan de Torquemada, for example, tells us
about this the following:
[…] the Mexica ns, not only did they exercised in making boats, to run along the
lagoon, leading far ahead in the fisheries and hunts within it, contracting with all
the people, filling with supply their city, but also they garnished their boats and
canoes, exercising themselves in the things of war, by water, understanding that
from now on it would be necessary to be right and provided in the military art,
2

�since they always needed to free their city, by the force of weapons (Torquemada,
1975-1983: 151).
The chronicles written by Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Hernán Cortés, have been
studied before by historian Isabel Bravo Bueno, who took their stories as primary
sources so she could describe the war activities in which canoes were the protagonists
(Bravo, 2005). In relation to this subject, author Ross Hassig has established that
tactical use of the boats could have resolved logistics problems, by minimizing transport
costs and time, this for the towns in the lakeshore and also for the people living in the
island, which were also rapidly reachable (Hassig, 1990). In our case, in order to
approach the subject, we will expose other examples of lacustrine battles which are
described in colonial sources; this will allow advancing some initial guidelines in our
conclusions.
Battles carried out by Mexica before and with the arrival of the Spaniards:
recognizing some tactics in the lacustrine warfare
The first fight against Culhuacan
Regarding the confrontation that Mexica

had with the Culhuacan people before

Tenochtitlan was established, when the leader of the second ones, Achitometl,
recognized his daughter flayed in a ritual organized by the Mexica , Fernando de
Alvarado Tezozómoc described in his Mexica n Chronicle, a specific moment when
these found themselves cornered in the lake (Tezozómoc, 1980). In order to save
themselves it was necessary that they ran away navigating in some cane rafts built in
that precise moment. This passage has been drawn in the Aubin Codex; where there
are four characters sailing in the above mentioned rafts. What is interesting about these
is that in the Mexica yotl Chronicle, Tezozomoc tells another version of the same facts,
where the Mexica s crossed the lake by sailing in their own shields:
Culhuacans then pursued the Mexica ns, by throwing them to water, and when
they were thrown here they conquered a place called Acatzintitlan, when
Culhuacans got angry, then perhaps they hid in the water. Then when they
were pursued by the Culhuacans, they crossed in here sitting on their shields
(Tezozómoc, 1998: 58).

3

�There is a painting in the 11 sheet of the Azcatitlan Codex where this scene is
represented, and where we can observe the Mexica sailing their chimallis1.Both
versions present different perspectives about the matter of our concern due to the fact
that the ability to construct rafts in the first version lets us know that this people already
carried with them some kind of knowledge about the use they could give to canoes and
how to appropriate the lake. On the other hand, Pablo Escalante Gonzalbo has
developed the possibility that the second version involving the shields may be related
with some European stories that may have arrive to the hands of both the authors of the
written and the painted versions. We must remember that indigenous identity in the XVI
century was not isolated from the European Renaissance humanist culture. In the
version where the escape is carried out with the use of the defensive weapons (the
chimallis or shields), seems to be related to a crucial episode in the history of Rome in
which the people had to defend themselves from the Etruscans. Escalante refers to
author Andrea Alciato and his oeuvre Emblemata, a popular text from the time of
Renaissance humanism that was studied in rhetoric classes at universities in the
colonial Mexico (Escalante, 2008).Here we will emphasize the following: based on the
story told by Tezozómocin respect to the fighting between Mexica

and Culhuacan

before the foundation of Tenochtitlan, and those images in the codices referred to
above, we may at least say that in the memory of the mestizo author and those tlacuilos
(painters) who created the pictorial documents it is possible to infer the need to transmit
an episode in the early colonial discourse, where before the establishment of the
Mexica capital a basic handling of some form of water transport is recognized at a time
of military confrontation.
The Tenochcas fight against Cuitlahuac
It is important to also mention the military campaign which Mexica ruler, Itzcóatl, made
against the people of Cuitlahuac, an island between Xochimilco and Chalco. Fray Diego
Durán actually describes how by the times of Itzcoatl, the Mexica already had many
enemies since they were so tenacious thanks to their control of the lake (Durán,
1967).The reason why the Mexica

confronted Cuitlahuac is that Xochitl Olinqui,

Cuitlahuac’s tlahtoani (governor), felt offended after the Mexica invited Cuitlahuac’s
women to dance in honor to Huitzilopochtli. And so a war started, and Mexica soldiers
4

�had to fight in the lake and won the battle. There were other successful conquers by
Itzcóatl in Tenayuca, Tepanohuayan, Toltilan, Cuauhtitlan and Xaltocan, and Isabel
Bravo Bueno has attributed this success to the use of the canoes which benefited the
logistics and tactics of the war (Bravo, 2005).
The clues to identify who were those that fought in the canoes
One of the arguments that makes it harder to recognize the organization of an armed
group exclusively created to fight in the lakes, is the fact that there are some historical
passages that describes how the abilities of the average people were used during
lacustrine battles. It seems that in some cases, the warriors who fought in land were
transported in the canoes by skilled rowers during the fight, and also that the same
fishermen and bird hunters took part when it was necessary, maybe to make up for the
lack of a group specifically trained to combat in the lake. During Axayacatl’s rule in
Tenochtitlan, a bloody battle occurred between Tenochcas and Tlatelolcas, when these
last ones found one of their dikes completely destroyed, preventing the transit of
canoes. Tlatelolco’s ruler, Moquihuixtli, tried to convince the Huejotzingas and
Tlaxcaltecas that all together should fight the Tenochcas, though the first ones denied
participating in such wile, the ruler decided to continue with the affront. Before the fight,
the king Moquihuixtli summoned more than a thousand young fisherman and bird
hunters from Tlatelolco, in order to create an effective army against the Tenochcas.
Previous to the battle, the governor tested them by faking a great bird hunt in the lake.
This seems to surprisingly reveal some kind of training in the operation of the canoes
and the practice of attacks (Durán, 1967:254-255).
This story was written by Fray Diego Durán, and in it we could glimpse the possibility
that in effect, young fishermen were trained or at least selected by how they managed
their weapons and canoes. By following this reasoning we dare to question: Perhaps
this story alludes to the eternal condition of the Mexica as hunters and lake fishermen?
We must remember they were such even before arriving to the Mexico Lake, according
to their own history. We need to consider that relation between men and lacustrine
environment had already been developed before Mexica people arrived to the Basin of
Mexico. It seems to be, that trough all their history, the need to be constantly identified
with a society that could dominate the water bodies (since that group that started its
5

�journey from the mythical city of Aztlan was formed by skilled fishermen) would justify
their settlement choice in the Tenochtitlan Island. Their way of life was clearly
impregnated by a lacustrine identity, and so they created for themselves a history
according to that essentially aquatic universe (Espinosa, 1996).
The last battle in the lake: Mexica people against Spaniards and their indigenes
allies
The main information about the lacustrine battles that took place around the Island of
Tenochtitlan is available directly in the Spanish Chronicles. Nevertheless we must
remember that not all of them were eye witnesses of the events, and those who were
had a tendency to exaggerate some of their data in order to fulfill a specific purpose.
One thing is sure, and this is that the Spanish soldiers rapidly realized they were in
major trouble since the most effective mean of movement in the lake were the canoes
(Goñi, 2008). Among the first mentions regarding this way of transport, we found one
where Hernán Cortés lets us know that they were used to immediately escape from
Tenochtitlan the minute the Spaniards arrived.
[…] certain Spaniards got into some high rooftop, where they could subjugate the
entire city, and saw how all natural disarmed her and ones, with their properties,
they entered the lake with their canoes, they call acales and others went up to the
mountains (Cortés, 2002: 137).
From this passage we also obtained the information related to the canoe name in
Nahuatl, according to the Vocabulary of Fray Alonso de Molina they were named acalli
(Molina, 2008). About those canoes utilized in the battles, there seems to have existed
at least two types. One of them with no difference between the flat fore and aft as it is
possible to observe in the 45 sheet of the Lienzo de Tlaxcala. The other type is a
reinforced canoe, with wood boards integrated in such a way they worked as shields to
protect the soldiers from fire and attacks as Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Isabel Bravo
Bueno lets us know (Bravo, 2005):
[…] and since the musketeers and the crossbowmen shoot those who went in
canoes, they had them well armed with wood boards, and behind these
boards, they were kept well (Díaz del Castillo, 2007: 299-300).

6

�And so, they were two ways of protection used by the warriors: their own shields
integrated into the canoes as it is observed in the sheet 45 previously named, or well,
the wood boards as observed in the 154 sheet of Florentine Codex. Regarding the
attack tactics, the same kind of tricks developed in land were used in the lakes.
Sometimes sunken traps were used to plunge enemy boats and other times by faking
runaways and then returning to attack (Bravo, 2005). There is also an interesting
description by Sahagún where an attack tactic consists in the coordinated action of two
pairs of warriors, each one with an eagle warrior and a jaguar warrior. Together in a
canoe they travel fast against the enemy; then the other couple does the same, not
without first hiding the insignias which are described to be carved in the boats. This may
lead us to think that the warrior’s boats had an easily recognizable distinctive:
When the Mexica n warriors saw what they were doing and plotting, then they
started to think what they would have to do. And after they thought it, right away
there comes a boat; very slightly they went rowing and put it on the wayside.
There was not any badge to be seen, since they were well covered. Right away
comes another canoe. Also with careful and excuses they were rowing. And
then again two boats come: and thus they were four (Sahagún, 1975: 785).
The only pictorial example related to the passage above mentioned is in the 41 sheet of
the Lienzo de Tlaxcala, where it can be observed a scene where Hernán Cortés arrives
to Texcoco. On the upper left sector of the image there is a canoe with the bow carved
in the shape of the head of what could be an eagle. It is important to reinforce the idea
that the battles that took place around the Island implied that land and lacustrine attacks
became a unity. From the combination of both armed bodies it has been deduced that
army included with no doubt, naval war. Even author Ross Hassig uses the term in
Nahuatl, chimalacalli in order to refer to this armed body, even though the Molina’s
Vocabulary does not register it. Actually, this word appears constantly in the twelfth
book of Sahagun’s oeuvre, referring to the ships that had an integrated defense
dispositive, those war canoes previously described. In that case it would make sense
that Hassig used this word to describe a “naval militia” inside the Mexica army, although
this one may not have really existed.

