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                <text>Hayashida, Kenzo. 2021. “Yabitsu: A Medieval Port in Tsushima Island.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill&#13;
Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater&#13;
Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL:&#13;
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                <text>Yabitsu: A Midieval Port in Tsushima Island</text>
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                <text>The medieval port of Yabitsu is located in an inlet at the northwest end of Tsushima Island. Yabitsu is geographically closest to the Korean peninsula, separated by the Korea Strait.  It is difficult to use its small isolated hinterland as a field for farming because in the inlet, some stone-built remains, which seem to have been quay and jetty are present. Although no description on Yabitsu has been found in any Japanese historical materials, a few Korean documents have been discovered in the Korean peninsula. From these literal evidences, the port of Yabitsu looks to have been used as an inlet for anchorage in the first half of the 15th century.  The name of the inlet appeared in ‘Song Hui-gyeong’s Chronicle’ written in 1420, which was known as ‘老松堂日本行録’ in Japan.  This chronicle refers to the port of Yabitsu as ‘也音非梁 (Ya-i-hi-ryo)’, which is on the way to the village of Waniura in Tsushima island.  Seongjong of Joseon, the 9th king of the Joseon Dynasty of Korea, recorded this port as ‘也音非道浦 (Ya-i-hi-do-ho)’ in his Annals of Joseon Dynasty written in 1499.  The survey in 2018 showed that the port of Yabitsu had a long history from the 4th to 17th centuries with early Haji wares, Sue wares, Goryeo potteries, Chinese white porcelains, and old Karatsu wares being found, However, the exact date when the stone remains in the inlet were constructed and their entire structure have not been known yet, because no full-scale survey has been conducted so far.  Additionally, we have not known the exact reason why the port was chosen to be built at Yabitsu. The survey on this port could contribute to restoring the maritime cultural landscape in Tsushima island, as well.</text>
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                    <text>Si Satchanalai Ceramic Figurines from Klang Aow Shipwreck, Thailand: ideas,
Functions and Their Roles
Khongkamon

Rattapat

(Curator,

National

Maritime

Museum

in

Chanthaburi)

lonelymount@hotmail.com

ABSTRACT
Amongst the most remarkable commodities of Thailand on the maritime trade routes during the fourteenth to the
seventeenth centuries was Thai ceramics “Sangkhalok” (the ceramics characterised by green glazed, brown
glazed, and underglaze black stoneware produced from Si Satchanalai and Sukhothai kilns). They were made in
various shape, such as bowl, jar, plate and figurines. They are marked as one of the significant products found
from shipwrecks around Thai waters. The figurines were originated from Pa Yang kilns as one group of kiln at
the Si Satchanalai kiln complex; as it was also a dependency under the Sukhothai Kingdom (1238–1438) where
the people made ceramics by local materials and applied local wisdoms and handicraft skills to the ceramics. The
research materials for this paper focused on the 80 Si Satchanalai figurines recovered from the Klang Aow
shipwreck. The shipwreck date (cal. 1305–1420 CE) is based on the Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) result
of a small bamboo sample stuck on the body of Si Satchanalai green glazed small bottle. This paper aims to find
out what was the manufacture purpose of these figurines, as they played a major role in Southeast Asian and East
Asian maritime trade networks during the fourteenth to the fifteenth centuries? The result indicates these figurines
were created at the Pa Yang village of Si Satchanalai kiln in Sukhothai province during the late fifteenth to the
sixteenth centuries, to meet the demand for religious activities and toys in folk theatre.
List of Figures
Figure 1 Seizing of Klang Aow shipwreck in 1992.
Figure 2 The human figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck
Figure 3 The animal figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck

INTRODUCTION
“Sankhalok” wares are one of the most remarkable commodities of Thailand dated to fourteenth to
sixteenth centuries. Typically, this type of stoneware ceramic originates from kilns in Sukhothai
province, especially Ko Noi and Pa Yang kilns. Located in Si Satchanalai city as a dependency under
the Sukhothai Kingdom (1238–1438 CE). The kilns are well-known as Si Satchanalai or Sawankhalok
kiln complex and Turiang or Sukhothai kiln located in Sukhothai city, capital of the Sukhothai
Kingdom. All kilns are located outside of the city wall. Si Satchanalai kiln is located in the north along
the bank of the Yom River. While the Turiang kiln is located in the north of the city beside the Turiang
and the Phrapai Luang temples. Potters use the local clay as the main materials for ceramic production.
These ceramics have various shapes: bowl, jar, plate, dish, human and animal figurines. These are
decorated by slipping, incising, engraving, impressing, applying, painting and glazing.
These ceramics were the products which made high profits for Siam or Ayutthaya Kingdom (1350–
1767 CE). Ayutthaya as the capital of the kingdom located in central Thailand along the Chao Phraya
River, which linked to the Gulf of Thailand - played the role as the middleman who linked the ceramic
productions and supplied the ceramics to maritime routes. Since the establishment of the kingdom,
Ayutthaya maintained a close relation with China, with diplomacy and tributary trade. However, the
international policies of Early Ming Dynasty affected the supply of Chinese ceramics for Southeast
Asia and were insufficient (Brown 2009,69-70). The international trade block under the emperors’
decree of Ming Dynasty (1368–1644 CE) made space in the market for Southeast Asian states,
1

�especially Ayutthaya and Dai Viet (now northern Vietnam) who already had their own ceramic
manufactures, to supply their products.
A word “Sankhalok” is a mispronunciation from a word “Sung-chiao-lo” in Chinese Mandarin or “Sung
ka lok” in Chinese Swatow (Shantou), but it is not possible to determine exactly when this word began
to be used (Plaicharnjit 2002, 287). In the sixteenth century, a word “Sunkoroku” was mentioned in the
Japanese records (Nelson 1965, 127). These words are mispronunciations that referred to the area called
Sawankhalok district, Sukhothai province where kilns are located. According to fourteenth-century
historical records of Ayutthaya Kingdom, Si Satchanalai referred to Sawankhalok (Kasetsiri 2002,8).
The collection for this paper comprises of 80 human and animal ceramic figurines recovered from the
Klang Aow shipwreck, which recently preserved in the storage of the National Maritime Museum in
Chanthaburi and the National Museum Storage in Pathum Thani. The paper aims to explain the details
of ceramic figurines, production sites and answer the research question: what was the manufacture
purpose of these figurines, as they played a major role in Southeast Asian and East Asian maritime trade
networks during the fourteenth to the fifteenth centuries?

KLANG AOW SHIPWRECK
The Klang Aow shipwreck was named after the location as a word “Klang Aow” meant the middle of
the Gulf of Thailand located at the latitude 11°37’N and longtitude 100°59’E, which is approximate 60
nautical miles from the coastline of Sattahip district, Chonburi province, (Vilaikaew 1992,8-33). In
February 1992, this shipwreck and its cargo were recovered by vessel named AHTS Australia Tide in
the Gulf of Thailand as Thai exclusive economic zone and Thai task force included Royal Thai Navy,
Thai Marine Police Division and the Fine Arts Department intercepted the vessel and seized 12,000
artifacts to be the national treasures of Thailand, protected by the National Act of Monuments, Artifacts,
Art Objects and National Museums (firstly announced in 1961 and revised in 1992). The origins of
these artifacts can be divided in to three different groups (Plaicharnjit 1992,34-37).
i.
ii.
iii.

Thai ceramics, especially Si Satchanalai, Sukhothai and Maenam Noi or Singburi ceramics
(97 per cent of all artifacts)
Vietnamese ceramics, especially Chu Dau blue-and-white wares (2.5 per cent of all
artifacts)
Chinese ceramics, especially Jingdezhen blue-and-white wares (0.5 per cent of all
artifacts).

The scientific date (1305–1420 CE from Beta Analytic Inc. 1999, Beta-134072) from Accelerator Mass
Spectrometry (AMS) is from a small bamboo piece stuck on the body of the Si Satchanalai green glazed
small bottle with two ring handles. This bamboo seems to be a part of ship structure or cargo hold
because of the concretion when the Klang Aow sunk. This feature was also found on a Maenam Noi or
Singburi jar.

2

�Figure 1 Thai task force on duty of seizing the recovered artifacts from Klang Aow shipwreck in 1992. (left)
Recovered artifacts from Klang Aow shipwreck during the seizing in 1992. (right)
(The Fine Arts Department of Thailand)

SI SATCHANALAI CERAMIC FIGURES FROM KLANG AOW SHIPWRECK
The human and animal figurines can be classified into four different types as follows.
i.

ii.

A man figurine with 28.8 centimetre height in the form of a man sitting on one of his knees
up and holding a poultry in the hands on the chest. His appearance shows a short hair with
moustache and beard on man face, wearing of the Chinese style dress (possibly an
overcoat), and holding of a poultry (possibly a bird or a cock) in the hands on the chest.
Inside the figurine is hollowed with a hole on the top of man head and another hole as the
poultry head. The glaze was eroded and concretion was occurred.
Two women figurines with 21 centimetre height in the form of woman sitting on her knees
and holding a basin on the shoulder. Her appearance shows a hair tied into the bun shape,
women face, wearing of the tube skirt with no upper-body cloth, and holding of basin on
the shoulder. The glaze was eroded and concretion was occurred.

3

�Figure 2 The human figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck, fourteenth to fifteenth centuries:
[top] man and [bottom] woman.
Chinese man carrying a poultry functioned as a water dropper. Woman carrying a basin functioned as a candle
holder. (National Maritime Museum in Chanthaburi)

iii.

iv.

41 small poultry figurines (possibly a cock or a quail) with 6.8 centimetre height, standing
on the rounded base. The head was sculpting as a beak, the eyes and wings were formed by
sculpting and applying, some were incising the detail of wing, and a tail was also sculpting
and applying.
34 small elephant figurines with 7.4 cm. standing. The figurines showed realistic details of
a head, eye, ear, and trunk by sculpting and applying.

4

�Figure 3 The animal figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck, fourteenth to fifteenth centuries. (top)
(National Maritime Museum in Chanthaburi)
The figurine in the form of an elephant from Klang Aow shipwreck, fourteenth to fifteenth centuries. (left)
The figurine in the form of a horse from Klang Aow shipwreck, fourteenth to fifteenth centuries. (right)
(National Museum Storage in Pathum Thani)

There are other animal figurines from the Klang Aow Shipwreck preserved in the National Museum
Storage in Pathum Thani: an elephant and a horse.
i.

ii.

An elephant figurine with 27 centimetre height with a mahout sitting on the neck, a howdah
on the back, and four warriors holding a sword and a shield protect at the elephant feet. The
glaze was eroded. concretion.
A horse figurine with 27 centimetre height with a horseman sitting on the neck and a bowl
affixing on the back, and four men holding a lotus flower standing at the horse feet. The
glaze was eroded. concretion.

Production site of figurines
The production site of these figurines can be identified by the comparative study between the
production, glazing and decoration techniques such as clay body textures, glazing characteristics, and
decoration or design styles. The sources for comparative study are the figurines preserved and on
display of the National Maritime Museum in Chanthaburi, National Museum, Bangkok (Chongkol
1999,91), Ramkamhaeng National Museum in Sukhothai, Sawanworanayok National Museum in
Sukhothai (Srisumang 1992,39–40), and the figurines discovered at kiln sites of Si Satchanalai.
Previous excavation at the kiln site by Don Hein (2001, 156–262) resulted the figurines and even the
architectural ornaments were produced at Pa Yang kiln, Si Satchanalai kiln complex within specific
kilns separated from other kilns for other utensils production. Additionally, the chronology of trade
ceramics recovered from the shipwrecks around Southeast Asian waters by Roxanna Brown (2009) and
Atthasit Sukkham (2016) suggest the figurines were supplied to maritime trade routes during the
fifteenth to sixteenth centuries.
Production process began by a preparation of local clay acquired from the riverbank nearby the kilns
where materials were mixed with the sands or stone pebbles. They were formed into various shapes
before they were decorated by slipping, incising, engraving, impressing, applying, and painting.
5

�The green or brown glaze was reactive of clay slip mixed with plant ash and silicate during firing in the
cross-draught kiln with temperatures around 1,200–1,300 degree Celsius (Hein 2001). The evidence of
these processes is supported by a large number of cross-draught kilns discovered in Ko Noi and Pa
Yang village of Si Satchanalai kiln on the riverbank of the Yom River (Nithiarchakul, Rattanawong
2022,73-82).

FUNCTIONS AND ROLES OF FIGURES
Functions of figurines from literature review
Generally, the manufacturing purposes of figurines produced at Si Satchanalai kiln can be reviewed as
follows:
i.

Beliefs and religions: especially the ceramic figurines in the form of a Sukhothai style
Buddha image in various postures, Ganesha (a deity in Hinduism influenced from Khmer
Empire), a man riding a swan and Norasingh (the man with the lion head in Hinduism
influenced from Khmer Empire) were produced related to this cultural aspect. These
figurines also represented the Buddhism and Hinduism in Sukhothai Kingdom associated
the both religious temples around the capital (Vudhaditya 1984,78-89).

