47 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/f214cea47e96ed0cb72662b36c3994e2.pdf 65789552181ea20c5bcadfc3f2a19a80 PDF Text Text A Chinese Perspective on the International legal scheme for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage Liu Lina School of Law Xi’an Jiaotong University China Email: liulina223@gmail.com Abstract With 18,000 km of coastline and plentiful streams and rivers, China has an extensive underwater cultural heritage (UCH), which preserves Chinese history and maritime civilization under the ocean as a kind of “time capsule”. After 20-years of development of underwater archaeology and the protection of UCH, China has set up a brand-new national protection system. This contribution first discusses the new development of the Chinese UCH legal system in the 21th century in three aspects: legal subject, legal object and legal content. Further it discussed the tremendous challenges faced by the Chinese legal system. Meanwhile, since its entry into force in 2009, the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2001 Convention) has been gradually approved by more and more influential States who hold various and abundant UCH items. Part two explains the UNESCO 2001 Convention as the International Cooperation Scheme for Protection of UCH. Part three examines, from the Chinese perspective, the advantages and obstacles for a State that ratifies the UNESCO 2001 Convention. There is a final conclusion that argues that through the UNESCO 2001 Convention diverse national legal protection systems of the UCH have converged into an international cooperation legal instrument. Key words: Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH); the Chinese UCH legal system; UNESCO 2001 Convention; International legal scheme; “Coordinating State” Introduction New developments and the challenges for the protection of UCH in China In 1986 an astonishing auction named “the Nanking cargo (Geldermalsen shipwrecks)” was held in the Netherlands. The auction contained more than 100 gold ingots and thousands of Chinese export porcelain from the "Geldermalsen" that had sunk in about 1752 in the South China Sea, and salvaged by Michael Hatcher. The auction raised more than £10 million (Jörg, 1986). The Chinese authorities were shocked to notice that there were no provisions in the Chinese legislation that addressed the salvage of UCH 1 �or to claim ownership of the UCH. In the same year, the Chinese Government decided to develop the capacity for underwater archaeology and it established the Underwater Archaeology Research Institute under the Chinese History Museum (now the Chinese National Museum). In 1989, the State Council passed legislation entitled the Regulations of the P. R. China on Protection and Administration of Underwater Cultural Relics (1989 Chinese UCH regulation). After more than 20 years of development Chinese authorities established a wholly new UCH administrative protection mechanism, aimed at providing professional protection for the entire UCH in China. The State Administration of Cultural Heritage (SACH) is responsible for managing and protecting all kinds of national cultural relics, including UCH. After that the National Conservation Center for Underwater Cultural Heritage (NCCUCH) got full confirmation from the SACH in order to fulfill its functions, especially in developing the national UCH excavations, conservation, research and cooperation with local governments and local underwater archeology institutes. There are mainly four regional UCH protective administration offices: the Ningbo Office in the Zhejiang province, the Fujian Office in the Fujian province, the Wuhan office in the Hubei province, and the Qingdao office in the Shandong province. The development of Chinese UCH legal system The appearance of local legislative subjects It is the local government that refines related local UCH regulations and formulates feasible operational guidelines after 2008. The Fujian province and the Guangdong Province contain most various UCH items in China, such as Nanhai I shipwreck, Nan’ao I shipwreck and Banyangjiao (Reef) I shipwreck. In 2009, the Fujian Provincial People's Congress revised the Fujian Province Protection and Administration of Cultural Relics Regulations by adding a new chapter on the protection of UCH, which was the first local regulation relative to UCH in China. In the same year, the Guangdong province enacted the Guangdong Provincial measure for the implementation of the P. R. China on Protection of Cultural Relic, which set up a new “underwater cultural relics reserves” in Art. 26 in order to protect scattered UCH objects along its continuous coastline. 2 �The particularity of the legal object In addition to wrecks, sites, artifacts and human remains, the “Chinese Maritime Silk Road Sites” and “Ming and Qing Dynasty Coast Defense Sites” are unique kinds of UCH in China. “The Chinese Maritime Silk Road” once provided unprecedented access by ancient China to the most distant destinations reached by maritime trade. And it can be seen as a promotion of friendly relations linking East and West. The "Maritime Silk Road" in China embraces four aspects: the ancient ports, oceanic routes, cargos, and wrecks, each of which has specific and abundant contents. These four aspects interrelate systemically in order to form the Chinese traces of marine exploitation ---- the said “Chinese Maritime Silk Road”. The “Ming and Qing Dynasties Coast Defense Sites” are the defense constructions and facilities erected by Chinese authorities in order to prevent invasion m of the Chinese territorial sea and coastal areas in Ming and Qing Dynasties (from 1368 to 1800AD). These coast defense sites are situated throughout 13 provinces, including Macao, Hong Kong and Taiwan, and are being actively considered by China for nomination as World Heritage sites. The extending of legal content in protection UCH The UCH protection began with the national UCH survey, which now extends from the coastline to internal waters, the territorial sea and the contiguous zone. The UCH survey from 2007-2011 covered the Bohai Sea, Yellow Sea, the East China Sea (including the Taiwan Strait), the South China Sea (including the Chinese jurisdiction area in the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Islands). They are all situated adjacent to China, and in the internal waters of China. It was a comprehensive and scientific national survey of UCH, named as the third national cultural relics investigation project. There are 108 supposed UCH sites. SACH and NCCUCH established the South China Sea UCH office and the Paracel Islands archaeological workstation in 2012. Excavation, preservation, protection and management are the main tasks of protection of UCH. With 20 years’ experience of UCH protection, the Chinese authorities are gradually forming different but more appropriate protecting approaches for each UCH site in China. Take Baiheliang UCH site for example, which is the world’s oldest hydrological inscription in the Yangtse River. After considering the Baiheliang UCH conditions, Chinese authorities decided to build a submerged museum for 3 �preservation of its UCH in situ, which is now the symbol of a submerged museum in the world (UNESCO Museums and Tourism, 2013). Another example of protection of UCH in China is the Shanhujiao (Reef) I shipwreck, located in the Paracel Islands. Chinese authorities had to scientifically excavate (from 2006 to 2008) and conserve these cultural relics on land for preserving its scientific and archeological value in a good condition. After the excavation of the Shanhujiao (Reef) I shipwreck, the NCCUCH and CACH started the preliminary experimental study on the conservation of ceramics, metal and wooden relics from Shanhujiao (Reef) I shipwreck. The Chinese National Museum and the CCUCH organized more than 10 training courses on diving skills, methodology of underwater archaeology, and the UCH conservation since the 1980s. Now, the CCUCH and archaeological team in the coastal cities in China have been able to fill the gaps left open over decades. Challenges in China’s UCH legal protection Firstly, from the 1980s, looting and illicit trafficking were rampant in the South China Sea. China’s underwater relics attract a growing number of Chinese fishermen who dived for these riches (Yanhong, 2011). With the development of underwater technology and human understanding of the deep ocean, different marine exploration companies from all over the world came to the South China Sea for salvaging and exporting relics along the Maritime Silk Road. “The Nanking Cargo” auction in Christie's in the Netherland’s was the main cause leading to the 1989 legislation. In April 2011 the Chinese authorities investigated UCH in the Paracel Islands and reported that 26 UCH sites (more than 50% of the UCH sites in the Paracel Islands) had been illegally destroyed and excavated. What is worse, there is a reasonable suspicion that some neighboring countries deliberately damaged Chinese UCH in the South China Sea. For instance, a Ming-dynasty shipwreck located near Huangyan (Scarborough Shoal) was commercially excavated and destroyed by two 2000 ton foreign vessels (Yanhong, 2011). Secondly, a huge number of Chinese UCH outside the Chinese territory was not preserved under the national legal UCH protection system. A frequent type of UCH were merchant ships of the British East India Company that once frequently carried Chinese goods, shipping out of South China Sea bypassing the Cape of Good Hope to Europe and even to Africa. In the Atlantic, Pacific and Arctic oceans a variety of 4 �shipwrecks prove this fact, such as the Mauritius shipwreck in the Cape Lopez of the Gulf of Guinea, the Manila galleon casa in the Gulf of California of the USA, the Goteborg shipwreck in the Swedish bay, and the Prince de Conty (France) in Loscat, Mediterranean (Chumming, 2003). In addition to shipwrecks that contained Chinese goods, Chinese experts discovered more and more Chinese shipwrecks outside China’s territory, such as nine Chinese shipwrecks in Lamu Islands, Kenya (Underwater Archaeology Research Centre, 2012). Thirdly, the Chinese UCH items are traded, sold, bought or bartered as commercial goods in eminent auctions. The most famous auction was the said “Nanking Cargo” in Christie's, Amsterdam in 1986. Then there was “The Vung Tau Cargo” auction in Christie's (Amsterdam) in 1992, “The Diana Cargo” auction in Christie's in Amsterdam in 1995, the “Tek Sing” (the China’s Titanic) auction in Stuttgart, Germany in 2000, and the “Made in Imperial China” auction in Sotheby's (Amsterdam) in 2007(Christie's Auction Catalog , Amsterdam). China has carried out the conservation of UCH for over 20 years and accumulated certain experience in practice and in theoretical research. The content, object, subject and the methods of protection of the UCH in China has changed a lot, but the national legislation is not effective in preventing illegal salvage or illicit export of the UCH outside the Chinese territorial sea. This is the proper time to explore the view on UCH outside of China, and to research an international legal approach to the protection of the UCH. The UNESCO 2001 Convention: the International Cooperation Scheme for Protection of UCH The UNESCO 2001 Convention, at the present time the most complete legal instrument for the protection of UCH, is far from being a powerful and popular international Convention. However, as the offshoot of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 (UNCLOS), it indeed provides an effective international cooperation scheme for protecting UCH in different maritime areas, which does not change the limits of maritime areas or of the maritime power and jurisdiction of coastal states. Although the two principles of the UNESCO 2001 Convention, the principle of in situ preservation as the first option and the principle of non-commercial exploitation are based on the recognition of significance of the interplay between the UCH, its history and its context, 5 �this article aim to focus on the cooperation scheme which established the valuable and effective international legal instrument for Member States. UCH International Database Each State Party to the UNESCO 2001 Convention has the obligation to share UCH information with other States Parties concerning UCH. According to Art.19, that includes: discovery of heritage, its location, UCH excavation or UCH recovery contrary to this Convention. Therefore, the Secretariat of the UNESCO 2001 Convention suggests that States Parties submit to it national authority information to establish a worldwide UCH database. States parties are also able to disseminate UCH information to other appropriate regional, international databases, such as MACHU (to make information about our common UCH accessible to researchers, policymakers and the general public, originated by the European Union’s Culture 2000 program,), NAVIS I, NAVIS II (an open database of ancient ship supported by the European Commission Directorate General X), Shipwreck Asia Database (a regional shipwreck database, classified by the geographical regions, supported by the Toyota Foundation). The UCH Reporting and Notification System States Parties have a different reporting and notifying obligation in different maritime areas. But in the territorial sea or the archipelagic waters, the coastal States have only a soft obligation (“should”) to inform the flag State or other States with an effective link with UCH, with a view to protecting State vessels and aircrafts (Art. 7). In the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), on the Continental Shelf (CS) or in the Area, each State Party have a definite obligation to report the UCH discoveries and activities to that other State Party accordingly, or to all other States Parties (in Art. 9 and Art. 11). UCH Coordination States scheme The UCH Coordination States scheme is regulated by Articles 9 to 12 of the UNESCO 2001 Convention. In the EEZ or on the CS, the “coordinating State” is the State Party in whose EEZ or on whose CS UCH is located “unless the State Party expressly declares that it does not wish to do so”. In that case the “coordinating State” is that which is based on a cultural, historical or archaeological link to the concerned UCH. By the same rule is to be decided a “Coordinating State” in the Area to issue all necessary 6 �authorizations for agreed measures on behalf of all interested States Parties. The right of a “Coordinating State” is to implement measures of protecting UCH, cooperation and consultation among States Parties and conduct their decisions. Assessment of the desirability and feasibility of UNESCO 2001 Convention in China Benefits for China to protect Chinese UCH The UNESCO 2001 Convention sets up reciprocal obligations between Member States and it designs at the same time UCH protective rights for its States Parties. Without this legal instrument States would be entitled only to a limited jurisdiction and sovereignty in their EEZ and on the CS according to international law. And in the Area, the doctrine of international law on freedom of the high seas provides that activities related to UCH found in the Area are to be governed by the flag State. First, UNESCO 2001 Convention entitles coastal States in Art.8 to protect UCH within their contiguous zone. In case that China becomes a State Party to this Convention, it would acquire a positive right in its favour to initiate activities on UCH in its contiguous zone, more than defensive activities to prevent removing UCH from contiguous zone in UNCLOS Art 303 (2). Secondly, the UNESCO 2001 Convention entitles States Parties to take all practicable measures to prevent immediate danger to UCH in the EEZ and on the CS. According to the UNCLOS, the coastal State and other States share different rights and jurisdiction, as governed by its Parts 5 and 6, while the UNESCO 2001 Convention can be seen to expand the traditional rights of coastal States. As a State Party to UNCLOS, China regulated the marine sovereign rights in the Law of the People's Republic of China on the Exclusive Economic Zone and the Continental Shelf (China EEZ and CS Law) mainly “for exploring, exploiting, conserving and managing natural resources” and “for conserving and managing the trans-boundary population, highly migrating fishes, marine mammals (in Art. 3 and Art. 6) in its EEZ. And the 1989 Chinese UCH regulation does not provide for the UCH protective provisions based on different marine zones. However UCH cannot be defined as a natural resource or a fishery activity. Hence, the Chinese authorities are now not entitled to take measures for prevention of immediate danger of UCH according to current Chinese national laws or regulations. If China becomes a State Party to the UNESCO 2001 Convention, it will be able to take any 7 �practicable and necessary measures or request other States Parties to handle looting or trafficking activities that happen in the Chinese EEZ in South China Sea. What is more important, the Operational Guidelines (draft) also provides possibility of cooperation of States Parties with other intergovernmental organizations, for example with Interpol, in order to prevent UCH excavations or recovery contrary to this Convention. Last but not least, the UNESCO 2001 Convention provides the effective international cooperation mechanism for all States Parties in protection of UCH. China should take advantage of the information-sharing forum (Art. 19), such as MACHU, to collect information with other State Parties about any Chinese shipwrecks discovered outside Chinese territory. Otherwise, underwater archaeology and UCH management are still recent sciences, especially for training of underwater archaeologists. China should ask the Scientific and Technical Advisory Body for developing of Chinese UCH excavation, management and protection methods, even for academic training on underwater archaeology, such as the Unit win network. Conformity with the existing Chinese UCH laws and regulations After consideration of the domestic relevant legislation and regulations, it can be concluded that there will be no conflicting clauses in the context of the currently ratified international cultural heritage agreements upon China’s ratification of the UNESCO 2001 Convention (including the 1970 Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property, ratified in 1989, the 1972 Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage ratified in 1985, the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects ratified in in 1996, the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage ratified in 2004 and the 2005 Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions ratified in 2007. Only the purpose of the International Convention on Salvage (1989) is contrary to UNESCO 2001 Convention. But recognizing the nature of UCH, China made a reservation on its Art. 30(1)(d) upon its ratification in 1993: China reserves the right not to apply the provisions of this Convention, “when the property involved is maritime cultural property of prehistoric, archaeological or historic interest and is situated on the sea-bed”. 8 �China only needs to review the principle of non-commercial exploitation in its national regulations in the light of the UNESCO 2001 Convention. The main problem is in the 1989 Chinese UCH regulation. It sets up the rule of exploitation and excavation activities of UCH in Art.7 in the way that: “archaeological exploration and excavation activities with respect to underwater cultural relics shall have, as their objective, the protection of cultural relics and scientific research … with approval by SACH”. It seems a prefect provision for regulating the excavation of the UCH for protection of cultural relics and scientific research. But according to it the objective of exploitation should be for instance scientific research under commercial excavation, such as the early excavation of RMS Titanic (Zekala, 2012). Therefore, the 1989 Chinese UCH regulation should confirm and clarify that any activities directed at UCH shall not consist of commercial exploitation or excavation. Conclusion The UCH protection is a recent scientific as well as legal issue for every nation. After analyzing the new developments in China, it becomes obvious that isolated national UCH legal systems still face problems in the effective protection of UCH. Every State should realize the significance of the exchange of the UCH legal and technical information for national underwater cultural resources. The 2001UNESCO Convention provides for its States Parties an effective international cooperation scheme. Therefore, individual inadequate national legal protection systems for UCH are destined to result into a cooperating international legal protection system. After evaluating the desirability and feasibility of the UNESCO 2001 Convention in China, it is beneficial for a State, like China, to protect national UCH under the legal instrument of the UNESCO 2001 Convention. Acknowledgements The author first likes to express her appreciation to “The China National Social Science Fund” which supported her “Research on Jurisdiction and Ownership of Chinese UCH (Project No. 13CFX094)”. The author also gratefully acknowledges valuable comments from Prof. Vladimir Đuro Degan on a previous version. 9 �References Christie's Auction Catalog , Amsterdam, http://www.sunkentreasurebooks.com/catalogs.htm, accessed 30, Dec.,2013 Chunming, W., 2003. Shipwrecks around China marine zone----Ancient sailing boat, ship technology and cargo. Jiangxi University Press, China.Jörg, C. J. A., 1986. The Geldermalsen History and Porcelain. Kemper Publisher, Groningen. Matthew, E. Zekala.,2012. Liability and Salvage: Titanic Jurisprudence in United States Federal Court, p1103, http://law.lclark.edu/live/files/11855-lcb163art8zekala.pdf, accessed 20 Dec 2013. Regulations of the P. R. China on Protection and Administration of Underwater Cultural Relics promulgated by Decree No. 42 of the State Council of the People's Republic of China on Oct 20, 1989. UNESCO, ‘Museums and tourism’, <http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/underwater-cultural-heritage/museumsand-tourism/>, accessed on 20 Dec. 2013. http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/underwater-cultural-heritage/researchand-training/unitwin-programme/#c492115, accessed 20 Dec. 2013. Underwater Archaeology Research Centre (China) et al., 2012. Major Discoveries of Sino-Kenyan Cooperative Underwater Archaeological Survey in Coastal Areas of Kenya in 2010. Journal of National Museum of China, Vol. 8: 88-99. Yanhong, Cai., 2011. Grouping and well-organizing is the new trend of illicitly excavating UCH in China, Legal Daily, Beijing, (15 Dec, 2011). Chunming,Wu., 2003. Shipwrecks around China marine zone----Ancient sailing boat, ship technology and cargo, Jiangxi University Press, China. Biography Liu Lina graduated with Master of Law from Aberdeen University, UK, and PhD in law and Governance from Xi’an Jiaotong University, China. Liu is a lecturer at Xi’an Jiaotong University. Liu is currently engaged in a national research project entitled “Research on Jurisdiction and Ownership of Chinese UCH” supported by The National Social Science Fund of China. 10 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 15: Legal Framework for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 15 chair Dr. Craig Forrest. Description An account of the resource The legal framework for the protection of the underwater cultural heritage has gained momentum throughout the Asia-Pacific with a number of States turning their attention to this issue. For some this is due to concerns raised though specific incidents that have damaged or destroyed the underwater cultural heritage or the information that could be gleaned from its excavation, whilst for others, it follows from consideration being given to the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. This session considers the Legal Framework for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in a number of Asia-Pacific states. The objectives of session are to explore the various national approaches and to seek aspects of commonality and uniformity that provide frameworks for other state that have not yet addressed the issue. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Craig Forrest Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Chinese Perspective on the International Legal Scheme for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage Description An account of the resource With 18,000 km of coastline and plentiful streams and rivers, China has an extensive underwater cultural heritage (UCH), which preserves Chinese history and maritime civilization under the ocean as a kind of “time capsule”. After 20-years of development of underwater archaeology and the protection of UCH, China has set up a brand-new national protection system. This contribution first discusses the new development of the Chinese UCH legal system in the 21th century in three aspects: legal subject, legal object and legal content. Further it discussed the tremendous challenges faced by the Chinese legal system. Meanwhile, since its entry into force in 2009, the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2001 Convention) has been gradually approved by more and more influential States who hold various and abundant UCH items. Part two explains the UNESCO 2001 Convention as the International Cooperation Scheme for Protection of UCH. Part three examines, from the Chinese perspective, the advantages and obstacles for a State that ratifies the UNESCO 2001 Convention. There is a final conclusion that argues that through the UNESCO 2001 Convention diverse national legal protection systems of the UCH have converged into an international cooperation legal instrument. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Liu Lina, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/20/2014 Asia-Pac Session 15 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/72c7a1775b5ce69e207f884688c8ca5a.pdf 7017b35e045b8f019abdf8e676faf161 PDF Text Text The diffusion of the material culture in the early period of the trade globalization: A preliminary study on silver coins and shipwreck porcelains found in East Asia of the 16th and17th centuries Liu Miao Department of History, Xiamen University, No. 422, South Siming Road Siming District, Xiamen 361005, China Email: liumiao@xmu.edu.cn Abstract In the 16th-17th centuries, world trade patterns greatly changed. East and West entered a period of an enormous amount of sailing since the 1500s. In the East, the traditional Asian maritime trade network - which mainly relied on maritime merchants of Southeast China, was gradually restored. After the discovery of the Americas in 1492 by the Spanish kingdom of Castille, and the establishment of the Eastward passage to India by the kingdom of Portugal in the late 1400s, both Spain and Portugal arrived in AsiaPacific in the 1500s and interacted with Eastern Asia local cultures. This set up the early globalization process. The silk and porcelains from China, spices from Southeast Asia, textiles from India, and coins from Mexico and Japan, were all important materials and media in the global trade of this period. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified as both East Asian maritime vessels (including Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels in Southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese porcelains were the main cargoes in all of them. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the archaeological sites and shipwrecks of this time period. These interesting maritime archaeological materials show early panPacific trading navigation between eastern Asia and the Western world. They help reveal the early international maritime trading history between eastern Asia and the West, early European colonization in eastern Asia, and resulting issues of expanding globalization. Key words: Shipwrecks, East Asia, Kraak porcelain, Zhangzhou wares, Early globalization Introduction In the early 1500s both the Portuguese and Spanish of the Iberian kingdoms reached Southeast Asia and burst into the traditional trade network of Asia. They interacted with local cultures in East Asia and established the early global system through longdistance trading. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified in East Asian seas as both East Asian maritime vessels (e.g., Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the 1 �archaeological sites and shipwrecks of the same time. They help to reveal the early international maritime trading history between East Asia and the West. The Discovery of the Shipwrecks in East Asia Shipwrecks of this era have been investigated in southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese blue-and-white porcelains were the main cargoes. After a preliminary analysis, we can put these shipwrecks into several groups according to the time sequence.From the end of the15thcentury to the early 16thcentury, just before the advent of Europeans, the pattern of trade in East Asia had changed. The Lena Shoal wreck (Goddio et al., 2000) discovered off the Philippines, and the Brunei wreck (L’Hour, 2001), are the representative remains of this period. The porcelains from these wrecks are provincial wares of Jingdezhen, most of them belonging to the reign of Hongzhi (1488-1505). They often have decorations of lotuses, other floral designs and classic scrolls on them. The bowls and dishes are large, and many of the shapes, such as pen boxes, covered boxes and the angular ewers, hint at the Moslem market. Many of these vessels have been found in the Middle East and even in East Africa. Wares of this type have also been found all over Southeast Asia (Carswell, 2000). The next group of shipwrecks include Niushijiao shipwreck (Fujian) (Li, 2012), Panshiyu shipwreck (Xisha Archipelago) (Zhao, 2012), San Isidro shipwreck (Luzon, Philippines) (Dizon and Orillaneda, 2002), Xuande shipwreck and Singtai shipwreck (Malaysia) Fig.1 Jingdezhen Porcelain from Nan’ao No.1 (Brown, 2009). They include Chinese junks, Shipwreck. (Guangdong) vessels of Southeast Asia and also Portuguese ships. The main cargoes are provincial blue and white wares from Jingdezhen. But the dense patterning in sub-Yuan style which hints to the Islamic market begins to diverge. We can also find the early productions of Zhangzhou wares. Similar wares to those from the San Isidro Wreck also have been found in Southeast Asia, such as in the Philippines (Kamer, 1963) and Indonesia (Umarah, 1999). The chronology of these shipwrecks is around 1520s-1550s. 2 �The third group of shipwrecks include Nan’ao No. 1 Shipwreck (Guangdong) (Sun, 2012), Bei Jiao No.3 Shipwreck (Xisha Archipelago) (The Center for Underwater Archaeology of National Museum of China, 2006) and Wreck 2 of the Royal Captain Shoal (Philippines) (Goddio, 1998). Blue and white porcelains were also the main cargoes of this group of wrecks. They included the thinly potted wares made of hard, white porcelain with exquisitely drawn traditional Chinese motifs of happy propitious implications, which were produced from the late Jiajing period through the early Wanli period (Fig. 1). The style of the porcelains had already changed greatly. Certain types were already being created for the export market in Europe. A very popular kind of plate had a central naturalistic motif with decorated rim, usually flat, with an undecorated cavetto. Another noteworthy phenomenon of this time was the abundant emergence of Zhangzhou ware (Figs. 2-3). They were the main cargoes of Nan’ao No.1 Shipwreck and Wreck 2 of the Royal Captain Shoal. They are mainly the productions of Er Long kilns of Zhangzhou (Fujian Museum, 1997). This type of ware was also excavated from sites of Philippines and Indonesia. A few similar wares were found in the Manila galleon of San Felipe Figs. 2-3 Zhanzhou wares from Nan’ao No.1 (1576) (Von Der Porten, 2008). The typical Shipwreck. (Guangdong) Kraak panels were very scarce and only a few were designated early Kraak or protoKraak. The chronology of this group is around the 1560s to the 1580s. 3 �The fourth group include the vessel San Diego (Philippines, 1600) (Ongpin Valdes and Diem, 1993), the BinhThuan Shipwreck (Vietnam, 1608) (Flecker, 2004) and the Wanli Shipwreck (+1625) (Sjostrand and Syed Idrus, 2007). The San Diego vessel was a Manila galleon that sank off the coast of Nasugbu in the province of Batangas. One of the major items she carried on board was fine China, Kraak ware (Fig. 4), and also large quantities of blue Fig. 4 Kraak Porcelain from the vessel San Diego. (Philippines, 1600) Fig. 5 Kraak Porcelain from the Wanli Shipwreck. (Malaysia) and white porcelain and Zhangzhou ware, which was exported particularly to Southeast Asia. The majority of the entire remaining cargo of the BinhThuan shipwreck, which had a Chinese shipbuilding features, consisted of blue and white and over glazed enameldecorated Zhangzhou ceramics. The excavation of The Wanli Shipwreck in Malaysia's territorial waters revealed the largest quantity of Chinese Kraak porcelain which included a major cargo of some 37,000 pieces (Fig. 5). Kraak porcelain became extremely popular in the European markets. From these data we can see that the distinctive and paneled type of Kraak porcelain emerged abundantly in 1600 or so and swiftly became very popular in the first part of the 17th century. Zhangzhou wares were also produced and exported abundantly this time and much of them imitated the paneled decoration of Kraak porcelain of Jingdezhen. The date of this group should be the 1590s to the 1620s. 4 �The Destruction of the Traditional Trading System in Asia and the Early Global Trading System In the late 15th and early 16th centuries, just before the advent of the Portuguese, the trade network dominated by the Islam in the Southern Seas had been set up. With the Islamic culture spreading widely in Southeast Asia, some important Islamic regimes were established successively, such as Malacca, Saltanah Sulu, Borneo, etc. The old China was also included in the trade system. With the decline of Chinese official maritime trade, the private merchant forces began to rise. The site of Penny's Bay (Hong Kong) (Lam, 1989-1992) was an import private trade port of that time. As the representative of the Islamic culture, the fine porcelains of Jingdezhen in the middle Ming Dynasty were widely found in the sites and shipwrecks spread from East Africa to Southeast Asia. With the coming of the Portuguese and Spanish who pillaged and controlled the important trade of Southeast Asia at that time, the traditional trade system in the South Seas was completely broken. Macao and Manila (Philippines) became the important trade centers of this period. 1) In the beginning of 16th, the Portuguese conquered and took the port Goa in India and Malacca in Southeast Asia to establish presence for trade affairs. They gradually entered into the trade network in Asia. For a long time before 1557 they also took contraband trade with Chinese private maritime merchants in the islands near to the coast of southeast China, in the ports of Fujian, Guangdong and Zhejiang (Teixeira, 2000). Chinese scholars discovered the site of Shangchuan Island, Guangdong (Huang and Huang, 2010). Quite massive quantities of 16th century export ceramics were found, including some specially ordered wares for Portuguese. This verified that Shangchuan Island played an extraordinarily important role in the early Sino-Portuguese trade history during the 16th century, while the Xuande Wreck is thought to be the direct evidence of the Portuguese smuggling activities in the seas of East Asia before they settled in Macao in 1557.From the middle 16th century to the early 17th century Portuguese almost monopolized the trade routes of the Far East. After they settled in Macao in 1557 and Nagasaki in Japan in 1571, the Portuguese began their long distance and massive global trade. They took Macao as the base to carry on a triangle trade in the East Asian seas, in which China was the center. Macao rose in prosperity as it became the most important and largest 5 �commodity distributing center of Asia. Recently, a large quantity of Chinese export porcelains was excavated in Macao. Most of them are Kraak porcelain shards, including dishes and bowls with round and oval mouths, with reserved panels and protruding rims. A small number of red and green shards of bowls and boxes dating from the Zhengde and Jiajing periods which are similar to those of the samples found in Shangchuan Island. They showed the important position of Macao in the cultural exchange between East and West (Liu, 2010). There is also a large quantity of archaeological evidence along the Indian Ocean route from Goa to Europe (Sila Tripati et al., 2011; Liu et al., 2011; Castro, 2005). In 1571 Spain founded Manila City to establish rule in the Philippines and partake in Asian trade. They quickly established the trade with Chinese private merchants of Southeast China and the Manila Galleon trade route was soon prosperous. It functioned as a long distance and large-scale sea trade route connecting the Asian world with the American Continent until the early 19th century. Many Asian goods such as silks and porcelains were exported by the Spanish galleons and on the other hand, many New World goods, including Mexican silver, were brought to the Asian world. Except those from the shipwrecks of San Felipe and San Diego, the same style of blue-and-white porcelain productions from the Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou kilns were also found in the shell mounds of Indian Village sites at Drakes Bay, California (Shangraw and Von der Porten, 1981). Recently, more and more Chinese ceramics of this time were excavated from the archaeological sites of Mexico, Peru and other Latin American countries (Kuwayama, 2002). Those Chinese ceramics imported into Latin America included high quality productions from Jingdezhen. A large part of them were also pieces from Southern Chinese kilns, especially Zhangzhou ware. Chinese vessels returned from Manila always took back silver. This was clearly written in Chinese historical documents (Zhang, 2000). The profitable trade to Manila was almost dominated by the maritime merchants of South Fujian. Innumerable Mexican silver cargoes were brought into China, especially to the south of Fujian and east of Guangdong. They were once used as currency in people’s daily life in those places. A total of four hundred and twenty eight silver coins were recovered from the San Diego. Those that were cleaned were recognized as coins of Philip II (1556-1598), minted in 6 �Lima and Philip III (1598-1621), minted in Mexico City. Most of them are irregularly shaped. People think this irregularity can mostly be attributed to the last stage of their manufacture wherein the excess weight of the coins was clipped off by the assayer to maintain their standard value. This early kind of silver coin is also found abundantly in the sites of South Fujian, such as Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, Xiamen, etc. Most of them were excavated from cellars, and also a few from tombs (Quanzhou Heritage Management Committee, Quanzhou Maritime Museum, 1975; Chen and Shi, 1981; Fang, 2011; Zhang, 1988). Most of these coins are also irregularly shaped (Fig. 6), probably because they are the early type minted from the late 16th century to the first part of 17th century. We can see the design of the Cruze Florenzada on the cross and Great shield of the House of Hapsburg, Spanish coat of arms. According to the study of British numismatic experts, most of them were minted in Mexico City, and others minted in Potosi and Segovia, Spain. From these discoveries, we can often see that many of the silver coins were cut into pieces; we can also see the using traces. This verifies the historical record that they were once used as the circulation in people’s daily life. In 16th-17th centuries, with the arrival of Europeans and the large-scale intermediary trade practices they brought, East Asia was entangled into the global trade network. Chinese silk and porcelains, Southeast Asian spices, Indian textile, silver coin of Mexico and Japan, and other materials were the important goods and mediums of the global trade at that time. During this progress the style of the fine porcelains from Jingdezhen, as luxury goods, changed greatly. They used to be representative of material manufactured for the Islamic culture, but then changed to be products created for the export market of Europe, such as Kraak ware. On the other hand, the evidence from shipwrecks and other sites, for instance the lower quality products of Zhangzhou, shows they were produced mainly for the Asian market. This change implied the establishment of a new Asian trade system dominated by the Europeans. The rise of Chinese private maritime merchants Chinese ancient junk wrecks spread over the southeast coast of China and Southeast Asia. It implied the further development of Chinese maritime merchants and they were very active in maritime trade. With the opening of the Moon Port, Chinese maritime merchants could trade abroad legally. With the arrival of the Europeans, they took large7 �scale intermediary trade with Malacca, Macao, Japan, Manila, and were involved into the global trade network. They were active along Chinese waters from north of Japan to the south into Southeast Asian, playing an important role in the early global trade of the Westerners. They gradually became strong enough and changed into private armed groups. Guns and cannons are usually discovered in Chinese shipwrecks of this time, showing the conflict between private merchant groups and the government of the Ming Empire. It also shows the relationship of cooperation and competition between the Chinese merchants and the Westerners in 16th-17th centuries. At that time, the main way of trade the western colonists took was to establish bases at those ports where Chinese merchants often go and then transport the goods they shipped to the world elsewhere for profit. So both Portugal and Spain had taken active measures to attract Chinese merchants to trade. The early smuggling activities of Portugal along the coast of southeast China were carried out with the private merchants of Southeast China. During this process, Portuguese and private merchants of Southeast China, especially those of Fujian, associated more and more closely. They gradually took the place of Ryukyu and Malacca, to become the major trading powers in Asia (Ptak, 2003). After the Portuguese settled in Macao in 1557, more and more merchants from Fujian and Guangdong came and were enmeshed in the global trade. After the Spanish set up colonial rule in the Philippines, the Philippines had few goods to trade. Their supply mainly relied on Chinese businessmen. So the Spanish soon established commercial relationship with Chinese merchants, actively encouraging Chinese merchants to trade in Manila, and the number of Chinese ships sailing to Philippines grew every year. The expanding trade in Manila based on the traditional Chinese and Philippines’ commercial trade, became the real foundation of the Spanish Galleon trade. With the prosperity of overseas trade and ports along the coast of China, a series of handicraft and planting industries emerged and developed rapidly. The silk of Zhejiang, porcelains of Jingdezhen and Fujian, and even sugar and fruits were all produced and exported abundantly. Just as scholars have said, we should look at the late Ming Dynasty with the vision of globalization. At that time, China was involved in the process of economic globalization. Many European and American countries far away have been involved into the long-distance trade with China. With Chinese commodities, 8 �mainly silk and porcelain, sold throughout the world, 1/3 or 1/4 of the world silver output swarmed into China as the means of payment. Conclusions With the coming of the Westerners, the traditional trading system in Asia was destroyed, while the Europeans trade in Asia relied greatly on the cooperation with Chinese maritime merchants. It provided a broader overseas market for China along with the production and exportation of a series of handicraft industries in South China, such as silk and porcelain. So this progress also represents the rise of Chinese maritime merchants, especially those of South Fujian. In the Asian trade system dominated by Europeans, Chinese porcelain was an important good sold in Europe and in the interior of Asia. The change in decorative style and in the number of exports reflected how Europeans gradually deepened into Asian trade. Acknowledgements First of all, I am gratefully acknowledge the generous assistance and valuable information provided by Professor Chun-Ming Wu who was once my supervisor and now my colleague of Xiamen University. I would also like to extend my sincere gratitude to those underwater archaeologists especially those of China. My research on this paper based on the sources gained by their laborious task and many information and photos were provided by them. At last, special thanks go to Professor María Cruz Berrocal who kindly invited and helped me a lot for this conference. References Brown, R., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast China: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. The Siam Society under Royal Patronage: 153-158. Carswell, J., 2000. Blue & White: Chinese Porcelain around the World. British Museum Press, London: 131-134. Castro, F., 2005. The Pepper Wreck: Nossa Senora dos Martires, Lisbon, Portugal. In G.F. Bass (Ed.), Beneath the Seven Seas: Adventures with the Institute of Nautical Archaeology, Thames and Hudson Ltd, London: 148-151. Chen, P., and Shi, X., 1981. Discussion on the Spanish silver coins excavated in Fashi, Quanzhou. Maritime History Studies, Vol. 3: 113-118. 9 �Dizon, E., and Orillaneda, R., 2002. Ming Blue and Whites Found from Shipwrecks in the Philippines. In X.You (Ed.), Yuan and Ming Blue and White Wares from Jiangxi, Jointly presented by Jiangxi Provincial Museum and the Art Museum, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 218-220. Fang, Zh., 2011. Foreign coins of Ming Dynasty excavated from Yunxiao, Fujian. Collections, Vol. 7: 107. Flecker, M., 2004.The BinhThuan shipwreck archaeological report. Christie's Australia, Melbourne. Fujian Museum, 1997. Zhangzhou Kilns. Fujian People's Publishing House, Fuzhou: 6991. Goddio, F., 1998. Discovery and Archaeological Excavation of a 16th century Trading Vessel in The Philippines. Kyodo Printing Co.Inc., Manila. Goddio, F., Pierson, S., and Crick, M., 2000.Sunken Treasures: Fifteenth Century Chinese Ceramics from the Lena Cargo. Periplus Publishing London Limited, London. Huang, W., and Huang, Q., 2010. Shangchuan Island and Early Sino-Portuguese Trade in the Sixteenth Century. In P-k. Cheng (Ed.), China Westward: Early Sino-Portuguese Trade of Chinese Ceramics. Chinese Civilisation Centre, City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 59-87. Kamer Aga-oglu., 1963. Ming Porcelain from sites in the Philippines. Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, Vol. 17: 7-19. Kuwayama, G., 2002. Chinese Ceramics in Colonial Latin America. A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History of Art) in the University of Michigan. Lam, P., 1989-1992. Ceramic Finds of the Ming Period from Penny's Bay - An Addendum. JHKAS, Vol.13: 79-90. L’Hour, M., 2001. La mémoire engloutie de Brunei. Textuel, Paris. Li, J., 2012. China’s Underwater Excavations of 16th-17th centuries Chinese e Export Porcelain. In P-k. Cheng (Ed.), Proceedings of the International symposium: Chinese Export Ceramics in the 16th and 17th Centuries and the Spread of Material Civilization, Chinese Civilization Centre, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 77-80. Liu, Y., Qin, D., and Kiriama, H., 2011. The Chinese Porcelains unearthed at Gedi Ruins 10 �in Coast Province, Kenya. Wenwu, Vol. 8: 37-60 Liu, Zh., 2010. Kraak Porcelain found in Macao. In P-k. Cheng (Ed.), China Westward: Early Sino-Portuguese Trade of Chinese Ceramics. Chinese Civilisation Centre, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 13-34. Ongpin Valdes, C., and Diem, A. I., 1993.Saga of the San Diego (AD1600). National Museum, Inc., Manila. Teixeira, M., 2000. A Porcelana No Comércio Luso-Chinês. In Zh-L. Wu (Ed.), International Symposium on East-West Cultural Interflow. Macau Foundation. Macao: 209. Ptak, R., (Tr.), Zhao Dianhong, collated by Qian Jiang, 2003. The Fujianese, Ryukyuans and Portuguese (c. 1511 to 1540s): Allies or Competitors. Jinan historiography, Vol. 2: 319-335. Quanzhou Heritage Management Committee, Quanzhou Maritime Museum, 1975. Five batch of foreign coins unearthed from Quanzhou, Fujian. Kaogu, Vol. 6: 352-379. Shangraw, Clarence., and Von der Porten, E., 1981. The Drake and Cermeño Expeditions’Chinese Porcelains at Drake’s Bay, California, 1579 and 1595. Santa Rosa Junior college and Drake Navigator Guild, California. Sila Tripati., Pande, R., Rao, V. G., 2011. Study of Chinese Porcelain sherds of Old Goa, Indicators of Trade Contacts. Man Environment, Vol. 36 (2): 107-116. Sten Sjostrand and Sharipah Lok Lok Syed Idrus., 2007. The Wanli Shipwreck and its Ceramic Cargo. Department of Museums, Malaysia. Sun, J., 2012. The Nan’ao No.1 Shipwreck of the Ming Dynasty in Guangdong Province and the Overseas Maritime Trade in Southeastern China. In Ch Wu (Ed.), Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas surrounding China. Science Press, Beijing: 155-169. The Center for Underwater Archaeology of National Museum of China, 2006.The Discoveries of Underwater Archaeological Investigations in Xisha Islands (1998~1999). Science Press, Beijing: 150-185. Umarah, A., 1999. Zhangzhou (Swatow) Ceramics: Sixteenth to Seventeenth Centuries Found in Indonesia. The Ceramic Society of Indonesia, Jakarta: 42. Von Der Porten, E., 2008. Identifying the Sixteenth century Ship on a Beach in Baja 11 �California. San Francisco. Zhang Xie ( 张 燮 ), 2000. Dongxiyangkao ( 东 西 洋 考 ) (Study on China and West). Zhonghuashuju, Beijing: 132. Zhang, Zh., 1988. Foreign silver coins unearthed from Dongshan, Fujian. China Numismatics, Vol. 3: 74. Zhao, J., 2012. The new discovery of underwater archaeological investigations in Xisha islands in 2009-2010. In Ch. Wu (Ed.), Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas Surrounding China. Science Press, Beijing: 176-178. Miao Liu (b. 1976) working as an associate Professor of Department of History, College of Humanities, Xiamen University and mainly engages in the research of Maritime Archaeology and Chinese export porcelain. She leads the project “Chinese Export Porcelain and the Maritime Culture” awarded by Chinese National Social Science Foundation. She is the member of the Editorial Board “The Shipwrecks Archaeology Report of Dinghai Bay, Fujian” (Science Press, Beijing: 2011) and published “The export of Chinese porcelains under the ban of maritime trade policy in the early Ming Dynasty” (Kaogu, 2012). “The Islamic Cultural Factors of the Blue-and-White Porcelains in the Early Ming Dynasty” (Journal of Xiamen University Arts Social Sciences, 2008), etc. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The diffusion of the material culture in the early period of the trade globalization: A preliminary study on silver coins and shipwreck porcelains found in East Asia of the 16th and17th centuries Description An account of the resource In the 16th-17th centuries, world trade patterns greatly changed. East and West entered a period of an enormous amount of sailing since the 1500s. In the East, the traditional Asian maritime trade network - which mainly relied on maritime merchants of Southeast China, was gradually restored. After the discovery of the Americas in 1492 by the Spanish kingdom of Castille, and the establishment of the Eastward passage to India by the kingdom of Portugal in the late 1400s, both Spain and Portugal arrived in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s and interacted with Eastern Asia local cultures. This set up the early globalization process. The silk and porcelains from China, spices from Southeast Asia, textiles from India, and coins from Mexico and Japan, were all important materials and media in the global trade of this period. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified as both East Asian maritime vessels (including Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels in Southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese porcelains were the main cargoes in all of them. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the archaeological sites and shipwrecks of this time period. These interesting maritime archaeological materials show early pan-Pacific trading navigation between eastern Asia and the Western world. They help reveal the early international maritime trading history between eastern Asia and the West, early European colonization in eastern Asia, and resulting issues of expanding globalization. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Liu Miao, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a5abc9ca81b4ad21cb6e9d761268bd5b.pdf 14e82aadf2c299c3d4c2e718fa36c821 PDF Text Text Trade in Ceramics on Guam in the Wake of the Manila Galleon Lon E. Bulgrin Archaeologist/Cultural Resources Manager Navy Base Guam Abstract Various colonial factors led to the Mariana Islands being one of the most economically isolated areas of the Pacific from the late 17th century until the late 18th century. This isolation is reflected in the dearth of artifacts of European and Asian origin in the archaeological record. Starting in the late 18th century rules on public trade were relaxed and outside goods became more readily available in the Marianas, if still uncommon. This paper considers the ceramic collection from the Rosario House located in Hagatna, Guam. The Rosario House has the largest data set of imported Euro-American and Asian historical artifacts that has been discovered in the Mariana Islands to date. The collection is dominated by Provincial Chinese porcelains and stonewares but also includes a sample of refined European earthenwares. Key words: Guam, Pacific Islands, Manila Galleon, Ceramics Introduction The Mariana Islands are some of the most geographically isolated islands in the Western Pacific. They lie on the western periphery of Oceania, located approximately 1200 miles southeast of Japan and 1500 miles east of the Philippines (Fig. 1). Spanish colonial policies of the late 17th century further isolated the Chamorro people of the Marianas from other indigenous polities in the Pacific. This solitude and segregation from the rest of Oceania would last through the late 19th century. This isolation extended to economic exchange even as they acted as a key nexus in the Manila Galleon trade. This paper will examine Guam’s place in world trade �at the end of the Manila Galleon trade through archaeologically recovered ceramics. Fig. 1: Map of the Mariana Islands. (Mike Carson) Historic Background Guam was the first landfall in the Pacific of an occupied island by Magellan and his exhausted scurvy-ridden crew in his quest to reach the Spice Islands. When Magellan and his crew made anchor on Guam on that first long trek across the Pacific they felt both saved and threatened in the initial lifesaving exchanges of food and water that were made with indigenous Chamorro inhabitants. The day after contact Magellan’s men launched an assault on a Chamorro village and burnt most of it down in the course of recovering a ships boat needed to sound future anchorages. Yet, at the same time that these Europeans were conducting a raid against one Chamorro village they were busy trading for fresh food and water with others. This ambiguity involving violence continued through the early Manila Galleon trade (Rogers 1995; Giraldez 2015). �For the next 150 years or so, the Mariana Islands were common stopping places on the southern leg of the Manila Galleon route to take on water, fruit, and fresh food. Trade was done at a distance with laughing Chamorros making sea-borne trades of rice and other victuals that often turned out to mostly consist of baskets of rocks and sand or coconut oil heavily diluted with seawater (Pigafetta 1521 and Legaspi 1564 in Barratt 2003: 56 and 61-62). The Chamorros had to maintain a safe distance from the Spanish ships or they might them find themselves impressed as involuntary translators for future voyages or worse yet working the pumps all the way to Manila in the stinking, over heated bilges of leaking galleons (Giraldez 2015:49). The Spanish mission and the colonization that rapidly followed in the Marianas were directly related to the glimpses of the islands from the passing galleons that inflamed the imaginations of various churchmen who saw them as fertile fields for the harvest of souls (Driver 1989). The Spanish crown showed initially little interest in acquiring a string of tiny islands without spice, textile, or mineral resources. Zealous religious first jumped ship to convert the Chamorro. After a campaign conducted by the politically connected Father San Vittores a Jesuit mission was established (McDonough 2004; Coomans 1997). The Marianas mission rapidly found itself embroiled in cultural and political conflict with local power structures and called for protection from the Crown (Lesveque 1995; Levesque 1996). However, the military companies sent for their protection were “like a rich armor worn in heat of day that scalds with safety” (Shakespeare Henry IV PtII.). The churchmen spent much of the next century or so complaining about the character and behavior of the troops and their captains. Still without the military presence the Catholic Church would have been unable to further their mission of conversion. The Spanish �controlled islands became safe harbors for galleons battered by typhoons or just poorly captained or incompetently crewed in the Acapulco crossing. These islands were also a welcome stop to take on fresh fruit and vegetables during the Manila crossing. Prior to European Contact the Chamorro people had maintained limited trading contact and social ties with the Caroline Island groups of Chuuk and Yap to the south and with the Philippines to the west (Farrell 2011:211; Quimby 2011). The punctuated natures of these trade ties are reflected in the sparse evidence of long distance trade in the archaeological record. Linguistic and historic accounts have been interpreted to represent a limited trade in iron with the Philippines (Quimby 2011) and perhaps iron fragments discovered at the Obyan latte site (Spoehr 1957) on Saipan may reflect a Pre-Contact trade in iron. Ethnohistoric evidence and historical accounts of the Carolinian contacts with the Marianas, however, are clear on the trade and interaction. The descendents of migrants from the outer islands of Yap and Chuuk make up a small but significant population of the Northern Mariana Islands and their relatives still visit Saipan using the traditional navigation chants to guide their way. At some time in the late 17th century the navigation routes disseminated and controlled by chants between the islands to the south to Guam were magically closed by the master navigators of the Carolines in response to stories of Spanish cruelty related by Guam Chamorros (Smith 2003:79; Farrell 2011:211). The Marianas were now isolated from their traditional Pacific trade partners. By the early 19th century Spanish policies of isolation, the Catholic mission, and the relentless hammering taken by the Chamorro people from introduced European and Asian diseases had eliminated the limited ties that once had bound them with their neighbors in the Pacific (Farrell �2011). The Spanish mission in the Marianas concentrated not only on the introduction of the Catholic faith but also inculcation and enforcement of European social and gender