7

�In order to conclude
We must indicate that we agree with historian Isabel Bravo Bueno about the fact that for
now it is possible to say that those who lived in the lake surroundings, this means,
fishermen, bird hunters, rowers and those who had the abilities to navigate the canoes,
were also capable to form part of this “Mexica n navy” that troubled so much the
Spaniards in their attempt to conquer Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco (Bravo, 2005; Favila;
2011). And so, we have tried to delineate some of the ways and tactics that took place
during the lacustrine battles. Regarding the existence or not, of a military body
specifically created to attack by water, with the historical sources analysis and the
pictographic evidences, it is not possible to reach a conclusive answer yet. But we do
believe that some clearance is reached if we take into account that the naval militia that
Ross Hassig referred to, may actually indicate the existence of those war canoes, or
maybe, the author was using the term chimalacalli2in its plural condition (sometimes a
word in Nahuatl does not need a grammatical mark for plural) and for this reason he
assumed the existence of the armed navy. We must not forget also, that according to
written sources, those who navigated the war canoes were actually rowers dedicated to
this (Sahagún, 1975), and not properly the warriors. Finally, we believe there is still
much to say about the canoes with badges, since there is still much to rescue from the
many references to lacustrine battles in the old texts. In general, it seems to be that
canoes may have played a role as one of the symbols of the Mexica control around the
lake region, since they carried the capacity to dominate and rule the lacustrine basin,
giving shape to a particular way of life which allowed the success of a society that
managed to appropriate the lake.
Acknowledgement
I would like to thank Carlos Ausejo and Alexandra Biar for the invitation to be part of the
Pre-Hispanic Navigation session, and also to the APCONF 2014 planning committee for
accepting my proposal to be part of the program.
Endnotes
1

Accordingly with the Vocabulario… of Fray Alonso de Molina, chimalli refers to some

kind of shield (Molina, 2008).

8

�2

Perhaps this word is also related to those versions mentioned above where the Mexica

s fought the Culhuacans, and because of that they had to navigate in their shields.
References
Bravo, I., 2005. La guerra naval entre los aztecas. Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl, Vol. 36:
199-223.
Cortés, H.,2002. Cartas de Relación. Editorial Porrúa, México.
Díaz del Castillo, B.,2007.Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España.
Editorial Porrúa, México.
Durán, D., 1967. Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas de la Tierra Firme.
Editorial Porrúa, México.
Escalante, P., 2008. Humanismo y arte cristiano-indígena. La cultura emblemática entre
colegiales, artistas y otros miembros de las elites nahuas del siglo XVI. In Pablo
Escalante Gonzalbo (Coord.), El arte cristiano-indígena del siglo XVI novohispano y sus
modelos europeos,Centro de Investigación y Docencia en Humanidades del Estado de
Morelos, Cuernavaca, Morelos: 9-27
Espinosa, G.,1996. El embrujo del lago. El sistema lacustre de la Cuenca de
México en la cosmovisión Mexica . Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México,
Instituto

de

Investigaciones

Históricas,

Instituto

de

Investigaciones

Antropológicas,México.
Favila, M., 2011. La navegación en la cuenca de México durante el Postclásico Tardío.
La canoa en el entramado social Mexica . Escuela Nacional de Antropología e
Historia,México.
Goñi, G., 2008.Las conquistas de México y Yucatán. Instituto Nacional de Antropología
e Historia, México.
Grofe, M. J., 2007. The recipe for rebirth: cacao as fish in the mythology and
symbolism of the ancient Maya.Independent works from the Foundation Research
Department, Inc.
Hassig, R., 1992. War and society in ancient Mesoamerica. University of California
Press, Los Angeles.
1990. Comercio, tributo y transportes: La economía política del Valle de México
en el siglo XVI. Editorial Alianza, México.
9

�Jansen, M., 1997.La Princesa 6 Mono y el Héroe 8 Venado: una epopeya mixteca.
Historia del Arte de Oaxaca, Gobierno del Estado de Oaxaca, México: 211- 237.
Molina, A.,2008. Vocabulario en lengua castellana y Mexica na y Mexica na y
castellana. Editorial Porrúa,México.
Sahagún, B.,1975. Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva España.Editorial
Porrúa,México.
Staines, L., 2004. Pintura mural maya. Revista Digital Universitaria, Vol. 5 (7): 1-14.
URL: http://www.revista.unam.mx/vol.5/num7/art40/ago_art40.pdf
Tezozómoc, F., 1998. Crónica Mexica yotl. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México,
Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, México.
Tezozómoc, F., 1980. Crónica Mexica na. Editorial Porrúa, México.
Torquemada, J.,1975-1983. Monarquía Indiana. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, México.

Biography
Mariana Favila Vázquez is an archaeologist who graduated from the National School
of Anthropology and History (ENAH), and is currently studying her master’s degree in
Mesoamerican Studies at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), with
specialization in Mesoamerican Archaeology. She has developed some studies
regarding the Pre-Hispanic navigation in Mesoamerica and coordinated some
seminaries concerning this subject in order to expand the interest between degree
students.

10

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                  <text>Navigation was not unknown in the Americas, at the Spaniards arrival different kind of vessel were in use both in the Pacific and the Atlantic shores, as well as in lakes or rivers. Canoe, reed rafts, balsa log raft and others skin based watercraft have been described mainly on historical records and gave us an idea of this technologies. Although it is clear that long and short distance maritime trade routes were in use and watercraft were also involve in war activities and other maritime activities, archaeological evidence related with actual boats has been elusive to find. Still some of these traditions have survived time and in use with some changes and others were incorporated to European navigation traditions.&#13;
During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent.&#13;
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                <text>There have been multiple studies in relation to the political, military and ritualistic confrontations between ancient societies, which have been carried out to address the problem of war in pre-Hispanic times. In particular, we are interested here in approaching the problem of the existence of an armed navy which participated in the confrontations that took place in the lake that surrounded the Mexica capital, before and during the process of conquest, in order to propose some guidelines which may help us to understand the complexity that hardly looms, in relation to these lake battles. By turning our attention to the spatio-temporal context that interests us, the Mexica in the Late Post Classic period on the island of Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco, we have found evidence regarding the fact that the canoes, in this sense, seem to have worked as a specialized mechanism within this context, providing huge advantages to its users for defense and offense during the fighting tactics involving both land and water confrontations.</text>
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                    <text>The Duty to Protect Our Ocean Heritage from Potentially Polluting Wrecks
Ole Varmer (The Ocean Foundation)
Mariano Aznar (ICUCH, University Jaume I)
ABSTRACT
The importance of conserving our ocean heritage is well recognised and was codified in international law in the
1972 World Heritage Convention. The 1982 Law of the Sea Convention (LOSC) recognises a duty to protect
‘objects of an archaeological or historical nature’ but is devoid of details for implementation. The 2001
UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage provides sorely needed details in the
various maritime zones in accordance with the LOSC and well accepted international standards of archaeology
and conservation. This paper summarises the relevant international law to help address the major threats to UCH
from Potentially Polluting Wrecks (PPWs).
Keywords: Underwater Cultural Heritage; Natural Heritage, Law of the Sea; 2001 Convention
List of abbreviations
Continental Shelf (CS)
Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ)
International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN)
Law of the Sea Convention (LOSC)
1979 Convention on Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution (LRTAP)
Potentially Polluting Wrecks (PPWs)
Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH)
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)

INTRODUCTION
The topic of this paper fits best within Session 13 Major Threats to Underwater Cultural Heritage
(UCH) because it summarises the relevant international law and provides the context and legal
foundation for the development of measures to address the threats and conserve our ocean heritage as
discussed in other papers in this session. The paper starts with an overview of the international law
relevant to these threats and the measures to address them. This will also provide examples addressing
the major threats to UCH, the resources available to tackle these threats under the law, the framework
or approach to address these threats, and the result that we seek: a moratorium on activities that are
major threats to UCH until the ocean science has been conducted to ensure that these activities are
truly sustainable developments. In the context of the UN Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable
Development that means if it is not safe for life, property, the marine environment, and UCH, then it
is not sustainable development.
The case studies under consideration in this session include major threats to UCH from Potentially
Polluting Wrecks (PPWs), fishing, mining, energy development, climate change and the related threat
from sea level rise. This paper looks at the legal duty to protect our ocean heritage from the threats
presented by PPWs, however, the duty is relevant to all the threats particularly those involving
activities that directly affect UCH, such as salvage, and those that may indirectly affect UCH, such as
fishing and mining.

CASE STUDIES
The case under consideration is the law related to the threat to our ocean heritage (natural and
cultural) from PPWs. According to the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN),
‘marine pollution from sunken vessels is predicted to reach its highest level this decade, with over
8,500 shipwrecks at risk of leaking approximately 6 billion gallons of oil’ (IUCN 2023). The vast
1

�majority of PPWs are from World War I and II (WWI and WWII). They contain hazardous materials
including chemicals, unexploded ordinances, and an estimated six billion gallons of heavy fuel oil.
‘This is 545 times more oil than the Exxon Valdez leak in 1989 and 30 times that of the Deepwater
Horizon spill in 2010, both of which had severe and long-lasting environmental consequences’ (IUCN
2023).
There are several legal questions that may arise under international and domestic law in addressing
the threats presented by a sunken vessel that is a potential threat to the marine environment. This
paper briefly summarises those international laws and discusses the legal issues and context that are
of particular interest in not only addressing the threats to the marine environment but also in the
preservation and conservation of PPWs which may be objects of an archaeological or historical nature
under the 1982 UN Law of the Sea Convention (LOSC) if not UCH under the 2001 UNESCO
Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (henceforth 2001 Convention). As
many PPWs are sunken state craft, there are also issues of ownership, sovereign immunity, and the
fact that many sites are also wartime graves. This paper is not intended to be a comprehensive
analysis and a case-by-case basis analysis will be necessary and will often include the flag State,
coastal State, and other States with an interest in the ship, cargo, or personnel.