Some utensils were built in the same form of figurines or attached by sculpted figurines, especially
an incense burner, kendi in the form of a deity riding on a swan, water dropper in the form of a man
holding a jar or other animal, and a candle holder in the form of a cup or a basin attaching on the
back of various kinds of animal. The incense burners, kendis, water droppers and candle holders
can be considered to be the utensils used in religious activities, such as pouring a scared water or
burning a candle in front of Buddha image (Sukkham 2016).
Additionally, most common characteristic of figurines discovered from excavation is the figurines
in the forms of a man or a woman with headless which was referred to the intention of the figurine
head as a ritual practise for protecting from the sickness or bad spirits (Vudhaditya 1984). Some
scholars also believed that this form of headless figurine was accidentally broken in the
archaeological deposit because the part of figurine neck was softer than other parts (Sukkham
2016).
ii.

iii.

Household items: some other cultural aspects may occur in the figurines, such as the
figurines in the form of a man carrying a container on his head (Suzata and Srisuchat et al
2022, 290), a humpbacked elder carrying a jar by one hand beside the body as seen in the
museum collection of Ramkhamhang National Museum in Sukhothai (Suzata and Srisuchat
et al 2022,306).
Playing equipment: the figurines can be used as toys or games for children. A piece of
ceramic chess glazed by the white and brown color (Ram Khamhang National Museum
exhibition) has been unearthed during an excavation at Si-Satchanalai old palace.

Function of figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck
The figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck can be considered as bespoke or on-demand manufacture. A
lot of Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai ceramics were found in many shipwrecks sank around Southeast
6

�Asia. For example, the Turiang shipwreck sank near the coast of Malaysia there are approximately
3,735 of 6,475 ceramics identified to be Siamese ceramics included Sukhothai, Si Satchanalai, and
Suphan Buri or also-called Bang Poon ceramics associated with Chinese and Vietnamese ceramics
dated cal. 1305–1435 CE (Sjostrand 2001,101). Similarly, Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai ceramics have
also been found in the shipwrecks sank in the Philippines waters, notable on the Pandanan, the Lena
Shoal and Santa Cruz dated in the mid-fifteenth to early sixteenth centuries (Orillaneda 2016,85-88),
and the San Isidro and the Kanduli dated in the sixteenth century (Orillaneda 2021).
The excavation at Calatagan peninsula, Batangas province, Luzon Island in the Philippines revealed the
Si Satchanalai jarlets in Calatagan burial site dated in the fifteenth century (Fox 1959,355). Moreover,
the figurines in the form of an elephant were found in Sulawesi, Sumatra, and Kalimantan, Indonesia
dated to the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries (Kerdpanyawat 1987,32). While fragments of glazed
figurines in the form of an elephant were recovered from the Brunei shipwreck, dated late fifteenth to
the early sixteenth centuries (Maidin 2017,173).
A man figurine found in the Klang Aow is likely a Chinese man carrying a poultry. This style was
possibly influenced from Chinese’s zodiac god figurines discovered in the Ming tomb, where the
figurine in the form of Chinese man carrying a cock was found (The Barakat Gallery 2013,118) (Fig
3).
Based on the characteristics of this figurine that has the hollow body, holes at the top of man and poultry
heads, it can be indicated that the function of this figurine was the water dropper for pouring a sacred
water.
In Vietnam, there are the blue-and-white figurines with 28 centimetre height have been found. It
illustrated the man sitting on knees and holding the vessel dated to the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries
(Stevenson and Guy 1997,369). Other small blue-and-white figurines originated from kiln site in
Vietnam was to be a rabbit or a frog with 3-4 centimetre height and 4-5 centimetre length. In the middle
of figurine body has punched holes around 0.7-1 centimetre diameter. These Vietnamese figurines can
be identified as a water dropper. The dating and function were related to the figurines found in the Klang
Aow.
The figurines in the form of a women carrying a cup on her shoulder, an elephant with a howdah on its
back (Chongkol 1999,91) and a horse with a cup on its back (Watcharangkul 2002,129) (Figs 2, 3) show
the traces of use that are probably functioned as a candle holder for using in the religious activity in the
households or temples. All of them were attached a small cup that used to hold the candle.
The figurines used as a candle holder or an incense burner previously appeared in Chinese ceramic
figurines since Western Jin Dynasty (fifth to sixth centuries). This represented by sacred animals with
some forms of vessel on their back (Valenstein 1989,52). There are some figurines from Si Satchanalai
kiln were produced in the Chinese stylistics, such as a Chinese wearing officer hat, dressing the Chinese
monk outfit (Sukkham 2016). These characteristics also appeared on the figurines found in the Klang
Aow especially the appearances, postures, and outfits that can be considered to be Chinese style.
According to this reason, figurine production at Si Satchanalai kiln has also been influenced by the
Chinese craftsmanship.
The duplication can also be seen on animal figurines in the form of a swan and an elephant from the
Klang Aow (Figs 3). Those were indicated the mass production of these forms of figurine. Additionally,
the animal figurines were formed as various kinds of animal in mass production scale, such as quail,
7

�ox, cow and monkey, for example, which discovered from archaeological sites and were transferred to
display at the national museums around Thailand. Undoubtedly, they were recognised as a indigenous
or domesticated animals, (Suzata and Srisuchat et al. 2022,301-304). Although these forms of figurine
are commonly found especially in the terrestrial sites around central Thailand, they are found in small
amount from the shipwrecks around Southeast Asia. According to the quantity in shipwreck context,
these forms of figurine are probably gifts, souvenirs, or collectibles for their consumers at the ports of
call or destination.
Commercial role of figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck
Since the fourteenth century the Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai ceramic trade was incorporated with
Ayutthaya Kingdom. According to Ayutthaya historical records mentioned that the trade and diplomacy
with other country were managed by Ayutthaya royal court. The trades in South China Sea and even
Southeast Asian waters had directly manipulated by Chinese merchants and diplomats who were
probably conducted a close connection with the Ayutthaya royal court under the Chinese-Ayutthaya
tributary trade system (Kasetsiri 2002,42-43).
According to the ban on the international trade in Early Ming Dynasty, many Chinese merchant junks
active in the South China Sea stuck and smuggled in Southeast Asia. Some Chinese immigrants who
stayed in Ayutthaya had received a job opportunity for high-ranked officers worked in Ayutthaya royal
court. In the Ryukyu Kingdom, a trade archive named “Rekidai Hoan” (precious documents of
successive generations) recorded that one of the royal letters mentioned the correspondence between
Ayutthaya and Ryukyu was written in Chinese language by an overseas Chinese who stayed in
Ayutthaya (Ichii and Yoshikawa 1999,42).
Before the Ming ban, most of the Southeast Asian states consumed the ceramics from China for a long
period of history. During the late fourteenth to the mid-fifteenth centuries, the Chinese ceramics were
deemed for domestic market only. This was an important opportunity for the Sukhothai, Si Satchanalai,
Vietnamese, and Burmese ceramics. It raised their supply to maritime trade routes in Southeast Asian
market. The ceramics from Sukhothai, Si Satchanalai and others were acquired by those Chinese
merchants because they knew well about market demands. Other reason is the Sukhothai and Si
Satchanalai ceramic form and decoration had influence from Chinese and Vietnamese ceramic
productions. The Ming Dynasty removed the ban for international trade and the Chinese ceramics were
returned to Southeast Asian market from mid-fifteenth century onwards. Then, new forms and
decorations of Si Satchanalai ceramics were created during the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries, such as
the two-colour glazed wares, architectural ornaments, and especially the figurines.

CONCLUSION
The shipwreck contexts ceramic characteristics and quantity of the figurines from Klang Aow
shipwreck demonstrated a context of figurines originated from Si Satchanalai kiln during the fifteenth
to sixteenth centuries
The AMS date result from the fourteenth to fifteenth century of the shipwreck suggested the dating of
figurines between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. This also represented the cultural pattern on
ceramic trade during this time. There was the mixed cargo between Chinese, Vietnamese, Maenam Noi
or Singburi, Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai. Ceramics were spread around the South China Sea and the
8

�Islands of Southeast Asia. This is supported by several types of evidence, especially the ceramics
recovered from both shipwrecks and terrestrial sites.
According to the identification result of the sources of influence and functions for figurines found from
the Klang Aow, it can be suggested that the figurines were used as the utensils and household appliances
for some ritual practises. They were also considered that the Chinese and Vietnamese figurines were
the sources of influence for Si Satchanalai figurine production and remarked that the figurine production
was a new creation became a mass production to compete with the return of Ming ceramics to Southeast
Asian market.

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10

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                <text>Rattapat, Khongkamon. “Si Satchanalai Ceramic Figurines from Klang Aow Shipwreck, Thailand: ideas, Functions and Their Roles. 2023.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Atthasit Sukkham. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1938 </text>
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                    <text>An Equitable International Legal Framework:
The Grotian Heritage
Kim Browne1

Abstract
The conservation of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) requires not only an understanding of
the physical environment in which an object is located but also its legal environment needs to
be considered. For example, what is the legal position with regard to claims on submerged
wrecks and what are the guiding philosophical principles underpinning modern international
sea law and UCH law? The doctrine of ‘freedom of the seas’, encompassing the natural law
principles of consensus, equality, equity, reason and fairness, was advocated by the Dutch
th
jurist, Hugo Grotius, at the beginning of the 17 century. During this period, Europe was
plagued by war and religious schisms as well as economic division arising from the rivalry
between dominant maritime powers for the right to establish exclusive overseas trading
empires in East Asia and the Americas. The volatile economic and political environments,
along with the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire hegemony, created the need for rules of
conduct between a large international community. The scholarly debates of the 17th century,
often referred to as the ‘battle of the books’, provided a wealth of jurisprudence on
international law, including settling ocean governance in favour of an ‘open sea’ policy as
opposed to a ‘closed sea’ policy in respect to trade and navigation. Grotius’ writings on
‘consensus’ and the ‘social interdependence’ of nations are relevant in the 21st century as his
writings expound the modern idea of State2 ‘cooperation’ whilst advocating navigational
freedom. In promoting cooperation among States, the Grotian doctrine represents an
effective means to combat transnational crime and commercial exploitation of underwater
cultural resources. This paper concludes that the writings of Grotius on ‘consensus’ in
decision making and interdependence of States are of increasing relevance, given that the
global community is entering a period when questions are being raised over the role of
international law concerning the conservation of UCH and the philosophical frameworks
which shape ocean governance polices.

The soul of the past is in deep water
Phillipe Diole.

Introduction
The preservation of a shipwreck in situ is dependent upon the physical
environment in which the wreck is located. A wreck which lies exposed on the
seabed is affected by physical factors such as water currents, the chemical
composition of surrounding water, the water’s oxygen content and
temperature levels as well as microorganisms within the water. Apart from the
physical environment, the legal environment in which a wreck is located is just
as important for site preservation. In other words, apart from considering how
best to protect a wreck from natural threats, one needs to consider how to
protect the wreck from direct human impact, such as looting and commercial
salvage, together with indirect interference arising from human activities
including marine scientific research, deep seabed mining and marine genetic

1

BA, LLB, MA, LLM, MBus; Solicitor of the Supreme Court of the Australian Capital Territory;
PhD Candidate, Faculty of Law, University of Canberra, Australia; Lecturer in Law, School of
Humanities and Social Sciences, Charles Sturt University, Australia.
2
The word ‘State’ is used to denote an international entity such as Australia or the United
States.

�bioprospecting3. The legal environment in which the wreck is located will
determine a State’s ability to safeguard the site from both legal and illegal
human activities. Therefore, knowledge is required of the governing
international legal framework (international law) and jurisdictional issues, in
particular, the maritime zones established under the 1982 United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) and related treaties such as
the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
(UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural
Heritage (UNCPUCH). The UNCLOS III partitions the ocean into various legal
environments, otherwise known as maritime zones. These zones are
measured in distance from the coastal State’s shoreline. Depending on
whether or not the wreck is located beyond national jurisdiction, its location
will affect not only a State’s ability to legally protect the site from traditional
threats, such as commercial salvage and criminal looting, but the distance
from the shore will also determine the legal mechanisms that a coastal State
is obliged to adhere too. Apart from formal treaties, another source of
international law is customary international law. Under this law, provisions of
treaties may become binding upon States not party to an agreement if there is
evidence that a State has acquiesced to the legal rule. Furthermore, the
juridical debates of the 16th and 17th centuries are paramount to ocean
management together with the protection of UCH. Importantly, these debates
continue to shape modern ocean customs, laws and State practices.
Furthermore, the philosophy underpinning ocean governance policies can
strengthen or weaken the existing legal framework, firstly by influencing the
provisions in formal treaties, and secondly, by shaping customary state
practices, thereby contributing to the growth of customary international law –
this, in turn, can be used to supplement international treaties.
UNCLOS III has been described as the ‘constitution of the ocean’4. It
creates maritime zones in which differing rights and obligations exist in
respect to living resources and non-living resources of the ocean. The
purpose of the maritime zones is to define rights and obligations of coastal
States, prescribe law making and law enforcement powers of coastal States
over foreign vessels and nationals, define rights of foreign States, and define
the rights of the international community. Under UNCLOS III, there are three
categories of maritime zones: (i) zones under sovereignty of States; (ii) zones
under sovereign ‘rights’ of States; and (iii), zones not subject to sovereignty or
sovereign ‘rights’ of States. The first category includes the Internal Waters,
Archipelagic Waters and the Territorial Sea (including the buffer zone, known
3

‘Bioprospecting’ ‘involves collecting samples of marine species from the ocean and
screening them for properties that may be of commercial value’ (Mossop 2007:286). As
Louise Angelique de La Fayette (2009:228) states: ‘while there is no official definition, this
contraction of ‘biological’ and ‘prospecting’ is generally understood as the scientific
investigation of living organisms for commercially valuable genetic and bio-chemical
resources’. Leary (2007:158-163) outlines the emergence of the biotechnology industry and
the unique genetic and chemical properties of specific marine organisms and bacteria
associated with hydrothermal vents. Mossop (2007:285) explains that scientists are interested
in researching organisms in the deepest parts of the ocean due to their ability to survive
extreme conditions and live from chemosynthesis (i.e. create food from chemicals rather than
light). Also, see Beslier (2009:335) and Warner (2007:411) for an outline of the use of
resulting patents.
4
Shingleton 1983:34.