roles (Russell 1998). A primary goal was to eliminate the animistic beliefs and ancestor worship of the Chamorro. To this end, indigenous songs, dances, and oral histories were actively discouraged by the Jesuit Fathers. Indigenous knowledge systems that did not explicitly find favor with the Church rapidly eroded. Proprietary knowledge of all kinds was made vulnerable by the need to limit transmission to chosen heirs, the association with non-Catholic ancestors, and the unpredictable appearances of diseases that swept away the living repositories. Seafaring and navigational knowledge and expertise were heavily impacted by this social revolution. A people capable of making rapid voyages up and down the Marianas chain and of delivering passengers from Guam to Manila in 4 to 6 days as late as 1704 were barely capable of sailing beyond the northern tip of Guam by 1819 (Freycinet 2003, Originally 1827). The Spanish were interested in maintaining this isolation for geo-political as well as religious reasons, primarily to deny access to rival European powers. The Marianas were an important stop off point for the Manila galleons making their voyages between Manila and Acapulco, carrying New World silver in exchange for the spices, silks, and gold of Asia. The Pacific route of the galleons was composed of extremely empty distances with very few points where fresh water and food could be brought on board. The galleon routes could be approached by pirates from only a few points and the Spanish wanted to limit this. Denying access to the Marianas was a way to keep English and Dutch at bay. Accordingly the Spanish crown did not allow trade with foreign nationals in the Marianas. They maintained their own garrison and mission on Guam with an annual �situado or subsidy (Farrell 2011:192) that arrived on a very irregular basis. A series of venal governors usually managed to reacquire the majority or entirety of this subsidy before they were recalled, actively cheating their troops as well as the local subjects. The economies on the inhabited islands of Guam, Rota, and Saipan were subsistence based with limited internal trade and no outside trade to speak of. Local people saw little to no benefit from the galleon trade or the government (Rogers 1995). After the political unrest and revolutions in South and Central America starting in 1808, the Spanish money making machine, trading silver mined by encomienda labor in the New World for Asian gold and goods in the Philippines totally broke down (Giraldez 2015). The structural position of the Mariana Islands changed for the Spanish crown. No longer were the islands an essential supply stop and defensive shield for the Manila galleons located within a “Spanish lake”. Now they were at the ends of the earth, just beyond the Philippines, and a fiscal drain. Accordingly, the yearly situado, of New World silver, that provided payment for the Mission and the garrison was radically reduced (Rodgers 1995:93). Economically, changes had already been made in the trade policy in the Marianas before the revolutions. Governor Cerain, 1776-1786, had issued a proclamation allowing both internal trade as well as trade with passing ships. This was due to a deteriorating economy and the increase of foreign whaling vessels in the Pacific. The 19th century saw a slow opening and reintegration of the Marianas with the rest of the world. The Pacific whaling fleet composed primarily of U.S. and British vessels consistently wintered a few ships at Guam and Saipan. Sailors came ashore looking for leisure, fresh food, liquor and companionship, not necessarily in that order. The 19th century also saw a reappearance of Carolinians in the Marianas. The chief and master- �navigator Aghurubw reopened the navigational ways to the Marianas and led a fleet of canoes of Carolinean families north (Driver and Brunal-Perry 1996; Smith 2003). settle on Saipan. The governor of Guam gave them permission to More canoes would come north in the continuing decades and would help to spur interisland trade. The Marianas remained underdeveloped with land ownership becoming more concentrated in the hands of the Church and elite families (Rogers 1995:75). Many of the smaller landholding families slipped into debt peonage (Rogers 1995). During the stay over on Saipan and Guam, many whalers lodged with local families and presumably paid primarily in goods for room and board. The annual supply ship from the Philippines usually also wintered in the Marianas until the trade winds were steady. Some wealthy families also contracted with visiting ships to provide provisions. Providing fresh foods and salt meats would have required large land holdings so presumably only those families with significant crown grants would have been major players in the trade (Madrid 2006:14). Regardless of the participants this trade would have decreased, as the whaling fleets declined, through the mid to late 19th century (Rogers 1995:105). The lives of average Chamorro families were not much affected by these economic changes. They continued in their yearly rounds of religious festivals. They conducted small scale agriculture, fished and hunted, collected wild foods, and practiced limited animal husbandry. Most Chamorros retained two residences under the Spanish. During the week they lived on small farms called lancho and returned to their formal residence on the weekend to attend religious services (Madrid 2006:8; Rogers 1995). In 1898 the United States seized Guam during the Spanish American War. Following its defeat Spain sold the remainder of the archipelago, the �Northern Mariana Islands, to Germany. Japan seized the Northern Marianas from Germany in 1914 during World War I and Guam from the U.S, in 1941during World War II. The United States took Saipan, Tinian, and Guam in amphibious assaults in 1944 and retained the entire archipelago after WWII (Rogers 1995). Historical Archaeology and Rosario House Historical archaeological investigations into the Spanish Period in the Marianas have been limited. Almost all investigations have focused on the island of Guam where the vast majority of the population, the Catholic Mission, and colonial government were located. There are two principle challenges in conducting historical archaeology in the Mariana Islands. The first is the paucity of identifiable historic artifacts and the second is the direct involvement of the island chain in the ground combat of World War II. The paucity of identifiable historic artifacts is rooted in two separate factors. The primary factor is the economic isolation of the archipelago previously discussed. The second is the hostile preservation conditions. High heat and humidity, acidic soils and high levels of salt combined with termites, mildew, and periodic typhoons, rapidly decay most materials including metal. The effects of WWII can not be overemphasized in the historic archaeology of the Marianas. The majority of Saipan and Tinian and a significant portion of Guam were subjected to naval and aerial �bombardment and combat ground operations. More importantly, post battle cleanup and the WWII logistical buildup subjected huge portions of the islands to the not so tender mercy of the Seabees, who never did anything with hand tools when it could be done mechanically. Their “Can Do” spirit was a war winning attitude but it wreaked havoc on the archaeological sites of the Marianas. This damage was particularly acute because of the aforementioned lancho residence system. The three largest towns and commercial centers on Guam; Hagatna, Sumay, and Agat were destroyed and built over, as was Garapan, the largest town on Saipan. In the case of Hagatna significant portions were bulldozed into the sea to create additional land. Garapan also suffered extreme earthmoving. These actions eliminated most of the formal residences in the Marianas where imported materials were present for archaeologists to study. Asian and European artifacts have been discovered at former lancho sites but they are not common finds and they are present in low densities. The Rosario House (Fig. 2) is one of the few surviving Pre-WWII buildings and intact archaeological sites remaining in Hagatna on Guam. The site was investigated by archaeologists from Micronesian Archaeological Research Services in 1988 (Moore et.al. 1993). The largest historic ceramic collection discovered in the Marianas was recovered from these excavations. In 2009 the Guam Preservation Trust funded the cataloging of this important collection (Bulgrin 2010). �Fig. 2: The Rosario House. (Guam Preservation Trust) Stratigraphical interpretation of the excavations at the Rosario House indicates historical processes that caused disturbance and soil mixing in the areas tested. A leaching field and potential excavation for garbage disposal appear to have mixed PreContact and historical deposits. Laboratory analyses agreed with these interpretations. Uncertain contexts have limited chronological interpretations so the collection needs to be addressed as a totality. The Rosario House Ceramic Collection A large variety of European and Asian ceramics were recovered from the initial testing at the Rosario House. The vast majority of the ceramics dated from the late 18th century to the late 19th century. European ceramics made up 24% of the Rosario House collection and were dominated by wares manufactured in the United Kingdom. This is no surprise given the English domination of ceramic production at that time (Tames 1995:39). Asian ceramics present at Rosario House were manufactured in both China and Japan. The Chinese ceramics, porcelain and stoneware, composed 71% of the collection and tended to cluster in the late 18th to mid-19th century. Japanese porcelain and stoneware made �up the remaining 5% of the collection and dated from the late 19th century to the 20th century. Fig. 3: European Ceramics. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) European ceramics (Fig. 3) are uncommon finds on historic sites in the Marianas and the Rosario House is unique in the quantity and richness of their discovery. European refined earthen wares present were produced for food service or hygienic purposes. The more utilitarian earthenwares of the time produced for food preparation and storage such as yellow ware, Rockingham glazed yellow wares, and annular whitewares were present but in very low numbers. Decorated refined earthenwares predominated. Creamwares, pearlwares, whitewares, and a very few semi-porcelain sherds were recovered. The only wares that were not decorated were the creamwares and a single tin glazed earthenware sherd. These are presumably some of the earliest European ceramic type introduced into the Marianas (other than a very few majolica vessels, none of which were discovered at the Rosario House). Decoration ranges from inexpensive shell edged wares �and sponge stamped wares to transfer prints. Transferprints were recovered in all colors produced, but blue was the most common. Plates and large serving or hygienic vessels predominated as vessel forms with cups and bowls making up the majority of the rest of the collection. Unusual vessel types include an open vegetable dish, a chamber pot or spittoon, a child’s chamber pot, a possible candlestick and a teapot. Importantly, none of the recovered ceramics matched any other within the collection and it appears that they were acquired individually. Two unusual finds include a copper luster sherd and a fragment of an animal figurine. Chinese porcelains and stonewares made up by far the largest proportion of the ceramics collected from excavations at Rosario House. This study does not address the large quantity of utilitarian stoneware recovered at the site. Asian stoneware jars of various makes and national origins were ubiquitous in trade within Southeast Asia and the Manila Galleons, being the shipping containers of their day. Almost all of the Chinese porcelain (Fig. 4) present was of the type commonly referred to as Provincial ware whose production was centered in Fujian province (Macintosh 1977; Sheaf and Kilburn 1988). These wares were produced for Asian tastes rather than European and are of a different quality and aesthetic to the porcelain exported to the West. Porcelain bodies were a uniform light grey. Glazes ranged from pale blue through pale grey for most sherds. More unusual glaze tints included pale greenish grey and pale cream colored. Most vessels were decorated with blue underglaze handpainting but there are examples of underglaze block printing and overglaze hand painting as well. Unglazed rings on both the interior and exterior are another common technique present. Unglazed footrings and sand adhesions are also common. Several sherds were �clearly of inferior production runs as they appeared to be over oxidized perhaps due to an early opening of the kiln. Fig. 4: Chinese Porcelain. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) A small number of porcelain sherds were clearly produced for the European export trade based on quality, form, and painting style. One sherd has characteristics of early 19th century English porcelain and another higher quality painted sherd has an Empire Shape lobed body (Berthoud 1990:105). Many porcelain sherds from Rosario House are identical to ceramics recovered from the wreck of the Junk Tek Sing that sank in 1822 (Pickford and Hatcher 2000). These include motifs such as stylized peach sprays, stylized Sanskrit printing, floral sprays, and lingzhi fungus and flower heads within a spiral or bloom. Koh (2013) has identified the majority of the porcelain from the Tek Sing as Dehua Blue and White. Dehua blue and white porcelains were a lesser quality ware that was principally marketed to Southeast Asia. Koh (2013) has also proposed that the Tek Sing cargo serves as a reference collection for the late �Qianlong/Daoguang period (late 18th century – 1850). Nevertheless, the variety of glazes present and different painting techniques and quality among the porcelain collection make it unlikely that all of the collection is the product of the Dehua kilns. Porcelain vessel types are overwhelmingly for food service, predominantly bowls and cups. The general impression from working with the collection is that sets of bowls and cups are present at the site but this can not be stated with certainty due to the small size of most of the sherds recovered and the few cross mends that could be made. A number of sherds from small plates with a dark blue edge with lotus blossoms was found in two of the excavation units and were almost certainly a set. Similar decorated plates are dated from 1825-1850 (Mudge 1986:182). Block printed “debased Sanskrit” pattern bowls are another possible set present in the assemblage. The availability of these as sets is reinforced by block printed “Sanskrit” bowl sherds recovered from excavations at the Governor’s palace at Hagatna (Schuetz 2007:139). Fig. 5: Chinese Stoneware. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) �Chinese stoneware (Fig. 5) makes up a small proportion of the Rosario House collection. Two distinct types are present in the collection. The first type has a buff body and cream colored glaze. Decoration consists of crimson overglaze painting. The second type has a body varying from grey to pale buff to pinkish buff, glazes ranging from pale greyish blue to cream, and underglaze blue painting. The ceramic collection from Rosario House seems to be a direct reflection of economic opportunities for an elite family on Guam. The earliest architectural remains at Rosario House date to approximately 1750 but there are no imported artifacts from that period. Upon legalization of private trade, foreign artifacts immediately appeared but in low quantities. With the advent of the whalers quantities increase and more varied goods are available. European ceramics appear to be individually acquired and may reflect lodging and board transactions for whaling crews. Chinese ceramics are available in greater quantity and possibly in sets. However, the porcelain’s quality is low and lower quality stoneware copies are sometimes substituted for porcelain vessels. Provincial porcelain is difficult to date, particularly as fragmented as it is in the Rosario House collection. However, the porcelain recovered from the Rosario House site is extremely similar in style to the cargo recovered from the Tek Sing wreck of 1822 (Pickford and Hatcher 2000). Logically the porcelain at both location dates to approximately the same date. Given that cargoes may have been assembled over time from wares in storage a time frame of the late 18th century – 1830s seems appropriate for the porcelain. Ceramics at Rosario House dating to the late 19th century and early 20th century are almost entirely Japanese stenciled porcelains. Two different ceramic types, Chinese Provisional porcelain and English refined earthenwares are predominant in the Rosario House collection. �Clearly these ceramics were manufactured in two different areas of the world under very different conditions and their distribution in tandem is unlikely. It is also interesting that European ceramics appear to have been acquired singly while Chinese ceramics were available in sets or small lots of similar decoration. These patterns indicate two different streams of availability. It is likely that the European ceramics were acquired in serial transactions with Euro-American sailors as payments for lodging, meals, or commodities such as dried meat, coffee or tobacco, that were locally available. Whaling ships may have carried ceramics as part of a suite of trade goods to reprovision and refit ships over the whaling voyage. It is possible that crews were able to draw from these against future wages for their needs or they may have brought their own trade goods in their sea chests against future need. Chinese porcelain availability in sets (Fig. 6) indicates a different kind and direction of trade. These were available for trade or purchase in bulk, if not necessarily on a regular basis. Provincial porcelain was produced for and marketed to the Southeast Asian market. It is unlikely that whaling ships would have chosen to load these ceramics in bulk at their home ports in New England or the United Kingdom when cheaper industrially produced English earthenwares were available. It is also unlikely that these ceramics are tied to the Manila Galleon. These porcelains would have been readily available in Manila but in order to be transported to Guam via the galleon trade they would have had to be trans-shipped through Acapulco and back to Guam. This is an unlikely scenario as separate taxes and fees would have had to be paid and the ceramics could have already been sold for a substantial profit in Mexico. In addition, the bulk of the Provincial porcelain in the Rosario collection postdates the �Manila Galleon. Therefore, it appears that these ceramics were being shipped directly from the Philippines to Guam, most likely by the annual supply ship or mail schooners. It is ironic that the demise of the galleon trade actually led to an increased availability of consumer goods on Guam. It is not clear whether this was speculative trade or orders put in by local consumers or retailers for delivery. Fig. 6: Porcelain Patterns. (Adapted from Bulgrin 2010) Conclusion Several preliminary conclusions on consumer choice can be made for the family that lived at the Rosario House given the caveats of limited sample size. The first is that the end of the galleon trade and the political turmoil of the South and Central American revolutions expanded the availability of foreign commodities on Guam. This supposes that other non-preserved commodities such as fabric that presumably made up the bulk of trade followed the pattern for ceramics. The second is that options on the products available were still limited. Large serving bowls and other serving vessels, and hygienic vessels such as ewers and basins and chamber �pots were probably only available when European or American ships were in port. This hypothesized punctuated availability likely extended to other commodities as well. Rarity and inherent fragility possibly indicate use of these vessels primarily for display and prestige purposes. In the case of imported ceramics, there was a preference for food service vessels such as cups, bowls and plates, over utilitarian vessels such as pans, mixing bowls, bottles, and jars. Presumably food storage and preparation functions were being taken up by more durable though heavier stonewares. In the case of European ceramics, there was a preference for decorated wares and this continued over time. This is in contrast to the general trend by European manufacturers of producing plainer, whiter vessels such as molded ironstones. There was also a preference for blue decorated wares over other colors. Finally, even when broken, imported ceramics retained some value as there are multiple examples of broken sherds rechipped into circular gaming or tally pieces. Hopefully, more archaeological testing will be conducted at the Rosario House in conjunction with planned rehabilitation and these hypotheses can be tested with additional data. (Please note that this research was conducted privately by the author under Guam Preservation Trust Grant GPTG-08-01 and does not represent the opinion or the policy of the U.S. Navy) References Barratt, G., 2003 The Chamorros of the Marianas Islands, Early European Records, 1521-1721. Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 10, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. Berthoud, M.,1990 A Compendium of British Cups. Micawber Publications: Shropshire. �Bulgrin, L., 2010 Catalog of the Non-Utilitarian Ceramics from the Rosario House Site, Hagatña, Guam. Report prepared under Guam Preservation Trust Grant GPTG-08-01 Coomans, P., 2000 1667-1673. History of the Mission in the Marianas Islands, Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 4, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. Driver, M., 1989 Fray Juan Pobre in the Marianas, 1602. Richard Flores Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam: Mangilao. Driver, M. and O. Brunal-Perry (eds), 1996 Carolinians in the Mariana Islands. Richard Flores Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam: Mangilao. Farrell, D., 2011 History of the Mariana Islands To Partition. Public School System, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Saipan. Freycinet, L., 2003 An Account of the Corvette L’Uranie’s Sojourn at the Mariana Islands, 1819. Translated by Glynn Barratt, Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 13, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. Giraldez, A., 2015 The Age of Trade: The Manila Galleons and the Dawn of the Global Economy. Rowman and Littlefield: Lanham,MD. Koh, N.K., 2013 Dehua Blue and White. Retrieved June 26, 2017, from http://kohantique.com/Dehua/dehua_blue_and_white.htm Levesque, R. (ed), 1995 History of Micronesia: Vol. 6 Revolts in the Marianas. Les Editions Levesque: Quebec. Levesque, R. (ed), 1996 History of Micronesia: Vol. 7: More Turmoil in the Marianas. Les Editions Levesque: Quebec. Macintosh, D., 1977 Charles Ltd: London. Chinese Blue and White Porcelain. David and �Madrid, C., 2006 Beyond Distances: Governance, Politics and Deportation in the Mariana Islands from 1870 to 1877. Northern Marianas Council for Humanities, Saipan. McDonough, J. A. S.J. (ed), 2004 The Life and Martyrdom of Diego Luis De San Vitores, S.J. MARC Monograph Series No. 3, Richard Flores Taitano Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam: Mangilao. Moore, D., J. Amesbury, R. Hunter-Anderson, and E. Wells, 1993 Archaeological Excavations at Rosario House, Agana, Guam. Report prepared for Tanaguchi-Ruth-Smith and Associates. Micronesian Archaeological Research Services: Mangilao Mudge, J., 1986 Chinese Export Porcelain in North America. Clarkson N. Potter Inc,: New York. Pickford, N. and M. Hatcher, 2000 The Legacy of the Tek Sing. Granta Editions: Cambridge. Quimby, F., 2011 The Hierro Commerce: Culture Contact, Appropriation and Colonial Entanglement in the Marianas, 1521–1668. Journal of Pacific History, Vol. 46, No. 1. Rogers, R., 1995 of Hawai’i: Honolulu. Destiny’s Landfall: A History of Guam. University Russell, S., 1998 Tiempon I Manmofo’na: Ancient Chamorro Culture and History of the Northern Mariana Islands. Micronesian Archaeological Survey No.32, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation: Saipan. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade in Ceramics on Guam in the Wake of the Manila Galleon Description An account of the resource Various colonial factors led to the Mariana Islands being one of the most economically isolated areas of the Pacific from the late 17th century until the late 18th century. This isolation is reflected in the dearth of artifacts of European and Asian origin in the archaeological record. Starting in the late 18th century rules on public trade were relaxed and outside goods became more readily available in the Marianas, if still uncommon. This paper considers the ceramic collection from the Rosario House located in Hagatna, Guam. The Rosario House has the largest data set of imported Euro-American and Asian historical artifacts that has been discovered in the Mariana Islands to date. The collection is dominated by Provincial Chinese porcelains and stonewares but also includes a sample of refined European earthenwares. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Lon E. Bulgrin Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Lon E. Bulgrin Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/3ceb07a24f543cc8b5b46ce8dd13002b.pdf 2d99555f3dc1582d9d23aceaa929545d PDF Text Text Hollowing out the canoe: a reflection of the society Luz Elena G. Cervantes Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (ENAH) Distrito Federal, Mexico, 04360 Mexico E-mail: luz_elena_c@hotmail.com Abstract The dugout canoe is an important element in a lot of maritime societies all over the world. It’s not only a small boat made by hollowing a tree with particular characteristics, but it is the reflection of the society in which the canoe was made. A canoe represents the interaction of ideology, tradition, economics and purpose, as well as environment and material resources. Mexico is no exception; the canoe was the best aquatic transport in pre-Hispanic communities, both for coastal and inland waters. So, the canoe can bring us a lot of archaeological information about pre-Hispanic cultures, its traditions and its environment. It is impossible to access the social explanation of the canoe if we are not able to describe it formally. So, a registration strategy will give us the possibility to store data for a social explanation of the boat. In addition, using this strategy, it is possible to accumulate general and specific data from which it can be proposed a typology of dugout vessels. This research is a step forward of a typology proposal for dugout canoes in Mexico, which aims to grow as more canoes are found, both in archaeological contexts and inside public and private institutions, museums and private collections. Key words: Americas, dugout, ethnography, methodology, Mexico, nautical 1 �Introduction The presence of water bodies as part of the ancestors life, made them to develop ways to take advantage of these resources. They needed a transport that allowed them to travel through the water. In most of the maritime communities, the canoe was the aquatic transport by excellence, for both, coastal and inland waters. This is the case in many of the pre-Hispanic communities in Mexico. Usage of the dugout canoe, the one made by hollowing out a single wooden trunk, has great importance in pre-Hispanic societies, as it is reflected on written and pictorial sources of information, as well as the preservation of several specimens found in actual communities. Therefore, the canoe could provide us with much archaeological information about pre-Hispanic cultures, as well as of their traditions and environments. How can the canoe be the reflection of the society in which it was built? The dugout canoe is an important element for maritime societies all over the world. It’s not only a small boat made by hollowing a tree with particular characteristics, but it is the reflection of the society in which the canoe was made. For this, Adams (2001) mentioned that the manufacturing process observed in each canoe, reflects the complex social activity around this. The boats can be seen as a manifestation of the maritime needs and aspirations of society, this is achieved by considering the characteristics that represents the interaction of ideology, tradition, economics, purpose, environment and material resources, which are reflected in the shape, structure, appearance and use of each vessel.  In terms of ideology and tradition, Adams notes that on the boat you can see a set of ideas about what ships mean for society, the importance they have and how they should be designed and constructed. That's why they have their own characteristics in terms of the design parameters and the ways in which they carry out various aspects of construction. In this work, despite failing to fully understand the tradition of a canoe, due to the scarce archaeological information about dugout canoes in Mexico, it can be observed similarities and differences in the physical properties of these vessels, which helps us to infer periods and 2 �geographic regions in which the canoes were built. It is like this how we can identify "types" of boats and with these, building traditions.  The economy, understood in terms of manpower and wealth can be reflected in the construction of vessels, both in size and materials used, and specific characteristics of the boat. These features have a close relationship with the material resources and with the purpose.  The purpose, understood as the function of the boat, is also observable in the physical characteristics of the vessel. The canoe has multiple functions in the indigenous life: transportation (of people, goods, materials, and ideas), resource exploitation (hunting and fishing), ceremonies, rituals and military confrontations.  