RESOURCES
The resources needed to address the threats from PPWs are surveys to identify their location,
document heritage information and environmental assessments on how to sustainably develop and
manage to conserve the heritage and livelihood dependent upon a healthy ocean. There are some legal
resources relevant to address the threats from PPWs including the 1982 LOSC, and the duties to
protect the marine environment and objects of an archaeological and historical nature. This will be
followed by discussion of the 2001 Convention that was developed to address the very brief and
vague LOSC articles 149 and 303 but in a manner consistent with the balance of interests of coastal
States and flag States. The evolution of the international duty to protect and conserve our ocean
heritage can be traced to the Stockholm Declaration and the 1972 World Heritage Convention—
where the wisdom of integrating the conservation of both natural and cultural heritage became
international law.
The international law to protect marine life can be traced to agreements trying to address the over
exploitation that arose from technological advances in the industrial revolution as discussed by
Charlotte Jarvis’ paper on bottom trawling in the same session and volume as this paper. The
environmental movement that followed WWII sparked the development of laws to address the threats
to our natural and cultural heritage for present and future generations. For example, the 1946
Convention for the Regulation of Whaling to conserve these overexploited creatures and the founding
of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) in 1948.
1972 Stockholm Declaration
The United Nations Conference on the Human Environment met in Stockholm, Sweden and resulted
in the Stockholm Declaration. It codified the customary practice of nations in balancing of
development and protecting the environment so that it may be inherited by future generations in a
healthy state (heritage). It contains principles that document and delineate the duty to protect and to
cooperate for that purpose under customary international law, including that we bear ‘a solemn
responsibility to protect and improve the environment for present and future generations’ (Principle
1). A ‘special responsibility to safeguard and wisely manage the heritage of wildlife and its habitat,
which are now gravely imperilled by a combination of adverse factors. Nature conservation, including
wildlife, must therefore receive importance in planning for economic development’ (Principle 4).
‘States should adopt an integrated and coordinated approach to their development planning to ensure
that development is compatible with the need to protect and improve environment for the benefit of
their population (Principle 13)’. ‘In exercising the sovereign right to exploit their own resources, there
2

�is the responsibility to ensure that activities within their jurisdiction or control do not cause damage to
the environment of other States or of areas beyond the limits of national jurisdiction’ (Principle 21).
While there is no express reference to cultural heritage, the duty to protect the environment should be
interpreted to include cultural heritage as well as natural. This view is also supported using ‘integrated
and coordinated approach’ to development planning in Principle 4. This is reinforced by the
integration of natural and cultural resources to be conserved in UNESCO’s 1972 World Heritage
Convention.
1972 World Heritage Convention: Integrating the conservation of natural and cultural heritage
While the focus in Stockholm was on the environment and sustainable development; at UNESCO
headquarters in Paris the focus was an agreement to protect natural and cultural heritage. With 193
State parties, it remains one of the most widely accepted treaties. While it started with recognising
terrestrial sites and traditional cultural structures, it has evolved to recognise heritage in the marine
environment beyond the territorial sea into the EEZ/CS. For example, the Papahānaumokuākea
Marine National Monument in Hawai’i was inscribed on the World Heritage ‘mixed list’ for its
‘outstanding universal value’ as both a natural and cultural heritage site. Of note, is that some of the
natural heritage, like coral, were also recognised as cultural heritage of the native Hawaiian people
and some of their practices were recognised as intangible cultural heritage. This move seaward
continues as there are now calls for recognition of heritage in the high seas (UNESCO 2016),
including wreck sites such as Titanic. The challenges involve ensuring consistency with the LOSC,
more specifically, implementing the duty to protect and cooperate through reliance of flag State
jurisdiction, and Port State jurisdiction for enforcement of activities directed at cultural heritage under
the high seas. The legal context for all activities in the ocean starts with the international legal
framework of the LOSC including potentially polluting wrecks.
The 1982 Law of the Sea Convention (the legal framework for activities at sea)
The LOSC is well recognised as a codification and progressive development of the law of the sea.
It provides the legal framework for the use and protection of the marine environment, including
natural and cultural heritage resources. It balances the flag State rights of navigation, fishing and other
uses with the coastal State jurisdiction and authority in various maritime zones including a 12 nm
territorial sea, a 24 nm contiguous zone, a 200 nm EEZ, the continental shelf, the high seas and Area
beyond national jurisdiction.
Under Article 303(1), applicable to archaeological and historical objects found in any part of the sea,
recalls the general obligation whereby ‘States have the duty to protect objects of an archaeological
and historical nature found at sea and shall cooperate for this purpose.’ Specifically, regarding the
Area, under Article 149, ‘[a]ll objects of an archaeological and historical nature found in the Area
shall be preserved or disposed of for the benefit of mankind, particular regard being paid to the
preferential rights of the State or country of origin, or the State of cultural origin, or the State of
historical and archaeological origin.’ While it is not always clear which nations have preferential
rights, it would include the flag States of the sunken ship and nation from which the cargo came.
While it is expressly limited to the Area, the consideration of preferential rights provides some
guidance for cooperation on UCH found in other maritime zones, particularly the portion of the
continental shelf beyond the 24-mile limit of coastal State jurisdiction under Article 303(2). The
LOSC is now recognised as customary international law, and it may therefore be argued that its duty
to cooperate to protect objects of an archaeological or historical nature should also be recognised as
customary international law, as evidence by the practice of nations including non-parties like the
USA. While there is little guidance or detail on how to fulfil the duty to protect under this Article,
other Articles and laws are helpful in guiding parties as they fulfil the duty to protect including the
duty to protect natural heritage and the marine environment to which it is inextricably linked.
Under Articles 192 and 194 there is the general obligation of States to protect and preserve the marine
environment. This general principle may be applied both to wrecks that become artificial reefs,
3

�deserving protection as part of the marine environment, and to wrecks that are potentially (or actually)
endangering this environment because of their deteriorating structure or polluting cargo still aboard.
Specifically, Art. 194(3)(b) deals with the measures to be taken by States, including those designed to
fully minimise ‘pollution from vessels, in particular measures for preventing accidents and dealing
with emergencies, ensuring the safety of operations at sea, preventing intentional and unintentional
discharges, and regulating the design, construction, equipment, operation, and manning of vessels’
(Aznar 2015). Note how this duty to protect the marine environment is like the very general duty to
protect cultural heritage under Articles 303 and 149. Thus, the obligation under Part XII may provide
guidance on how to implement the duties under Articles 303 and 149, as the 2001 Convention does.
The LOSC does not explicitly address the issue of the protection of maritime graves in international
waters (Aznar 2015).
The 1992 Rio Declaration
Ten years after the LOSC and twenty years after the Stockholm conference, the United Nations
convened another Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. This 1992
Rio Conference resulted in the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, including Agenda
21, which provides that there is a duty to protect the marine environment and to cooperate for that
purpose—expressly flowing from the 1982 LOSC. Chapter 17.1 highlights how the LOSC ‘sets forth
rights and obligations of States and provides the international basis upon which to pursue the
protection and sustainable development of the marine and coastal environment and its resources.’ It
then identifies approaches to implement this duty and specifically calls for integrated management
and a precautionary approach in the sustainable development and protection of the marine
environment.
Precautionary approach
A precautionary approach to addressing threats to the environment can be traced back to domestic
German law in the 1970s. It was first used in an international agreement in the 1980 regarding the
Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources. However, it was the Rio Declaration that is
received wide international recognition.
‘In order to protect the environment, the precautionary approach shall be widely
applied by States according to their capabilities. Where there are threats of serious or
irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall be not used as a reason for
postponing cost-effective measures to prevent environmental degradation’
Principle 15, Rio Declaration.
It has been incorporated into several international treaties including: 1992 Convention on Biological
Diversity, the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the 1995 WTO
Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures, the 1995 Fish Stocks
Agreement, the 1996 Protocol to the 1972 London Convention on the Dumping of Wastes and Other
Matter, the 1997 Protocol to the International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution From Ships,
the 1998 Agreement on the International Dolphin Conservation Program, the 1998 Long-Range
Transboundary Air Pollution (LRTAP) Persistent Organic Pollutants Protocol, the 1998 LRTAP
Heavy Metals Protocol, the 1999 LRTAP Acidification Protocol, the 2000 Convention on the
Conservation and Management of Highly Migratory Fish Stocks in the Western and Central Pacific
Ocean, the 2001 International Convention on the Control of Harmful Anti-Fouling Systems, and the
2001 Agreement on the Conservation of Albatrosses. It should be applied to PPWs particularly those
that are historic or UCH. The precautionary approach is particularly appropriate in the management of
PPWs because they are ticking time bombs and if historic, are also time capsules of our heritage. If
so, the 2001 Convention is particularly relevant.

4

�2001 Convention
To address the threat of looting and unwanted salvage, and the details sorely needed to implement the
LOSC, UNESCO convened a meeting to negotiate an agreement to protect UCH. Consensus was
reached quickly on a clear definition of UCH, and a ban against the law of finds and salvage. There
was also consensus on four principles: 1) to protect and preserve UCH; 2) the preferred first policy
option of in situ preservation, and adherence to the Annex Rules when a party decides not to preserve
in situ and recovery is in the public interest ; 3) no ‘commercial exploitation’ of UCH; and 4)
cooperation among States to protect UCH, particularly for training, education, and outreach.
Consensus was not reached on the regime for cooperation in the protection of UCH in the EEZ/CS as
some delegations had concerns about ‘creeping jurisdiction’ of coastal States and the treatment of
foreign sunken craft within the territorial sea (Dromgoole 2013). That many PPWs are historic
heritage resources calls for a precautionary approach. The fact that most PPWs are wrecks from the
World Wars and are thus maritime graves also calls for a precautionary approach through a temporary
moratorium against salvage (Varmer 1999). ‘This precaution is even stronger when there are human
remains in the sunken wreck, which, according to Article 2(9) of the 2001 Convention, must be given
proper respect’ (Aznar 2018).