�as the Contiguous Zone). The Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and the
Continental Shelf fall within the second category, whilst the High Seas and the
Area (deep seabed) fall within the remaining category. In respect to UCH,
UNCLOS III failed to stipulate how States should protect UCH beyond their
contiguous zone, apart from declaring that all States had a legal obligation to
cooperate5. The UNCPUCH adopts the maritime zones created by UNCLOS
III and builds upon the UNCLOS III foundational norm of State cooperation in
maritime affairs. The UNCPUCH successfully employs the mechanism of
‘State cooperation’ to overcome jurisdictional problems arising from the lack of
sovereignty or sovereign rights within specific maritime zones, hence, an
understanding of the law of the sea is necessary.

Ocean Stakeholders
As Robin Churchill and Vaughan Lowe (1999:3) claim, ‘the development of
the law of the sea is inseparable from the development of international law in
general’. In fact, the law of the sea is one of the oldest components of
international law, given that nations have been relying on the ocean for
resources, transport, trade and commerce for centuries. Humankind’s reliance
upon the sea is evident in ancient texts and writings by Greek and Roman
historians, ancient laws from kingdoms spanning the Mediterranean, ancient
mosaics from Roman villas, and tomb paintings in Egypt6. Whether text
based, such as the Rhodesian Maritime Law or the Justinian Institutes, or
physical objects, such as Egyptian tomb paintings or figurine carvings,
archaeological excavations demonstrate the existence of ships, seafarers,
maritime traders and pirates very early in the history of ancient civilisations.
As McGrail (2003:2) points out, there were ‘sailors before farmers and
navigators before megalith designers’. Even in Neolithic times, archaeological
evidence from campsites and caves located near protective bays and
harbours indicate that groups of humans lived together and relied daily upon
5

UNCLOS III Article 303(1).
See Lavery (2010:17-18) for photos and illustrations (i.e. a painted Athenian vase depicting
the Greek hero, Heracles, traveling in a river craft and Athenian coins commemorating the
th
Greek victory in the Battle of Salamis, 480BC. Also, 18 century tomb reliefs from Thebes, in
Egypt, often depict the deceased and family hunting or ‘fowling’ on a papyrus-reed raft on the
Nile Delta (Lavery 2010:11). Evidence of ancient maritime laws include: The Code of
Hammurabi (about 2200 BC) which contains rules regarding collisions at sea and the
requirement for compensation of the injured party (rule 240); the ancient Rhodesian Maritime
Law and the Law of Salvage which were inherited by the Romans; (Lobingier 1935). A
passage in Polybius’ Histories makes reference to a treaty concluded between Carthage and
Rome in 509-508BC in which the Historian states: ‘The Romans and their allies not to sail
with long ships beyond the Fair Promontory unless forced by storm or by enemies: it is
forbidden to anyone carried beyond it by force to buy or carry away anything beyond what is
required for the repair of his ship or for sacrifice, and he must depart within five days
nd
(Polybius Book III, 22). Also, the text of the jurist, Marcianus, (2 century AD), preserved in
the Digest of Justinian, refers to the sea and its products (fish) being common property for all
(Fenn 1925:716). For historical accounts referring to trade, fishing and/or piracy, see the
Homeric tales and voyages which highlight the Mycenaean sea power and might. See also
the writings of Thucydides; the Historian states: ‘But after Minos had organised a navy, sea
communications improved; he sent colonies to most of the islands and forced out the
notorious pirates’ (Book I:8). Pliny writing in the 1st century AD states: ‘that cohorts of archers
were carried on boats engaged in trade as protection against pirates’ (Natural History, VI, 23).
6

�the ocean for food and for their spiritual beliefs7. As the sea covers
approximately 70% of land mass and holds natural resources such as fish
stocks, minerals and oil, as well as being a highway for commerce and trade
between nations, some form of rules governing the relationship of ocean
users needed to evolve from very early on in history. Human ability to harness
the sea’s resources for economic gain increased over the centuries, to the
point where nations today are undertaking off-shore drilling for oil and
dredging of the seabed for magnesium nodules; sophisticated rules, such as
international treaties, have had to evolve as society’s use of the sea became
more advanced. As the numbers of ocean stakeholders and interest groups
increased, a central concern for contemporary ocean governance is State
cooperation8. The need for nations to reach consensus upon diverse matters
rising out of the varied uses of the world’s oceans is a growing concern for
international sea law as evident in the increasing number of ocean
regulations9. In responding to these increasing challenges, international law
must continue to develop regulatory frameworks that are equitable and are
based upon consensus between ocean users, rather than dictated by powerimbalances and exploitative political agendas. The need for an equitable
international framework governed by consensus among nations (cooperation)
is vital in safeguarding UCH in waters beyond national jurisdiction. Apart from
dealing with issues of conservation and protection of the ocean and its natural
resources, international sea law must also devise regulatory rules for
commercial activities undertaken in international waters such as deep seabed
mining and marine genetic bioprospecting. In order to secure consensus
among the international community of States, the formulated rules must divide
natural resources fairly and equitably among all nations. A further problem for
drafters of modern international sea law is the potential for conflict between
ocean stakeholders in comparison to earlier times. The lure of lucrative
patents and intellectual property rights based upon discovered organisms in
the depths of the oceans have the potential to create tension between
different stakeholders. In respect to UCH, there is a potential conflict of
interests between the activity of in situ management of UCH located around
seamounts and ocean vents, and pharmaceutical companies undertaking
genetic bioprospecting.
7

Curry 2006:1535; Johnson 2000:21-22; Galili &amp; Rosen 2010:306.
Morell 1992:10; 23. For example, Morell (1992:10) points out that despite the need to meet
the challenges presented by the increasing number of nations utilising existing ocean rights
and the increasing uses and users of the ocean, international rivalries and long standing
diplomatic practices have been detrimental to progressive ocean policy development.
Rothwell and Stephens (2010:1) refer to a number of emerging challenges such as climate
change, regional management of strategic ocean spaces such as the South China Sea and
bioprospecting to find new pharmaceutical products. Also, Rothwell and Stephens (2010:26)
in discussing matters arising from climate change suggest that it may be necessary for
nations to be prepared to renegotiate on existing treaties and be willing to negotiate new
treaties to reflect the change in the environment.
9
Since 1884 more than 60 treaties have been enacted to cover a vast range of ocean
governance issues ranging from navigation, sailors’ working conditions, and the slave trade,
to more recent agreements pertaining to environmental protection and the protection of
underwater cultural heritage (Elia 2000:43). Smith and Couper ((2003):25) identify three
categories of ocean uses: (i) transport and communications including military and naval
activities; (ii) fishing and resource uses; and (iii) leisure, marine research and education, and
conservation.
8

�Today, the use of the sea continues to increase and a growing number
of stakeholders are competing within the marine environment. Also, with the
increased use of the sea, so the levels of pollution have increased along with
waste disposal and exploitation of natural resources including minerals and
living organisms. Therefore, it is important to understand not only the legal
mechanisms and philosophical principles that the drafters of international sea
law are utilising, but also the origins of specific regulatory tools adopted within
UNCLOS III and the 2001 UNCPUCH. As international law is required to
respond to diverse interests in the ocean as well as promote a more equitable
distribution of natural resources, it is suggested that the writings of the jurist
and philosopher, Huigh de Groot Hugo (Hugo Grotius) (1583-1648) are still
relevant today.

An Equitable International Legal Framework
Hugo Grotius believed that ocean governance should be incorporated under
an equitable international framework of natural law underpinned by ‘mutual
consent’ in decision making by States (State cooperation) based upon the
ideal of ‘equality’ between all States10. It is suggested that a move away from
the Grotian tradition towards that of a closed sea regime or national
enclosure, in which States legally own vast tracks of the ocean and seabed,
has the potential to increase conflicts and discourage State cooperation11.
Grotius’ doctrine of ‘freedom of the sea’ was not designed for the
management of exhaustible natural resources such as living marine
organisms and non-living resources including mineral deposits on the deep
seafloor. Also, Grotius’ doctrine has the potential to create a finder’s keepers
10

th

Hugo Grotius lived through the religious and economic upheavals of Europe during the 17
century and witnessed first-hand the horrors that the power-imbalances between empires and
principalities caused both in terms of destruction of property and loss of life. Hence, Grotius
was aware of the need to create a new world order no longer based on power-imbalances
which existed during the medieval and feudal periods. In respect to ‘consent’, Grotius (1625:
para.16) writes: ‘for the very nature of man, which even if we had no lack of anything would
lead us into the mutual relations of society, is the mother of the law of nature. But the mother
of municipal law is that obligation which arises from mutual consent; and since this obligation
derives its force from the law of nature, nature may be considered, so to say, the greatgrandmother of municipal law’. Grotius (1609: para17) continues: ‘but just as the laws of each
state have in view the advantage of that state, so by mutual consent it has become possible
that certain laws should originate as between all states, or a great many states; and it is
apparent that the laws thus originating had in view the advantage, not of particular states, but
of the great society of states. And this is what is called the law of nations, whenever, we
distinguish that term from the law of nature’.
11
The 1982 UNCLOS III in its creation of the 200 mile Exclusive Economic Zone is a move
towards a closed sea policy (inconsistent with the Grotian heritage). However, Article 87 of
UNCLOS III retains customary freedoms of the high seas such as trade and navigation and
other high seas freedoms. The Convention is an intricate balance between coastal state
sovereignty and sovereignty rights and high sea freedoms such as navigation. Zacher &amp;
McConnell (1990) provide an overview of the three major guiding principles underlying ocean
law from the 17th century to the late 20th century: (i) freedom of the seas; (ii) national
enclosure (zones of economic jurisdiction, or ‘national lakes’); and (iii) common heritage of
mankind. Zacher &amp; McConnell (1990:78) suggest that the Grotian principles of freedom of
navigation predominated over national enclosure from the 17th to the early 20th century.
Despite the rise of national enclosure philosophy and its incorporation into UNCLOS III there
remains issues of inequalities with the doctrine (Zacher and McConnell 1990:91,95 &amp; 97).

�mentality in respect to UCH. However, provided that a narrow interpretation is
given to the doctrine of ‘freedom of the seas’, including defining the doctrine’s
parameters to the twin purposes of navigation and trade, the argument for an
‘open sea’ is persuasive. Apart from Grotius’ advocacy for freedom of
navigation on the high seas, he was committed to the idea of the
interdependence of States concerning trade and security matters together
with territorial sovereignty and the legal equality of States12 - all of these
concepts remain relevant today in the 21st century. The advantage of having
an equitable international legal framework based upon ideals of justice, legal
equality, and consensus in decision making between all States, is that it
assists to counter State sovereignty and potential power imbalances. That is,
an equitable international legal framework assists to prevent the development
of an isolationist approach towards ocean governance, and furthermore, it
affords a means to hold in check rogue States which may challenge formal
international agreements by arguing legal loopholes13.
Hugo Grotius is credited with being the founder of the ‘science’ of
international law14. The ‘Grotian tradition’ refers to Hugo Grotius’ idea of a
‘society of States’15. He envisioned a ‘society of States’ bound by law and
existing on an equal footing to how humans existed under the law of nature16.
His starting point was with the Law of Nature (or the dictate of right reason).
Within the framework of natural law, Grotius devised principles such as legal
equality, territorial sovereignty, and the doctrine of interdependence of
States17 which are all current key components of contemporary international
law. Grotius highlights the political and economic power imbalances of the
period and blames the exploitation of politically weak nations by powerful
rulers of hegemonic empires as contributing to religious and civil unrest of the
period. Grotius argues, that in nature there are no power imbalances, and
hence, the exploitative practice of Spain and Portugal in monopolising trade in
the ‘New World’ by restricting navigational rights was against the law of
nature.

Freedom of the Seas
Why did Grotius desire to promote the freedom of the sea? The answer lies in
the historical events of the preceding century. In 1492 Christopher Columbus
discovered the Americas on behalf of Spain. This led to claims and counterclaims over colonies which ultimately fuelled conflict between the two leading
12

See generally Grotius’ writings on ‘The Freedom of the Seas’ and ‘Law of War and Peace’.
See also Hershey 1912:32.
13
For example, as technology advances and treaties become dated there is the potential for
legal loopholes to arise from technical interpretations of definitional clauses contained within
treaties. For example, is marine genetic bioprospecting the same has marine research? The
UNCLOS III failed to consider the issue of marine genetic bioprospecting, however, it does
provide a regulatory system for marine research (Warner 2008:412).
14
Hershey 1912:30.
15
Christov 2005:564.
16
Christove 2005:564 states: ‘it is in Grotius’ commitment to the idea of a society of states
that lies the distinguishing mark of what has been duly termed the “Grotian tradition”’. See
also Grotius (1609: Preface, pp.1-2) ‘[God] had not separated human beings, as He had the
rest of living things, into different species and various divisions, but had willed them to be one
race and to be known by one name….He had drawn up certain laws….these law were binding
on great and small alike…..’
17
Hershey 1912:32.