Regarding the environment for which the boat is manufactured, it is reflected in the dimensional characteristics of the vessel, as if a boat is built for lakes or protected coasts, you will not need the same properties of stability and robustness that you need for a boat built for open water. Similarly, the canoe has architectural features which are defined by the place for navigation.  Finally, material resources, both natural and manufactured. This means that the available resources in part determine the size of the vessels, and also provide properties relating to the buoyancy and shipload capacity. That is how the material resources maintain their close relationship with the purpose of the boat. Similarly, manufactured material resources (such as tools) define some specific manufacturing features of the canoe; it is another feature that can provide us with information about timing and place of construction. It is impossible to access the social explanation of the canoe if we are not able to describe it formally. So, a registration strategy will give us the possibility to store data for social explanation of the boat. In addition, registration under this strategy, it is possible the accumulation of general and specific data, from which it can be proposed a typology of dugout vessels. How to approach the canoe? There are some specific problems in Mexica n archaeology which has resulted in an underdeveloped study of the canoes. A common problem has been to consider the canoe as a perishable material, and other important issue has been the inability to 3 �recognize the different objects frequently found in archaeological contexts. Because of this, it is very difficult to study the dugout canoe from an archaeological approach. While the lack of specific studies can be explained from the apparent absence of materials in archaeological contexts, there are different strategies with which to have a closer knowledge about the manufacture of canoes of indigenous tradition and with this, try to give a social explanation around the canoe. In addition to the ethnography and the study of written sources, you can use the direct study of dugout canoes located in museums, institutions and private collections, from which to obtain information about their manufacturing. Also, with this strategy, a classification can be developed based on the specific construction elements of each canoe, generating increasingly complex types. This is why apart of this strategy, a recording methodology which allows us to formally describe the canoe and recognize both their manufacturing characteristics, including structural elements, and the way it was manufactured, is proposed. This methodology is divided into four stages: A) The first is to fill a description and identification form of each canoe. These forms were made in the context of the methodology proposal described here. The information recorded in the files is as follows:  Identification canoe information.  Type of vessel.  Traditional Name.  Information on who performs the registration  Registered date.  Identification of photographs and drawings.  Location (institution or individual custody, responsible and place of origin)  General measures (Length, Width and Depth)  Building materials.  General method of construction.  Number of stems. 4 � Nailing.  Diameter of the wick stick (sail propulsion)  Evidence of manufacture.  Evidence of construction elements.  Evidence of propulsion.  Decoration.  Repairs. Fig. 1 Axes for the Topographic survey, based on the  State of preservation. Anderson’s lines. Author: Luz Cervantes  General Sketch. B) The second step is to make a record as detailed as topographical surveys. That is, sampling point is done from calculated measurements from three axes (X, Y and Z), which, together, make a three-dimensional model of the canoe. The distribution of these axes is based on survey lines of Anderson (1988): Water lines, which are horizontally distributed along the canoe, parallel to the water or flotation line; Buttock lines, which are distributed vertically along the canoe, parallel to the major axis, and Sections which intersect the canoe perpendicular to the major axis or length. (Fig. 1) This data is stored in registration forms to have a good control and management. C) The third step is to perform a specific photographic record, with which the previous information will be complemented. For the photographic record the following strategy is proposed. It is important to place a scale, the orientation of the canoe relative to the bow or the stern and an identification chalkboard. Obviously, if the boat is into an excavation context, in addition to the guidance on the bow and stern, it must be indicate the orientation from north. The scale is needed to show the size of the canoe. The orientation fits to better locate the features described in relation to the archived images. And the board is the best resource for material identification; here it is included information of where the canoe is located, the date on which it was registered, the person who registered, and identification number of the piece. 5 �The strategy for the photographic record consists in how to take the photos. This has been done in two phases. The first consists in photographs of general views, which is to archive the shape and size of the boat. The second includes specific detail views to note building elements, decorations, manufacturing marks and repairs, if they exist. For the first phase of the photographic record, the following photographs are proposed (Fig. 2): Fig.2 General views for photographic record. Author: Luz Cervantes  A photograph taken in front of the bow and stern, respectively, from which the entire rim line is observed, it is taken at the height of a standing person. If the canoe is larger, and the rim cannot be observed, shall be taken from above, with the help of a ladder or bank.  A totally front photograph, where observe only the bow or stern and bands perspective. This will be taken at the height of a person kneeling or squatting. If the canoe is larger, shall be taken with the person standing. 6 � A side view photograph of port and starboard, where canoe maximum length can be observed. This photo is usually taken kneeling or squatting, to appreciate the canoe in full.  A photograph taken in an isometric perspective, usually from the bow, loaded into one of the bands. The purpose of this view is to perceive the construction details of bow and stern height relative to the length and width of the canoe. The second phase consists of photographs of details (Fig. 3), it is important to portray all possible elements of construction, use and repairs. These photographs must be taken with a scale and in a macro mode, so can be appreciated the most possible characteristics. D) The fourth step methodology is to registration survey of the make a on a technical drawing. The purpose is to provide sufficient information to facilitate analysis, help design possible future and develop reconstruction and maintenance of the vessel. Fig. 3 Photographs of details. Author: Luz Cervantes The drawing must contain a representation in plan, profile and the body of the boat. The drawing should be clearly indicated by its size dimensions, the scale must be indicated, it should contain a record field (identification, date and name of the artist) and the three projections are needed to provide more information about the canoe (Fig. 4). For drawings of boats is proposed the scale 1:10, because at this it can be possible to appreciate the details of the vessel, and a very large format and unwieldy paper is not required. 7 �With these drawings, in addition to fact charts and specific pictures, it is possible to make a comparison between canoes belonging to the recorded simple and propose different types of boats. Fig. 4 Example of drawing. Author: Luz Cervantes A preview of the type proposed for the dugout boats in Mexico, which aims to grow as found more evidence is found, both in archaeological excavations, and public and private institutions, museums and private collections is presented in Fig. 5. This typology is completely open to be improved or modified, as pre-Hispanic navigation studies within archaeology, will increase. What is happening with the canoes in Mexico? After this analysis of dugout canoes of indigenous tradition, it is necessary to talk about this "apparent" absence of canoes as archaeological material in Mexico. For this, two dilemmas arise: the first of them leads us to ask if there really is an absence of any archaeological material belonging to canoes in Mexico. If this were the case, why is there a record of canoes with the same characteristics in other parts of the world? And why are there archaeological features of the same material of the canoes (wood) in many regions of the country? The second, focusing in the term archaeological material, are there no canoes as archaeological material in Mexico? If this were the case, all the canoes no longer used that have been abandoned in the mangroves, in shipyards, in museums, in public institutions and in many more places should be taken into account. Michael Schiffer considers that every element at the end of its life, assuming that is not reused, becomes waste so it changes from its systemic context (use) to an 8 �archaeological context (non-use). So, I believe that these “unused” canoes have not been studied from an archaeological perspective because they have not being "found" in archaeological underground contexts, and they have been discarded and not included as archaeological material. Conclusions As mentioned at the beginning of this work, archaeology in Mexico has been focused on investigations of other aspects, such as the monumental sites, and has been ignored small aspects, but these are of great importance to past societies. One of these aspects that archaeology has left aside is the water transport in and out of the country's land. The canoe in Mexico is considered as the "transport by excellence" because the water in its various forms, was distributed throughout the country and in the case of rivers, connects together large regions. Thus, here is reflected the importance of vessels in prehispanic Mexico, therefore the registration of these at an archaeological Fig. 5 Typology. Author: Luz Cervantes level, requires the necessary specialization to understand this importance. That´s how, this work it aims to raise awareness among Hispanic culture researchers in Mexico to the relevance of studying indigenous tradition on canoe construction and use. At the same time, it tries to demonstrate that there are methodological tools which help 9 �us to get closer to objects and materials that unfortunately in Mexico have been understudied due to their scarce presence in archaeological excavations. References Adams, J, 2001. Ships and Boats as Archaeological Source Material. World Archaeology, Vol. 32 (3): 292-310. Anderson, R., 1988.Guidelines for recording of historical ships,National Park Service, U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Washington, D.C. Béat, A., 1995.Pirogues monoxylesd'Europecentrale 
construction, typologie, évolution, us e cantonal d arch ologie (Archéologieneuchateloise), Francia. Biar, A., 2011. La navigation Mexica Dans la lagune de Mexico : navigation et prise du pouvoir.Thèse de Master, Université Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris, Francia. Greenhill, B., 1976.Archaeology of the boat. A new introductory study, Adam and Charles Black, London. Lira, N., s/a. Canoas monóxilas en el centro-sur de Chile. Navegando sobre los árboles. Memoria para optar al título profesional de arqueólogo, Departamento de Antropología, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de Chile. Schiffer, M., 1990.ContextoArqueológico y ContextoSistémico, Boletín de Antropología Americana, Num. 22: 81-93. Torres, L., 1964. Tratamiento empleado para la conservación de una canoa prehispánica, Boletín de Antropología, INAH, Num18: 10-13, México. Wendt, C., 2007. Los olmecas, los primeros petroleros. Arqueología Mexica naNum 87: 56-59 , México. Biography Luz Elena G. Cervantes is an archaeologist who graduated from the Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia in Mexico and she`s member of the Nautical Archaeology Society. She has taken some courses in maritime archaeology and she has dedicated her studies to pre-Hispanic navigation, specifically of water transport. She is making a dugout canoes compilation, in order to form a complete typology of canoes in Mexico. 10 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 14: Pre-Hispanic Navigation Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 14 Chair Carlos Ausejo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Navigation was not unknown in the Americas, at the Spaniards arrival different kind of vessel were in use both in the Pacific and the Atlantic shores, as well as in lakes or rivers. Canoe, reed rafts, balsa log raft and others skin based watercraft have been described mainly on historical records and gave us an idea of this technologies. Although it is clear that long and short distance maritime trade routes were in use and watercraft were also involve in war activities and other maritime activities, archaeological evidence related with actual boats has been elusive to find. Still some of these traditions have survived time and in use with some changes and others were incorporated to European navigation traditions. During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent. The aim of this session is to show research advances on this topic mainly in the Pacific shores and inland waters through different perspectives up to the Spanish arrival. It will focus primarily in the Andean and Mesoamerican region, however other regions would be accepted. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carlos Ausejo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Hollowing out the canoe: a reflection of the society Description An account of the resource The dugout canoe is an important element in a lot of maritime societies all over the world. It’s not only a small boat made by hollowing a tree with particular characteristics, but it is the reflection of the society in which the canoe was made. A canoe represents the interaction of ideology, tradition, economics and purpose, as well as environment and material resources. Mexico is no exception; the canoe was the best aquatic transport in pre-Hispanic communities, both for coastal and inland waters. So, the canoe can bring us a lot of archaeological information about pre-Hispanic cultures, its traditions and its environment. It is impossible to access the social explanation of the canoe if we are not able to describe it formally. So, a registration strategy will give us the possibility to store data for a social explanation of the boat. In addition, using this strategy, it is possible to accumulate general and specific data from which it can be proposed a typology of dugout vessels. This research is a step forward of a typology proposal for dugout canoes in Mexico, which aims to grow as more canoes are found, both in archaeological contexts and inside public and private institutions, museums and private collections. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Luz Elena G. Cervantes, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/20/2014 Asia-Pac Session 14 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/cc40182a66743896eac80d7b831c14e2.pdf ecda582982239ac6e21c8293f0db38ae PDF Text Text Lata’s Wayfinding System and Climate Science M. George Vaka Taumako Project Abstract The cultural vision and history of Taumako extends far beyond their Duff Islands, the SE Solomons region, or the western Pacific. According to the people of Taumako, their ancestor Lata, was the first person to build and sail a voyaging canoe. Taumakans today are unique among Polynesian and Austronesian people in that they still build and navigate voyaging canoes using only the ancient designs, materials, and methods of Lata. Lata/Laka/La’a/Rata/Raka, etc, is a Culture Hero across Polynesia, and at least some islands where the ancient Austronesian migrants settled thousands of years ago. Lata’s successes and mistakes help Taumakans, and us, learn who we are, and what to do and not do as we face global climate change and cultural wars. Taumako is full of sites where episodes of the Story of Lata happened…the islet where Lata was born, the rock Lata’s father killed the father eel, the place where Lata stood with Hina to see if the tree he cut down was actually on Hina’s land, the stones where Lata moored his voyaging canoe, where he sailed out and Hina blocked the entrance so he could not come back, where Lata picked his crew from out of the ocean, etc. Taumako was a crossroads of early Papuan settlers and Lapita pottery-making, migrants, and canoe technology that combines both Polynesian and Micronesian design features. The Story of Lata is lived today in the practice of the ancient Pacific voyaging arts. How can all this help them break out from colonialist borders and policies, make a living at the bottom level of the global economy, and/or survive climate change? What can we learn from Lata? Key words: Lata, Pacific, ethnography, Austronesian Introduction Climate researchers use data about the past to understand what is changing now. Today, climate scientists lack ground-truthed data for natural phenomena of the Indian and Pacific oceans (BioScience, 2011). �However Austronesian voyagers colonized Oceania millennia before Europeans arrived, and some of their descendants still practice knowledge systems that offer useful data for climate science. Taumakan Islanders of the Duff Islands of SE Solomons practice an ancient system of knowledge in everyday life on their island and in voyaging to other islands. That system is based on ecological and environmental patterns, and relationships between patterns of natural phenomena, as well as between Taumakans and natural elements. Today the people of Taumako are isolated from the outside world by lack of electricity, phone service, WIFI, anchorage, or airstrip. So, they still depend upon ancient cultural ways to meet everyday needs. They speak Polynesian language and practice Polynesian customs. They are the only Polynesians who still make and sail voyaging canoes using only ancient designs, materials, methods, and tools. They are heirs of an ancient system of deep sea navigation that uses knowledge of natural phenomena rather than modern instruments. This ancient system provides data of rare specificity and complexity about relationships between patterns of wind, sea, sky, and spirit that are little known to science. The Heirs of Lata After European diseases killed all but 37 Taumakans in 1919, and colonial controls arrived in 1922, the number of voyaging canoes in the region dwindled from two hundred active vessels to a few relics in the 1960s. Extensive partnerships and networks between islands were lost. The history and cultural vision of Taumakans extends far beyond their Duff Islands, the SE Solomons region, or the Western Pacific. Three thousand years ago, Taumako was a crossroads of Lapita pottery-making migrants (Leach and Davidson, 2014). Today Taumakan voyaging canoes and �navigation methods combine both Polynesian and Micronesian design features. According to the people of Taumako, their ancestor, Lata, was the first person to build and sail a voyaging canoe (vaka). Lata is a voyaging Culture Hero to the people of thousands of Pacific and Indian Ocean islands. Lata’s name varies, as Laka, La’a, Rata, Raka, etc. Today, some of the variants are known today as male, and others as female. Today, some places like Hawai’i, only remember short episodes in the Story of Lata. Taumakans tell the Story of Lata hour after hour, year after year, during building of vaka, and while making voyages to other islands. Taumakans live their lives as characters in their Story of Lata. As such they are the present generation of an uninterrupted line of voyagers. Lata’s successes, mistakes, and spiritual relationships with natural phenomena, help Taumakans learn who they are, and what to do, and not do, in life. Duff Islands are full of sites where episodes of the original Story of Lata happened. These include the seaward platform on Tohua, and islet where Lata was born, the Kahula stream lava-rock home of the father eel who Lata’s father killed and whose tail Lata suckled on after his parents died, the mountaintop where Lata stood with Hinora to look down and see if the tree he already cut down was actually on his or her ancestral land (kainga), the black stones beside Tohua where Lata moored his voyaging canoe, the entrance to TeVeni, a hole in the reef where Lata sailed out and Hinora blocked so he could not come back, the ocean outside of TeVeni where Lata picked his crew from after their canoe fell apart from being tricked by Lata telling them the wrong plant to use for their lashings, etc (George, 1999). The interactions of the characters, the natural phenomena they deal with, and the places, episodes, and themes of the �Story of Lata, are critical to Taumakan decisions about gardening, performing rituals, building voyaging canoes, and for way finding at sea. Taumakan voyaging canoes (vaka) are made in the image of Lata and other characters in the Story of Lata. Each end of the vaka is carved into facial features of Te Ube, the bird who Lata befriended, and the teeth of Lata, which securely hold the carving of Te Ube into the back of which the mast is stepped (Fig. 1). The sail has slender extended tips, which are Lata’s arms held overhead to catch the wind (Fig. 2). The entryway to the shelter is where the current day Lata (most senior wayfinder) sits in supervision of the crew and the elements. Fig. 1(left): Photo of Chief Kaveia instructing crew how to rig Te Puke voyaging canoe. (Michael Tauchert and Vaka Taumako Project) �Fig. 2: Photo of carving of Te Ube bird at end of Te Puke. (Michael Tauchert and Vaka Taumako Project) Since the 1970’s islanders from Hawaii, New Zealand, Cook Islands, and other more commercially developed islands have taken voyages using navigation methods that did not include modern instruments, such as compass, sextant, or electronics. Their “non-instrument” methods are traditionally inspired, and have centered on use of star paths to know the direction to islands. But the specific star path methods that most of these revival voyagers have used were created by Nainoa Thompson and Will Kyselka in Bishop Planetarium in the 1970’s. They also rely on meteorology for their weather, engage modern vessels to escort them everywhere in case rescue is needed, and they construct their vessels with nylon, Dacron, fiberglass, epoxy, chainsaws, etc. These voyagers have traveled far, correcting several centuries of denial and misrepresentation of the true history of oceanic voyaging, and reviving pride among island peoples for the brilliant achievements of their ancestors. But it is clear that they cannot, or do not intend to, make voyages using only Lata’s technology. �Taumakans today are unique among Polynesian and Austronesian peoples in that they still build their vessels and navigate using only Lata’s technology. But Lata’s vessels are only good for sailing interisland during certain seasons. If Lata’s crew sails to another island then they must stay there until the right season comes to sail back to their island, which could be nine months later. Who will feed them and what will they do while they are waiting? How will they earn money to pay school fees for their children? Who will maintain their vessel if they are lucky and a ship comes that can bring them home? If and when they have transport to return to their Vaka then how will they get money to harvest some trees to replace certain parts, and to re-lash others? Given these challenges, why do young Taumakans want to work hard at learning the ancient ways, rather than going off-island to make money? Don’t they want their children to go to secondary and tertiary schools? Wouldn’t they like to have a permanent house with a toilet rather than a leaf house and the ocean? How can their heritage help them cross colonial nation-borders between them and nearby islands, and policies that make it impossible for them to make a living at the bottom level of the global economy? How will perpetuating ancient practices help them survive climate change? Furthermore, what can outsiders learn from the heirs of Lata? Can people who are fully dependent on the global economy and its petrochemical and electronic technologies, learn something to help them stop their polluting and warlike ways, and possibly save what is left of the planet for all of our children? �Perpetuation of Lata’s Voyaging Vessels In 1996, the Vaka Taumako Project was officially started as a research project under the Ministry of Education of Solomon Islands. It was the idea of the Paramount Chief of Taumako, Koloso Kaveia, who was a very experienced voyager on Lata’s vessels, and then on a trading scow, for many years. He, and other elders of Taumako, wanted to teach a new generation how to build and sail a Te Puke, which is the design of vessel that Lata is most known for. He also wanted that knowledge documented for future generations. In 1997 the Te Puke named “Vaka Taumako” was launched. In 1998 it sailed to Nifiloli, in the Outer Reef Islands, and in 2000 it sailed back to Taumako. The biggest challenges of those voyages included the lack of safe places to keep the vessel on other islands. People of other islands have more money-based economies, with ships coming monthly, airstrips, and phone service. Taumakans needs their own transport to relieve their isolation. During his nineties Kaveia planned to lead a voyage from Taumako to Vanuatu. But he passed away in 2009. Several voyages were made in 2012, and again in 2013, and another one in 2017. In every case there was barely enough food for the crew, and the return transport to Taumako was delayed for weeks. Despite the hardships they continued to work on making new vaka and more voyages. The costs of delayed transport ate up what had been set aside to pay the school fees of their children. So, why do they persist? The positive results of these voyages have included at least one interisland marriage by a crew member for each voyage, and some sort of reconciliation (Heihei Lavoi) over events that took place generations back, �when voyaging canoes were stopped by government and missionary policies, WWII, and other colonial impacts. Another result is that through voyaging each crew members gains, or proves, a good relationship with patterned phenomena of the wind, sea, stars, and with their voyaging ancestors. The leader of a voyage becomes a present day Lata. Lata’s crew is celebrated for its accomplishments at home and throughout Solomon Islands. Te Puke are featured on both provincial and national icons, and Taumakans regard the leader of a voyage on a Te Puke, as singularly qualified to be the Paramount Chief of Duff Islands. Knowing what Lata knew qualifies one to give advice on gardening, weather, fishing, social events, naming of newborns, spiritual activities, and so many other disciplines that are practiced by Duff Islanders. Old people reward voyaging students with appropriate knowledge and resources for voyaging, because they know that voyaging can provide the inter-island communications that are necessary to survival and the joy of renewing ties with close relatives who may not have been contacted in many decades. The voyagers themselves become responsible to share their knowledge, and inform others of changes in natural patterns that they observed. When there are natural disasters, such as the King Tides and ferocious cyclones that are coming more frequently, there is more need for a vessel that can sail over the reef and right up onto the beach…to carry sago palm leaves to roof and wall houses, betel nut for social sharing, pigs for feasting events such as weddings and funerals, and many other goods necessary to the wellbeing and relationships between people of different islands and atolls. �Children of Taumako are told bedtime stories whose characters are navigational stars. Stories of the giants (Pakhola), the old woman of the forest (Hinora), and the fresh water eel who was killed by Lata’s father, are filled with references and meanings about voyaging. The winds that come from different directions and bring different weather and plants and animals into the center of Taumako life, are themselves main characters in the Story of Lata. Though they are not often named as such in the storytelling, the interrelationships of these winds with other phenomena are critical to finding the way to other islands. They are also the basis for correlating and calibrating many other natural phenomena that Lata used to find the way. Lata’s Navigation (Wayfinding) System From the 1970’s onward, Pacific navigation researchers focused on the use of stars as the basic method of finding land without modern instruments (Lewis, 1972). More recently, some natural navigation researchers have centered ‘stick charts’ and ‘wave piloting’ in the Marshall Islands (Genz, 2016). They hypothesized that knowledge of swell patterns between the Ratak and Ralik island chains were the primary phenomena used for navigation there. Although the Taumakan heirs of Lata use both stars and swell patterns extensively, they organize their navigational technology differently. They prioritize knowledge of wind, and its relationships with all other natural phenomena. Taumakans regard winds, not stars, as primary, to their navigation methodology. Taumakans use a systematic model of way finding that does not privilege asterisms (including stars, star groups, dark places in the sky, and star paths) above other phenomena. Taumakans