FRAMEWORK
The legal duties to protect our ocean heritage under international law, and the goals of the UN Decade
of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development, show that the best way to address the threats from
PPWs is a precautionary approach including a moratorium against activities that may trigger these
ticking time bombs until the proper science and assessments are done to make sure such activities are
truly sustainable. A temporary moratorium could be, and limited to, activities directed at PPWs such
as salvage and certain indirect activities that could result in irreparable harm and destruction to UCH
and marine life such as bottom trawling, or Deep Seabed Mining until after surveys have been
conducted to ensure that no PPWs are in planned exploitation areas, proper Environmental Impact
Assessments have been conducted, and significant natural and cultural heritage are Marine Protected
Areas.

RESULTS
The IUCN has called for the development of international standards to determine the best practices
for addressing this threat including the classification of PPWs according to potential environmental,
social, and economic impacts (IUCN 2023). If this precautionary approach is respected, and the
standards are developed and followed, the results would be a healthier ocean which is so important for
those lives and livelihoods dependent upon a healthy ocean. The duties for protection would be
addressed, and the economic development would clearly be sustainable.

5

�Acknowledgements Thank you to Mark Spalding, The Ocean Foundation, and Louise Sanger, Lloyd’s Register Foundation
Heritage, and Education Centre, for their support of this paper and the Threats to Our Ocean Heritage project. Thank you to,
Charlotte Jarvis, Michael Brennan, Jim Delgado, and Ben Ferrari for their help developing the ideas that are reflected here.

Bibliography
(Aznar 2015) Aznar, M. J.” Sensitive Wrecks, Protecting Them and Protecting from Them.” Revue Belge de Droit
International 1-2. Bruxelles: Éditions Bruyant, 2015.
(Aznar 2018) Aznar, Mariano, “In Situ Preservation of Underwater Cultural Heritage as an International Legal Principle.”
Journal of Maritime Archaeology 13, no. 1 (2018): 67-81. DOI: 10.1007/s11457-018-9192-4, Available at SSRN:
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(2001 Convention) UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage, Adopted 2 November 2001,
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(Dromgoole 2013) Dromgoole, S. “Reflections on the Position of the Major Maritime Powers with Respect to the UNESCO
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(IUCN2023) IUCN Issues Brief, Marine Po;;utopm From Sunken Vessels (2023) see https://www.iucn.org/resources/issuesbrief/marine-pollution-sunken-vessels#:~:text=There%20are%20an%20estimated%203,as%20'potentially
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(IUCN 2020) IUCN Resolution on Sunken Vessels WCC-2020-Res-026-EN
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(NOAA 2013) National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. 2013. Risk Assessment for Potentially Polluting
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6

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More About This In: Books in Print (Publication status and optional reviews)
Language: English
Named Corp: Japan. Kaigun -- Aviation -- History -- 20th century.
Note(s): Includes bibliographical references (p. [343]-353) and index.
Class Descriptors: LC: VG95.J3; Dewey: 359.9/4/095209041
Responsibility: Mark R. Peattie.
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Vendor Info: Baker &amp; Taylor Baker and Taylor YBP Library Services (BKTY BTCP YANK) 39.95 Status:             active
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Provider: OCLC
3: Generic Organization of Japanese Naval Aviation  223(2)  Appendix 4: Naval Aviation Vessels  225(28)  Appendix 5: Naval Air Bases and Land-Based Air Groups  253(11)  Appendix 6: Principal Naval
Aircraft  264(38)  Appendix 7: Naval Aircraft Designation Systems  302(4)  Appendix 8: Principal Naval Aircraft Engines  306(3)  Appendix 9: The Hineri-komi (``Turning-in'') Maneuver  309(4)  Notes  313(30)  Bibliography  343(12)  Index  355    (  ) Add/View Comments ** Summary ** Serving as a sequel to Kaigun, the prize-winning study of the surface and sub-surface forces of the Imperial Japanese Navy, this work illuminates the rise of Japanese naval aviation from its genesis in 1909 to its thunderbolt capability on the eve of the Pacific War. It provides the most detailed account yet available in English of Japan's naval air campaign over China from 1937 to 1941 and concludes with a revealing chapter on the utter destruction of Japanese naval air power by 1944, in the process explaining its essential strengths and weaknesses. Author Mark Peattie traces the development of the Navy's land-based air power as well as the evolution of its carrier forces. He also treats all the salient aspects of the naval air service: training, personnel, tactics, doctrine, technology, and industrial base. In doing so, he combines data found in previous handbooks with important new information derived from Japanese language sources. The book's appendixes include biographic summaries of important personnel mentioned in the text, detailed drawings and data on Japanese carriers and naval aircraft, and information on Japanese naval air bases and land-based air groups as of 7 December 1941. Excerpt SUNBURST The Rise of Japanese Naval Air Power 1909-1941 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- By Mark R. Peattie Naval Institute Press Copyright (c) 2001 Mark R. Peattie. All rights reserved.</text>
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                    <text>The Flinders University Intensive Program in
Underwater Cultural Heritage Management (FUIP-UCHM)
Dr Mark Staniforth

Abstract
This paper examines the impact of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage
(2001 Convention) on leadership in maritime archaeology in the Asia-Pacific region. This paper
describes one model for the implementation of Article 21 (Training in Underwater Archaeology) of
the Convention 2001, which involves teaching and training of maritime archaeologists in the AsiaPacific region. The model involves the AusAID funded Australian Leadership Awards (ALA) –
Fellowships Flinders University Intensive Program in Underwater Cultural Heritage Management
(UCHM).
The Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University was awarded funding from
AusAID, the Australian federal government’s overseas aid organization, to bring 11 mid-career
professionals involved in maritime archaeology from the Asia-Pacific region to Australia for a 6
week training program in early 2009. Mid-career professional training fits squarely into the
philosophy of flexibility that underpins the teaching of maritime archaeology at Flinders University,
as well as going some way to fulfilling social justice and equity aspirations. It is hoped that this
model can be adopted and adapted by other countries and organizations in the Asia-Pacific
region as the basis for effective collaboration and co-operation in the training and teaching of
underwater archaeologists.

Introduction
According to the UNESCO Bangkok website, “As of today, there are only a few
trained professionals from the entire region actively involved in protecting and
managing the underwater archaeological heritage. Without a concerted and
sustained effort to build the region’s professional capacity, it is not possible to
expect that the concerned underwater heritage will be protected” (UNESCO
2011). The 2001 Convention is expected to result in a substantially increased
demand for well trained and qualified maritime archaeologists and underwater
cultural heritage managers, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. Training in
underwater archaeology is clearly a very important issue, particularly in countries
which lack trained and experienced maritime archaeologists. This is recognised
in Article 21 (Training in Underwater Archaeology) of the 2001 Convention, which
states:
Parties shall cooperate in the provision of training in underwater archaeology, in
techniques for the conservation of underwater cultural heritage and, on agreed
terms, in the transfer of technology relating to underwater cultural heritage.

The recently developed UNESCO Tutorial on the Rules concerning
activities directed at Underwater Cultural Heritage provides an explanation of the
Annex of the 2001 Convention and illustrates the 36 Rules in the Annex. Rules
22 and 23 address competence and qualifications, both very central concepts in
archaeology, conservation and the heritage discipline in general. Interventions
and activities directed at the underwater heritage should be carried out

�professionally as the continued well-being of the heritage is at stake. The Tutorial
makes the point that, “those involved must possess the necessary knowledge,
skills, training and understanding to ensure that their actions do not endanger
this precious record. They must be appropriately qualified and competent to
undertake the work planned” (UNESCO 2011). Further, it suggests that, “The key
requirement of Rule 22 is that interventions on underwater heritage should be
directed, controlled and overseen by a qualified and competent underwater
archaeologist“ (UNESCO 2011).
There are, of course, a variety of levels of “training” in underwater
archaeology starting with training like the Heritage Awareness Diving Seminars
(HADS), which are partly aimed at raising awareness of the importance of
underwater cultural heritage in the Self-Contained Underwater Breathing
Aparatus (SCUBA) diving industry (Pacific Marine Resources Institute 2011;
Florida Public Archaeology Network 2011). Another important training scheme is
Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) training, which is an internationally
recognized, modular training program open to anyone who is interested in
learning more about maritime archaeology (Nautical Archaeology Society
Training 2011). The NAS training program was introduced into Australia in the
1990s and adapted to meet Australian conditions and situations (Moran and
Staniforth 1998). The Australian Institute of Maritime Archaeology (AIMA)/NAS
training is now taught regularly in most Australian states (Australasian Institute
for Maritime Archaeology 2011).
The UNESCO Tutorial also suggests that the minimum qualification for an
archaeologist is, “A degree in archaeology or similar qualification recognised by
the country in which the archaeologist is working” (UNESCO 2011). Throughout
the world tertiary qualifications at some level from undergraduate degrees
through to Doctoral level degrees from a fully accredited university are usually
seen as the basic qualifications required for professional underwater or maritime
archaeologists and underwater cultural heritage managers. More than twenty
universities around the world now have specialised awards in maritime or
underwater archaeology and many more provide Research Higher Degree (RHD)
supervision for Masters and doctoral candidates who are conducting maritime
archaeology-related research.
This paper discusses the AusAID funded Flinders University Intensive
Program in Underwater Cultural Heritage Management (FUIP-UCHM) that was
developed by the Maritime Archaeology Program (MAP) at Flinders University.
FUIP-UCHM is seen as one model for the implementation of Article 21 (Training
in Underwater Archaeology) of the 2001Convention in terms of the teaching and
training of maritime archaeologists in the Asia-Pacific region. FUIP-UCHM was
designed for people already working in the field and to fit into the gap between
AIMA/NAS training, which was included within the FUIP-UCHM program, and a
tertiary level award. It was not exclusively practical or fieldwork-based training,
although it did include these, and it was not solely theoretical classes, although it
was firmly based on archaeological method and theory. It was taught by a
combination of university lecturers and maritime archaeology practitioners who
work for government agencies or other organisations. It was also designed to

�complement the “Foundation course” training conducted through the UNESCO
Asia-Pacific Regional Capacity-Building Programme on Underwater Cultural
Heritage in Chanthaburi, Thailand (UNESCO Bangkok 2011).