�maritime powers of the day, Spain and Portugal. These two nations
approached Pope Alexander VI to make a ruling on ownership of discovered
territories. In 1493 Pope Alexander drew a demarcation line to define the
sphere of Spanish and Portuguese possessions in the New World - the line
was 483 km west of Azores and Cape Verde Islands. The decision was
enacted in the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas18. As Fulton (1911:5) notes, ‘it was
those preposterous pretensions to the dominion of the immense waters of the
globe that caused the great juridical controversies regarding mare clausum
and mare liberum, from which modern international law took its rise’. These
juridical debates are known as the ‘battle of the books’19.
Mare Liberum’s purpose is to secure free trade between States and to
counter arguments of a ‘closed sea’ in terms of trade and navigation.
However, due to social and political conditions, including the rise of colonial
empires, a wider interpretation has often been applied to Grotius’ concept of
‘freedom of the sea’. This doctrine is not a general theory of ‘freedom of the
seas’, but one confined to freedom of navigation and trade. The doctrine
emerged as a response to the Church of Rome’s partitioning of the oceans
between Spain and Portugal. Therefore, it would be a fallacy to view the
doctrine as promoting a ‘free for all approach’ to ocean governance. If the
doctrine of Mare Liberum is read in conjunction with Grotius’ commitment for
an international ‘community of States’, in which all states are bound by the law
of nations, as opposed to hegemonic rule, then the twin principles of trade and
navigation emerge. For Grotius, the ocean is viewed as representing a
highway between independent sovereign States and any efforts to restrict
access to the ‘highway’, such as the attempt by Pope Alexander in 1492 to
divide the world between Spain and Portugal, was an affront to natural law20.
Grotius, in his argument against enclosure of the world’s ocean, draws a
distinction between the regime of the ‘open sea’ and the sea under national
jurisdiction. Clearly, the doctrine is not advocating open ended freedom of the
seas which could be perceived today as being counterproductive to ocean
governance, especially in respect to fisheries and enforcing the protection of
UCH. In order to establish the principle of freedom of trade, Grotius
recognises a principle which he relates to Roman law, that the sea is for use
by all. Grotius argues that neither the sea itself, nor the right of navigation, can
become the exclusive possession of a State. Grotius (1609:7) declares, ‘every
nation is free to travel to every other nation, and to trade with it’. That is, by
the law of nature, the sea is res communis, meaning the common property of
all and not subject to unilateral appropriation. In putting forward an open sea
policy in respect to commerce, Grotius is advocating the contemporary idea of
18

The Treaty of Tordesillas increased Portugal’s rights in the area which is now modern
Brazil. However, opposition soon arose from other states. For example, Sir William Cecil
(later Lord Burleigh) the Elizabethan statesman, told the Spanish Ambassador to England in
1562 that 'the Pope had no right to partition the world and to give and take kingdoms to
whomsoever he pleased' (Williams, 1970:72). For a detailed historical account see Morell
1992:186-188; Steinberg 1999:255; Williams, 1970:72; Zacher &amp; McConnell 1990:76-77).
19
Rothwell 2010: 3; see generally Vieira (2003) for an outline of the literary exchanges
pertaining to sea policy of the period.
20
Grotius (1609: VI, 46) states: ‘it is a fact universally recognised that the Pope has no
authority to commit acts repugnant to the law of nature. But it is repugnant to the law of
nature, as we have already proved beyond a doubt, for anyone to have as his own private
property either the sea or its use’.

�State equality. Furthermore, in his remarks pertaining to nations having a right
to freely trade with one another, there is evidence of the contemporary idea of
interdependence of nations21. Of particular interest is Grotius’ sanctioning of
the practice of nations forming binding agreements in order to protect or
secure jurisdiction22. Furthermore, his writings sanction a number of
international dispute resolution methods which are still used today including
court judgments, damages and discussions (negotiations)23.

State Cooperation
Under UNCLOS III and the UNCPUCH, States are obliged to ‘cooperate’. The
mechanism of State cooperation, contained in Article 2 of the UNCPUCH and
the UNCPUCH’s foundational norm itself, can be traced to Article 303(1) of
UNCLOS. Arguably, Article 303(1) can trace its origins to the ideas promoted
by Grotius some four centuries earlier with his advocacy of consensus in
decision making between nations and the concept of ‘territorial sovereignty’. If
States are deemed to be equal under the law, plus possess territorial
sovereignty, then, the only way to legally change the status quo is through
‘consensus’ in decision making (i.e. State cooperation). Although
contemporary international law expressly advocates the legal mechanism of
‘State cooperation’ (the obligation to cooperate) together with the principle of
‘equality’ between States in respect to the ‘resources’ of the ‘Area’, there is
also, under the UNCLOS III, a move towards a partitioned or closed sea. The
UNCLOS III grants increased sovereignty rights to coastal States through the
creation of the 200 nautical mile EEZ whilst allowing coastal States sovereign
rights over their continental shelf, however, the UNCLOS III has also
maintained the traditional Grotian freedoms of the high seas. In addition, the
UNCLOS III has provided for a more equitable distribution of wealth resulting
from seabed exploration in the ‘Area’. The advantage of an open sea policy
based upon natural law principles of equality between nations and consensus
in decision making between all States, as opposed to a closed sea policy, is
that it promotes State ‘cooperation’ separate to the existence of any ‘positive’
law stipulating the obligation to ‘cooperate’.

Conclusion
In conclusion, the conservation of UCH requires not only an understanding of
the physical environment in which an object is located but also its legal
environment needs to be ascertained. The legal environment includes formal
21

‘there is no State so powerful that it may not some time need the help of others outside
itself, either for purpose of trade, or even to ward off the forces of many foreign nations united
against it’ (Grotius:1625: 22). A modern example of an international declaration illustrating the
idea of the inter-dependence of States is the 1974 Declaration on the Establishment of a New
International Economic Order. The preamble declares: ‘based on equity, sovereign equality,
inter-dependence, common interest and cooperation among all States’……It is important to
note that one of the aims of UNCLOS is the implementation of the New Economic Order.
22
Grotius 1609: V, 35. Grotius is referring to agreements between States in respect to piracy,
however, this reference indicates an early awareness of using bilateral and multilateral
agreements for the purpose of protection and extending sovereign rights beyond national
waters. Importantly, Grotius goes on to state that any such agreement does not make the
delimited area of the sea the private property of anyone.
23
Grotius 1609: XIII, 75.

�treaties, customary international law and the underlying philosophies of ocean
governance. As previously discussed, the natural law concepts, such as
equity, consensus and equality, are still relevant foundation norms for rules
governing a contemporary international society of States. The UNCLOS III is a
balance of the Grotian tradition of freedom of the high seas with that of
increasing coastal state sovereignty and sovereign rights. Basically, coastal
States are given increasing rights as the distance from the shore decreases,
and conversely, flag States are given increasing freedoms as the distance
from the shore increases24. However, the problem is that the use of the ocean
is not static, but instead, it continues to evolve. Therefore, the challenge for
international sea law is to balance the increasing and diverse interests within
the marine environment whilst maintaining the traditional freedom of the sea.
Since Grotius’ times, nations are more reliant upon one another in
matters of ocean management. Undoubtedly, the 21st century will be a time
when underwater discoveries will proliferate as advances in marine
technology allow for greater exploration of the outer Continental Shelf and the
‘Area’ itself. The growth in marine technology, combined with an increasing
need for nations to source natural resources, such as minerals and genetic
organisms from the marine environment, will see increased marine scientific
research, ocean floor mapping and exploration on the deep seabed. There is
an increased potential for conflict in ocean governance given the diverse and
conflicting interests within the marine environment. In particular, there is the
potential for conflict between in situ preservation of wrecks and marine genetic
bioprospecting25. In the past, the management of underwater sites had only to
contend with traditional threats such as looting, salvage and pollution.
However, an emerging threat is marine genetic bioprospecting with its
potential to generate patents and intellectual property rights for
pharmaceutical companies. When the UNCLOS III was drafted during the
1970s, a lot of the marine technology required for deep sea exploration and
exploitation was not available. Furthermore, there was little awareness that
the oceans held a wealth of genetic biodiversity. Hence, during the
negotiations of UNCLOS III, no consideration was given to the activity of
marine genetic bio-prospecting on seamounts, cold seeps, thermal vents and
ocean ridges. However, given the potential for shipwrecks to be located in
deep ocean trenches or around seamounts which sustain diverse genetic
organisms, the potential for tension and conflict between these opposing
maritime activities is likely to occur in the future. It is important to note, that
under the UNCLOS III, there is an obligation to carry out marine research in
the ‘Area’ in a manner which is not a threat to the overall marine environment.
However, genetic bioprospecting is technically not marine research, and
24

Koschtial 2008:69; UNCLOS III, Article 8(1) Internal Waters; Article 33 Contiguous Zone;
Article 56 Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ); Article 77 (1) Continental Shelf; Article 87 High
Seas; Article 136 The Area.
25
Warner (2008:16) indicates that marine bioprospecting to find new patentable
pharmaceutical products is already underway (unlike seabed mining (exploitation) in the
‘Area’ which is yet to commence). Furthermore, Warner (2008: 16) states that ‘bioprospecting
has already eclipsed commercial interest in deep seabed minerals’. Leary (2007:229), whilst
speaking in respect to the need to protect the genetic resources of the deep sea associated
with hydrothermal vents, acknowledges the conflicting interests and diverse stakeholders in
the ocean: Leary (2007: 16) states: ‘any future legal regime will need to accommodate
multiple and at times conflicting uses and interests’.

�therefore, may not be regulated by the UNCLOS III under its provisions for
marine scientific research. Therefore, in order to ensure the continued
protection of UCH and to prevent legal loopholes arising from technical
interpretations of international agreements, an effective mechanism will be
one of ‘State cooperation’ and the continuing adherence to an equitable
international legal framework.

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�</text>
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                <text>An Equitable International Legal Framework: The Grotian Heritage&#13;
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Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>The conservation of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) requires not only an understanding of the physical environment in which an object is located but also its legal environment needs to be considered. For example, what is the legal position with regard to claims on submerged wrecks and what are the guiding philosophical principles underpinning modern international sea law and UCH law? The doctrine of â€˜freedom of the seasâ€™, encompassing the natural law principles of consensus, equality, equity, reason and fairness, was advocated by the Dutch jurist, Hugo Grotius, at the beginning of the 17th century. During this period, Europe was plagued by war and religious schisms as well as economic division arising from the rivalry between dominant maritime powers for the right to establish exclusive overseas trading empires in East Asia and the Americas. The volatile economic and political environments, along with the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire hegemony, created the need for rules of conduct between a large international community. The scholarly debates of the 17th century, often referred to as the â€˜battle of the booksâ€™, provided a wealth of jurisprudence on international law, including settling ocean governance in favour of  an â€˜open seaâ€™ policy as opposed to a â€˜closed seaâ€™ policy in respect to trade and navigation. Grotiusâ€™ writings on â€˜consensusâ€™ and the â€˜social interdependenceâ€™ of nations are relevant in the 21st century as his writings expound the modern idea of State  â€˜cooperationâ€™ whilst advocating navigational freedom. In promoting cooperation among States, the Grotian doctrine represents an effective means to combat transnational crime and commercial exploitation of underwater cultural resources. This paper concludes that the writings of Grotius on â€˜consensusâ€™ in decision making and interdependence of States are of increasing relevance, given that the global community is entering a period when questions are being raised over the role of international law concerning the conservation of UCH and the philosophical frameworks which shape ocean governance polices.&#13;
&#13;
The soul of the past is in deep water&#13;
Phillipe Diole.&#13;
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                    <text>Study on Corrosion Factors of Iron Artifacts Recovered from the Middle West Sea
Kim Taek-joon¹, Yoo Dae-young² and Lee Hyeon-ji²
¹Curator, Natural Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage
²Reseacher, National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage
ABSTRACT
This study investigates corrosion process through analysis of corrosion products and desalination solution as a
precedent study to present proper conservation treatment methods for iron artifacts collected from the middle
West Sea. Depending on the environment where the iron artifacts were buried underwater, the corrosion patterns
may be different. In order to treat the heritage stably and effectively for conservation, the major corrosion factors
and information to remove or control the factors should be obtained. The underwater environment is rich in
water, oxygen and salt, and it is very easy for iron artifacts to be corroded. In an environment where oxygen
supply is little like seabed mud, anaerobic corrosion may occur. The iron artifacts in the seabed may be deeply
buried in the mud or exposed on the surface of the seabed. This study intends to obtain information on the
corrosion pattern of iron artifacts collected from the seabed surface of middle West Sea. In addition to those
deeply buried in dense silt, there are also cases of recovering those exposed on the seabed or shallowly buried in
the surface layer. In this study, we obtained information on the corrosion patterns of iron artifacts recovered from
the seabed layer in the central West Sea.The samples used in the study were corrosion products from iron
artifacts excavated from waters of Mado, Taean and of Seomeopbeol, Ongjin and desalination solution and the
major components of corrosion products and anions of desalination solution were analyzed using Scanning
Electron Microscope-Energy Dispersive Spectroscope (SEM-EDS) and X-ray Diffraction (XRD), Ion
Chromatography (IC). The analysis result shows that major components including P, S and Mackiwanite (FeS)
were identified as compounds related to it. In the desalination solution, high concentration of Cl- and SO42- was
measured. It is expected that this study result can be utilized as essential data for establishing methods for
effective and systematic conservation of iron artifacts excavated from underwater and it is intended to continue
additional studies such as analysis on corrosion product of iron artifacts recovered from various waters and
corrosion reproduction experiment through collaboration with various fields.
Keywords: middle West Sea, iron artifacts, corrosion factor, corrosion product
List of Tabless
Table 1. Results of analysis on corrosion product of iron pot recovered from Mado (EDS, XRD)
Table 2. Results of analysis of corrosion product of iron pot recovered from Seomeopbeol sea area (EDS, XRD)
Table 3. Results of analyzing desalination solution of iron pot excavated from Mado (IC)
Table 4. Results of analyzing desalination solution of iron pot excavated from Seomeopbeol (IC)