use Lata’s mental model to �link the position of the wind around the horizon with phenomenal patterns that occur (when the wind is in that position). So by knowing the wind position a Taumakan wayfinder knows which phenomena are useful for what voyaging routes, and which phenomena work together or provide alternatives to others. Asterisms are important because the wind positions that the asterisms rise and set in are indicative of what other phenomena are useful. Te Nohoanga Te Matangi The organizational image, i.e. basic data organizer, of this ancient system is a model of 32 named wind positions that are located equi-distant from each other around the horizon (Fig. 3). From the geographically widespread documentation of what English speakers have called “wind compasses” throughout the Pacific and Indonesia, it seems likely that voyagers figured out this system long ago. Fig. 3: TNTM Diagram 8/16/32 Named Wind Positions. �The Taumako wind-based system is called “Te Nohoanga Te Matangi” (TNTM). TNTM translates into English as “the wind positioning system” or “the life of the winds.” The eye of the wind can sit (noho) in, or move through, the various positions. The 32 named TNTM positions surround the observer around the horizon, and each TNTM position is located at equal distances from its neighboring position. TNTM Opposite Partners Each TNTM wind position is paired with the position that is located opposite to it on the horizon (Fig. 4). Taumakans do not learn the 32 positions one by one, sequentially in a circle. They learn them in opposite pairs, or “partners.” There are 16 partners in the 32 wind positions. But most people just deal with the 4 partners that comprise the basic 8 wind positions. After a person learns the relevant partners for any voyage, then they know what is in front of them and behind them, no matter which position they are headed for. Thus, the partner of Te Alunga is Te Haka Hiu, and the partner of Te Tonga is Te Tokelau (Fig. 3). �Fig. 4: TNTM Diagram opposite Pair. (Partners) TNTM works like a slide rule (mechanical analog computer) that recognizes patterns in a variety of natural phenomena, and organizes those patterned natural phenomena into spatial, temporal, and spiritual relationships. The relationships contained in these TNTM linkages are based on knowledge about natural and spiritual phenomena, and relationships between them. Such linkages include storm winds (natural) and beneficial or dangerous interventions of ancestors (spiritual). For example, it is not surprising that cyclonic west winds come in the strongest wind positions of the cyclone season (Te Hakahiu to Te Tokelau) (Fig. 5). But if a Te Alunga or Te Tonga winds are weak during the middle of the tradewind season, then it indicates that there has been disrespectful behavior toward ancestors. Ancestors include winds, rocks, stars, animals, and other natural �elements. So disrespectful behavior to these elements can cause climate change. Fig. 5(left): . TNTM Diagram Sunrise and Sunset Positions Annually. There are times when certain phenomena will happen, such as strong winds. There are signs that herald new weather, such as a rainbow showing where the wind will soon position itself. The TNTM slide rule correlates and calibrates natural phenomena that can be both observed and engaged with. The engagement is a spiritual endeavor, with many layers and scales. The late Te Alki Koloso Kahia Kaveia of Taumako told, and showed, me these explanations of TNTM. As a master of TNTM, Kaveia did a lot of “weather work,” e.g. prediction and modifications. Prediction included telling when the best wind for a voyage would come the next year. Modifications included stopping rain, and changing the wind position (but not the season). He also used TNTM to control dangerous seas, heal illnesses, plan ritual events, facilitate gardening, and control communications with colonial powers, (as Paramount Chief for about 35 years). �Kaveia remembered all this information, without making diagrams. But he invited and approved the diagrams I made. Furthermore he wanted them shared with his descendants who want to learn how Lata made voyages, and with anyone who wanted to learn how Lata found the way to other islands. Here are diagrams that my colleague, industrial designer Daniel Jackson, and I made to illustrate Kaveia’s teachings about TNTM. The head position of the system is named Te Alunga, which translates in English to “the pillow.” In other words, Te Alunga is where you lay down your head. Te Alunga is also the defining wind position of the trade wind season, and its location on the horizon is where the sun rises during the winter solstice (Fig. 5). Te Tonga is a variation of what Hawaiians call Kona (Hawaiian Kumu, Roselle K. Bailey, pers. comm.), but since Te Tonga is a sunrise position it is not easy to know why it is linked with a term that is used for the dry west side of Hawaiian islands. Perhaps it is because when Te Tonga blows the west sides of island become dry. Te Tokelau contains the work lau, which translates to English as “strong.” The strongest winds occur in Te Tokelau. Taumakans I asked did not know a translation for other wind position names. Kaveia thought that this could be because they were very old names. In any case many of these names were reported in ‘wind compasses’ reported throughout Polynesia and Indonesia. TNTM Annual Sunrise and Sunset Positions There are eight wind positions that traditional Taumakan voyagers use to keep track of at the sunrise and sunset positions during the year. Te Alunga is the wind position that the sun rises in at the qinter solstice. When the sun rises in Te Alunga it sets between Te Tokelau and Te Tokelau Palapu. Later in the Trade wind Season, when the sun rises in Te Alunga Tonga, it sets exactly in Te Tokelau. Later yet, when the sun rises in Te �Tonga, it sets somewhere between Te Tokelau Haka Hiu and Te Haka Hiu. Lastly, when the sun rises in Te Ulu Tonga, it sets somewhere between Te Tokelau Haka Hiu and Te Haka Hiu. The fact that when the sun rises in three out of four sunrise positions, the sun is observed to set in a range of positions, rather than just one position may not seem intuitive. However if one considers that the orbit of the sun is not circular, but elliptical, then it may be that when the sun is closest to the observer its movement along the horizon is more observable that when it is farther away. So maybe Te Alunga Tonga sunrise sets exactly in Te Tokelau because it is so far away and moving mostly away or toward the sun around the pointy end of the orbit, then we cannot observe its change of position along the horizon. Whereas when the sun rises in Te Alunga and sets between (and including) Te Tokelau and Te Tokelau Palapu, or when the sun rises in Te Tonga, or Te Ulu Tonga, and sets anywhere between (and including) Te Tokelau Hakahiu and Te Hakahiu, it is because we can actually see the change in position along the horizon when the earth is nearer to the sun in its orbit. In any case, the naked eye observations are correct. TNTM Seasons, Solstices, and Equinoxes According to TNTM, the tradewind season begins at the winter solstice and ends at the spring equinox. The cyclone season begins at the summer solstice and ends at the autumn equinox. The Gregorian calendar, that is commonly used by European-derived cultures today, is not useful when interpreting TNTM correlations. This is because the particular dates when the sun is overhead is different at different latitudes. So the actual month for making a particular voyage, or the length of a particular voyaging season, or gardening season, varies too, But the �solstices and the equinoxes never change. Thus these comprise the calendric structure of TNTM seasons. Fig. 6: TNTM Diagram Seasons, Solstices and Equinoxes. The tradewinds start when the wind sits briefly in Te Tokelau Tu, and then moves clockwise to sit firmly in Te Alunga (Fig. 6). Te Alunga is regarded as the base position for the Trade wind Season. Any wind position from Te Alunga, Te Tonga, Te Ulu, and Te Laki are trade wind positions. During the period of time from the Winter Solstice to the Spring Equinox, the eye of the wind will shift gradually from Te Alunga to Te Tonga, Te Ulu, or even to Te Laki, and then shift back again to Te Alunga. But as the Trade wind Season progresses, the wind will sit for prolonged periods in Te Tonga. Toward the end of the season, the wind starts to sit in Te Ulu, and then moves into Te Laki before coming back to Te Tonga or Te Ulu. During the cyclone season, from the summer solstice to the autumn wquinox, the wind sits between Te Hakahiu Laki and Te Palapu. As weather fronts move through, the wind position moves clockwise from position to position, returning to Te Hakahiu Laki early in the season, and �then only returning to Te Tokelau, then only to Te Palapu, and finally moves into Te Tokelau Tu when the tradewind season is beginning again. Taumako Model of Wind Patterns, and Human Modifications The ancient model of seasonal and inter-seasonal wind shifts is that there is a person who, like Lata, stands in the middle of all the wind positions (Fig. 7). This person, according to Taumakans, is like anyone who has an interactive relationship with the elements, like wind. That is, anyone can modify the positions of the wind, as Lata did, and Lata’s descendants, do today. Fig. 7: TNTM Diagram Lata Pushing the Wind Back. When the wind sits down in the primary positions of the Trade wind or the cyclone season (i.e. Te Alunga for the tradewind and Te Hakahiu for the cyclone) then the person waits for the wind to move clockwise to other positions. Each time it does this, the person pushes the wind back �(counterclockwise) to Te Alunga or Te Hakahiu (depending on the season). But as the season progresses the Lata-like person in the middle (which is identified as a “man” in the diagram, but is not necessarily gendered) is not able to push the wind all the way back to the starting position of each season. So, for a long time the person can only push the eye of the wind back to Te Tonga (for the trade wind season), or back to Te Tokelau (for the cyclone season). Eventually, when it is getting close to the next equinox or solstice, the person will be unable to push the wind back to Te Tonga or Te Tokelau…or even back to Te Ulu or Te Palapu. So then, the wind will eventually move past Te Hakahiu and out of the tradewind season positions, or past Te Palapu, and out of the cyclone season positions. Then the man (probably Lata) will have to turn 180 degrees around and begin to push the wind back to the base position of the next season. So the person who pushes the wind back turns his/her own body clockwise twice a year to keep modifying the wind positions and the seasons. This person is spiritually skilled in relationship to weather, and has the ability to modify, but not completely control weather patterns. This model recognizes that some people have useful relationships with weather. This model is also very like the meteorological model of the way systems moving through a location during seasons. As the location of highs and lows shift with time during a season the wind rose positions experienced at any location in the southern hemisphere tend to shift in just the way the Taumako model describes. TNTM Voyaging Routes between Islands Sailing vessels need to have the wind come from favorable directions and not be too stormy to sail to other islands. Taumako voyagers choose wind �positions that are most reliable and that come from the side of, or from behind, the vessel (Fig. 8). Fig. 8: TNTM Diagram Inter-Island Routes. Routes between islands are linked with wind positions needed for those routes. TNTM way finders set off on a given route only when the wind sits (noho) in the right position for that voyage. For example, to voyage from Taumako to Tikopia or Vanikoro, the wind must come from Te Palapu, and it must come sometimes in November. No other wind position is reliable for that route. But for voyaging from Taumako (Duffs) to Reefs, any wind position from Te Alunga through Te Tonga is good, and these occur during the trade wind season. Rises and Sets of Asterisms Useful for Navigation The rises and sets of asterisms (stars, star groups, dark cloud shapes, or other celestial bodies) occur in certain wind positions (Fig. 9). When various asterisms are in these wind positions they are useful for navigation. Each of the named asterisms is the lead asterism in a star path �comprised of other un-named asterisms that rise and set in the same wind positions. Each of them also has an opposite partner asterism. When one of the partners rises higher above the horizon the other is falling closer to the horizon, or is below it. But some asterisms are used for way finding during some of the months when they are not seen above the horizon at all…such as Hetu Mdavo (the Pleiades). Fig. 9 (left): TNTM Rises and Sets of Asterisms Useful for Wayfinding. The opposite partners Takelo (Orions belt on far right) is going to set, while Salo Lavoi (top 7 stars of Scorpio on far left) has just risen (Fig. 10). In this diagram there are note about the weather that occurs when some of �these asterisms rise or set, such as the rises or sets with specific wind positions and weather. Fig. 10: TNTM Asterisms/TNTM Miles-High View Diagram. Conclusion Interrelationships have been briefly presented here that are part of a body of knowledge of Taumaka voyagers. These relationships are between wind positions and weather, rises and sets of asterisms, (including the sun, the stars and star groups, and the solstices and equinoxes), seasons, and specific routes between islands. There is specificity, complexity, and layering of natural patterns, and there are spiritual relationships between the voyagers and the elements. These are correlated and calibrated in the mental model of Lata’s TNTM wayfinding system (Fig. 11). �Fig. 11: TNTM Diagram Combination of Diagrams 3-10. There are many more types of phenomena included in TNTM voyaging knowledge, including swell patterns, Te Lapa (George, 2012), signs by animals, plants, and atmospheric phenomena, as well as complex protocols involving respectful spiritual behaviors. As scientists seek to further define the causes and effects of climate changes, the systematic knowledge of ancient voyaging cultures has value as baseline data about natural patterns and events, including relationships between spiritual knowledge and natural phenomena. References Dow, K. Ebi, K. Kunkel, K. Mearns. K, Mearns. Melillo, J. 2012. http://nca2014.globalchange.gov/report/response-strategies/research- �Genz, J. H. 2016. Resolving Ambivalence In Marshallese Navigation: Relearning, Reinterpreting, and Reviving the “Stick Chart” Wave Models. Structure and Dynamics, 9(1) University of Hawai′i at Hilo. http://escholarship.org/uc/item/43h1d0d7 George, M. 1999. July. “The Return of Lata” Sailing New Zealand Vol. 38. George, M. 2012. “Polynesian Navigation and Te Lapa – “The Flashing” Time and Mind: The Journal of Archaeology, Consciousness and Culture. Vol 5 Issue 2. pp. 135-174 Leach, F. and Davidson, 2014. J. Archaeology on Taumako: A Polynesian Outlier in the Eastern Solomon Islands. Archaeology Laboratory, Museum of New Zealand, Te Papa, Tongarewa Lewis, D. H. 1996 (1972). We, the Navigators: The Ancient Art of Pacific Landfinding in the Pacific, Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press Alexander, C. Bynum, N. Johnson, E. King, U. Mustonen, T. Neofotis, P. Oettle, N. Rosenzweig, C. Sakakibara, C. Vyacheslav, S. Vicarelli, M. Waterhouse, J. Weeks. 2011. “Linking Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge of Climate Change” BioScience (2011) 61 (6): 477-484. https://doi.org/10.1525/bio.2011.61.6.10 Biography: Marianne “Mimi” George, Ph.D, a remote-ocean sailor and cultural anthropologist, who supports revival of ancient voyaging practices that enable sustainable and peaceful interactions. George researched spiritual power and female imagery in the ritual cycle of an Austronesian people in New Ireland, Papua New Guinea, the experience of a small, mixed gender, group, in prolonged isolation, wintering-over a sailboat in Antarctic sea-ice to do science, the spiritual connections of sea-hunters and herders across Bering Straits, and the efforts of SE Solomon Islands Polynesian elders and their students to build and navigate using only ancient materials, designs, and methods, and re-establish voyaging networks to share and maintain resources. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lata's Wayfinding System and Climate Science Description An account of the resource The cultural vision and history of Taumako extends far beyond their Duff Islands, the SE Solomons region, or the western Pacific. According to the people of Taumako, their ancestor Lata, was the first person to build and sail a voyaging canoe. Taumakans today are unique among Polynesian and Austronesian people in that they still build and navigate voyaging canoes using only the ancient designs, materials, and methods of Lata. Lata/Laka/La’a/Rata/Raka, etc, is a Culture Hero across Polynesia, and at least some islands where the ancient Austronesian migrants settled thousands of years ago. Lata’s successes and mistakes help Taumakans, and us, learn who we are, and what to do and not do as we face global climate change and cultural wars. Taumako is full of sites where episodes of the Story of Lata happened…the islet where Lata was born, the rock Lata’s father killed the father eel, the place where Lata stood with Hina to see if the tree he cut down was actually on Hina’s land, the stones where Lata moored his voyaging canoe, where he sailed out and Hina blocked the entrance so he could not come back, where Lata picked his crew from out of the ocean, etc. Taumako was a crossroads of early Papuan settlers and Lapita pottery-making, migrants, and canoe technology that combines both Polynesian and Micronesian design features. The Story of Lata is lived today in the practice of the ancient Pacific voyaging arts. How can all this help them break out from colonialist borders and policies, make a living at the bottom level of the global economy, and/or survive climate change? What can we learn from Lata? Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource M. George Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource M. George Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/24588eecd4fbf2d12022196d20ddd53f.pdf 6196beedd0b120b4215b1cef5ca263f5 PDF Text Text Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection M. S. Jessica Lally Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama Nation Washington 98908 USA Email: lally.js@gmail.com Abstract An assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds associated with a historically recorded but unidentified shipwreck on the north Oregon coast was analyzed to determine the age and intended destination of the ship and its cargo. Prior to this study, only a limited number of studies of Asian export porcelain to the New World were available, and even fewer studies of their occurrence in the Pacific Northwest. This study provides a date range for the manufacture of the porcelain and information on the nationality of the Beeswax Wreck. The presence of the shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck, has been documented through both historic sources and archaeological research. Archaeological materials associated with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon bound for Acapulco. Keywords: Beeswax, Chinese porcelain, Galleon, Oregon coast Introduction This study details the analysis of an assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds thought be directly associated with a historically recorded but unidentified shipwreck on the north Oregon cost. The shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck, has been documented through both historic sources (Franchere, 1967; Gibbs, 1993; Hult, 1968; Lee and Frost, 1968; Marshall, 1984) and archaeological research (Williams, 2007). Previous archaeological research indicates that the archaeological materials associated with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon bound for Acapulco. The purpose of this study was to analyze the assemblage of sherds in order determine the age, nationality, and intended destination of the ship and its cargo (Lally, 2008). Methodology The Beeswax Wreck porcelain collection consists of 1577 porcelain sherds, with 1442 recovered through the beachcombing efforts of one individual over a period of more than 15 years from five separate locations near Manzanita, Oregon (Lally, 2008; Lally, 1 �In Press). The majority of the sherds are from Oswald West State Park (OWSP) and Nehalem Bay, with a small number of sherds collected from Tillamook Head, Tillamook Bay, and Nehalem Falls (map?). Also within the collection are 127 sherds collected from two archaeological sites, 35-TI-1 and 35-TI-4, curated at the University of Oregon Museum of Natural and Cultural History and Tillamook County Pioneer Museum (Table 1). Analysis of chronological and stylistic attributes of decoration style, motif type, and marks was conducted. Sherds were measured and identified to vessel element (base, rim, body) and vessel type (open-form, closed-form, cups, vases, etc). Degree of erosion, glaze, and cobalt tone were noted. A date range for the porcelain’s manufacture was determined based on 15 attributes and porcelain types to suggest a date range using South’s (2002) model of visual interpretation. Additionally, 13 attributes and types were used to establish a mean ceramic date for the collection using South’s (2002) equation. Those attributes and types excluded from the visual interpretation and mean ceramic date calculation were later compared to both methods in order to confirm or refine the date generated. Results Porcelain attributes identified during the analysis provide data on the manufacturing date. Examined independently, these attributes suggest a wide date range, indicating manufacture from both the Ming (1368-1644 AD) and Qing (1644-1911 AD) Dynasties. However, in many instances this apparently wide date range is due to the continued use of traditional Chinese motifs through time. Considered together, though, these attributes strongly suggest a date of manufacture for the collection between the later portion of the Transitional Period (1620 and 1683) and Kangxi Reign (1662-1722 AD). The visual interpretation model supports this, providing a date range between 1670 and 1700, as did the calculated mean ceramic date of 1690. Calculation of both is discussed in detail below. Analysis of sherd type identified six attributes and vessel types to which a date could be assigned. Grooved-foot rims were observed exclusively on monochrome white porcelain. This feature is particularly important in regard to the porcelain’s date of manufacture as the grooved foot rim was only produced between 1644 (Butler, 2002; Butler and Curtis, 2002; Curtis, 2002; Donnelly, 1967; Harrisson, 1995; Mudge, 1986) and 1690 (Harrison, 1995). A beveled foot rim, thought to be a feature unique to the 2 �Kangxi reign (1662-1722) (Vermeer, 2005), was observed on a single sherd (Sherd 8692). In addition, six sherds were identified as klapmutsen, or wide flat rims, generally attributed to production between 1620 and 1680 (Fischell, 1987), though possibly as early as 1613 (van der Pijl-Ketel, 1982). Sherds of lidded vessels, lidded cups, and lids were identified among the collection. The sherds are similar in measurement, potting, and decoration, indicating that the lids were likely intended for the lidded cups. Similar lidded cups were observed among the Vung Tau cargo of 1690 (Jorg and Flecker, 2001). In addition to the cups, 19 sherds were identified as compressed globular boxes (or lids). Two of the compressed globular box sherds have unglazed bases, discolored slightly from exposure to kiln heat and curdled. Donnelly (1967) noted that during the post-Transitional Period and height of the Dehua kiln production, similar small globular boxes with unglazed, curdled bases were produced. These unique unglazed, curdled bases are indicative of origin at the Dehua kilns between 1675 and 1725 (Donnelly, 1967), when unglazed bases were out of fashion for other porcelain vessels (Butler, 2002). Four monochrome white sherds represent a variety of more unusual vessel types typical of manufacture at the Dehua kilns between 1675 and 1725. Sherd NH386 bears a striking resemblance to Marco Polo Censers that Donnelly (1967) dated between 1675 and 1725. Sherd NH88 is a molded European figure. Sherd NH657 is a molded petal, possibly from a Quan Yin figure. Decoration Attributes and Ware types The majority of the collection consists of porcelain sherds decorated with cobalt underglaze-blue outline-and-wash. Cobalt attributes are highly indicative of transitional Period (1620-1683 AD) or Kangxi Reign (1662-1722 AD) date of manufacture, being violet to violet-blue in color and lacking classic Ming Dynasty attributes such as the “heaped and piled” cobalt application. Ming Dynasty glaze characteristics are also absent from the collection. Two sherds clearly appear to be Chinese Imari (Numbers LL2/18, LL2/43), displaying gold gilt pine branches with red overglaze and underglazeblue. Chinese Imari remained popular from the late-1600s to the mid-1700s, and in general, red overglaze on Chinese porcelain was imported to Mexico in quantity during the late 1600s (Mudge, 1986). Two sherds in the collection (NH359 and NH532) are 3 �identified as Batavian ware, having brown slip applied to the exterior of the sherds and interiors decorated with underglaze-blue motifs. Batavian ware was only produced during the Kangxi Reign, specifically the late-seventeenth century to the early eighteenth century (Donnelly, 1967; Fuchus and Howard, 2005; Mudge, 1986; Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988). The Beeswax Wreck collection also contains monochrome white sherds with molded ribbing, strikingly similar to Donnelly’s (1967) examples of wine cups and Rhinoceros Horn Cups made at Dehua kilns between 1650 and 1750. Motif Attributes Floral themes are the most common motif and accounted for 13 percent of the collection. A total of 39 Prunus blossom or Prunus plant motifs were identified, depicted in underglaze-blue, incised motif, and applied decoration. Two sherds (NH029, NH334) have Prunus blossoms depicted in white on a blue cracked-ice background (Fig. 1). This was an exceptionally popular motif, especially on Hawthorn Jars, during the Kangxi Reign (Frank, 1969; Kerr, 1986). Also among the Prunus motifs are several monochrome sherds that, based on examples provided by Donnelly (1967), Mudge (1986), and Bass (2005), appear to date between 1675 and 1710. Sherd NH392 can be assigned a specific date range based upon the chronology provided by Donnelly: it is decorated with a high-relief, molded and applied Prunus plant blossom, stem, and leaves, with a plain-centered flower with long petals and a single vein running the length of the petal. Donnelly dated this style from 1675 to 1725. The collection also contains a number of sherds decorated with peach and peony blossoms. While utilized Fig. 1 Sherd NH29, Prunus blossoms depicted in throughout the production of Chinese white on a blue cracked-ice background. (J. porcelain, these motifs strongly support Lally) a Shunzhi (1644-1661 AD) or Kangxi Reign (1662-1722 AD) date of manufacture (Lally, 2008; Lally, In Press) as both motifs experienced a period of increased popularity during 4 �those Reigns (Macintosh, 1977). Underglaze-blue floral scroll motifs also provide strong indications of manufacture date. A total of 143 sherds were decorated with tiger lily scroll, a motif Frank (1969) identifies as exclusive to Kangxi Reign export porcelain. Ten of the tiger lily scroll sherds include a four-petal flower often associated with the tiger lily motif (Lally, 2008; Lally, In Press) having been observed among shipwreck cargos dating between 1690 (Jorg and Flecker, 2001: 72, figure 65) and 1735 (Chiến, 2002: figure 156). The tiger lily four-petal flower was also observed on three sherds absent tiger lily scroll. The tiger lily four-petal flower was depicted in similar fashion in the Vung Tau (1690) (Jorg and Flecker) shipwreck cargos, and reference examples dating between the late-seventeenth or early-eighteenth centuries (Harrisson, 1995: 33, figure 38; Valenstein, 1989: 224, figure 217). Six sherds display a variation of floral scroll, described among some sources as lion and plant design. Butler (2002:18) and Harrison (1995:45) provide examples of lion and plant design on porcelain vessels dating between 1650 and 1670. Boneless common style floral of scroll, under a glaze painting utilized in the Chenghua Reign (1464-1487) and also prevalent on Kangxi imitations of Fig. 2 Sherd NH483, hundred boys motif or the Chenghua Reign porcelain (Frank, scholars motif. (Jessica Lally) 1969), was identified on two sherds (NH218 and NH351). Thirteen sherds have human figure motifs. Six sherds (NH022, NH483, NH661, NH660, LL2/18/39a and LL2/18/39b) appear decorated with the hundred boys motif or the scholars motif (Fig. 2). A traditional motif utilized throughout Chinese porcelain production, the hundred boys and scholars motif were of immense importance during the Reign of Shunzhi (1644-1661) and Kangxi Reign (1662-1722) (Curtis, 2002: 50). Further indication of this time period is the manner in which the figure 5 �motifs are painted, being more typical of the Shunzhi Reign or Kangxi Reign, with fine outline and violet-blue cobalt. The seven remaining human figure sherds are also painted in Shunzhi Reign or Kangxi Reign-style and depict human figures in combination with landscape elements and lattice fences, common motifs in both Reigns (Curtis, 2002; Frank, 1969; Mathers et al., 1990). Paneled motifs are present on 12 sherds. Seven paneled sherds resemble the paneled motifs of the Vung Tau (1690) (Jorg and