MAP and the Australian Leadership Awards (ALA) Fellowship
Program
The Department of Archaeology at Flinders University has taught maritime
archaeology at undergraduate level since 1996 and at postgraduate level since
2002 as well as providing supervision for Master of Arts (by research and thesis)
and doctoral students (Staniforth 2008a; Staniforth 2008b; Staniforth 2009a;
Staniforth 2009b; Staniforth 2010). The Graduate Program in Maritime
Archaeology was established in 2002 and was designed to meet the needs of
students who already had a four year degree in archaeology or anthropology and
wish to specialize in maritime archaeology, as well as those who came from a
different academic background such as history. The Graduate Program has
drawn students from more than ten different countries - Australia, New Zealand,
United Kingdom, United States of America, Canada, South Africa, Sri Lanka, the
Netherlands, The Philippines and Japan. MAP has been acknowledged as the
largest, most successful and is currently the only active program of its kind in
Australia. MAP currently has two academic staff and a part-time technical officer
as well as doctoral students (on scholarships) who work part-time in the program.
A survey of graduates in 2009 showed that more than 80% of MAP graduates
are now working in archaeology or underwater archaeology including their work
for underwater cultural heritage management agencies, museums, consultancy
companies and universities, both in Australia and overseas (Staniforth 2009c).
The Australian Leadership Awards (ALA) Fellowship Program is primarily
funded by AusAID, which is the Australian Federal Government’s Foreign Aid
Agency (Australian Government – AusAID 2011). ALA Fellowships aim to
develop leadership, address priority regional development issues, and build
partnerships and linkages between Australian organizations, including
universities, and partner organizations in developing countries in the Asia-Pacific
region as well as in Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa and the Middle East.
The currently eligible countries from the Asia-Pacific region are Afghanistan,
Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burma (Myanmar), Cambodia, China, Cook Islands, East
Timor, Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Kiribati, Laos,
Maldives, Marshall Islands, Mongolia, Nauru, Nepal, Niue, Pakistan, Palau,
Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Thailand,
Tokelau, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu, Vietnam and Wallis and Futuna.
ALA Fellowships form part of a regional program that aims to develop
leadership and build partnerships and linkages with the Asia-Pacific region by
offering professional development opportunities in Australia. The fellowships are
intended for those who are already leaders or have the potential to assume
leadership roles that can influence social and economic policy reform and
development outcomes, both in their own countries and more broadly in the AsiaPacific region. ALA Fellowships do not necessarily lead to academic

�qualifications, although in this case two of the ALA fellows (Gay Lacsina and
Rasika Muthucumarana) did successfully complete three topics (18 units) of
study at Flinders University and were awarded the Graduate Certificate in
Maritime Archaeology (GCMA). Rather than academic qualifications, ALA
Fellowships are generally designed to provide short-term opportunities for study,
research, leadership and professional development and attachment programs in
Australia.

Discussion
Through the FUIP-UCHM, 10 mid-career professionals who were already
working in maritime archaeology or underwater cultural heritage (UCH)
management from the Asia-Pacific region went to Australia for a six-week
intensive training program from 19th January 2009 to 2nd March 2009 (Figure 1).
Originally 11 Fellows were nominated but one withdrew before the program
started.

Figure 1. ALA Fellows in the classroom at Flinders University (photo by Jun
Kimura courtesy of the Maritime Archaeology Program, Flinders University)
Prospective fellows were identified through the UNESCO Asia-Pacific
office in Bangkok and the Asian Academy for Heritage Management (AAHM), as
well as through existing institutional linkages between Australian organisations
and their counterpart organisations in the region. The counterpart organisations
have been involved in the investigation, documentation and management of UCH
and are usually the national authorities legally charged with safeguarding the

�UCH in their respective countries. Training was to be conducted in English and
so candidates needed a basic understanding of written and spoken English.
Candidates varied from mid-career professionals with leadership potential to
existing leaders in the field. Fellows were then nominated by their organisation to
participate in the program. The five nations represented were Cambodia (2
fellows - Nady Phann and Sophorn Kim), Indonesia (2 fellows - Zainab Tahir and
Imam Fauzi), Sri Lanka (3 fellows – Palitha Weerangasingha, Rasika
Muthucumarana and Chandraratne Wijamunige), Thailand (2 fellows – Erbprem
Vatcharangkul and Worrawit Hassapak) and the Philippines (1 fellow – Gay
Lacsina).
Mid-career professional training, such as this, fits squarely into the
philosophy of flexibility that underpins the teaching of maritime archaeology at
Flinders University, as well as going some way to fulfilling social justice and
equity aspirations. The program was intended to enhance professional capacity
and leadership, which is seen as key to successfully safeguarding and protecting
UCH in the Asia-Pacific region. The stated goals of FUIP-UCHM were to:
 develop professional capacity and leadership in the protection of
underwater cultural heritage through the delivery of high quality training
 foster relationships between Australian organisations and counterpart
agencies within the Asia-Pacific region.
ALA Fellowship funding allowed MAP to employ three part-time, temporary
staff (James Hunter, Emily Jateff and Amer Khan) who were involved in teaching
the fellows while they were in Australia. The ALA Fellows spent four weeks at
Flinders University in South Australia where they undertook a one-week intensive
topic in vessel construction and analysis, a one-week intensive topic in UCH
management and then a two-week intensive field school at Mount Dutton Bay,
South Australia. The highly intensive program also allowed the ALA Fellows to
receive AIMA/NAS Part 1 Training and Divers Alert Network (DAN) Asia-Pacific
First Aid and Oxygen (O2) provider certification. Following the field school, ALA
Fellows undertook a two-week placement (internship) with a museum, UCH
agency or related organisation, which gave them the opportunity to work with
various heritage management agencies throughout Australia. Partner agencies
included Heritage Victoria, Department of Environment and Natural Resources
(DENR) South Australia, Australian National Maritime Museum, New South
Wales Heritage Office, Western Australian Maritime Museum, and the
Department of Environment, Water, Heritage and the Arts in Canberra.
ALA Fellows were trained in best practice for the investigation and
protection of UCH through theoretical and practical teaching of underwater
archaeological site survey and mapping, non-invasive techniques of underwater
site identification, inventory and investigation and research methodologies for
analysis of archaeological heritage. In the course of the lectures and practical
field activities, the ALA Fellows were introduced to the legislative and policy
requirements for the management and protection of underwater and coastal
archaeological sites, which will help them to formulate effective policy in the light
of local national and international legislative frameworks. The one-week
Underwater Cultural Heritage short course, for example, comprised a series of

�lectures, seminars and workshops in three areas – Legislation and Guidelines;
Management and Interpretation. It provided the ALA Fellows with knowledge
about the major theoretical and practical approaches to the protection,
preservation and management of UCH. At the field school at Mount Dutton Bay,
for example, all of the ALA Fellows had the opportunity to learn to record short
videos and from this we were able to cut a five-minute documentary about
teaching Maritime Archaeology at Flinders University (Carter 2010).
The stated aim of developing leadership demands some exposition on the
nature of leadership. Leadership, unlike management, refers to building the
capacity of people to work together in groups without, if necessary, formal
authority. A significant part of leadership is the ability to adapt and succeed in
unpredictable situations to unpredictable problems. Leadership is necessarily a
complex interaction between the leader and the social, political and task
environment (Day 2001). To develop leadership among the Fellows, FUIP-UCHM
was planned to encourage the fellows to engage with different environments,
learn and apply new skills, solve unfamiliar problems and interact with a range of
people outside their previous experience.
The ALA Fellows were involved in a wide range of fieldwork and other
activities while in Australia, for example, three ALA Fellows (Zainab Tahir, Nady
Phann and Sophorn Kim) participated in a survey of whaling shipwrecks and
associated shore sites at Sceale and Streaky Bay on Eyre Peninsula in South
Australia (Jateff 2009; Jateff and Staniforth 2009). This work was done in
association with David Nutley, the Senior Maritime Heritage Officer at the
Heritage Branch of the South Australian Department of Environment and
Heritage (Figure 2).
ALA Fellow Gay Lacsina, from the National Museum of the Philippines,
joined Heritage Victoria for her two-week placement where she attended an
Archaeology Advisory Committee meeting and conducted fieldwork on the
wrecks of the SS Casino (lost 1932) and Grange, a wooden barque that sank in
1858 (Lacsina 2009). Gay was involved in every aspect of day-to-day work at
Heritage Victoria, which provided her with valuable experience of the operations
of an organisation other than her own. Imam Fauzi from Indonesia and Palitha
Weerasingha from Sri Lanka did their placement with the South Australian
Department of Environment and Heritage, which helped to raise the profile of
maritime heritage within the Department (Khan 2010).

�Figure 2. ALA Fellows Zainab Tahir, Nady Phann and Sophorn Kim with David
Nutley during the Sceale Bay survey (photo by Mark Staniforth courtesy of the
Maritime Archaeology Program, Flinders University).

Conclusion
This paper has considered one possible model for the implementation of Article
21 (Training in Underwater Archaeology) of the 2001 Convention which involves
teaching and training of maritime archaeologists in the Asia-Pacific region. The
model is the AusAID funded ALA – Fellowships FUIP-UCHM. It is hoped that the
FUIP-UCHM model can be adopted and adapted by other countries and
organizations in the Asia-Pacific region as a basis for effective collaboration and
co-operation in the training and teaching of underwater archaeologists and UCH
managers.

Acknowledgements
The 2009 Flinders University Intensive Program in UCHM was managed by Flinders Partners, the
MAP in the Department of Archaeology and Flinders University of South Australia, in partnership
with the Australian host organizations and the ALA Fellows overseas counterpart organizations.
The efforts of permanent and temporary (contract) MAP staff including Jennifer McKinnon, James
Hunter, Emily Jateff, Amer Khan, Jennifer Rodrigues and John Naumann were absolutely central
to the success of the program. The Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University could
not have co-ordinated and conducted the FUIP-UCHM without the help and support of members
of the maritime archaeological and museum communities in Australia, in particular David Nutley,
Bill Seegar, Andy Viduka, Tim Smith, Ross Anderson and Peter Harvey.
The support of partner organisations including the South Australian Department of
Environment and Heritage, South Australian Maritime Museum, New South Wales Heritage
Office, Heritage Victoria, the Australian National Maritime Museum and the Western Australian

�Maritime Museum is very much appreciated. In addition, overseas partners which included the
Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (Indonesia), the Underwater Archaeology Division of the
Fine Arts Department in the Ministry of Culture (Thailand), Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central
Cultural Fund (Sri Lanka), the National Museum of the Philippines (Philippines) the Department of
Antiquities in the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts and the National Museum of Cambodia
(Cambodia) as well as UNESCO and the Asian Academy for Heritage Management (AAHM) are
all gratefully acknowledged.