INTRODUCTION
Middle West Sea is a place where underwater cultural heritage is buried. Along the Taean coast
Goryeo celadon was net-caught while fishing octopus by Ongjingun Seomeopbeol, Ansansi Daebudo
and Hwaseongsi Jebudo in Korea. In particular, five shipwrecks from Goreyo and Joseon dynasties
were discovered and surveyed in the Taean offshore of Chungcheongnam-do for eight years from 2007
to 2015 and historic ships from early and mid-eighth century was discovered in the waters of
Seomeopbeol in Incheon in 2013. Iron pots, which were used as kitchenware by crew or carried as
cargo, were lifted.
Underwater environment is rich in water, oxygen and salt where iron artifacts are easily corroded. In
addition, in an environment where oxygen supply is low like in the mud, anaerobic corrosion may
occur by sulfate reducing bacteria. Therefore, the corrosion patterns of iron artifacts may be different
in the underwater environment depending on each condition or various factors. In order to conserve
damaged iron artifacts effectively and stably, information on how to remove or control major factors
that influence corrosion should be obtained.

1

�CORROSION OF IRON ARTIFACTS IN UNDERWATER ENVIRONMENT
Cl- and SO42- are dissolved in seawater at about 19 gr and 2.6 gr per 1 L (1 gr = 0.0684 g), and their
high electrical conductivity promotes corrosion of iron artifacts (Baek Young-Nam and Yeo
Woon-Hwan 1980, 673). Deposits formed on the surface of iron artifacts are removed by the high flow
rate of the environment, and corrosion can be accelerated (Japanese Standards Association 1984, 33).
Due to these various factors, iron artifacts are actively corroded in the seabed environment, concretion,
a very hard foreign substance is formed on the surface. According to previous studies, the main
component of concretion is CaCO3, and iron artifacts are corroded and it is the clump of organisms
and shells and surrounding mud. Concretion is densely formed and corrods independently from the
external environment and the process is as follows (North and MacLeod 1987, 76-78):
1. Reduction reaction occurs with the formation of cathode in an isolated water in the concretion.
2. An anode is formed on the surface of iron artifacts, releasing Fe2+ and Fe3+ with oxidation
reaction, resulting in creation of acidic solution at pH 4-5.
3. Hydrolysis of Fe2+ + H2O → Fe (OH)+ + H+ by acidic solution.
4. FeCO3 is formed as part of Ca2+ in CaCO3 of concretion is interchanged with Fe2+.
5. Part of CaCO3 is dissolved by Ca (HCO3)2 that includes H+, increasing pH concentration of the
surrounding environment.
6. As the pH concentration rises, oxides, hydroxides and hydroxide chlorides such as Fe2+and
Fe3+ are gradually eluted.
7. During steps one to six, CaCO3 condensate is gradually dissolved and hard iron cementing is
formed.
In addition, anaerobic corrosion can occur in places where oxygen is scarce, such as deep in the mud
of the seabed environment. The typical example of anaerobic corrosion of iron artifacts is corrosion by
sulfide reduced by sulfate reducing bacteria (4Fe + SO42-+ H+→ 3Fe2++FeS + H2O). The resulting
corrosion forms black iron sulfide, which is oxidized in red when exposed to the atmosphere (Fujii
2009, 50-51).
METHODOLOGY
In this study, desalination solution (Sodium Sesquicarbonate 0.1M aqueous solution) used during the
conservation treatment of iron pots collected from Mado, Taean, Chungcheongnamdo and waters of
Seomeopbeol, Ongjin, Incheon and corrosion products removed from the surface, were used as
samples. The iron pots from the Mado were discovered through visual exploration of the sea bottom
and part of the surface layer of the sea bottom by divers during wide-area exploration in 2011
(NRIMCH 2017, 27). Iron pots collected from Seomeopbeol were recovered from the sand and shell
layer identified during the southeast Shingoji probe survey in the first underwater excavation survey in
2012 (NRIMCH 2014, 33-34).
The components of corrosion product samples were analyzed using Scanning Electron
Microscope-Energy Dispersive Spectroscope (SEM-EDS) and the external characteristics of the point
where certain components (P, S) were detected were observed. Then they were powdered and the
compound was identified through X-ray Diffraction (XRD) analysis. Concentration of desalination
solution was measured using Ion Chromatography (IC) to measure concentration of anions (F-, Cl-,
SO42, NO3-, PO43-) to identify the relationship between SEM-EDS and XRD analysis result.
The number of corrosion product analysis samples was 16 in total (eight from Mado and the others
from Seomeopbeo) and the points (55 points in Mado and 41 points in Seomeopbeol, 96 points in
total) subjected to SEM-EDS analysis were selected with 40x magnification of stereoscopic
microscope images were recorded using digital recording device attached. Conditions of SEM-EDS
analysis include voltage of 15-20 kV, WD 10 mm, spot size 25, measurement time of 60 seconds and
magnification up to 9,000 times. Conditions of XRD analysis for 16 powdered samples after

2

�SEM-EDS and one additional sample (corrosion product of iron pot from Mado shipwreck no. 4) were
voltage of 40 kV, current of 30 mA, and target Cu.
For desalination solution analysis, 16 samples (eight from Mado, the others from Seomeopbeol) were
prepared and anion concentration was measured using IC. As Cl- concentration of the desalination
solution sample was expected to be very high, it was diluted with ultrapure water 100 times and
cellulose filter was used to remove impurities in the sample and then anion analysis was conducted.
STUDY RESULTS
Analysis of corrosion product
When sulfate reducing bacteria is involved in the corrosion process, the high content of phosphorus
and sulfur may be detected in the corrosion products (Lee Yong-deuk et al. 1996, 256), SEM-EDS
analysis was conducted to check whether these two components are detected and their content. The
results of analyzing corrosion products showed that sulfur was detected in 15 samples except for one
sample from Mado (MD6). The maximum sulfur level was 63.61 wt per cent (MD8) in samples from
Mado and 25.13 wt per cent (SE7) in samples from Seomeopbeol sea area and other samples contained
0.64~23.02 wt per cent. Among them MD8 is characterized by maximum sulfur content of 11.51 wt
per cent and phosphorus content of 12.17 wt per cent. This result can be interpreted that sulfate
reducing bacteria influenced the corrosion process of iron pots collected from Mado and
Seomeopbeol. However, these compounds were identified with the identification of mackinawite (FeS)
in MD1 and other samples identified iron oxides such as siderite (FeCO3) or goethite (FeOOH) formed
by the influence of concretion.
Table 1. Results of analysis on corrosion product of iron pot recovered from Mado (EDS, XRD)

Sample

Maximum content of major ingredient
(wt per cent)

Compound Name
(Chemical Formula)

P

S

Ca

MD1

-

11.85

10.12

Magnetite (Fe3O4) calcite (CaCO3) mackinawite (FeS)

MD.2

-

1.40

0.51

Magnetite (Fe3O4) siderite (FeCO3)

MD3

-

2.53

-

Siderite (FeCO3)

MD4

-

6.65

-

Siderite (FeCO3)

MD5

-

1.54

-

Magnetite (Fe3O4) quartz (SiO2)

MD6

-

-

-

Magnetite (Fe3O4) siderite (FeCO3)

MD7

-

63.61

-

Siderite (FeCO3)

MD8

12.17

11.51

-

Magnetite (Fe3O4)

Table 2. Results of analysis of corrosion product of iron pot recovered from water Seomeopbeol sea area (EDS, XRD)

Sample

Maximum content of major ingredient
(wt per cent)

Compound Name
(Chemical Formula)

P

S

Ca

SE1

-

0.64

1.36

Siderite (FeCO3) magnetite (Fe3O4) goethite (FeOOH)

SE2

0.27

1.11

3.63

Siderite (FeCO3)

SE3

-

2.96

0.48

Siderite (FeCO3) magnetite (Fe3O4)

SE4

-

0.87

1.51

Siderite (FeCO3) goethite (FeOOH)

SE5

-

8.48

4.09

Magnetite (Fe3O4) goethite (FeOOH)

SE6

0.17

4.04

-

Goethite (FeOOH)

SE7

-

25.13

37.80

Siderite (FeCO3) magnetite (Fe3O4)

SE8

-

23.02

31.61

Siderite (FeCO3) magnetite (Fe3O4) goethite (FeOOH)

3

�Iron sulfide such as Mackinawite or pyrite (FeS2) are formed together with oxides such as FeOOH,
serving as the evidence to show corrosion by sulfate reducing bacteria (Lee Jae-ik and Seo Myeong-po
1992, 63), but this study did not obtain results with unique characteristics. However, according to
previous studies, iron sulfide in a honeycomb structure, which is easily oxidized to calcium sulfate in
the form of iron crystals, was observed in European old ships using iron nails (Kim Yong-han 1987,
151-152), SEM observation confirmed similar type of corrosion products in SE5 and SE7. In addition,
samples from Seomeopbeol contain large amounts of Calcium and SE7 and SE8 showed high
concentration of sulfur so it is considered to be the result of oxidation of iron sulfide. However, in the
XRD analysis, the identification of relevant compounds (CaSO4, etc.) was not done and SEM
observation did not confirm unique characteristics, requiring further research on this matter.
Analysis of desalination solution
Sixteen samples were collected from desalination solution from six pots, three from each area
including MT64 and SE405 where corrosion product analysis sample was collected (red square in
Table 3 and 4) to conduct anion analysis. The analysis results showed that Table 3 and 4 Cl- and SO42concentration was higher overwhelmingly than other anions and EDS ingredient analysis showed 20
ppm or higher PO43- in the MT64 sample where phosphorus was detected. PO43- was measured in the
sample from primary desalination solution of YDS1 and YDS on December 4, 2013 once respectively
but it was not identified in samples after that.
Table 3. Results of analyzing desalination solution of iron pot excavated from Mado (IC)

Sample (date)
M3S262 (‘12.3.15)
M3S262 (‘12.5.24)
M3S262 (‘12.6.28)
MS76 (’12.4.25)
MS76 (’12.6.7)
MS76 (‘12.7.12)
MT64 (’12.3.22)
MT64 (’12.5.16)

Anion concentration (ppm)
FClSO420.18
60.74
241.41
0.16
48.11
104.80
0.14
30.24
72.29
0.20
14.54
41.83
0.37
13.96
40.22

NO33.49
-

PO43-

0.28

14.33

29.56

-

-

0.28
0.25

223.83
109.66

271.22
194.79

-

25.44
22.64

Table 4. Results of analyzing desalination solution of iron pot excavated from Seomeopbeol (IC)

Anion concentration (ppm)
FCl-

SO42-

NO3-

PO43-

SE403 (‘14.1.7)

0.12

41.05

100.64

-

-

SE403 (‘14.3.5)
SE403 (‘14.5.13)
YDS1 (‘13.12.4)
YDS1 (‘14.8.5)
YDS1 (‘15.4.7)
YDS4 (‘13.12.4)
YDS4 (‘14.4.17)

0.27
0.07
0.77
0.01
0.01
0.46
0.05

13.62
10.79
1530.31
172.80
110.51
439.99
55.61

17.19
7.66
84.31
27.17
54.32
48.19
10.04

6.00
3.97
7.19

16.27
15.68
-

Sample (date)

As presented in Table 3 and 4, SO42- was clearly detected in the desalination solution from the two
sites. Generally, Cl- dissolution is the focus in the process of stabilization considering the impact of sea
water containing large amounts of salt for iron artifacts excavated from underwater but as shown in the
result, whether SO42- remains or not should be checked mandatorily.