Flecker, 2001), the Ca Mau (1723-1735) (Chiến, 2002) and the Geldermalsen (1752) (Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988) wrecks. Five sherds, however, appear kraak-like, having specific attributes typical of kraak porcelain: decorative motif; v-shaped, inward-sloping footrim; “moth-eaten” edges (areas where the glaze is receded from the rims); and apricot colored foot rims. The quickly executed manner of decoration on these sherds may be indicative that the vessels were made during the height of porcelain production, post-1600. Several border motifs were identified within the collection. Three sherds depict the zigzag border motif, utilized during the 1640s or 1650s but used no later than 1675 (Butler, 2002). A single sherd (NH 235) was decorated with the stonewall or cracked ice border, which Butler attributes to the same time frame as the zigzag border. Sheaf and Kilburn (1988), however, suggest an even narrower time frame for the stonewall border, anywhere from 1660 to 1670. “Blobby dots,” were also identified on three sherds (NH44, NH226, and NH608). This motif was utilized as a background motif as well as a border motif and is generally attributed to manufacture between 1645 and 1660 (Butler, 2002; Curtis, 2002: 44). The collection contained 47 rim sherds with brown dressing, a trait that did not appear within the Chinese domestic or export market until the 1640s-1660s. It was eventually discontinued in early Kangxi and was not utilized again until the eighteenth century (Butler, 2002: 23). Marks A total of 32 sherds in the collection had hallmarks or symbol marks. Among identifiable marks were a single Artemisia leaf mark and three swastika marks. Both were symbols of good fortune used during the Kangxi Reign (1662-1722) in place of the nein-hao, or reign mark (Macintosh, 1977; Mudge, 1986). Sherd NH482 contained a partial hallmark that translated as “of (the) beautiful jade” (Penglin Wang, personal communication April 6 �17, 2008). Although utilized during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) (Butler and Curtis, 2002:108), marks containing reference to the Jade Hall were particularly fashionable during the Shunzhi Reign (1644-1661) (Curtis, 1995; Curtis, 2002:42) and rarely used during the Kangxi Reign (Butler and Curtis, 2002:108). Date range determination Attributes and ware types within the collection tend to suggest a Transitional Period (1620-1683), Shunzhi (1644-1661), or Kangxi Reign date (1662-1722). To determine a narrower date range, analysis of attributes and vessel types was conducted. First, a visual interpretation of attributes and porcelain types associated with specific date ranges were conducted, using the model provided by South (2002). Second, a set of attributes was selected for determination of the mean ceramic date, again following South’s model (2002). This model is designed to examine occupation periods among sites, and unlike the visual interpretation method, takes into account the frequency of attributes by using a weighted average. Time frames, attributes, and types were adapted for the purposes of this study to reflect Chinese porcelain attribute dates. The mean ceramic date and visually interpreted date range were compared to known dates concerning the Chinese porcelain trade, the dates of two shipwrecks that Williams (2007) suggested as likely to be the source of the porcelain, and the collection attributes not included in the aforementioned calculations. These attributes were used to refine, narrow, or invalidate the dates suggested. Not all attributes and types were suitable for inclusion in the visual interpretation of attributes and mean ceramic date, and so were omitted either for lack of definitive information or for lack of consensus among existing porcelain literature. Often, existing Chinese porcelain literature refers to dates by nonspecific periods such as “late-seventeenth century” or “early 18th century.” In order to produce a mean ceramic date as well as a visual interpretation of attribute date ranges, more precise dates are needed. Therefore, for the purposes of this study, the most commonly agreed upon attribute date among existing research was used. When porcelain attributes and types were given a date range of “late,” “middle,” or “early” in the century, they were defined in this study as follows: early - turn of the century through the 30s, middle - 40s through the 60s, and late - 70s to the end of the century. A total of 15 dateable 7 �attributes and ware types identified among the collection were determined to have enough documentation among resources to be included in determining a date range (Table 2). The attributes and porcelain ware types are graphed on a timeline (Fig. 3). To determine the date range of the attributes, South (2002) suggests that at least half of the attributes coincide with the earliest time period marker. Similarly, at least half must coincide with the latest time period marker. However, the latest period marker must at least touch the beginning of the latest attribute observed. Thus, given 15 attributes and types, it was necessary that 8 7.5 (half of 15 or 15 ∕2) of them corresponded with each date range marker. As shown by Fig. 3, this provides a date range for the collection between 1670 and 1700, indicated by the solid vertical lines. A mean ceramic date was then calculated for the collection, providing a weighted average for attributes identified (Table 3). The mean ceramic date was calculated using the following equation (South, 2002: 217): Y= where n = the number of attributes identified, Xi = the median date for each attribute, and fi = the frequency at which it occurred in the collection. Utilizing the documented date range, a median date was calculated for each attribute. The median date was multiplied by the number of times the attribute occurred within the collection. The total sum of the frequency column was then divided into the total sum of the product column, resulting in a mean ceramic date. A total of 13 attributes and types were used, resulting in a mean ceramic date of 1690. That date falls closer to the later portion of the visually interpreted date range (1670-1700 AD), and supports the shipwreck identities proposed by Williams (2007). The indication is that the majority of features identified in the collection correspond to the later portion of the date range suggested by the visual interpretation model. Attributes and types not included in the mean ceramic date calculation or the visually interpreted date range support the dates generated by the two models. These include klapmutsen-style or wide flat rims (16201680 AD) (Fischell, 1987); evidence of Dehua kiln production (1675-1725 AD) (Donnelly, 1967; Gordon, 1977); human figure elements (1644-1722); the Prunus blossoms with cracked-ice motif (Kangxi Reign, 1662-1722 AD) (Frank 1969), lidded 8 �cups (circa 1690) (Jorg and Flecker, 2001), an Artemisia hallmark (Kangxi Reign, 16621722) (Macintosh, 1977; Mudge, 1986), and non-kraak panel motifs (1690 - 1752) (Kerr, 1986: 65; Jorg and Flecker, 2001; Chiến, 2002; Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988). Several attributes among the collection sherds are associated with dates earlier than the visually interpreted date range (1670-1700). Such motifs include the peach motif (Jiajing Reign, 1522-1566 or Shunzhi Reign, 1644-1661 AD) (Bai, 2002; LionGoldschmidt, 1978), hallmark reference to “the beautiful jade” (Shunzhi Reign) (Curtis, 2002: 42), lion and plant design-floral scroll (1650-1660) (Butler, 2002: 18, figure 3), and boneless floral scroll (1465-1487) (Frank, 1969). Considering these attributes along with early attributes used in both the mean ceramic date calculation and the date range determination, it is apparent that there is also a population among the collection sherds (approximately 5% of the total sherd population) that suggests an earlier date, possibly during the Shunzhi Reign. The presence of earlier attributes is a relatively minor issue as motifs were reused and older styles imitated in later reigns. Furthermore, such finds are not uncommon among shipwrecks. Often during the excavation and analysis of shipwreck porcelain cargoes, porcelain has been discovered that does not fit the time period of the shipwreck, or the time period suggested by the bulk of the porcelain cargo (Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988). They have, in large part, simply been considered anomalies. The appearance of a few “earlier” porcelain sherds among a collection of later sherds may, however, simply reflect a lack of information regarding export porcelain. Dates for only a few specific attributes are known for certain, or agreed upon among the existing literature. It is quite possible that many of the attributes considered to be early attributes in this study coexisted with later attributes. Discussion and Conclusion The Beeswax Wreck collection exhibits porcelain attributes and types typical of export types common to the markets in New Spain. The presence of monochrome porcelain, likely from the Dehua kilns, including ribbed and molded porcelain, Marco Polo censers, Batavian ware, and a sherd with a European face, are all indicators of European export. More specifically, large quantities of monochrome-white porcelain, as well as the identification of lidded cups and Middle-Eastern influences among the collection sherds, indicate that the ship was a Spanish vessel involved in the Manila trade. This supports 9 �the finding of Williams's (2007) research that indicates that the Beeswax wreck was a Manila galleon carrying quantities of porcelain, beeswax, and other goods from Manila to Acapulco. After consideration of attributes and porcelain types among the collection sherds, the visually interpreted date range (1670-1700), and the mean ceramic date (1690), it is apparent that the majority of evidence strongly indicates that the porcelain found on the Nehalem-Manzanita coast is from a Spanish Manila galleon that wrecked during the Kangxi Reign, specifically between 1670 and 1700. The date of the collection is not likely later as many late-Kangxi porcelain attributes are absent. Therefore, the identity of the shipwreck responsible for the porcelain deposition is not likely the 1705 wreck of the San Francisco Xavier. Rather, analyses conducted in this study strongly indicate that the Beeswax Wreck was the Santo Cristo de Burgos, lost in 1693. Fig. 3 Visually interpreted date range for the collection porcelain attributes. (Jessica Lally) 10 �Table 1. Number of Sherds in the Beeswax Collection by Provenience. 11 �Table 2. Attributes Used for Visual Interpretation of Date Range. 12 �Table 3. Attributes Selected for Mean Ceramic Date. Acknowledgements There are many who deserve thanks for their involvement and contribution to my research: Steve Hackenberger, Pat Lubinski and Scott Williams who provided guidance and support; Penglin Wang; Lise Zimmerman; and the Tillamook County Pioneer 13 �Museum; and Pam Endzweig and the University of Oregon Museum of Natural and Cultural History and John Dubé. References Bai, Q., 2002. Inscriptions, Calligraphy, and Seals on Jingdezhen Porcelains from the Shunzhi Era. In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign: Shunzhi porcelain 1644-1661, Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 24-34. Bass, G. F., (Ed.), 2005. Beneath the Seven Seas: Adventure with the Institute of Nautical Archaeology. Thames and Hudson, New York. Beals, H. K., and Steele, H., 1981. Chinese Porcelains from Site 35-TI-1, Netarts Sand Spit, Tillamook County, Oregon. University of Oregon Anthropological Papers No. 23, University of Oregon, Portland, OR. Butler, M., 2002. Introduction. In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign: Shunzhi Porcelain 1644-1661, Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 12-23. Butler, M., and Curtis, J. B., 2002. Catalogue. In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign: Shunzhi Porcelain 1644-1661. Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 82-244. Chiến, N. D., 2002. The Ca Mau Shipwreck: 1725-1735. Há Nôi, Viet Nam: Ca Mau Department of Culture and Information, the National Museum of Vietnamese History. Curtis, J. B., 1995. Chinese Porcelains of the Seventeenth Century: Landscapes, Scholars’ motifs and Narratives. China Institute Gallery, New York. Curtis, J. B., 2002. Shunzhi styles: The decoration and iconography of porcelains from Jingdezhen, 1644-61, In J. N. Newland (Ed.), Treasures from an Unknown Reign: Shunzhi Porcelain 1644-1661, Art Services International, Alexandria, VA: 42-55. Donnelly, P. J., 1967. Blanc de Chine: The porcelain from Têhua in Fukien. Praeger, New York. Fischell, R., 1987. Blue and White China: Origins/Western Influences. In J. Esten (Ed.), Little Brown, Boston. Franchere, G., 1967. Adventure at Astoria, 1810-1814. In H. C. Franchere (Ed.), University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, OK. Frank, A., 1969. Chinese Blue and White. Walker, New York. 14 �Fuchus, R. W. II, and Howard, D. S., 2005. Made in China: Export Porcelain from the Leo and Doris Hodroff Collection at Winterthur. University of New England, Winterthur, DE. Gibbs, J. A., 1993. Pacific Graveyard. (4th edition), Binford & Mort, Portland, OR. Gordon, E., 1977. Collecting Chinese export porcelain. Main Street Press, New York. Harrisson, B., 1995. Later Ceramics in South-East Asia: Sixteen to Twentieth Centuries. Oxford University Press, New York. Hult, R. E., 1968. Lost Mines and Treasures of the Pacific Northwest. Binford & Mort, Portland, OR. Jorg, C. J. A., and Flecker, M., 2001. Porcelain from the Vung Tau Wreck: The Hallstrom Excavation. Sun Tree, Singapore. Kerr, R., 1986. Chinese Ceramics, Porcelain of the Qing Dynasty 1644-1911. Victoria and Albert Museum, London. Lally, J., 2008. Analysis of the Chinese Porcelain Associated with the Beeswax Wreck, Nehalem, Oregon. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. Central Washington University. Lally, J., In Press. Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection, HarvardYenching Institute, Oregon, USA. Lee, D., and Frost, J., 1968. Ten Years in Oregon. Ye Galleon Press, Fairfield, WA. Lion-Goldschmidt, D., 1978. Ming Porcelain. K. Watson (Tr.), Rizzoli International, New York. Macintosh, D., 1977. Chinese Blue and White Porcelain. Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle. Marshall, D., 1984. Oregon Shipwrecks. Binford and Mort, Portland, OR. Mathers, W. M., Parker, H. S., and Copus, K., 1990. Archaeological Report; The recovery of the Manila Galleon Nuestra Senora de la Concepcion. Pacific Sea Resources, Sutton, V. Mudge, J. M., 1986. Chinese Export Porcelain in North America. Clarkson and N. Potter, New York. Sheaf, C., and Kilburn, R., 1988. The Hatcher Porcelain Cargoes: The Complete Record. Phiadon, Oxford. South, S., 2002 Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology. Percheron Press, New York. 15 �Valenstein, S. G., 1989. A handbook of Chinese Ceramics. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. van der Pijl-Ketel, C. L., (Ed.), 1982. The Ceramic Load of the Witte Leeuw: (1613). Jijks Museum, Amsterdam. Vermeer, M., 2005. Glossary, undercut. Retrieved August 1, 2008, from http://gotheborg.com/glossary/glossaryindex.htm Wang, P., (April 17, 2008). Personal communication. Williams, S., 2007. A Research Design to Conduct Archaeological Investigations at the Site of the Beeswax Wreck of Nehalem Bay, Tillamook County, Oregon. Unpublished report on file at Oregon State Historic Preservation Office, Salem, OR. Williams, S., In Press. The Beeswax Wreck, a Manila Galleon in Oregon. HarvardYenching Institute, USA. Biography Jessica Lally began her analysis of the Beeswax Porcelain Collection in 2007, as a portion of her graduate research project. Her work on the subject has continued, documenting additional finds and associated museum collections. Since 2008, Jessica has worked as an archaeologist for the Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama Nation in Washington State. She specializes is regulatory compliance, documentation of Traditional Cultural Properties, and documenting traditional lifeways of indigenous peoples. Her professional interests are varied, including many aspects of proto-historic and prehistoric archaeology of the Pacific Northwest. 16 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection Description An account of the resource An assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds associated with a historically recorded but unidentified shipwreck on the north Oregon coast was analyzed to determine the age and intended destination of the ship and its cargo. Prior to this study, only a limited number of studies of Asian export porcelain to the New World were available, and even fewer studies of their occurrence in the Pacific Northwest. This study provides a date range for the manufacture of the porcelain and information on the nationality of the Beeswax Wreck. The presence of the shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck, has been documented through both historic sources and archaeological research. Archaeological materials associated with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon bound for Acapulco. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource M. S. Jessica Lally, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a27063130be244b6e912d6f6b748285f.pdf a4ff15a63ab8a016d911bf273fbfc86b PDF Text Text Anthropology Museums and the Maritime and underwater cultural heritage of Capiz (Placuna Placenta) artisanal dive fishery in the Philippine Archipelago Ma. Arve B. Bañez, PhD (University of the Philippines Mindanao, mbbanez@up.edu.ph) ABSTRACT My paper examines the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Capiz (Placuna placenta) artisanal dive fishery. There are three types of collections of the material culture of the Capiz dive fishery. These include the Capiz artisanal diving fishery materials i.e., improvised diving gears and apparel; the Capiz shells and shell craft commodities classified according to use and function and other secondary data about the Philippine Capiz shell industry, and the map showing the distribution of Placuna beds around the Philippine archipelago. The string of agents, the socioecological practices and the social relations likewise encompass the material life of fishing households engaged in Capiz artisanal dive fishery. ‘Follow the thing’, a geographical approach allows me to conduct multi-sited ethnographies covering the source communities of Trapiche and Botong, Oton, Iloilo, the natural habitat of Placuna placenta. And Banica, Roxas City, Capiz’s shell craft manufacturer Kapis atbp. The museum visits and online capiz shell craft sellers encompass the diverse sites to further document and describe the uses and function of the capiz. The local ecological knowledge embodies the intangible maritime and underwater cultural heritage of Capiz artisanal dive fishery. Thus, integrating the narratives of the development of fishing households, their labour and livelihoods. To analyze the significance of anthropology museums in the preservation of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery maritime and underwater cultural heritage, I applied three theories, namely: materialism, the biographies and itineraries of things, and object-oriented ontology (OOO). Keywords: artisanal dive fishery, Capiz (Placuna placenta), anthropology museums, maritime and underwater cultural heritage List of Figures Figure 1 The distribution of Placuna beds in the Philippine Archipelago author commissioned map (Talavera and Faustino 1931). Figure 2 Placuna placenta (Linnaeus 1758) Photograph by Ma. Arve B. Bañez, March 28, 2019. Figure 3 The material objects of capiz artisanal dive fishery Figure 4 Capiz (Placuna placenta) commodities and museum material objects 1. INTRODUCTION The material life of Capiz artisanal dive fishery 'Museums are institutions devoted to the collecting, preservation, exhibition, study, and interpretation of tangible artefacts,' according to Stocking (1985 4; see Gathercole (1989), cited in Haas 1996, 11). My research focuses on the material culture of the Capiz (Placuna placenta) artisanal diving fishing as a subject of maritime and underwater cultural heritage. I propose collecting, preserving, exhibiting, studying, and interpreting material objects as well as the local ecological knowledge in the Capiz artisanal dive fishery. Capiz shell crafts, as well as the commodities and artefacts made from shells, are part of the material culture of the Capiz artisanal dive fishing. The evolution, transitions, and developments in modern diving methods, as well as the narratives of fishing households about their lives and livelihoods, compose the Capiz artisanal dive fishery's lifeworld. 1 �Figure 1 The distribution of Placuna beds in the Philippine Archipelago author commissioned map (Talavera and Faustino 1931). Placuna placenta (Linnaeus 1758) is a windowpane oyster, a bivalve marine mollusc with thin mica-like translucent shells. Capiz is a marine bivalve with high economic value for the Philippine shells and shell craft industry. (Talavera and Faustino,1931; Magsuci, Conlu, and Aypa-Moyano, 1980; Sotto and von Cosel, 1982; Young and Serna, 1982; Rosell, 1984; Woods and Wells, 1995; Adan, 2000; Floren 2003; Miagao, 2007; Laureta, 2008; Baňez, 2019) The common names of Placuna Placenta include window shell, Chinese window shell, window oyster. The local names of Placuna Placenta vary across the Philippine archipelago: in Tagalog, it is called Capiz or Kapis; Bicol, kalampinay or katipay; and lampirong in Visayan. Talavera and Faustino. (1931, 339-344). Specifically, in Capiz province, Panay Island, it is called pios. (Bañez 2021) A collection of artefacts and materials used in Capiz artisanal dive fishing contains maritime and underwater cultural heritage. The tangible objects of Placuna Placenta's maritime submerged cultural heritage can be categorized into three interwoven collections. The first set consists of the Capiz artisanal diving fishery material collection. These include improvised diving clothing and equipment such as diving fins ('panyapak'), half-masks ('tempered'), gloves ('gwantes'), and diving belts ('pamato'). The recycled 2 �materials used, the design, maintenance, and repair, as well as the predicted worth or cost, are extensive descriptions of the above. The first collection also includes the material things used to gather and harvest Capiz, such as the compressor and the makeshift breathing apparatus- hose tube pipe, the mesh net ('sibut') and the wicker basket ('bala-bala'), as well as the motorized boat used for the diving expedition. The compressor's thorough description, as well as the connected hose tube pipe’s average length, the length and dimensions of the mesh net and the wicker basket. The three varieties of dredging rakes used to collect Capiz shells in the 1990s, causing damage to the Placuna beds, are also conserved. Figure 2 Placuna placenta (Linnaeus 1758) Photograph by Ma. Arve B. Bañez, March 28, 2019. The Capiz shells and shell craft commodities are classified based on their use and function. The second set of collections includes information about international trade exports, various shells and shell craft manufacturers, and the distribution of Placuna beds around the Philippine archipelago. These data sets were gathered through archival research, the review of related literature, and online searches. The material life of fishing households is entangled in their livelihoods at sea. The socio-ecological practices, the history, shifts and changes in the diving practices, the social relations of the string of agents or the key actors, and the narratives of fishing households about their lives and livelihoods embody the lifeworld of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery. The third set of the collection represents the people, the social practices and relations; their recorded voices and fishing labour portrayed in photographs and videos. Essentially, the narratives of fishing communities that depend on the sea as a source of food and a place of labour encompass their maritime and underwater cultural heritage. According to Anita Herle (2016 6), the development of relational models within anthropology shifted the focus away from objectified and fixed entities exclusively owned by individuals and institutions to a more nuanced understanding of the dynamic links between people and things. A central premise is that entities (both people and objects) are given substance, meaning, and value through their enmeshed relations. [Emphasis mine] Rather than simply being seen as static items of material culture, objects can be understood and analyzed as materializations of social relations, a dynamic process involving interweaving human actions, beliefs, skills, and materials to create physical objects (Bell & Geismar 2009). 3 �The museum comes from the Greek ‘museion’ and its original meaning derived from the Muses, the nine sister goddesses of Greek mythology to watch over music, the arts, poetry, and the sciences. The museum was a place dedicated to the Muses (Murray 1984; Wittlin 1970 cited in Haas 1996, 11), so it seems, etymologically speaking. To muse also denotes thinking or studying. The material objects reproduce the socioecological practices, and subsequently, engender the social relations in Capiz artisanal dive fishery and vice versa. Practically, the material culture and non-material culture perpetuate the lives and livelihoods – the lifeworld of artisanal fishing communities at present and in the future. I am musing about the Capiz artisanal dive fishery, for the maritime and underwater cultural heritage preservation in the Philippines and the Asia Pacific. Figure 3 The material objects of capiz artisanal dive fishery 2. CASE STUDIES The multi-sited ethnographic case studies for consideration focused on the coastal barangays of Trapiche and Botong, Oton, Iloilo, Panay, Philippines. Primarily, I obtained the first set of data from my dissertation Unod kag Panit: The narratives of the development of the artisanal lampirong (Placuna placenta) fishery of Oton, Iloilo. The second set of data was gathered from the two source communities, namely: Oton, Iloilo and Banica, Roxas City, Capiz. I documented the benda- porma process of Capiz shell craft making at Kapis atbp., in the latter. From online research, I generated digital photographs of the Capiz shell craft items sold, recording their extensive uses, monetary price, and function. My online research resulted in a meet-up with the owner of Capiz Flowers and Antiques. They create a bouquet made of Capiz shells. The third set of data also were collected from Oton, Iloilo where I generated information about the lives and livelihoods of fishing households engaged in the Capiz artisanal dive fishery. I visited two public museums at the National Museum of Philippine Maritime History and the National Museum of Western Visayas in Iloilo City. The third museum is privately owned, the Camiña Balay na Bato, which is open to tourists and showcases the famous bahay-na-bato built with the Capiz sliding panel windows, dividers, chandelier, and other home furniture made from Capiz shells. A ‘polysemy of spaces’ of the source community Oton, Iloilo, the natural habitat of Placuna placenta; Banica, Roxas City’s Kapis atbp., the Capiz shell craft manufacturer; the public and private Museums with Placuna placenta and Capiz shell craft curated items exhibited; and cyber communities selling online Capiz shell crafts. These offline and online sites are platforms of the enmeshed relations of people, places, and 4 �the capiz (Placuna placenta). The marine bivalve metamorphoses into a maritime heritage cultural material object of the Philippine archipelago. Figure 4 Capiz (Placuna placenta) commodities and museum material objects 3. RESOURCES The resources available to conduct the research include secondary data sources, the data collected from my fieldwork in Oton, Iloilo and Banica, Roxas City, and online sources. The information on the distribution map of Placuna beds across the Philippine archipelago was based on the 1931 published journal article of Faustino and Talavera. The tables with information about the 1920s Philippine export of Capiz shells and shell craft also were based on Faustino and Talavera’s research. The social media platform Facebook carried the online pages of sellers of the Capiz shells and shell crafts. International Capiz shell craft industriesmaintained web pages that I accessed using the Google search engine. 