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&#13;
The Maritime Archaeology Program at Flinders University was awarded funding from AusAID, the Australian federal governmentâ€™s overseas aid organization, to bring 11 mid-career professionals involved in maritime archaeology from the Asia-Pacific region to Australia for a 6 week training program in early 2009. Mid-career professional training fits squarely into the philosophy of flexibility that underpins the teaching of maritime archaeology at Flinders University, as well as going some way to fulfilling social justice and equity aspirations. It is hoped that this model can be adopted and adapted by other countries and organizations in the Asia-Pacific region as the basis for effective collaboration and co-operation in the training and teaching of underwater archaeologists.&#13;
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                    <text>The Role of ICOMOS, ICUCH and NAS in Underwater Cultural Heritage
Protection in the Pacific
Mark Staniforth
Monash University
Melbourne
Australia
Email: mark.staniforth@monash.edu
Abstract
This paper outlines the role played by ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments
and Sites), which is an international non-governmental organization (NGO)
dedicated to the conservation of the world's cultural monuments and sites and
specifically in awareness raising and training related to underwater cultural heritage
protection. ICOMOS membership requires an individual to be a practicing cultural
heritage professional or have professional qualifications in the fields of conservation
or preservation such as architect, archaeologist, town planner, and engineer,
administrator of heritage, art historian or archivist. ICOMOS International Scientific
Committees (ISCs) (such as ICUCH) are the vehicles through which ICOMOS brings
together, develops and serves its worldwide membership according to their fields of
specialized interest. ICOMOS expects the ISCs to be at the heart of scientific inquiry
and exchange in their domains and to share knowledge among them to foster multidisciplinary approaches to heritage protection and management. ICUCH
(International Committee on Underwater Cultural Heritage) was founded in 1991 by
ICOMOS Australia to promote international cooperation in the protection and
management of underwater cultural heritage and to advise ICOMOS on issues
related to underwater cultural heritage around the world. ICUCH currently has ten
members from the Asia and the Pacific region and this paper will discuss the role of
ICUCH in the region. Furthermore ICUCH’s mission will only be achieved in
conjunction with other stakeholders, such as the Nautical Archaeology Society
(NAS). NAS training aims to increase public awareness at local, provincial and
national levels about the extent and nature of underwater and maritime cultural
heritage as well as about underwater and maritime archaeology.
Key words: Training; Collaboration, Cooperation, Public awareness, Underwater
cultural heritage protection
Introduction
The International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) is a global,
professional non-governmental organization (NGO) established in 1965 that is
dedicated to the conservation and protection of the world’s cultural heritage
monuments and sites (see http://icomos.org/en/). The Nautical Archaeology Society
(NAS) is a global non-government organization (NGO) based in the UK that had its
beginnings back in 1964 (see http://www.nauticalarchaeologysociety.org/). Non1

�government organisations, such as ICOMOS and NAS, are often dependent on
membership fees for the majority of their funding and therefore tend to have limited
funding available to conduct ‘activities’ on a ‘paid’ basis. They also often have a very
small number of paid staff and therefore it is up to the membership, working
collaboratively, and individual members, usually working with other partners, to
volunteer their time (usually at no cost), find funding and conduct activities ‘under the
auspices’ or ‘on behalf of’ a particular NGO. Clearly ICOMOS, NAS and other
‘membership-based’ NGOs depend on their membership to take a proactive role in
initiating, and contributing to, collaborative activities often volunteering their services
pro bono (at no cost).
This paper considers ICOMOS and one ICOMOS ISC - ICUCH (International
Committee on Underwater Cultural Heritage) together with NAS and the NAS
Training Programme. It discusses a range of activities conducted by ICOMOS and
NAS members, in relation to raising public awareness and conducting training about
the management, preservation and protection of underwater cultural heritage in the
Asia and the Pacific region. Unlike the UNESCO World Heritage Convention, the
2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage had
no fund to pay for activities included in the original convention although an account
has now been established to allow for pooling donor donations to support certain
projects and programmes (Jeffery, 2006; Parthesius and Jeffery, 2011: 281). This
lack of funding as well as inadequate numbers of trained and experienced maritime
archaeologists and underwater cultural heritage managers in many countries in the
Asia and the Pacific region are recognized as significant problems.
The 2001 UNESCO Convention, nevertheless, has two articles related to public
awareness and training. The first is Article 20 - Public Awareness that states:
Each State Party shall take all practicable measures to raise public
awareness regarding the value and significance of underwater cultural
heritage and the importance of protecting it under this Convention.
and the second is Article 21 - Training in underwater archaeology, which states:
States Parties shall cooperate in the provision of training in underwater
archaeology, in techniques for the conservation of underwater cultural
heritage and, on agreed terms, in the transfer of technology relating to
underwater cultural heritage

2

�The need for raising public awareness about, as well as training and teaching
(capacity building) in, maritime archaeology and underwater cultural heritage
management in the Asia and the Pacific region have been identified as important
issues for more than a decade including during at least three UNESCO supported
regional meetings and in their resultant action plans or recommendations. The first
arose from the UNESCO Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on the 2001 UNESCO
Convention held in Hong Kong in 2003 (Prott, 2006: 158-160). The second was from
the 2010 International Meeting on Protection, Presentation and Valorisation of
Underwater Cultural Heritage held in Chongquig in China (Shuguang, 2011: 433434). The third was the Asia-Pacific Meeting on the Protection of Underwater
Cultural Heritage held in Koh Kong, Cambodia in 2012.
ICOMOS
ICOMOS has more than 11,000 members, over 100 National Committees and nearly
30 International Scientific Committees. International Scientific Committees (ISCs)
focus on specialist areas of heritage conservation and are made up of ICOMOS
members drawn from those specialist areas. ICOMOS expects the ISCs to be at the
heart of scientific inquiry and exchange in their domains and to share knowledge
among them to foster multi-disciplinary approaches to heritage protection and
management

see

http://www.icomos.org/en/about-icomos/committees/scientific-

committees
ICOMOS works for the conservation, protection, use and enhancement of cultural
heritage monuments, sites and places including buildings, historic cities, cultural
landscapes and archaeological sites. ICOMOS is dedicated to promoting the
application of theory, methodology, and scientific techniques to the conservation of
the world's architectural and archaeological heritage. Its work is based on the
principles enshrined in a number of ICOMOS Charters including the 1964
International Charter on the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites
(the Venice Charter), the 1996 Charter on the Protection and Management of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage and the 2000 International Charter for the Protection
and Management of the Archaeological Heritage (see http://icomos.org/en/chartersand-texts).
ICOMOS works closely with UNESCO, ICOM, ICCROM and other partners, across a
wide range of areas in relation to cultural heritage protection, preservation,
management and training. ICOMOS is primarily composed of its National
3

�Committees (NCs). Within the Asia and the Pacific region (as defined by UNESCO
and comprising of 50 nations) there are more than 20National Committees at present
plus ICOMOS Pasifika which covers all of the island nations of the Pacific Ocean.
Many of these National Committees have websites and for a complete list of National
Committees

with

contact

details

and

website

addresses

see

http://icomos.org/en/network/national-committees/list-of-national-committees.
ICOMOS Pasifika was created in 2007 and aims to further the conservation and
protection of heritage places in the Pacific Islands, with a focus on the cultural and
natural specificities of the region. In particular, ICOMOS Pasifika aims to raise
awareness with regards to the conservation of heritage places in the Pacific Islands
amongst local, national and regional cultural organizations in the region (see
https://www.facebook.com/pages/Icomos-Pasifika-International-Council-onMonuments-and-Sites/357945310963424). ICOMOS holds a General Assembly
(Congress or Conference) every three years – the 18th ICOMOS General Assembly
with the main theme of “Heritage and Landscape as Human Values” will take place
in

Florence,

Italy

from

10

to

14

November

2014

(see

http://www.icomos.org/en/about-icomos/governance/general-information-about-thegeneral-assembly/18th-general-assembly-florence-2014). To date the only ICOMOS
General Assembly to be held in the Asia and the Pacific region was the 15th General
Assembly

held

in

Xi’an,

China

in

2005

(see

http://www.international.icomos.org/xian2005/home_eng.htm).
ICOMOS membership requires that an individual be working as a practicing cultural
heritage professional and/or to have formal qualifications in one of the fields related
to cultural heritage conservation/preservation such as architects, archaeologists,
historians, town planners, engineers, administrators of heritage, art historians,
geographers, anthropologists or archivists. The author, for example, has been an
ICOMOS member for more than two decades. Individuals, and institutions, can apply
for membership through their National Committee and there are more than 100
ICOMOS National Committees. If there is no National Committee in a particular
country, however, then membership requests can be made through the ICOMOS
International Secretariat for approval by the ICOMOS Executive Committee (see
http://www.icomos.org/en/get-involved/join-icomos). The author encourages all
underwater cultural heritage professionals in the Asia and the Pacific region to join
ICOMOS and to get involved in ICOMOS ISCs.
4