4

�CONCLUSIONS
This study was conducted to obtain information on effective methods of conservation treatment by
analyzing corrosion products of iron artifacts collected from the Middle West Sea and desalination
solution. The iron artifacts recovered from waters included artifacts lifted by removing strong and
dense mud layers and artifacts buried near the surface layer or exposed on the seabed surface. In order
to find out the pattern of corrosion of iron artifacts, wide area exploration of waters of Mado, Taean
and excavation survey in waters of Seomeopbeol, Ongjin were conducted and the corrosion product of
iron pots lifted and desalination solution were used as samples for research. In the iron corrosion
process, when sulfate reducing bacteria is involved, significant amounts of sulfur and phosphorus can
be detected. Therefore, in this study, SEM-EDS analysis was conducted for the components of iron pot
corrosion products from Mado and Seomupbeol.
Previous studies on iron test piece corrosion by seawater, mud (collected from Mado) and Na2S water
solution, ingredients such as Sulfur or Phosphorus were not detected at all (Kim Taek-joon 2013,
47-50).
In our SEM-EDS analysis on corrosion products, a large amount of sulfur was detected in most
samples and one sample from Mado contained 12.17 wt per cent of phosphorus. Sulfate reducing
bacteria is confirmed in the process of iron pot from Mado and Seomupbeol. However, in the XRD
analysis, there were no clear results except for the identification of mackinawite (FeS) in one sample.
In the anion analysis of desalination solution, highly concentrated Cl- and SO42- were measured and it is
considered to be related to the identification of sulfur as the main ingredient of corrosion products.
Sulfur and SO42- were major factors that influence the corrosion of iron artifacts collected from the
Middle West Sea. However, it was not possible to obtain specific information on how these factors are
involved in corrosion of iron artifacts. Follow-up research will involve sulfate reducing bacteria and
further analysis of corrosion products of iron artifacts collected from various sea areas.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank people from the Conservation Science Lab of NRIMCH for helping with the analysis of samples.
Bibliography
Fujii, Tetsuo. Countermeasures against Corrosion of Metal Materials. Tokyo: Nikkan Industrial Newspaper, 2009 (In
Japanese).
Kim, Taek-joon. “Study of Corrosion Characteristics of Iron Objects Excavated from Taean Mado Waters.” Master’s thesis,
Hanseo University, 2013 (In Korean).
Kim, Yonghan, “Conservation and Restoration of the Shipwreck.” Conservation Studies 8 (1987): 123-148 (In Korean).
Lee, Jae-ik. and Seo, Myeongpo. “Corrosion of metals by microorganisms.” Journal of Corrosion Science 21, no. 1 (1992):
50-66 (In Korean).
Lee, Yong-deuk. Ryu, Seung-ki. and Kim, Youngho. “Microbially Influenced Corrosion of Stainless Steels.” Journal of
Corrosion Science 25, no. 2 (1996): 249-259 (In Korean).
Noboru, Masko. Anticorrosion Technique Manual. Tokyo: Sanbi Printing, 1984 (In Japanese).
North, Neil A. MacLeod, Ian D. “Corrosion of Metals.” In Corrosion of Marine Archaeological Objects, edited by Colin
Pearson, 68-98. London: Butterworths, 1987.
NRIMCH. Waters off Taean-Mado Underwater Excavation, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 62. Taean: NRIMCH,
2017 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Incheon Ongingun Yeongheungdo Shipwreck Underwater Excavation, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 35.
Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2014 (In Korean).
Paik, Yeongnam. and Yeo, Woonkwan. “A Study of Marine Corrosion Phenomena of Metals.” Theses Collection of Kyung
Hee University 10 (1980): 673 (In Korean).

5

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                <text>This study investigates corrosion process through analysis of corrosion products and desalination solution as a&#13;
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corrosion reproduction experiment through collaboration with various fields.&#13;
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                <text>Taek-joon, Kim,  Yoo Dae-young, and Lee Hyeon-ji. 2023. “Study on Corrosion Factors of Iron Artifacts Recovered from the Middle West Sea.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1962 </text>
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While it is important to discuss local and regional aspects of Maritime Archaeology, this session offers an opportunity to discuss the wider scope of the discipline by showing how other scholars, historians, curators, and agencies are using innovative technologies and theoretical concepts to develop new and exciting positions in the field.&#13;
&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
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                <text>A large quantity of various still and video images are generated in underwater archeological sites and research labs for record keeping and dimensional analysis. A variety of image capturing devices including underwater cameras are used. It is well known that underwater photographs are distorted due to the difference in refractive indices of air and (fresh or salt) water. Due to the lack of convenient image processing software capable of underwater image distortion correction, distorted photographic images are frequently used in various reports.&#13;
We have conducted experimental studies on underwater photographic distortion as a function of geometry and distance between the window separating (clear or salt) water and a camera.  Based on the simulating experimental photographing results, we developed distortion correction (compensation) algorithm for underwater photographic images. The newly developed function is added to the unified image processing software (PicMan from WaferMasters, Inc.) for convenient usage in underwater archaeological sites with ordinary notebook PCs. The unified image processing software, PicMan, can support various digital image formats (such as BMP, JPG, PNG, GIF, TIF, DM3, MOV, MP4, AVI, WMV etc.). &#13;
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Correction Software for Underwater Photographs.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt&#13;
Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage:&#13;
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                    <text>A Methodology for Accurate and Quick Photogrammetric
Recording of Underwater Cultural Heritage
Kotaro
A.P.P.A.R.A.T.U.S.
apparatus.japan@gmail.com

Yamafune
LLC

Abstract
In the past seven years, photogrammetry has become one of the main
recording methods in maritime and underwater archaeology. The
application of photogrammetry allows archaeologists to re-create
underwater cultural heritage sites in 3D digital formats, and extract from
these 3D digital models data and information required for subsequent
scholarly research. The author has been using photogrammetry since
2014 and has successfully created nearly 40 underwater cultural heritage
models on more than 10 archaeological projects. The projects have
ranged in size, accessibility, and water clarity, introducing a number of
variables to the photogrammetry of the artifacts. The variety of
experiences gained on these projects have enabled the author to
construct his own methodology and workflow for photogrammetric
recording. In this paper, the author shares examples of his methodology
and workflow for photogrammetric recording of various projects in different
countries.
Key words: UCH, photogrammetry, Photoscan

Introduction
Agisoft PhotoScan and other off-the-shelf photogrammetry software
became available for archaeologists in 2010. By 2017, after only 7 years,
photogrammetry has become a one of the most frequently used recording
methods for UCH (underwater cultural heritage) sites. The author of this
paper works as a professional maritime archaeologist and applied
photogrammetric recording on more than 35 archaeological sites in more
than 10 different countries. Because of its submerged circumstances of
many shipwrecks, each site has different conditions: such as visibility and

�colors of waters, depth, topography, water current and so on. Those
different conditions create problems that requires different ways to solve
those difficulties. Additionally, each project has different mission
statement, or project’s goal. For that reason, each submerged site
requires different types of methodologies for data-collection and data
processing. Moreover, to use produced 3D digital models as
archaeological data, it is important to create 1:1 scale-constrained
georeferenced 3D models (Yamafune et al., 2016). Yet, to produce these
accurate models, it is essential to takes a week to produce local
coordinate system that gives scale and georeferenced on the model. To
solve these lengthy problem, the author created a methodology that
produces local coordinate system in short time (1 or 2 dives) yet provide
fairly accurate results. In this paper, the author shall share his
methodology of photogrammetric recording that he has developed and
currently

using.

Literature Review and Terminological Confusion of Photogrammetry
Before the author starts discussions regarding his photogrammetry
methodology, there is an important point that must be noted. The point is
a confusion related with the word ‘photogrammetry;’ ‘photogrammetry’
has been used repeatedly in history; probably the first time it appeared
in/as a discipline of science was during the WWII. When airplane became
widely available for military use, cameras were mounted on scouting
airplanes; then photos taken from the mounted cameras where
meticulously re-calibrated and composed to create a photomosaic, or a
map, of enemy’s territories. In other words, ‘photogrammetry’ that were
used first during the WWII was a technique to create accurately composed
photomosaic (Burtch, 2008; Van Damme, 2015; Konecny, 2003). And it

�was a well-known fact that Dr. George Bass and Dr. Frederick Van
Doornick, well-known ‘first generation’ maritime archaeologists, used
photogrammetry for their Yassiada underwater expeditions in 1960s;
detailed site plans were produced based on photomosaic that were taken
from a camera that was mounted on horizontally positioned rails on the
seabed (Van Doorninck, 1967; Bass, 1972; Bass and Van Doorninck,
1982). In their publications, they used a word ‘photogrammetry;’ however,
it

must

be

noted

that

‘photogrammetry’

in

their

article

and

‘photogrammetry’ that produces 3D digital models today uses different
systems and indicate different recording systems.

Another terminological confusion related to a word ‘photogrammetry
occurred in 1990s. In 1990s, maritime archaeologists started practice
DSM (Direct Survey Method); many cases this system is referred as
trilateration. DSM provides a local coordinate system/network to help
production of 2D site plans of submerged shipwreck site. DSM is a method
to

directly

measure

distances

in

between

control

points

and

detailed/reference points to create positional networks. Consequently,
DSM provides XYZ coordinates of control points and detailed points, and
maritime archaeologists use these XY coordinates to produce 2D site
plans (Holt 2003: Green and Gainsford 2003). When DSM became a
popular method among maritime archaeologists as a mapping method in
90s, another method was also often used to produce 2D site plans; and
this

another

method

is

also

called

‘photogrammetry.’

This

photogrammetry is known with the software Photomodeler. Photomodeler
is a photogrammetry software; and this photogrammetry mainly applied
for underwater excavations in 1990s and 2000s uses a meticulously
calibrated camera and its images that captures at least three reference

�points in one image. Thanks to meticulous calibration of the camera and
its series of images, Photomodeler can calculate the XYZ coordinates of
reference points; and these reference points are used to produce 2D site
plans and 3D CAD drawings. Indeed, the data sets that DSM and this
photogrammetry produced were very similar; both system provides XYZ
coordinates of reference points on submerged sites. A few articles were
published in 1990s and the early 2000s related to this photogrammetry
that produce XYZ coordinates of reference points, or a local coordinate
system (Green et al., 2002). However, photogrammetry that related
Photomoder is different from photogrammetry that can produce 3D
models. Confusingly, around 2010, when photogrammetry that can
produce 3D models began to become popular recording methods, EOS
system (the software company manufactures Photomodeler) released
upgraded version of the software called Photomodeler Scanner. This
Photomodeler Scanner can produce 3D models of subjects that uses
similar system with ‘photogrammetry’ that the author will discuss in this
paper. Nonetheless, it is important to be noted that Photomodeler that can
provide XYZ coordinates of reference points and Photomodeler Scanner
that can produce 3D models are different types of ‘photogrammetry.’ And
a word ‘photogrammetry’ mainly referred in articles of maritime
archaeology in 1990s and early 2000s were mainly focus on
Photomodeler and its system that provides XYZ coordinates of reference
points on archaeological sites.
In 2010, Agisoft PhotoScan was released. While Autodesk 123D Catch,
Photomodeler Scanner and other photogrammetry software that produce
3D digital models were also released around the same time, thanks to its
georeferencing systems and user-friendly workflows, Agisoft Photoscan
immediately became popular photogrammetry software among maritime

�archaeologists are keen to apply quick and accurate recording methods
on submerged sites. By 2017, many maritime archaeology projects enjoy
this recording application. Nonetheless, another confusing terminological
problem is happening. After 2010, almost all the time ‘photogrammetry’
indicates a system that produces 3D digital models; however, there are
many different words were being used to indicate this one system. The
author often hears SfM (Structure from Motion) in the United State and
Japan, some articles including IJNA (International Journal of Nautical
Archaeology) prefer Multi-image Photogrammetry, some Italian scholars
sometimes use Close-range Photogrammetry, and scholars form northern
European countries sometimes use Computer-Vision Photogrammetry.
Yet all these words imply one system that produces 3D digital models
based on digital images.
Concluding this section, the word ‘photogrammetry’ implies different
systems when it was used for maritime archaeology. From 1960s and
1980s, ‘photogrammetry’ implies a system that produced a photomosaic
of sites; from 90s and 00s, ‘photogrammetry”’ implies a system that used
calibrated digital cameras and its photos to calculate XYZ coordinates of
reference points located on the site to produce 2D site plans and 3D CAD
drawing (by connecting reference points). After 2010, ‘photogrammetry’
implies a system that produces 3D digital models. Furthermore, this
‘photogrammetry’ after 2010 that produces 3D digital models is called in
different names, such as SfM, Multi-image Photogrammetry, Close-range
Photogrammetry, Computer-Vision photogrammetry, and so on, yet these
all names indicate only one system. In this paper, the author shall use a
word “photogrammetry” in his discussions, and this “photogrammetry”
indicates

a

system

that

produces

3D

digital

models.