4. FRAMEWORK My study inquiries into the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery. In particular, the maritime submerged tangible and intangible heritage of Placuna placenta and the material culture of Capiz artisanal dive fishery as a subject of anthropology museums. What comprises the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery? Why are the narratives of the development of artisanal fishing households engaged in Capiz dive fishery included in the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Philippines? What is the significance of anthropology museums in the preservation of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery maritime and underwater cultural heritage? To frame my analysis and interpretation, I am appropriating the materialism conceived by Marx and Engels (1845-6), stating, “practice, activity, production and the conditions of life are all characterized as material… real individuals, their activity and the material conditions of their life and state that by producing their means of subsistence men are indirectly producing their material life.” (31) The socioecological practices, the marine and coastal ecology, and the labour in capiz artisanal dive fishery reproduce not only the social 5 �relations of production but the material life in a fishing community. This conception of materialism is integrated, and appropriate in describing and analyzing the labour and the material objects in capiz artisanal fishery including the commodities they produce. Moreover, Marx and Engels (1845-6, 36) treat the ‘production of ideas, of conceptions, of consciousness’, too, as a form of societal practice. These activities are, as they put it, ‘directly interwoven with the material activity and the material intercourse of men’. Thus, the ingenious improvisation of the diving gears and apparel and the careful selection of recycled materials, the design, maintenance and repair of the compressor and hose tube pipe breathing apparatus, which are conceived from local ecological knowledge constitute the material life of capiz artisanal dive fishery. The biographies and itineraries of objects and things frame my analysis of the Placuna placenta on display at the National Museum in Western Visayas and the capiz shell crafts exhibited in the National Museum of Maritime History. Essentially, to ‘follow the thing’ permits me to conduct a multi-sited ethnography. Thus, tracing the itinerary of the submerged Placuna placenta from the seafloor to divers collecting and putting them inside a mesh net. Then, unloading the sackful of capiz shells on the seashore, the post-diving activities of shucking shells (panala), steaming, fermenting, and selling the seafood in the roadside sheds, or the intricate and laborious process of capiz shell making, selling the shell craft commodities in retail shops and online sites, export the global capiz shell craft commodities comprise the itineraries of the capiz (Placuna placenta). The capiz sliding panel window is iconic and an architectural feature of Gabaldon school buildings and the bahay-na-bato. The capiz farol/parol or lantern is a sought-after commodity during the Christmas season. Using the object-oriented ontology (OOO) theory, these material objects made of capiz shells do not only have a biography and an itinerary but possess attributes agential in character. The capiz sliding panel window evokes nostalgia for the 19th-century Spanish colonial period in the Philippines. The Gabaldon school buildings with capiz panel windows remind us of the public school system established during the American colonial period in the Philippines. The capiz parol or lantern is symbolic of the festive Christmas season in the Philippines. To summarize, three relevant frameworks apply in my analysis and interpretation of the material culture of capiz artisanal dive fishery, Marx and Engels’s conception of materialism, the biography and itinerary of things, and the object-oriented ontology theory. These theories meld a meshwork of analysis and interpretation of the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the capiz in the Philippines. 5. RESULTS The three types of collections of the material culture of Capiz artisanal dive fishery are: 1) the Capiz artisanal diving fishery materials i.e., improvised diving gears and apparel; 2) The Capiz shells and shell craft commodities classified according to use and function and other secondary data about the Philippine Capiz shell industry, and the map showing the distribution of Placuna beds around the Philippine archipelago; and, 3) The third set of the collection represents the people, the socioecological practices and social relations of fishing households engaged in Capiz artisanal dive fishery. These material collections are shown below in photographs, tables, graphs and digital illustrations and are curated with captions and descriptions. Analysis and discussion of these material cultures seek to answer the following research questions: 6 �1. What comprises the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery? 2. Why are the narratives of the development of artisanal fishing households engaged in Capiz dive fishery included in the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Philippines? 3. What is the significance of anthropology museums in the preservation of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery maritime and underwater cultural heritage? The analysis and discussion are framed according to the three theories, namely: materialism, the biographies and itineraries of things, and object-oriented ontology (OOO). ACKNOWLEDGMENT I am grateful to the fishing households in Barangay Trapiche and Botong, Oton, and Iloilo and the local government officials of the six coastal communities that participated in the study. Cynthia N. Zayas, PhD, Takashi Tsuji, PhD, Rintaro Ono, PhD and Rosalinda Tomas, PhD, Prof Tomasito T. Talledo and my panel at the Ateneo de Davao University for their steadfast support that allowed me to finish my dissertation. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adan, R. I. Y. 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In Bivalve Culture in Asia and the Pacific, Proceedings of the Workshop held in Singapore, 16-91 February, lDRC-200 e. 1982: 55-68. Zayas, CN. “Pangayaw and Tumandok in the maritime world of the Visayan Islands”. In Fishers of the Visayas. A Study of Maritime Communities, edited by U. Iwao and CN Zayas, 75-131. Diliman, Quezon City: College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines, 1994 8 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Anthropology Museums and the Maritime and underwater cultural heritage of Capiz (Placuna Placenta) artisanal dive fishery in the Philippine Archipelago Description An account of the resource My paper examines the maritime and underwater cultural heritage of the Capiz (Placuna placenta) artisanal dive fishery. There are three types of collections of the material culture of the Capiz dive fishery. These include the Capiz artisanal diving fishery materials i.e., improvised diving gears and apparel; the Capiz shells and shell craft commodities classified according to use and function and other secondary data about the Philippine Capiz shell industry, and the map showing the distribution of Placuna beds around the Philippine archipelago. The string of agents, the socioecological practices and the social relations likewise encompass the material life of fishing households engaged in Capiz artisanal dive fishery. ‘Follow the thing’, a geographical approach allows me to conduct multi-sited ethnographies covering the source communities of Trapiche and Botong, Oton, Iloilo, the natural habitat of Placuna placenta. And Banica, Roxas City, Capiz’s shell craft manufacturer Kapis atbp. The museum visits and online capiz shell craftsellers encompass the diverse sites to further document and describe the uses and function of the capiz. The local ecological knowledge embodies the intangible maritime and underwater cultural heritage of Capiz artisanal dive fishery. Thus, integrating the narratives of the development of fishing households, their labour and livelihoods. To analyze the significance of anthropology museums in the preservation of the Capiz artisanal dive fishery maritime and underwater cultural heritage, I applied three theories, namely: materialism, the biographies and itineraries of things, and object-oriented ontology (OOO). Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ma. Arve B. Bañez Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Bañez, Ma. Arve B. . 2023. “Anthropology Museums and the Maritime and underwater cultural heritage of Capiz (Placuna Placenta) artisanal dive fishery in the Philippine Archipelago.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Arjun Rao. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2033 Asia-Pac Session 22 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/dca92f83a85a0f01eb068d1bed1705b9.pdf 7e81fbe181c07bc4ddaddd46f6883ec3 PDF Text Text Disaster in the High Seas: The Spanish Expeditions in the Pacific in the Sixteenth Century Ma. Luisa De Leon-Bolinao, Ph.D. Associate Professor, History Department University of the Philippines-Diliman Quezon City, Philippines Email: loudeleon@rocketmail.com Abstract The Pacific Ocean is the largest body of water on earth, measuring more than 165 million square kilometers. Although the first European to spot it was Vasco Nuñez de Balboa in 1513, who named it Mar del Sur (South Sea) due to a miscalculation, it was Ferdinand Magellan who named it Pacifico after taking notice of its calm waters. This paper discusses the various disasters that sixteenth-century Spanish expeditions encountered during their trips to and from the Philippines while crossing the vast Pacific Ocean. It focuses on four events: (1) natural disasters like storms and gales; (2) health hazards like diseases and spoiled food provisions; (3) man-made hazards like mutinies and piracies; and, (4) other accidents like leaks and reef grounding. The study covers the period from Magellan’s voyage of 1519 up to the trips of the galleons until the end of the sixteenth century, and concludes with the lessons learned from a century of traversing the Pacific. Key words: disasters, Pacific Ocean, Spanish expeditions, galleon trade, Philippines I. Introduction A story on Walter McDougall’s (1993) book1 narrated the historic first eastward trip from the Philippines to Acapulco. Fray Andres de Urdaneta was on his way back to Acapulco from the Philippines. He set a course north by northeast in the hope of bypassing the trade winds and finding the westerlies back to the Americas. Forty-five years earlier, Magellan first crossed the Pacific westward, but since then no one has been able to make a tornaviaje (return trip) using the same route through the Pacific. After a month, Urdaneta’s crew reached 320 north latitude, 1590 east longitude, the same coordinates reached by Saavedra in 1528 but abandoned after a five-day storm 1 Walter A. McDougall (1993). Let the Sea Make a Noise: A History of the North Pacific from Magellan to MacArthur. Basic Books, p. 25. 1 �crippled his ship, with his crew weakened by the cold and scurvy. Urdaneta then prayed for the intercession of St. Peter, patron saint of his ship San Pedro, that the westerlies would carry them back to Acapulco. The westerlies did pick up, the ship sailed eastward until the California current caught them and carried them southward to Mexico. They reached Acapulco on October 8, 1565 after sailing over twelve thousand miles in 130 days. Urdaneta unwittingly discovered the Kuroshio current2 flowing off Japan, the North Pacific Current flowing towards California, and the tornaviaje route that eluded earlier Spanish explorers. Thus began Spain’s mastery of the Pacific Ocean. According to Greg Bankoff (2006), “The Spanish Empire in the Pacific may have been motivated by ‘God, gold, and glory’ but its realization, in particular its extent and its pulse, was largely determined by the Pacific wind system.”3 Spain may have built an empire, but it came with considerable loss of life and property. The Pacific, contrary to Magellan’s initial impression of this “Spanish lake”, was far from calm. It is the birthplace of numerous tropical storms, the home of the world’s most active volcanoes and tectonic plates, and the regular site of earthquakes and tsunamis. II. Initial Travels to the Philippines: From Ferdinand Magellan to Miguel Lopez De Legazpi, 1519-1565 Antonio Pigafetta, Magellan’s assistant and chronicler, kept a detailed account of the events of the 1519 expedition. The fleet began its voyage to the largely unknown waters in November 1520, with no clue as to direction or length of travel. Three months later, the food had deteriorated, and morale was low. He notes, “The tired crew only ate sea biscuits that were full of worms and smelled of the urine from the rats that had already eaten the good parts. Some men fought over old cowhides which they softened for four or five days in seawater 2 As described by Shirley Fish in her book, The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific. Author House (2011), p. 64: “The Kuroshio Current begins off the coast of Taiwan and flows in a circular, clock wise pattern as far north as Japan. The current then merges with the North Pacific Current (NPC) which flows in a westerly pattern taking the ship towards the coast of Northern California and Mendecino. The NPC is the Pacific’s counterpart of the Atlantic’s Gulf Stream. Once off the coast of California, the galleon sailed south to Baja California and then to Mexico’s Cape Corrientes and Acapulco.” 3 Greg Bankoff (2006). “Winds of Colonisation: The Meteorological Contours of Spain’s Imperium in the Pacific, 1521-1898”, Environment and History 12, p. 67. 2 �before cooking them over a charcoal fire. Others caught and sold rats…and the demand for this kind of fresh meat could not be met. Nineteen of them perished from scurvy…”4 Scurvy is a disease that occurs due to the lack of Vitamin C and usually accompanies malnutrition. Symptoms include pale skin, sunken eyes, and loss of teeth. It was a common illness among sailors since the 15th century due to the absence of fresh vegetables and fruits, especially citrus, in their diets. These foods are highly perishable and cannot last for the several months that the sailors spend in long-distance travel in ships. A second voyage led by Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, and assisted by Juan Sebastian Del Cano [Elcano], was mandated by Carlos I to colonize the Spice Islands for the Spanish Crown. Leaving Spain in 1525 with an impressive fleet of seven ships and crew of 450, the Loaisa expedition barely survived the Atlantic crossing. Even before they crossed the Pacific, they were already down to four ships. After the Pacific voyage, only one ship reached the Spice Islands as three more ships were lost in the storms, while Loaysa and Elcano both died 5 of scurvy in July 1526.The October 31, 1527 trip of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron proved most favorable for the Spanish fleet. Not only were the northeast trade winds strong enough to push them across the vast ocean, thus making the trip faster, they also arrived in the Philippines after the typhoon season was over.6 Of course, it helped that one of the captains of the ships was a member of the earlier Elcano expedition and could have copies of the navigation charts. It was also the first time that a Spanish fleet originated from Mexico, instead of Spain, which means the food would remain fresher for a longer period of time during the Pacific crossing. However, Saavedra could not escape the curse of the Pacific. Only two weeks into the voyage, the crew discovered that the ship was leaking badly. Wright (1951) wrote,7 “…The water was pouring into the bread storeroom in the stern of the ship, in such quantities that the ship was settling rapidly. They hastened to lighten her by throwing overboard thirty quintales [equivalent to fifty days ration 4 Rodrigue Levesque (trans.) The Philippines: Pigafetta’s Story of Their Discovery by Magellan (n.d.). Levesque Publications, p. 14. 5 Ibid, p. 111. 6 Ione Stuessy Wright “Voyages of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron” in R. S. Boggs (ed.) University of Miami Hispanic-American Studies (1951). University of Miami Press, p. 17. 7 Ibid. p. 19. 3 �for forty men] of bread and meat and other foods, and set to work to get rid of the water….” On December 15, 1527, another misfortune happened to the crew. They encountered a storm, developed rudder trouble, and were forced to wait out the bad weather in the middle of the sea. Two other ships of the convoy – the Santiago and Espiritu Santo -continued on their journey, but after the storm passed, these two vessels were never seen again.8 It was Saavedra who first attempted the tornaviaje in June 1528 by sailing northeastward, but was apparently unprepared for the extreme weather condition and more storms. He returned to the Moluccas and departed for a second attempt in May 1529, only to be attacked by the native islanders along the way. Saavedra himself fell ill and died on the return voyage (estimated around October 1529), but barely out of the western Pacific region. The crew returned to the Moluccas a second time, but was later captured by the Portuguese and taken to Malacca. After the Spaniards surrendered their arms to the Portuguese, they were sent to India and finally got back to Spain in Portuguese ships. By the time Ruy Lopez de Villalobos set sail in October 1542, a lot of things had been learned about the Pacific. Captains were further instructed to keep a very detailed log of each day’s journey, measured in leagues. Despite all the preparation and the knowledge that went into the Villalobos expedition, the usual problems surfaced – leaking boats, lack of drinking water, and the occasional storms and gales, one of which caused one ship, the San Cristobal, to disappear.9 It would later resurface in Mindanao and rendezvous with the rest of Villalobos’s fleet. After several months in Mindanao, one of the ships -- the San Juan – would attempt to return to Mexico via the Pacific Ocean. The Villalobos expedition may have been better prepared for the journey this time around, but with the persistent lack of adequate knowledge of wind direction and sea currents occurring in the Pacific, this attempt was destined to fail. It would take Spain two more decades to figure this out before the incredible feat of returning to Spain via the Pacific would be accomplished. Miguel 8 Ibid., p. 21. Andre Gschaedler, “Mexico and the Pacific, 1540-1565: The Voyages of Villalobos and Legazpi and the Preparations Made for Them”. PhD dissertation, Faculty of Political Science, Columbia University, p. 52. 9 4 �Lopez de Legazpi had one very distinct advantage as he set sail across the Pacific in November 1564 – he was assisted by Andres de Urdaneta, who, by this time, had been the foremost expert in navigation. He had been crossing the Pacific since the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions, and that his knowledge of cosmography and navigation was well known throughout the empire. He became an Augustinian friar in 1552, and stayed in Mexico where he was exposed to more studies on seafaring, particularly on the meteorological observations made along the coast of California.10 The November 21, 1564 departure of the Legazpi fleet would have spelled disaster had it not been for the instructions of Urdaneta who outlined different sea routes for (1) departures between Oct 1 to November 10; (2) departures between November 10 and January 20; and (3) departures after January which should not proceed until March.11 Simply put, for every Pacific voyage, timing is paramount; one cannot take for granted prevailing winds and the sea currents at different times of the year. Needless to say, the voyage proceeded without any incident, and Legazpi reached Guam on January 26, 1565, and Samar on February 13, 1565.12 Urdaneta left Cebu to return to Mexico on June 1, 1565 aboard the San Pedro. Although this was the voyage that discovered the eastward route back to Acapulco, we do know now that out of the original 200 people on board, only about 30 people were able to reach their destination after four months. This fact, however, does not diminish the significance of this return voyage, and it would serve as the route that the Manila galleons would follow for 250 years. III. The Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade Conquering the Pacific didn’t end the disasters accompanying the subsequent Spanish expeditions. According to Shirley Fish (2011):13 “After the arrival of the San Pablo in Mexico, it was followed by the San Geronimo, which arrived at Cebu in October 1566. This proved to be a difficult journey for all those aboard the vessel as a mutiny arose on the ship. The captain was murdered by the mutineers and it was a miracle that the ship arrived in the Philippines at all.” 10 Ibid., p. 84. Ibid. p. 115-16. 12 Ibid., p. 149, 152. 13 Shirley Fish (2011). The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific. Author House, p. 65. 11 5 �Aside from mutinies, captains also faced the possibility of encountering pirates and rival foreign ships when traveling over international waters. The galleons were part of the Spanish Crown Trade Route (SCTR), a larger network of traditional merchant ships that sailed -routes. As discussed by Ruescas and Wrana (2012),14 “Thus, two lengthy maritime routes operated across the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans simultaneously for over two centuries. Both of these lines were in turn connected by an overland route between Acapulco and Veracruz via Mexico City…. Through this overland route, the Atlantic and Pacific lines were connected forming a single combined route that stretched from Manila to Seville, linking Asia, America, and Europe….” For both the Atlantic and Pacific fleets, the Spanish Government established a highly-regulated system of laws that governed everything from cargo and provisions to weaponry and crew. The schedule for the voyages had to be strictly followed. Sailing to the Americas had to commence in the months of April or May in order to arrive in Mexico before the hurricane season, while the Pacific fleets can only start their voyage in October, but not later than January, to be assured of calm waters and favorable winds. The Atlantic waters were likewise used by vessels from other countries such as the Dutch and British ships which were always hunting for Spanish galleons. That is why as early as 1526, the King of Spain had decreed that vessels traveling to the Americas would be escorted by war ships. In contrast, the Pacific galleons were not accompanied by these vessels, but instead were fitted with cannons to be able to protect themselves. 15 At times, an incoming Manila galleon was escorted from Baja California to the port of Acapulco by additional armed warships. Alas, such precautions proved far from foolproof. One such example was when the Santa Ana was captured by Thomas Cavendish in 1587 off the coast of Baja California.16 The Santa Ana was originally with the war ship San Francisco when they left Manila, but both encountered a typhoon off Japan which considerably wrecked the 14 Javier Ruescas and Javier Wrana, “The West Indies and the Manila Galleons: The First Global Trade Route” in Probing Philippine-Spanish Connections in History: Selected Papers, Philippine-Spanish Friendship Day 2011 (2012). National Historical Commission of the Philippines and the History Department, UP Diliman, p. 8. 15 Ibid., p. 28, 30 16 Ibid., p. 188. 6 �latter, leaving the Santa Ana to continue its voyage back to Acapulco alone and unarmed. In November 1587, the Cavendish fleet spotted the lone galleon sailing towards Baja California, chased it, and got control of the ship, the cargo, and the crew. After picking the best of the lot from the ship, Cavendish set the Santa Ana on fire and set off, leaving the burning ship which managed to drift to a nearby shore, eventually getting salvaged by the remaining crew and brought back to Acapulco.17 The Dutch were the more aggressive attackers of the galleons, who constantly dispatched ships to the Philippines. They had hoped to catch one of the incoming or outgoing galleons by blockading either Manila Bay or the San Bernardino Strait. One such encounter happened in December 1600 when Oliver van Noort led the attack in Cavite, which unfortunately resulted with the sinking of the San Diego.18 It was this San Diego that was later excavated by underwater archaeologists in 1993, and the artifacts are presently housed in the National Museum of the Philippines and the Museo Naval in Madrid (Spain). Let me end this study with an incident from the seventeenth century. One of the worst disasters for the Spanish flotilla was the tragedy that befell the Nuestra Señora de la Concepcion. The Concepcion had quite a reputation as the largest, most indestructible galleon of its time. It was built using the best tropical hardwoods in the Philippines and measured 160 feet long, 50 feet wide, with a carrying capacity of 2,000 tons. It was accompanied by the San Ambrosio, but had become separated from the Concepcion due to the strong winds they encountered. The San Ambrosio was able to stay the course and arrived in Acapulco safely; the Concepcion, however, did not. 17 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Cavendish#Capturing_a_Manila_galleon, Accessed October 5, 2013. 18 “Oliver van Noort’s Attack on Luzon” in Blair and Robertson, ‘Documents of 1600’, (Volume 11). The Philippine islands, 1493-1803 : explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century / tr. from the originals, ed. and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. 55 Vols. URL: http://quod.lib.umich.edu/p/philamer/afk2830.0001.011/144?page=root;size=100;view=image;q1=blair. Accessed October 5, 2013. 20 Fish, p. 3. 21 Ibid, p. 3-4. 22 Ibid., p. 11-15. An annotated list of Transpacific Galleons, 1565-1815, can also be found in Fish, pp 492-523. 7 �Fish (2011) relates that on September 20, 1638, the Concepcion encountered bad weather and crashed into a reef off the southern coast of the Northern Marianas, where it eventually capsized and broke to pieces. An investigation conducted in 1644 concluded that the ship’s disaster: “…was brought about by a combination of bad weather and the lack of vigilance on the part of the pilots in charge of the ship’s navigation. Apparently, there was a disturbance on the galleon which had become so out of control that the navigation of the ship was completely forgotten. Perhaps there was a fight among the officers and crew or a mutiny was attempted with a planned takeover of the vessel. Whatever happened on the galleon, it appears that no one was paying attention to the ship’s course and the fact that it had been dangerously drifting towards the reef.” Eventually, the culpability was traced back to Manila and to the then Governor-General Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who was held responsible. Fifty-nine charges were brought against Corcuera, among which were (1) appointing his inexperienced nephew as Commander of the Concepcion which was probably one of the factors that led to a near-mutiny aboard the ship; (2) illegally-transporting personal cargo of jewelry, gold, and other items aboard the galleons back to Mexico, to be sold for profit; and, (3) numerous violations of Spanish trade laws. A recovery team was sent to Saipan by the Spanish government in Manila in 1684, to at least retrieve the ship’s cannons. But it was not until 1987 that an archaeological team led by William Mathers and his team of thirty men and women recovered the riches that the Nuestra Señora de la Concepcion buried off the waters of the Pacific for 375 years. Conclusion The Pacific Ocean had been the last frontier for the Spanish expeditions in the sixteenth century; their final obstacle to reaching the coveted Spice Islands. Erroneously named Pacifico by Magellan in 1520 which he based on its calm demeanor when he first saw the vast ocean, the Pacific is anything but peaceful. For it is the birthplace of numerous tropical storms, the home of the world’s most active volcanoes and tectonic plates, and the regular site of earthquakes and tsunamis. The first hazard they had to overcome was the weather and the ocean current. A ship captain must possess enough skills and navigation know-how to even begin to sail the large ocean to lands unknown. Initially a venture based on trial-and error, they had to 8 �leave Acapulco at a specific time of the year, and carefully keep a daily log of their latitudinal position to even have any hope of surviving the months-long journey or reaching an island to replenish supplies. Another challenge is rationing their food and water supply and combatting physical diseases like scurvy, or emotional distress like loneliness and boredom. A second hazard is the violent climate. The Pacific is the birthplace of tropical storms, a phenomena entirely new to citizens of an almost hurricane-free Europe. As such, coping with shipwrecks, leaks, storms, and gales had become regular struggles for the hapless sailors. A third form of challenge was finding the tornaviaje route back to Acapulco. For some reason, the Pacific waters behaved differently going back east than moving towards the west. Sixteenth-century navigation meant relying on wind and sea currents in the absence of modern instrumentation. It took Spain all of half a century before hitting the Kuroshio Current off Japan which finally gave them that coveted return trip to Acapulco with a shorter travel time. This historic discovery paved the way for Spain to master the Pacific Ocean, establish their empire, and build a lucrative trade route for the galleons for 250 years. Finally, Spain had one last hurdle to overcome – piracy and attacks in the high seas. Carrying untold fortune between Manila and Acapulco, the galleons are virtual magnets to every daring treasure hunter with a sea vessel. The Portuguese had staked their claim over the Spice Islands and its surrounding lands and waters, and had used this ruse to capture Spanish vessels which wandered inside its territory. Meanwhile, the Dutch and British ships lie in wait in pivotal water channels like the San Bernardino Strait, Manila Bay, and Baja California. Although Spanish galleons frequently carry cannons and firearms to protect themselves, the length of the travel time and distance sometimes leave them weak and vulnerable to pirates and bounty hunters who maintain close proximity to the shore and thus remain healthy and ready to pounce on weary sailors. The cost of conquering the Pacific may have been enormous for Spain in the sixteenth century. The payback, however, was their enduring legacy in structuring the earliest techniques for modern navigation and map-making, pioneering the methods to building 9 �a formidable, cross-continent empire, and ushering in the first global trade by linking the largest landmasses of the earth – Asia, the Americas, and Europe. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bankoff, Greg, 2006. Winds of Colonisation: The Meteorological Contours of Spain’s Imperium in thePacific, 1521-1898, Environment and History (12): 65-88. Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson, Alexander (eds.). ‘Documents of 1600’, (Volume 11). The Philippinne islands, 1493-1803: explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century / trans. from the originals, ed. and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. 55 Vols. Fish, Shirley, 2011. The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific. Author House. Gschaedler, Andre,1953. Mexico and the Pacific, 1540-1565: The Voyages of Villalobos and Legazpi and the Preparations Made for Them. PhD dissertation, Faculty of Political Science, Columbia University. Levesque, Rodrigue (trans.), n.d. The Philippines: Pigafetta’s Story of Their Discovery by Magellan. Levesque Publications. McDougall, Walter A.,1993. Let the Sea Make a Noise: A History of the North Pacific from Magellan to MacArthur. Basic Books. Morga, Antonio de, 1962. Historical Events of the Philippine Islands. Writings of Jose Rizal Volume VI (Centennial Edition). Jose Rizal National Centennial Commission. Paige, Paula Spurlin (trans.),1969. The Voyage of Magellan: The Journal of Antonio Pigafetta. Prentice-Hall International. Ruescas, Javier and Wrana, Javier, 2012. The West Indies and the Manila Galleons: The First Global Trade Route. In Probing Philippine-Spanish Connections in 10 �History: Selected Papers, Philippine-Spanish Friendship Day 2011. National Historical Commission of the Philippines and the History Department, UP Diliman, 1-32. Wright, Ione Stuessy, 1951. Voyages of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron. In R. S. Boggs (ed.) University of Miami Hispanic-American Studies. University of Miami Press. Online Sources: “The Philippine Islands, ” http://philhist.pbworks.com/w/page/16367055/ThePhilippineIslands “Thomas Cavendish”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Cavendish#Capturing_a_Manila_galleon Biography Maria Luisa de Leon Bolinao is an Associate professor at the University of Philippines Diliman. Her area of specialization is Asian History, particularly Southeast Asian History and West Asian History. She teaches the Contemporary Period (Post-War Philippine History), and her field of specialization is Environmental History. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Disaster in the High Seas: The Spanish Expeditions in the Pacific in the Sixteenth Century Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean is the largest body of water on earth, measuring more than 165 million square kilometers. Although the first European to spot it was Vasco Nuñez de Balboa in 1513, who named it Mar del Sur (South Sea) due to a miscalculation, it was Ferdinand Magellan who named it Pacifico after taking notice of its calm waters. This paper discusses the various disasters that sixteenth-century Spanish expeditions encountered during their trips to and from the Philippines while crossing the vast Pacific Ocean. It focuses on four events: (1) natural disasters like storms and gales; (2) health hazards like diseases and spoiled food provisions; (3) man-made hazards like mutinies and piracies; and, (4) other accidents like leaks and reef grounding. The study covers the period from Magellan’s voyage of 1519 up to the trips of the galleons until the end of the sixteenth century, and concludes with the lessons learned from a century of traversing the Pacific. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ma. Luisa De Leon-Bolinao, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/14/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/361c8fba9d747e636de118d5d7008455.pdf ccc39a87fd2c065c60b3bef56ceb97f9 PDF Text Text The ceramic and porcelain collections on shipwreck in Vietnam Sea at History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City (Vietnam): History, Preservation and Promotion. MA. Nguyen Thi Huynh Nhu – History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City - Vietnam ABSTRACT In Vietnam, underwater cultural heritage is a new field developed in the late twenty century until now. Interest in this field began with the discovery of shipwrecks in Vietnamese waters in the 1990s. Through international cooperation as well as the support of modern equipment, Vietnam has approached and explored ancient shipwrecks in Hòn Dầm (Phu Quoc), Hòn Cau (Con Dao), Cà Mau, Cù lao Chàm (Quang Nam), and in recent years, the ancient shipwrecks Chau Thuan Bien in Quang Ngai. From 1993 to 2000, The History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City received more than 7000 artifacts from these shipwrecks assigned from the Ministry of Culture and Sports of Vietnam. Most of these archaeological materials are Chinese ceramics dating from the Ming to Qing Dynasties, some Thai ceramics such as Sawankhalok ceramics, Sukhothai ceramics, and Vietnamese Chu Dau ceramics dating from the 15th century. In this paper, we would like to give a brief introduction to these collections, preservation and promotion agenda alongside the History Museum in Ho Chi Minh city. Accordingly, the article will include three parts: the first is an overview of the historical museum and underwater heritage collections which include the number and types of artifacts. In the second part, we will present about our museum’s actual preservation and exhibition covering the difficulties and limitations that we are facing. In the discussion part, we will present possible ideas about cooperation on exhibition, communication and conservation of the UCH collection in our museum case. Keywords: Cu Lao Cham ceramic, Chu Dau ceramics, History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnamese shipwrecks Table of Figures and Tables Figure 1. Cu Lao Cham collection in The History Museum in Ho Chi Minh city Figure 2. Some objects of Ca Mau shipwreck collection in the Museum Figure 3. Some of objects of Hòn Cau shipwreck collection in the Museum Figure 4. Hòn Dầm shipwreck ceramics found in in the Museum: Sawankhalok (left), Sukhothai (right) Figure 5. Cu Lao Cham storage view; Checking and detecting the damaged objects by salt intrusion; Treatment Figure 6. Market exhibiting thematic "Trading ceramics on the East Sea trade route" at History Museum in 2022 Table 1. Distribution chart of UCH collection kept at History Museum. Table 2. Cu Lao Cham collection detail Part 1: MUSEUM BACKGROUND WITH UNDERWATER CULTUAL HERITAGE The History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City is a large museum and has a long history of development in South Vietnam. Located in the heart of the city, the Museum is a popular destination for both domestic and international visitors. The exhibition content includes two main parts: Part one introduces Vietnamese culture and history from the Primitive period to 1945 CE. Part two introduces some typical ancient cultures in Southeast Asia such as Oc Eo culture and Champa culture. In addition, there are a number of galleries on Asian arts such as Buddhist statues,ceramics, and stone sculpture. The first milestone was that the museum had access to the UCH artifacts in 1993. The museum received a group of 97 excavated artifacts at Hon Cau. In 1994, the museum continued to receive 49 artifacts which had been excavated at Hon Dam. In 1995, the Museum received 229 artifacts from Hon Cau. Those were the early milestones of the museum's work on accessing the UCH from shipwrecks. In 2000, the museum received 4366 artifacts which were excavated in Cu Lao Cham shipwrecks. This was the biggest UCH collection that the museum had before. Since then, the History Museum has had a colorful UCH collection with the number of about 7000 artifacts; mainly were Vietnamese, Chinese and Thai ceramics. 1 �About UCH collections The history of underwater archeology in Vietnam began in the late twentieth century. Up to now, after 30 years, there were six shipwrecks that have been officially discovered and excavated in Vietnam: Hon Cau, Hon Dam, Cu Lao Cham, Ca Mau, Binh Thuan and Binh Chau. In addition, as there are more newly discovered underwater archaeological sites, agencies and organizations also conduct small-scale salvage excavation. The History Museum in HCM city is one of the major museums in Vietnam, the museum was honored to receive nearly 7000 artifacts which were of good quality, some of them also were rare objects from shipwrecks. They were displayed and exhibited in various museums in the country and abroad. The most typical collection is Chu Dau export ceramics that was found in Cu Lao Cham shipwrecks. Table 1. Distribution chart of UCH collection at History Museum. Display number of objects in collection and percentage of total. Cu Lao Cham shipwreck collection Kien Giang 217 / 3% Binh Thuan 116 / 2% Vung Tau 418 / 6% Ca Mau 1414 / 20% Cu Lao Cham 4757 / 69% Cu Lao Cham Ca Mau Kien Giang Binh Thuan Vung Tau The shipwreck was found at a depth of 70 metres below the sea surface, coordinates at N16o16'08" latitude and E108o27'00" longitude, in Cu Lao Cham area. The excavation was conducted under the cooperation of the archaeologists from the Vietnam History Museum-Hanoi, Vietnam Salvage Joint Stock Company (Visal), and Saga Horizon Company (Malaysia); the project has also brought together archaeologists from the United Kingdom, Malaysia and Slovakia. The project was carried out in three years, from 1997-2000. 240,0001 ceramic items were recovered from the wreck. Those items came from Vietnam, Thailand, and Chinese. The date of the shipwreck has been debated. Vietnamese researcher believe the vessel dated from the mid-to late-fifteenth century during the Le dynasty while some other researcher suggested of late fifteenth to early sixteenth century date (Butterfields 2000, 107; Guy 2000, 125-128) There were five museums designated by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism to receive, manage and display: The Hanoi National Museum, The History Museum in HCM city, Vietnam Fine Arts Museum, Hai Duong Museum and Quang Nam Museum was assigned 4366 artifacts on 24 March 2000. In addition, from 2000 up to now, the museum has added 385 objects from various sources, bringing 1 Organization of excavations of the ancient shipwreck of Cu Lao Cham (2000), Excavating the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck (1997 – 1999), New discoveries in archeology in 2000 in Vietnam, page 549 2 �the total number to 4751 objects. Collection content mainly daily ceramics such as dishes, bowl, ewer, cup; some of them are religious objects. Figure 1. Cu Lao Cham collection in The History Museum in Ho Chi Minh city Table 2. Cu Lao Cham collection detail Name Amount Brief introduction Dishes 368 They have many different sizes, from 25 to 48cm in diameter. Mostly blue drawing of flowers, animals and landscapes. A few were drawn colorfully, combined gold inlaid on the decoration. Bowl 1731 This was a large number, different sizes from 7cm to 15cm in diameter. Decorative patterns are mainly painted in blue on the outer wall and bottom with floral and animal themes, a few are smooth. Container 1501 The containers include kettles, vases, jars which used in daily life; some used in religion such as vial of vial, kendi. In the group, jars in spherical shaped painted with flowers or plain decorating accounted for a large number of 1376 artifacts. Especially, there were some vases shaped like animals such as birds, fish, turtles, monkeys, toads. Small boxes 1146 They have spherical shaped, an average diameter of 5cm to 8cm and were shaped like a mangosteen fruit, or petal-shaped, flattened sphere. Decorative patterns are mainly blue drawings of flowers, animals, and human landscapes. Others 05 There are some blocks of dent and chip plates and cups that were stuck together due to fire in shipwreck. These ceramic artifacts reflect the development of export ceramics with rich glaze colors, designs and patterns; creating a distinct tradition of Vietnamese ceramics. This was a spectacularly demonstration that Vietnamese ceramics was participation in asian international trade in the fifteen and early sixteen century (John Guy 2005, 107). Cà Mau shipwreck collection A shipwreck was found in the sea of Cà Mau province, coordinates at N7o41'12'' latitude and E105o29'18'' longitude. The excavation were carried out from August 1998 to October 1999. Nearly 1130,000 items recovered were ceramics, including blue-and-white or multi-colored glaze, possibly from Chinese pottery such as Jingdezhen (Jiangxi) and Guangzhou (Nguyen Dinh Chien 2005, 359). Notably, there were some European-style porcelains such as milk bottles, wine jugs with handles, plates 3 �decorated with flowers and a Dutch landscape. Inscriptions on some objects suggest that they were probably made under the Yongzheng reign (Chinese character: ‘雍正’), Qing Dynasty (1723-1735). On 25 June 2002, the Museum received 1051 artifacts from the Ba Ria - Vung Tau Museum. From 2002 up to now, this collection has added 363 artifacts from the following sources: the customs police transferred and the museum collected, bringing the total number of collections to 1,414 objects. Figure 2. Some objects of Ca Mau shipwreck collection in the Museum These objects were used in daily life: 1333 artifacts including cups, bowls, plates, kettles, dishes, ewers. Decorative patterns are mainly Chinese traditional arts such as flower, landscapes. Group of flat round chalk boxes painted with stylized flowers and leaves: 54 artifacts. Sevaral statues: human shaped, horseriding mandarins shaped, toad shaped: 25 artifacts. Hòn Cau shipwreck collection The Hon Cau shipwreck was located under 40 meters of water, and was submerged in the sand layer from 0.6m to 1m, about 15km from Hon Cau island. The shipwreck was excavated in 1990 - 1991, obtained 63,856 artifacts including: 28,556 ceramics, 34,710 porcelains, 70 stonewares, 448 bronzes, 18 wooden objects, 25 other material artifacts and 39 specimens (Nguyen Quoc Hung 2005, 293). On 23 January 1995, the Museum received 229 artifacts which were delivered by Ba Ria - Vung Tau. Before that, in 1993, the Museum had received 97 objects of this collection from the Fine Arts Museum. In addition, the Museum also collects more objects from different sources, so far this collection now has 418 artifacts. The main of collection are traditional Chinese ceramics and Chinese ceramics according to European orders. The dating were in Kangxi Emperor (Chinese character: ‘康熙’), Qing Dynasty (1654-1722). Traditional Chinese motifs such as chrysanthemums, orchids, peonies, and landscapes are arranged in diagonal, vertical or subdivision strips. European-style themes are the way of drawing flowers and leaves with criss-cross lines, checkered, a type of decoration on 18th century European fabric and silk (Nguyen Dinh Chien, Pham Quoc Quan 2008, 25-27). 4 �Figure 3. Some of objects of Hòn Cau shipwreck collection in the Museum. Most of the artifacts were chipped because the ceramic was thin and light, so they are easy to be damaged and impacted by external forces. A few were in fairly intact condition with little intrusion of sea salt. Hòn Dầm (Kien Giang) shipwreck collection The shipwreck was found at a depth of ten metres below the sea surface, five kilometres far from the shore of Dầm Island (Hòn Dầm in Vietnamese) in Kiên Giang province; coordinates at N9o59'00' latitude and E104o02'00' longitude. More than 16,000 ceramics have been found, mostly celadon and brown glaze, such as Sawankhalok ceramics and Sukhothai ceramics dating back to the fifteen century. Figure 4. Hòn Dầm shipwreck ceramics: Sawankhalok (left), Sukhothai (right). Some reflect the Vietnamese blue-and-white styles such as boxes, kendi, lidded jars painted blue flowers on white enamel. Some other large celadon bowls reflect the style of the Southern Song dynasty (南宋 1127–1279) in South China. This collection is not as large and rich as the above collections, with only 217 artifacts, but it is also possible to review a full representation of the types which were excavated in Hòn Dầm shipwreck. 5 �Part 2: PRESERVATION AND PROMOTION Preservation: Since 1993, when the first excavated artifacts from the shipwreck was carried out, the museum has made efforts in classifying, inventorying and building storage areas for these special collections. In particular, the Cu Lao Cham collection is the largest collection: we have built a distinguished storage which separates the excavated artifacts from other collections. The artifacts are classified by period and type for better management. Figure 5. Cu Lao Cham storage view (top), Checking and detecting the damaged objects by salt intrusion (middle), Treatment method (bottom) However, due to the limited staff of experts in underwater archeology, lack of knowledge in preservation about UCH objects, the museum preservation work faces certain difficulties. Currently, we have only one person for the management of this collection which also makes us haven’t done well in taking care of the collection, some damaged artifacts haven’t been detected and treated in time. In training: Every year in Vietnam, museum staff are allowed to participate in many training courses on preserving objects which are organized by the Department of Heritage as well as international organizations such as ICCROM. They gave us the knowledge of basic preservation on various materials such as wooden, bronze, stone, textile, ceramic. But the limitation of foreign languages was a barrier that prevented us from accessing cooperation and training projects of foreign experts/organizations. 6 �Technically equipment condition: Artifacts are managed and kept by a wooden cabinets and shelves system and don’t have specialized equipment for preservation attached. The management and care of artifacts is done mainly by manual methods. Preservation treatment: Because this is a specific type of excavated artifacts, of which they were soaked in sea for a long time, so a huge amount of salt has been accumulated in the ceramic core. The management by manual methods couldn’t control the damaged artifacts. Every year, the museum’s preservation team regularly treats this problem by soaking these damaged objects in fresh water and exchanging water many times until the salt inside object amounts gets low. Each batch, we perform an average immersion of about 100 artifacts for a period of about three months with many water changes. The preservation team has treated heavy damaged artifacts by desalination methods in fresh water. For the remaining ones, we managed by regular checking without technical equipment supporting. We realized that we still didn't have a good way to preserve and developed a roadmap for the sustainable preservation of this UCH collection. Promotion From 1993 to 2000, the Museums were assigned to manage the collections and built a plan to display this collection to people. The museum also has carried out many exhibitions and displayed at the Museum. In addition, the Museum also performs well in coordinating exhibitions at many other museums in the country and abroad. Exhibition in Vietnam: At beginning, the Museum mainly carried out thematic introduction of artifacts from shipwrecks in Vietnam Sea. The exhibition attracted the attention of the people in the city. In the following years, the Museum collaborated with other museums such as Hue Royal Museum, Khanh Hoa Museum to display on the sea festivals occasion. This was a good occasion for UCH artifacts to be widely introduced to the public and international visitors. In recent years, with strong development of various digital initiatives, access to information on underwater archeology has helped the Museum update its display methods and build the story in exhibition. The display content have not only introduced objects in UCH collection, but has more scientific research to outline the itinerary, location of the ship, and the role of Vietnamese sea in international trade. Figure 6. Market exhibiting thematic "Trading ceramics on the East Sea trade route" at History Museum in 2022 Abroad exhibition: Cu Lao Cham shipwreck ceramics collection is not only a large underwater heritage collection of the Museum, it’s also a Vietnamese particularly famous export ceramic in the fifteen century. In 2009, its ceramics were displayed at the Houston Fine Arts Museum - USA with the theme "Arts of Ancient Vietnam" (Nancy Tingley 2009, 292-298). In 2010, some of them were displayed in Busan - Korea with the theme "Vietnam from the Hong River to the Mekong" on the occasion of the 7 �fifteen anniversary of the twinning between the two cities of Busan and Ho Chi Minh. (Busan Museum 2010). Part 3: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Since the Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage was established in 2001 by UNESCO. Many coastal countries that owned UCH have developed the Protection of Underwater Cultural and education programs. Some countries in Asia have been doing well, they are Korea, Thailand, Philippines, Singapore. In Vietnam, with 30 years history, the field of underwater archeology was still in the formative stage and had a lot of difficulties. Currently, there is only an underwater archeology institution with some staff and has difficulties in operating funding which compared to the rich marine resources and the underwater cultural heritage. Research articles on underwater archeology are still modest compared to other research contents on culture and history. Every year, the Vietnam Archeology Institute publishes new archaeological discoveries, the number of articles about UCH accounts is small. Statistics are as follows: in 2018 there were 11/322 articles, in 2019 there were 11/360 articles, in 2020 there were 15/339 articles, in 2021 there were 18/349 articles2. In our museum case, as presented in part two, we realize that our efforts have not been able to preserve and promote the UCH collection well. In preservation, our difficulties are lack of knowledge, experience, facilities, and funding for management UCH collection. In the exhibition and promotion, the total number of UCH artifacts displayed on the museum's exhibition system is small, about 250 artifacts, accounting for 3.6 percent of the Museum UCH collection. Although we have made great efforts to communicate about UCH, we have found that public awareness of underwater heritage is still limited. For changing, there should be synchronous policies and programs from the government, education system and research agencies. Underwater cultural heritage is not only the property of the countries that own it, but has become a world heritage. Measures, policies, and the very implementation of maritime cultural heritage policies need to align with the overall global developments and not just Vietnamese, but scholars from any AsiaPacific regions, must work together with regional partners who might share similar challenges. Therefore, we realized that positive value from international programs to protect underwater heritage and these activities need to be continued on a more national scale. It's necessary in building awareness of underwater heritage for countries. In our museum case, we think that we were late to access international programs on UCH, we have missed several opportunities to absorb knowledge and experience from many countries around the world. We also found that the collaborations abroad exhibiting underwater heritage was a good and meaningful activity in disseminating heritage outside the country which we have previously collaborated with Busan Museum and Houston Fine Arts Museum. Our collection is quite large and we are ready for exhibitions not only abroad but also in the country. 2 Institute of Archaeology, Conference to Announce New Findings on Archeology (2018 – 2021), Ha Nọi 8 �Bibliography Organization of excavations of the ancient shipwreck of Cu Lao Cham (2000), Excavating the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck (1997 – 1999), New discoveries in archeology in 2000 in Vietnam. Busan Museum, Vietnam from the Hong River to the Mekong, Special Exhibition celebrating the 15th anniversary of sister-city affiliation between Busan & Ho Chi Minh City, Busan, 2010. Butterfields, Treasures from the Hoi An Hoard. Important Vietnamese ceramics from a Late 15th early 16th century cargo, Auction Catalogue, Vol 1 & 2, 2000. Guy, John. The Hoi an (Cu Lao Cham) Shipwreck cargo and Asian ceramics trade, in Proceedings of the International Conference: Chinese Export Ceramics and Maritime Trade, 12 th-15th centuries, Chief Editor: Pei-kai Cheng, Editors Guo LiChui Ki Wan, Zhonghua Shu Ju, Xianggang, 2005. Guy, John, Vietnamese ceramics from the Hoi an Excavation: The Cu Lao Cham ship cargo”, Orientation, 2000. Tingley, Nancy. Arts of Ancient Viet Nam from River plain to open sea, Asia Society the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, 2009. Nguyễn Đình Chiến, “Archaeological excavation of the Ca Mau shipwreck”, in A century of Vietnamese archeology, part 2, Ha Noi, 2005. Nguyễn Đình Chiến, Phạm Quốc, Ceramics in five shipwreck, The National museum in Ha Noi, Ha Noi, 2008 Nguyễn Quốc Hùng, “More than a decade of underwater archeology excavations in Vietnam”, in A century of Vietnamese archeology, part 2, Ha Noi, 2005. 9 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The ceramic and porcelain collections on shipwreck in Vietnam Sea at History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City (Vietnam): History, Preservation and Promotion. Description An account of the resource In Vietnam, underwater cultural heritage is a new field developed in the late twenty century until now. Interest in this field began with the discovery of shipwrecks in Vietnamese waters in the 1990s. Through international cooperation as well as the support of modern equipment, Vietnam has approached and explored ancient shipwrecks in Hòn Dầm (Phu Quoc), Hòn Cau (Con Dao), Cà Mau, Cù lao Chàm (Quang Nam), and in recent years, the ancient shipwrecks Chau Thuan Bien in Quang Ngai. From 1993 to 2000, The History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City received more than 7000 artifacts from these shipwrecks assigned from the Ministry of Culture and Sports of Vietnam. Most of these archaeological materials are Chinese ceramics dating from the Ming to Qing Dynasties, some Thai ceramics such as Sawankhalok ceramics, Sukhothai ceramics, and Vietnamese Chu Dau ceramics dating from the 15th century. In this paper, we would like to give a brief introduction to these collections, preservation and promotion agenda alongside the History Museum in Ho Chi Minh city. Accordingly, the article will include three parts: the first is an overview of the historical museum and underwater heritage collections which include the number and types of artifacts. In the second part, we will present about our museum’s actual preservation and exhibition covering the difficulties and limitations that we are facing. In the discussion part, we will present possible ideas about cooperation on exhibition, communication and conservation of the UCH collection in our museum case. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource MA. Nguyen Thi Huynh Nhu Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Thi Huynh Nhu, Nguyen . 2023. “The ceramic and porcelain collections on shipwreck in Vietnam sea at History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City (Vietnam): History, Preservation and Promotion.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1984 Asia-Pac Session 7 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/0a36a3b45e4521e7f15f2f6bed1be635.pdf 7c44b92117a636ce61329265eb46c3ee Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2021 Session 11: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region Subject The topic of the resource Session 11 papers Description An account of the resource Abstract Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports. Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organizations. Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. Session Organizer: Sila Tripati Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Two Arabic Epigraphs found from the Ancient Port at Ambalangoda, Sri Lanka Description An account of the resource The ancient port Ambalangoda is located in No 85 – Patabandimulla Grama Niladari Division (GND) of Ambalangoda Secretariat Division (SD), Galle District, Southern Province, Sri Lanka. Three groups; the Archaeology, Maritime Archaeology, and the Harbour Development Project have worked on the Maritime Archaeological activities in the Ambalangoda port from 1998 to 2012. The Ambalangoda harbor development project was carried out in 2007. While digging the sea bed they unearthed several types of artifacts, discovering 5 copper alloy plates, which were a remarkable find from the site. A notable thing which can be seen is two Arabic epigraphy in the reverse of the copper plates number 2 (2007/SL/S/AMBA/02) and 5 (2007/SL/S/AMBA/05). The Translation of the Epigraphy is (Arabic) (منح له سيد عبد الرب / Manehe Lahu Sayyid Abdul Rabb) “Mr. Abdul Rabb Awarded to him”. Ceylon was early known to the Arabs on account of its pearl-fisheries and trade in precious stones and spices; Arab merchants had formed commercial establishments there centuries before the rise of Islam. This Arabic letter had been written without dotting, it reveals an early era before Islam, because after Islam is introduced, dotting to Arabic was introduced to make it easy to recite the Holy Quran. Here this Arabic letter was written without dotting, its meaning is: “Mr. Abdul Rabb Awarded to him”, (منح له سيد عبد الرب), (Manehe Lahu Sayyid Abdul Rabb). Therefore, these Epigraphical evidences reveals the historical maritime relationships between Ceylon and Arabic countries. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mahinda Karunarathna, Mohamed Sulthan Mohamed Saleem Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Karunarathna, Mahinda, and Mohamed Sulthan Mohamed Saleem. 2021. “Two Arabic Epigraphs found from the Ancient Port at Ambalangoda, Sri Lanka.” Project and Oceanic Environmental Education Program.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/694 Asia-Pac Session 11 2021