�ICOMOS provides a network of experts that benefit from the interdisciplinary
exchange of its members and who are available to provide assessment and advice
on cultural heritage matters. ICOMOS publishes reports and special editions on
cultural heritage topics such as the Heritage at Risk – Special edition titled
Underwater Cultural Heritage at Risk (2006) which can be downloaded from the
ICOMOS website (see http://www.icomos.org/en/component/content/article?id=195).
In addition ICOMOS supports open access, free and unrestricted, to scientific
publications, through the project ICOMOS Open Archive: EPrints on Cultural
Heritage (see http://openarchive.icomos.org/). Part of the ICOMOS mission is to help
to raise public and government awareness about cultural heritage protection and
cultural heritage issues. It also encourages ICOMOS members to volunteer and
participate in capacity building and training activities. These parts of the ICOMOS
mission provide the general basis for members of ICOMOS ISCs to undertake, and
be involved in, awareness raising, training and capacity building activity, which is the
main focus of this paper.
ICUCH
ICUCH (International Committee on Underwater Cultural Heritage) was established
as an ICOMOS scientific committee in 1991 to promote international cooperation in
the protection and management of underwater cultural heritage and to advise
ICOMOS on issues related to underwater cultural heritage around the world (see
http://icuch.icomos.org/the-icomos-international-committee-on-the-underwatercultural-heritage/). ICUCH has a global membership of professionals and focuses on
international cooperation, legislative issues, and quality standards for interventions
and training and closely cooperates with regional and international NGOs, including
NAS, in raising public awareness. In the early 1990s ICUCH developed the ICOMOS
Charter on the Protection and Management of the Underwater Cultural Heritage
which was ratified by the 11th ICOMOS General Assembly in Sophia, Bulgaria in
1996 see: http://www.international.icomos.org/charters/underwater_e.pdfICUCH also
assisted in the drafting of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of Underwater
Cultural Heritage (2001) and continues to lobby for its ratification (see
http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/underwater-cultural-heritage/2001convention/official-text/).
The aims of ICUCH include to: stimulate international interest in the conservation of
the world's underwater cultural heritage among government and private institutions,
5

�practitioners and the general public; establish standards for the training and
qualification of practitioners involved with the conservation and management of
underwater cultural heritage sites; and share experience and expertise in the
conservation and management of underwater cultural heritage sites. For more than a
decade ICUCH membership was restricted to one member from each country but
this situation changed as a result of the Eger-Xi’an Principles for the International
Scientific Committees of ICOMOS adopted by the 15th General Assembly of
ICOMOS at Xi’an in October of 2005, as amended by the Scientific Council in July
2008

(Eger-Xi’an

Principles,

2008)

see:

http://www.icomos-

uk.org/committees/international-scientific/. Since 2009 ICUCH can, and does have,
more than one member from a number of countries including Argentina, Australia,
Canada, Denmark, Lebanon, South Africa and the USA. In addition, over the past
five years, ICUCH has considerably expanded its membership from about 20 to 48
members. The Asia and the Pacific region (as defined by UNESCO) currently has 10
ICUCH members (one from each of Japan, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Thailand, India,
Indonesia and China and three from Australia). It is clear that, just as ICOMOS need
more members in the Pacific, ICUCH needs one, or more, members from the Pacific.
ICUCH membership is not simply an issue for the Asia and the Pacific region, for
comparison, the Europe and North America region has 19 members while the Africa
region has just 5 members and the Arab States just 4 members. Fortunately in 2014
ICUCH will be considering an expansion of ICUCH membership as part of the flowon effects from the Eger-Xi’an Principles. The author has been a member of ICUCH
since 2009 and for a full list of ICUCH members see: http://icuch.icomos.org/icuchmembers/
ICUCH’s Vision, Mission and Strategy for the period 2009-2012 were formulated at
the Annual General Meeting of ICUCH in Québec in 2008 and include the following
missions:
▪ To assist other stakeholders in the field of maritime archaeology to manage,
protect, carry out sound study, and share knowledge on underwater cultural heritage.
▪ To raise public awareness of the existence of the world’s archaeological
underwater cultural heritage.
▪ To promote the protection and management of underwater cultural heritage
through facilitating development of national and regional cooperation, programmes,
and legislation.
6

�▪ To encourage an inclusive approach in underwater cultural heritage.
These particular missions were to be carried out using the following strategies:
▪ Promoting and actively assisting in capacity building in all the roles
mentioned in the Annex of the 2001 UNESCO Convention.
▪ Promoting education in underwater cultural heritage at all levels.
▪ Being strongly involved in raising public awareness.
These ICUCH missions and strategies, specifically those that encourage ICUCH
members to undertake, and be involved in, awareness raising, training and capacity
building in underwater cultural heritage protection and management, are the main
focus of this paper. ICUCH, for example, is an official partner of UNESCO
Underwater

Cultural

Heritage

Partners

in

Asia

and

the

Pacific

see:

http://www.unescobkk.org/culture/uch/partners/
As part of the Asia-Pacific Regional Capacity-Building Programme in Underwater
Cultural Heritage several ICUCH members, including the author, were invited to
contribute to three UNESCO Foundation Courses and two Advanced Courses on
Underwater Cultural Heritage between 2009 and 2011 (Staniforth, 2010). These
courses were primarily funded by the Government of Norway with support from the
Government of Thailand but they have not been run since 2011 as a result of a lack
of available funding. These courses were primarily held in Chanthaburi (Fig. 1) in
Thailand

see:

http://www.unescobkk.org/culture/uch/capacity-

building/courses/foundation/
One valuable product of this particular collaboration has been the development of
the Training Manual for the UNESCO Foundation Course on the Protection and
Management of Underwater Cultural heritage in Asia and the Pacific (UNESCO
Bangkok, 2012).
This

training

manual

can

be

downloaded

(for

free)

at:

http://www.unescobkk.org/culture/uch/uch-publication/. Another publication that a
number of ICUCH members contributed to is the Manual for Activities directed at
Underwater Cultural Heritage published by UNESCO in 2013 (Maarleveld, Guerin
and

Egger,

2013)

which

is

available

to

be

downloaded

(for

free)

at:

http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/underwater-cultural-heritage/
In addition to involvement in awareness raising, training and capacity building
individual ICUCH members have been involved in collaborative research and

7

�underwater cultural heritage management projects in the Asia and the Pacific region
(Kimura et al., 2014; Lê et al., 2011; Manders, 2010).

Fig. 1 First UNESCO Foundation Course on Underwater Cultural
Heritage in Chathaburi, Thailand in 2009. (Mark Staniforth)

NAS
The Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) was formed to promote interest in
underwater cultural heritage and is dedicated to advancing education in nautical and
maritime archaeology for everyone – its members, the general public and across the
global archaeological sector. NAS membership is open to everyone regardless of
qualifications and NAS publishes a quarterly member’s newsletter as well as a peer
reviewed academic journal twice a year – the highly respected International Journal
of Nautical Archaeology (IJNA). The NAS International Training Programme has
been delivering courses in maritime archaeology and underwater cultural heritage for
nearly 30 years see: http://www.nauticalarchaeologysociety.org/content/what-nastraining-programme
The NAS Training Programme has a modular structure, starting with a one day
Introduction course and working through the Part I, II and III Certificates and finally
the Part IV Diploma. The NAS programme has a published handbook available, now
in its second edition (Bowens, 2008) and is open to everybody with the Introduction
course requiring no prior learning or qualifications. The NAS Training Programme is
designed with courses in a wide range of topics and subject areas within nautical
8

�and maritime archaeology. The author has been involved with the NAS Training
Programme since the mid 1990s when the Australasian Institute for Maritime
Archaeology (AIMA) introduced NAS training into Australia (Moran and Staniforth,
1998). From 1997 AIMA tailored the NAS Training programme to suit Australian
conditions and sites and the author served for five years as the first AIMA/NAS
Senior Tutor in Australia. Over the last fifteen years or so, dozens of AIMA/NAS
Training courses have taught hundreds of people in all states of Australia about
underwater cultural heritage and maritime archaeology (see: http://www.aimaunderwater.org.au/parts-i-iv/).
In addition AIMA/NAS Training has also been successfully incorporated into
university level studies in maritime archaeology, for example, those conducted at
Flinders University (Staniforth, 2008). In 2012 the Nautical Archaeology Society
(NAS) gave permission for a pilot program of NAS training to be conducted in
Vietnam (at no cost) on a “one-off” basis. NAS Training was conducted at the
Institute of Archaeology building in Hanoi, over a three-day period during
November/December of 2012. Early in 2013 NAS granted a free NAS International
license to the Institute of Archaeology (IA) in Vietnam and the author was appointed
as the NAS Senior Tutor for Vietnam for a five-year term. With support from the
Nghe An province an NAS Introduction to Maritime Archaeology training course (1
day) was held in Vinh city on Thursday 16 October 2013. Thanks to the Hoi An
People's Committee, which agreed to sponsor NAS training at Hoi An in November
2013, an NAS Introduction courses (1 day) took place on 7 November followed by an
NAS Part 1 course (2 day) on 8 and 9 November 2013 (Fig. 2).
The NAS Training programme in Vietnam has been designed to increase awareness
at local, provincial and national levels about the extent and nature of Vietnam’s
underwater and maritime cultural heritage as well as about underwater and maritime
archaeology. With the assistance of partners, sponsors and contributors, NAS
training has been provided free of charge to more than 100 Vietnamese students,
government agency personnel, archaeologists and others in order to raise
awareness about underwater cultural heritage and maritime archaeology in Vietnam.
Hopefully, this should help Vietnam to preserve and protect its underwater cultural
heritage see: http://www.themua.org/vietnam/nas.php

9

�Fig. 2 NAS practical training at the Nghe An Museum in
Vinh City, Nghe An, Vietnam. (Mark Staniforth)

University level teaching
UNESCO has suggested that the minimum qualification for an archaeologist is: “A
degree in archaeology or similar qualification recognized by the country in which the
archaeologist is working” see:
http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/underwater-culturalheritage/underwater-heritage-tutorial/tutorial/
Throughput the world, tertiary qualifications at some level from undergraduate
degrees through to Doctoral level degrees from a fully accredited university are
usually seen as the basic qualifications required for professional underwater or
maritime archaeologists and underwater cultural heritage managers (Staniforth,
2008a; 2008b; 2009; 2010). Unfortunately university level teaching in maritime
archaeology is both limited and expensive in the Asia and the Pacific region, which
means that only a limited number of maritime archaeologists and underwater cultural
heritage managers have been able to benefit from this level of training. One of the
few examples where university level training has been made available at no cost to
participants, was organized partly using ICUCH networks, when the Maritime
Archaeology Program (MAP) at Flinders University was awarded funding from Aus
AID, the Australian federal government’s overseas aid organization, to bring 11 midcareer professionals involved in maritime archaeology from the Asia-Pacific region to
Australia for a 6 week training program (Staniforth, 2011). Mid-career professional
10