�Importance of Local Coordinate Systems
Tying the site plan to a set of local coordinates is a key factor to create
1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced photogrammetric 3D digital models.
There are two reasons that creating a local set of coordinates is important.
The first reason is to correct scale and distortion of the photogrammetric
models and to geographically reference the site plan. One of the
advantages of photogrammetry is that it does not require precise
calibration of the camera. Although calibration is recommended, the
software primarily uses pixel information to reconstruct a site, which
means that the construction of the point clouds does not require manual
calibration. Moreover, the software reads metadata from the camera and
lens and minimizes the errors. Distortions are inevitable, however, and
this possible error can be minimized by applying known distances and
specific photo capturing sequences, or “flight path.” The second reason to
establish local coordinate system is that unless tied to a system of
coordinates, models float in unspecified tridimensional fields. To fix the
models in the correct position, local coordinates must be included on the
models. Without this, it is impossible to export the computer graphics files
to mapping software with the correct position. Georeferenced information
facilitates a straightforward workflow when models and orthophotos (high
resolution photomosaic) are exported.
Also, the processing and rendering capacity of the Agisoft PhotoScan
software is limited by both software and hardware configurations. This
constrains the maximum polygon count for the mesh (which makes up the
surface of the model), and the maximum number and resolution of UV
mapped textures (‘UV’ is a XY coordinates for texture), which are
composed photomosaic on surfaces of mesh. Large data sets can be
divided into smaller Chunks (PhotoScan’s term), which are separately

�processed. These Chunks can be imported into a single PhotoScan file
afterward without merging (Tool &gt; Append) and other modelling and
mapping software applications and merged without decimation (the
reducing of the polygon count). When models and orthophotos are
georeferenced, the merging process is automatic, and exported files are
opened in their correct positions in other software. A set of local
coordinates is paramount to ensure an accurate manipulation of models
or orthophotos.

Scale-bar Methods and DSM
While local coordinates system that is produced by DSM can be used to
scale-constrain photogrammetric model, Agisoft PhotoScan also allows
the input of measurements in a different way. PhotoScan uses scale bars,
or known distance, instead of importing local coordinates collected using
DSM. At actual archaeological sites, establishing control points and local
coordinates may take a week. This may not be suitable for a short-term
survey project. The author had tested the both methods to fix distortions
and scale of photogrammetric models. Measuring methods that will be
discussed and compared are: trilateration (DSM) using 3H Site Recorder,
and scale bars that are placed on the site. To compare and examine the
accuracy both methods, local coordinates and known distances of both
methods were applied to a photogrammetric model, and each different
method

was

compared

to

control

measurements.

The

control

measurements were taken directly from the wooden model. For this test,
the author used a 1:10 scale wooden model of a saveiro, a 20th-century
Brazilian coastal sailing boat. In order to simulate an archaeological
shipwreck site, the wooden model was laid down on its starboard side,

�and its floor timbers were pulled slightly out so that its starboard futtocks
lay on the bottom (See also Fig. 2 and 3).
Direct Survey Method (Trilateration)
The first method to discuss is trilateration, also known as Direct Survey
Method (DSM). Trilateration (DSM) has been repeatedly used in
underwater archaeological recordings. For this DSM, the author used 3H
Site Recorder (Demo Version). In order to acquire coordinates of
reference points, a control network first had to be established. The author
placed eight control points around the wooden model, set all the control
points to a congruent height (40 cm from the ground), and set this height
as the surface of the water, or depth of 0 cm. To establish the positions of
the control points, or a control network, 19 measurements were taken.
The tolerance established for errors was set at 0.3 cm; therefore, all
distance errors bigger than 0.3 cm were shown in red (shorter) and blue
(longer). Only one distance (CP5 – CP7) showed a + 0.39 cm statistical
error after the adjustment of the control points. After the control network,
or positions of datum points, was established, 11 reference points were
placed on the model. A total of 44 measurements were taken from the
control points; each reference point was measured from the nearest four
control points (Fig. 1). Two measurements indicated over 0.3 cm error;
however, both errors were less 0.5 cm, which is within an acceptable
range of error.

�Fig. 1: The Local Coordinate Network of reference points and control
points around the Saveiro Wooden Model (Top View: Horizontal Plane).
Scale-bars Method
Scale bars are often used when pictures of archaeological sites are taken.
These scale bars can be extremely useful in photogrammetry. Scale bars
give accurate scale information in archaeological photography, and when
a site is being mapped using photogrammetry, they can be used to check
measurements after other methods, such as DSM, were used to correct
distortion and scale of a created photogrammetric model. However,
distortions and dimensions can be fixed by using only scale bars, a feature
that allows archaeologists to skip the time-consuming DSM system. To
test the accuracy of this method, four scale bars were placed on the four
sides of the saveiro model. In this particular case, considering the size of
the model the four scale bars available were unnecessarily long.
Therefore, seven 10 cm scale bars with markers were created on the
existing scale bars. These smaller 10 cm bars were entered as fixed
distances in the photogrammetric model (Fig. 2).

�Fig. 2: Seven 10cm scale bars created on the Saveiro Photogrammetric
Model for the Scale Bar Method.
Comparison of DSM and Scale-bars Methods
To test the accuracy of these two survey methods mentioned above, the
measurements from all photogrammetric models of the saveiro were
compared within a single set of control measurements. The control
measurements were taken directly from the wooden model; 21 selected
distances between reference points were taken for this purpose (Fig. 3).
The control measurements were compared to the measurements
obtained by the other methods (Table 1).

�Fig. 3: The photogrammetric model of the Saveiro Wooden Ship Model
and the measured distances between reference points for the
comparison.

�Table 1. Distances between reference points to compare different
surveying methods to fix distortions and scales of the Saveiro Wooden
Ship Model’s photogrammetric mModel

The results suggest that scale-bar can be a more accurate scale-constrain
method in a photogrammetric model. The measurements taken from the
photogrammetric model with trilateration (DSM) coordinates display an
average error of 0.39 cm. The more accurate results obtained were
through the use of scale bars; the scale bars allowed an average error of
0.19 cm.
The results of the experiments with two scale-constrain methods
discussed show that the scale bars method provided better results in fixing
scales from photogrammetry surveys. The main disadvantage of
trilateration (DSM) is that it requires many measurements. For instance,

�the saveiro model required 19 measurements to establish the control point
network and 44 measurements to calculate the coordinates of reference
points. On the other hand, the scale-bars method does not require any
measurements. However, it is important to note that the scale-bars
methods cannot establish a local coordinates system. This is a
disadvantage when compared to the traditional trilateration (DSM)
method; scale bars can fix distortion and scale of photogrammetric
models, but they need a complementary method to establish local
coordinates.

The Recommended Method to Produce 1:1 Scale-constrained
Georeferenced 3D Models

Following is an experimental methodology that author composed and
applied

on

several

underwater

shipwreck

sites,

and

these

photogrammetric models shows successful results.

Testing Scale-bar Method on Larger Underwater Sites
The author tested scale-bars method on various underwater shipwreck
sites; including Operation Forager directed by Dr. Jennifer McKinnon and
Dr. Toni Carrell (Saipan 2017: 8 wrecks), Fourni Underwater Survey
Project directed by Dr. George Koutsouflakis and Dr. Peter Campbell
(Greece 2017: 9 wrecks), and Converging the World Project directed by
Nicholas Budsberg and Charles Bendig (the Bahamas 2017: 1 sites).
While recording those submerged archaeological sites, the author
positioned 4 – 8 scale bars on each site for photogrammetric recording.
To test possible distortions in a larger submerged site (for instances

�around 30m x 30m), the author intentionally scale-constrained only one
corner with a 1m scale bar using the Scale-bars method, and check
calculated distance using a 1m scale bar on the opposite site. The result
showed that the distance error of the 1m scale bar on the opposite side is
2.5mm. And this result stay same with other photogrammetric models of
other sites (errors varies in 0.5mm – 3mm). In other words, if a 3D digital
model is scaled by one side of the 30m x 30m coverage area, distance
error (or distortion) can be less than 2.5mm anywhere if an archaeologist
tries to measure 1m-long areas; and it also means that possible maximum
positional errors from one end to the other end of the 30m-long site (if this
distortion occurs in linier manner) is 7.5cm. Again, the biggest advantage
of the scale-bars methods is its simplicity and speed. It doesn’t require
any tape measurements; scale-bars can be simply positioned around the
sites. More importantly, once ‘Scale Bars’ are created in Agisoft
Photoscan, camera locations and scale of the created model can be fixed
based on known distances by ‘Optimize Cameras’ command (open
‘reference tab’ &gt; input known distances on ‘Scale bar’ &gt; ‘Update’ &gt;
‘Optimize Cameras’). Using this ‘Optimize Cameras’ command, distance
errors on the 1m can be 0.5mm or less. This means possible distance
error of 30m-long site is 1.5cm.

Importance of the ‘Flight Path’
To obtain good/accurate results with minimum distortions on created
photogrammetric models discussed above, the author strong believes that
his distinctive “flight path” is the key factor. The author originally
developed his flight path to ensure successful rate in “Align Photos”
process. Photo alignment is the most important phase in photogrammetric
modeling.

To maximize the probability of creating successful photo

�alignment, the author developed a flight path for sequences of photo
shooting. The best results have been achieved by capturing surrounding
area first to lock the site. Then, photographs are taken perpendicularly to
capture a top view of the site with appropriate overlap. After complete
photo shooting in both transversal and longitudinal paths, additional
photographs must be taken with the camera tilted to capture vertical
surfaces of rich tridimensional structures (Fig. 4). Actual ‘flight path’ of
archaeological sites can vary depending on multiple factors; therefore,
meticulous planning of a flight path is an important part of successful
photogrammetric recording. Most important factor of flight path is its
interwoven manner; sometimes the diver who use photogrammetry only
apply transversal path without the longitudinal path and the locking paths.
In other words, if only one direction of flight path is applied, directional
distance/length of from one point on one side to another point on the
opposite side shall be long, and distortions on images will be
accumulated. However, if three paths (Locking path, transversal path, and
longitudinal path) are properly operated, distance from one side to the
opposite side will be shorter hence the distortion can be minimized. For
that reason, the author strongly recommends that photo-shooting
sequences, or ‘flight path,’ for photogrammetry have to be practiced with
interwoven manners.

�Fig. 4: Recommended flight path for photogrammetric recording.
Applying Local Coordinate System on Scale-bars Method
Next step to create a 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D models is
to apply a local coordinate system on a created 3D digital model. As it was
discussed earlier, scale-bars methods can produce fairly accurate scaleconstrained

1:1

models;

however,

these

models

cannot

carry

georeferenced/positional information. Having a georeferenced/spatial
information is essential for archaeologists to use 3D photogrammetric
models as scientific data for their analysis. In order to apply/generate a
georeferenced data on a created 3D model, it only requires XYZ
coordinates of three control points within a site. The author uses distances
between three control points placed on the archaeological site to establish
a temporal XY coordinates on the three points. A triangle can be created
if distances between three points are known. To obtain these distances
from a created scale-constrained 3D model, control point must be
created/placed on the model. Control point can be created easily in Agisoft
PhotoScan as markers by double clicking on the respective position on
the mode (these markers can be created on the photos by right clicking
and choose ‘create markers’ in Agisoft PhotoScan). Then scale-bars were

�created between these three points to extract calculated distances
between the points (choose two respective markers on reference pane &gt;
right click on selected markers &gt; create ‘scale bars’ &gt; click ‘view
estimated’). Using these distances between three points, a triangle can
be created using 3D CAD software such as Rhino 3D. Then orientation of
the triangle must be adjusted based on depth-measurements of these
control points collected by diver’s dive computer (Fig. 5). This adjusted
triangle and positions of its three corners give new/adjusted XYZ
coordinates of the three points; the author uses these coordinates to
adjust angle of these three control points on the 3D model in Agisoft
PhotoScan (open reference tab &gt; input XYZ coordinates of the corner of
the adjusted triangles &gt; ‘update’). Once these adjusted coordinates were
applied, the 3D photogrammetric model shall contain georeferenced
information.

Fig. 5: Adjustment of the coordinate triangle (The blue triangle is a
temporal triangle that was created based on distances between control
points. And the red one is the adjusted triangle; its orientation was
adjusted based on depth-measurements of the three control points.
Then new coordinates were collected from corners of the red triangle).

�Using a 1:1 scale constrained photogrammetric model as new local
Coordinate System
On the Conversing the World Project, the team of maritime archaeologists
excavated an early sixteenth century Spanish shipwreck in the Bahamas
during the summer 2017; this shipwreck is also known as the Highbourne
Cay Shipwreck. The author is in charge of photogrammetric recording of
the shipwreck site, and he applied the combination of scale-bars and
triangle geo-referencing methodology explained above to create 1:1
scale-constrained georeferenced 3D digital models. Furthermore, once a
1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D model of the site was created in
Agisoft PhotoScan, it is easy to extract coordinates of any possible points
on the 3D model by creating markers (right click on the model or a photo
&gt; ‘create makers’ &gt; ‘view estimated’). This means that when 3D models
are created on the same area or smaller areas within the site in following
day, coordinates of reference points/markers can be collected from the
first 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced model, and apply these
coordinates on newly created 3D models. This means once a local
coordinate system is generated within the first model, archaeologists can
use this coordinate system to both scale-constrain and geo-reference
following photogrammetric models. The author prefers to call this first 1;1
scale constrained georeferenced 3D model as ‘Mother Model’, and
following 3D models that receive coordinates from Mother Model as Child
Models. In other words, the Mother Models itself works as a local
coordinate system of the site, and archaeologists can extract XYZ
coordinates of any reference points form the Mother models to create
another 1:1 scale constrained georeferenced 3D digital models.