�training like this goes some way to fulfilling social justice and equity aspirations to
make university level teaching in maritime archaeology available to more people in
the Asia and the Pacific region (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3 Opening ceremony of the Flinders University Intensive Progam on
Underwater Cultural Heritage in Adelaide, South Australia in 2009. (Jun Kimura)

Language of Instruction
There is no doubt that for training courses with participants who come from a number
of different countries, such as the UNESCO Foundation courses, there is a need for
a single common language. One result is that most previous training activities in the
Asia and the Pacific region have been conducted in English. Nevertheless, in order
to successfully conduct public awareness raising and training within an individual
country, the content really has to be interpreted and translated into the national
language.
The language of instruction was seen as one of the key issues for NAS Training in
Vietnam, for example, where it was clear that we needed to have the training both
interpreted into spoken Vietnamese and translated into written Vietnamese.
Fortunately the Institute of Archaeology (IA) has been able to provide interpretation
services for NAS training and, in addition, the entire content of the NAS Introduction
course (11 sessions) has now been translated into Vietnamese. One of the benefits
of this approach has been to increasingly involve IA archaeologists in NAS training
with the stated aim of allowing NAS training to be primarily taught by Vietnamese
archaeologists within five years. In 2013 IA was also able to establish an Underwater
11

�Archaeology Department, headed by Dr. Le Thi Lien, which was, in a small part, as a
result of the NAS training initiative and will aid NAS training over the next few years.
Conclusion
ICOMOS, ICUCH and NAS can and do provide networks, advice, support and
training programmes but they are by no means the only ways of conducting these
activities. It is hoped that some approaches outlined in this paper can be adopted
and adapted by other countries, organizations and individuals in the Asia and the
Pacific region as the basis for effective collaboration and co-operation in awareness
raising, training and teaching of underwater archaeologists and underwater cultural
heritage managers.
Acknowledgements
I would like to particularly thank my colleagues in ICUCH, NAS and at Flinders
University for their contributions to, and support for, the networks, programmes,
projects and field schools that this paper discusses. Also the enthusiasm and interest
of the trainees and students has helped to make these activities productive as well
as enjoyable to conduct. I hope that they enjoy their involvement with underwater
cultural heritage as much as I have.
References
Bowens, A., (Ed.), 2008. Underwater Archaeology: The NAS Guide to Principles

and Practice. Wiley-Blackwell and the Nautical Archaeology Society,
Portsmouth.
ICOMOS., 2008. Eger-Xi’an Principles for the International Scientific Committees of
ICOMOS. ICOMOS, Paris.
Jeffery, W., 2006. Federated States of Micronesia. In S. Dromgoole (Ed.), The
Protection of the Underwater Cultural heritage: National Perspectives in light of the
UNESCO Convention 2001. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Leiden: 145-59.
Kimura, J., Staniforth, M., Lien, L. T., and Sasaki, R., 2014. Naval Battlefield
Archaeology of the Lost Kublai Khan Fleets. International Journal of Nautical
Archaeology, Vol. 43 (1): 76-87.
Lê, Thị Liên., Nguyễn,Thị Mai Hương., Pham, C., Staniforth, M., Delgado, J. P.,
Kimura, J., and Sasaki, R., 2011. Understanding the Bach Dang battlefield from
recent research results. In M. Staniforth, Jennifer Craig, Sheldon Clyde Jago-on,
Bobby Orillaneda, Ligaya Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific Regional
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�Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage. Asian Academy for Heritage
Management. Manila: 77-90.
Maarleveld, T. J., Guerin, U., and Egger, B., (Eds.), 2013. Manual for Activities
directed at Underwater Cultural Heritage: Guidelines to the Annex of the 2001
UNESCO Convention. UNESCO, Paris.
Manders, M. J., 2010. Dutch involvement in Asian Underwater Cultural Heritage
management: building upon old connections. Journal of Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 5
(2): 117-127.
Manders, M. R., and Underwood, C. J., (Eds.), 2012. Training Manual for the
UNESCO Foundation Course on the Protection and Management of Underwater
Cultural heritage in Asia and the Pacific. UNESCO Bangkok, Bangkok.
Moran, V., and Staniforth, M., 1998.The AIMA/NAS Part 1 Training Program. The
Bulletin of the Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 22: 137-138.
Parthesius, R., and Jeffery, W. F., 2012. Building country-relevant programmes in
the context of the implementation of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of
Underwater Cultural Heritage. In S. J. van der Linde, M. H. van den Dries, N.
Schlanger and C. G. Slappendel (Eds.), European Archaeology Abroad: global
settings, comparative perspectives. Sidestone Press, Leiden: 267-286.
Prott, L. V., 2006. Finishing the Interrupted Voyage: Papers of the UNESCO AsiaPacific Workshop on the 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater
Cultural Heritage. Institute of Art and Law, Leicester.
Shuguang, L., (Ed.), 2011. 2010 International Meeting on Protection, Presentation
and Valorisation of Underwater Cultural Heritage. Chongqing, China: Proceedings.
Cultural Relics Press, Beijing: 433-4.
Staniforth, M., 2008a. Strategies for teaching Maritime Archaeology in the 21st
century. Journal of Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 3: 93-102.
Staniforth, M., 2008b. Collaboration is the key: Developing field and work skills in
collaboration with government, museum and commercial underwater cultural
heritage organizations. In R. Radic Rossi, A. Gaspari and A. Pydyn (Eds.),
Proceedings of the 13th Annual Meeting of the European Association of
Archaeologists (Zadar, Croatia, 18-23 September 2007. Session: Underwater
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�Staniforth, M., 2009. Work-Integrated Learning in Maritime Archaeology: An
Australian Approach. The International Journal of Learning, Vol. 16 (8) Publisher
Site: http://www.Learning-Journal.com
Staniforth, M., 2010. Issues in Education in Maritime Archaeology. In R. Amoeda, S.
Lira and C. Pinheiro (Eds.), Heritage 2010: Heritage and Sustainable Development.
Greenlines Institute for Sustainable Development, Evora, Portugal: 315-322.
Staniforth, M., 2011. The Flinders University Intensive Program in Underwater
Cultural Heritage Management.

In M. Staniforth, Jennifer Craig, Sheldon Clyde

Jago-on, Bobby Orillaneda, Ligaya Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific
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Mark Staniforth is an Adjunct Senior Research Fellow in the School of Geography
and Environmental Science at Monash University and an Adjunct Associate
Professor at Flinders University in Australia. He has been an ICOMOS member for
two decades and he is an expert member of two ICOMOS International Scientific
Committees - ICOMOS - ICUCH (International Committee on the Underwater
Cultural Heritage) and ICOMOS - ICAHM (International Committee on
Archaeological Heritage Management). Mark is also the NAS Senior Tutor for
Vietnam. Mark was the Convener of the Maritime Archaeology Program (MAP) in the
Department of Archaeology at Flinders University for 14 years (1997-2010) where he
taught topics in undergraduate and postgraduate maritime archaeology and
underwater cultural heritage management.

14

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                  <text>The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) is a specialized agency of the UN. It has 195 Member States. The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage adopted in 2001 is the international communityâ€™s response to the destruction of submerged archaeological sites by treasure hunters and industrial activities. It reflects the growing recognition of the need to ensure the same protection to underwater heritage as that already accorded to land-based heritage. It provides legal protection, enables States Parties to adopt common approaches to preservation and provides effective professional guidelines on underwater cultural heritage. The Convention and its Annex have been officially endorsed by most professional associations of underwater archaeologists.&#13;
The 2001 Convention entered into force on 2 January 2009. Today it has been ratified by 44 States. The objectives of the UNESCO session are to:&#13;
* Enhance understanding of the 2001 Convention in terms of its background, its benefits, its ethics and its potentials for contributing to sustainable development,&#13;
* Identify a strategy for enhancing capacity in the protection and research of underwater cultural heritage,&#13;
* Identify a way forward for increasing ratifications of the 2001 Convention by the countries in the region.</text>
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                  <text>Etienne Clement </text>
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                <text>The Role of ICOMOS, ICUCH and NAS in Underwater Cultural Heritage Protection in the Pacific</text>
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                <text>This paper outlines the role played by ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and Sites), which is an international non-governmental organization (NGO) dedicated to the conservation of the world's cultural monuments and sites and specifically in awareness raising and training related to underwater cultural heritage protection. ICOMOS membership requires an individual to be a practicing cultural heritage professional or have professional qualifications in the fields of conservation or preservation such as architect, archaeologist, town planner, and engineer, administrator of heritage, art historian or archivist. ICOMOS International Scientific Committees (ISCs) (such as ICUCH) are the vehicles through which ICOMOS brings together, develops and serves its worldwide membership according to their fields of specialized interest. ICOMOS expects the ISCs to be at the heart of scientific inquiry and exchange in their domains and to share knowledge among them to foster multi-disciplinary approaches to heritage protection and management. ICUCH (International Committee on Underwater Cultural Heritage) was founded in 1991 by ICOMOS Australia to promote international cooperation in the protection and management of underwater cultural heritage and to advise ICOMOS on issues related to underwater cultural heritage around the world. ICUCH currently has ten members from the Asia and the Pacific region and this paper will discuss the role of ICUCH in the region. Furthermore ICUCHâ€™s mission will only be achieved in conjunction with other stakeholders, such as the Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS). NAS training aims to increase public awareness at local, provincial and national levels about the extent and nature of underwater and maritime cultural heritage as well as about underwater and maritime archaeology.</text>
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                <text>Mark Staniforth, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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        <name>Asia-Pac Session 1 2014</name>
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                <text>A Short History of China and Southeast Asia: Tribute, Trade and Influence</text>
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                <text>Martin Stuart-Fox</text>
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                <text>Allen &amp; Unwin</text>
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