�Conclusion
Past 7 years, photogrammetry became one of the most frequently used
recording applications on UCH (Underwater Cultural Heritage). However,
if archaeologists use these 3D digital models as scientific data, it is vital
to create 1:1 scale-constrained georeferenced 3D digital models. Once a
3D digital model carries/contains correct/real scale and georeferenced
information, archaeologists are able to extract dimensional information,
section profiles, DEM (Digital Elevation Models) and contour maps,
orthomosaics (high resolution photomosaic), 2D siteplans, and other
scientific data. The author’s methodology uses simple scale bars placed
on site and a triangle created in 3D CAD software based on distances in
between three control points. This methodology provide accurate results
in a short-term (for instances, if a site is 30m x 30m in size and 20m deep,
it will be 0.5mm possible error in 1m, or 1.5cm possible error in 30m, with
the optimization, and it takes only 3 - 4 dives with one diver). Once the
first model, or Mother Model, is created, following photogrammetric
models from the campaign can take advantage of a local coordinate
system of Mother Model. In other words, photogrammetric recording
processes can be much faster, so that archaeologists are able to create
series of 3D digital models during the same excavation campaign.
Consequently, maritime archaeologists can obtain enough dataset to
study a shipwreck site with layers of information and study stratigraphy of
shipwrecks.

References
Bass, G. F. and Van Doorninck, F. H., 1971. A fourth-century shipwreck
at Yassi Ada. American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 75(1): 27–37.

�Bass, G. F. and Van Doorninck, F. H., 1982. Yassi Ada, Vol. 1: A Seventhcentury Byzantine Shipwreck. Texas A&amp;M University Press, College
Station.
Burtch, R., 2008. History of photogrammetry. Lecture Notes on the History
of
Photogrammetry.
Ferris
State
University,
Big
Rapids
(https://spatial.curtin.edu.au/local/docs/HistoryOfPhotogrammetry.pdf,
Last Updated 2008, Accessed 11/24/2015).
Green, J. and Gainsford, M., 2003. Evaluation of underwater surveying
techniques. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 32:
252-261.
Green, J., Matthews, S. and Turanli, T., 2002. Underwater archaeological
surveying using photomodeler, virtualmapper: different applications for
different problems. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol.
31: 283-292.
Holt, P., 2003. An assessment of quality in underwater archaeological
surveys using tape measurements. The International Journal of Nautical
Archaeology, Vol. 31(2): 246-251.
Konecny, G., 2003. Geoinformation Remote Sensing, Photogrammetry
and Geographic Information Systems. Taylor &amp; Francis, London.
Van Doorninck, F. H., 1967. The Seventh-century Byzantine Ship at Yassi
Ada; Some Contributions to the History of Naval Architecture. PhD Thesis,
University of Pennsylvania.
Van Damme, T., 2015. Computer Vison Photogrammetry for Underwater
Archaeological Site Recording: A Critical Assessment. MA Thesis,
University of Southern Denmark.
Yamafune, K., Torres, R. and Castro, F., 2016. Multi-image
photogrammetry to record and reconstruct underwater shipwreck site.
Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 17-3-2016 (online).

.

�Biography
Kotaro Yamafune received his Bachelor of Arts
degree in history from Hosei University in Tokyo in
2006. He entered the Nautical Archaeology
Program in the Anthropology Department at Texas
A&amp;M University in September 2009 and received his
Master of Arts degree in August 2012. He
continued his studies in the Texas A&amp;M University
Nautical Archaeology Program and earned his
doctorate in May 2016. His research interests
include shipbuilding in Medieval Europe and the European Age of
Discovery, and ship reconstruction. He also focuses on photogrammetric
recording of submerged cultural heritage, including ship

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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APPARATUS, LLC, Japan   </text>
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                <text>In the past seven years, photogrammetry has become one of the main recording methods in maritime and underwater archaeology. The application of photogrammetry allows archaeologists to re-create underwater cultural heritage sites in 3D digital formats, and extract from these 3D digital models data and information required for subsequent scholarly research. The author has been using photogrammetry since 2014 and has successfully created nearly 40 underwater cultural heritage models on more than 10 archaeological projects. The projects have ranged in size, accessibility, and water clarity, introducing a number of variables to the photogrammetry of the artifacts. The variety of experiences gained on these projects have enabled the author to construct his own methodology and workflow for photogrammetric recording. In this paper, the author shares examples of his methodology and workflow for photogrammetric recording of various projects in different countries.   </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                    <text>Portuguese Naus on Namban Screens: A study of the first European ships on
paintings from the late 16th to early 17th centuries in Japan

Kotaro Yamafune
Texas A&amp;M University, College Station
USA 77843
Email: goldfloor@tamu.edu
Abstract
Namban screens, a well-known Japanese art form, were painted by skillful Japanese
artists from the late 16th century to the 17th centuries. Approximately 90 of these
screens have been handed down up to the present. Not only they show some important
historical scenes of European commercial activities in the Far East for the first time, but
they also depict representational pictures of Portuguese ships during the Age of
Discovery. Although the ships’ images on the screens are roughly acceptable, the
details are often strangely anachronistic. The same images could be found in some
Western maps in the 16th century. Judging from the similarity, perhaps, Japanese
painters, who had never seen actual ships themselves in ports, did manage to copy the
images from ones on those maps, which were brought to Japan by the
wellknownTensho embassy. This was the first Japanese embassy that was sent to
Europe; the diplomats left Japan in 1582 and arrived at Portugal in 1584. They met with
Pope Gregory XIII and his successor, Pope Sixtus V, in Rome, and then returned back
to their homeland in 1590. In the following year the embassy members succeeded in
seeing HideyoshiToyotomi, who was the leading political ruler in Japan at that time.
They gave him some souvenirs from Europe, including the maps. It seems that some
official court painters had a chance to see those gifts, from where Japanese artists
could have obtained an idea of the ships’ images that appear in the Namban screens.
Keywords:Namban Screen, Japan, Portugal, Ships, Naus,

Introduction
In the early 14th century, Japan was introduced to the European world as an Island of
Gold by the Venetian explorer Marco Polo. Portuguese sailors finally reached these far
away lands in 1543, more than 200 years after Marco Polo’s first publication and the
introduction of Zipangu. In the following century, Portuguese merchants enjoyed the
lucrative Japanese trade. Today, we know a lot about this first interaction between the
Europeans and Japanese from both contemporary Latin and Japanese chronicles and
journals; however, among all primary sources, the most intriguing and visually-pleasing
information appears on Namban screens, a famous Japanese art form, which was
1

�produced at the end of the
16th

century

throughout

the

and
17th

century in Japan (Fig. 1).
Namban

screens

are

regarded

as

the

first

Japanese

artworks

that

depicted Europeans and
their ships visiting Japan.
The original goal of the
author’s research was to
identify

the

Portuguese

ships that travelled to the
Far East and to illuminate Fig. 1 Namban Screen: Version A of Kyushu National Museum
their nature and the details (Important Cultural Property). Top is Right Panel and Bottom is
Left Panel (154.5 X 363.2 cm each). (M. Sakamoto)

of their upper structures.
However, during this research, the author recognized that the ships that were depicted
on many of the screens were implausible representations of oceangoing ships, and that
some of the ships represented on the screens looked very similar to the ships
represented in contemporary European art. While considering these facts, the author
realized that one important historical event might be the 16th century link between
Japan and Europe.
Namban Screens
Namban screens were produced by various artists from the end of 16th century and
throughout 17th century (Sakamoto, 2008). The word “Namban” was derived from the
old Chinese worldview. In ancient China, its inhabitants considered their country to be
the center of the world, and the only civilized nation on earth. Chinese people called
surrounding regions “Hokuteki”, “Toui”, “Seikai”, and “Namban”; or Northern Savages,
Eastern Savages, Western Savages, and Southern Savages (Sakamoto, 2008). By the
16th century, these terms were also in use in Japan, and the Europeans who came to
Japan from the southern sea were called Namban people.
2

�The Namban people first met the Japanese in 1543, when three Portuguese merchants
drifted into one of the southwestern small islands of Japan on a Chinese junk. Soon
after the discovery of Marco Polo’s legendary islands, European merchants and
missionaries began to visit Japan regular bases. This interaction with the Western
World caused cultural changes far beyond the introduction of firearms. One important
realm where European influence can be observed is that of the Japanese art. New
trends in Japanese art appeared at the end of the 16th century and throughout the 17th
century (Sakamoto, 2008). In addition, many Japanese artists drew Portuguese people
and ships in their paintings. Namban screens were a part of this. More than 90 screens
survive, produced primarily between the end of the 16th century and throughout the
17th century. Some of the earliest screens were painted by well-known artists, known
as the Kano-school (Sakamoto, 2008). In 2008, the most complete inventory so far was
published in a book, NambanByobu Shusei (Sakamoto, 2008).
Ships
Portuguese Nau
The most important element relevant to this study that can be seen on Namban screens
are the European ships, the main subject of the present research. The ships on the
screens represent Portuguese merchantmen; Portuguese naus was probably the most
common type of European merchant ship to sail in Asia at that time, and were employed
in the China and Japan trade (Okamoto, 1955; Sukeno, 1960).
Naus grew in size during the 16th century and were engaged on the East India route.
By the beginning of the 17th century the overall size of the East India naus was larger
than ever, at about 1,100 tons of displacement, while bow and stern castles were
lowered for better sailing performance (Castro, 2005).
Ships on the Namban Screens
From the 90 surviving Namban screens, we can discern several different typologies of
ships. As often happens in the art of the western world, it appears that Japanese artists
sometime drew their Namban ships based on ships that they saw on other Namban
screens, rather than from seeing the actual ships (Russell, 1983). An analysis of the
collection of screens suggests that through a sequence of copying older images, the
accuracy and detail of the Namban ships gradually deteriorated. Fortunately, several
3

�scholars of Japanese Art History and connoisseurs of Japanese art have studied all
known Namban screens and completed brief timelines of screen production (Sakamoto,
2008). The timelines are based on the screen’s historical accounts and the styles of
painting.

Fig. 2 NambanShips on Namban Screen (Version aof Kobe City Museum, Naizen Version [Late 16th –
Early 17th century] by Kano Naizen). (M. Sakamoto)

When analyzed in this light, most images of ships on the screens seem to be copies of
previous images, often from other screens. The author made a catalog of all 73 ship
images known, and classified them according to their quality and date of production.
Fifteen groups or families were identified, seemingly 15 strings of copies of 15 original
images. Once it was completed, this catalog allowed the author to make a surprising
statement: none of these 15 ship types seems to have been painted directly from
observation of actual European vessels in Japanese ports.
Questions
Question1: Why are the Depictions of the Ships so Inaccurate?
The first and biggest question about the origin of the Namban screens pertains to the
inaccuracy of the ship representations.

The most conspicuous mistakes are the

implausible widths of the hull planks, which when scaled properly sometimes reach
approximately two meters in width (Fig. 2).

No less inconspicuous are the rigging

arrangements. Although most ships display masts, yards, sometimes sails, and most
times some standing rigging supporting the masts, the quality of the rigging
4

�representations is always bad and diminishes in time. For instance, ships represented
after the 1630s rarely display ratlines. Running rigging is rarely represented, and in a
few cases ships do not even have masts and yards.
Other interesting mistakes can be observed on the representations of gun ports. By the
16th century, most European merchant ships were armed. The primary weapons of
these vessels were heavy guns, since naval battles were shifting from hand-to-hand
combat into bombardment battles, and indeed many of ships display cannons. However,
these are represented as simple pipes protruding from the hull planking, instead of the
muzzles of cannons and gun ports represented in contemporaneous European
iconography.
These are gross mistakes that are in obvious contrast with the quality of the
representations of houses, trees, or persons, in the same screen. Namban ships seem
to be depicted with less attention to accuracy than many other features in these screens.
Most Japanese scholars explain this lack of accuracy by saying that Namban ships
were not an important portion of the screens and that artists might stylize the ships
because it did not really matter much for the end result (Okamoto, 1955; Sakamoto,
2008). However, this explanation is not acceptable because all other features on the
screens were depicted in minute detail, as we can see for instance on people’s faces,
houses, trees, and even the waves of the sea. Moreover, many of the early screens
were produced by the Kano school, one of the most famous groups of artists in
Japanese history. The Kano school was composed predominantly of the master Kano’s
lineage. Their painting techniques and styles were only taught to close family members
and other relatives (Matsuki, 1994; Takeda, 1995). The Kano school appeared in the
15th century and continued until the 19th century. During these 400 years its artists
produced many works of art that have been labeled National Treasures and Important
Properties of Japan (Yamashita, 2004). Kano school masters served many Tennou,
Daimyo, Taiko, Shogun, and other powerful authorities in each period of Japan’s history.
The fame of the Kano school reached its peak in the Azuchi-Momoyama Era (15671600), when Nobunaga Oda and HideyoshiToyotomi ruled Japan.

The Japanese

culture of this era was named the Azuchi-Momoyama Culture, and the paintings
produced by Kano school artists represent masterpieces ofAzuchi-Momoyama arts
5

�(Kano, 2007). The Kano school’s art is characterized by precision and attention to
details, and precisely for this reason it is interesting to analyze the reasons behind the
poor representations of ships on their screens.
Question 2: Anachronism: Beginning of the Production
Another relevant question that arose during the analysis of the Namban screens
concerns the period of their production. Specialists believe that one of the earliest
pieces may have been produced as early as the 1590s. Nonetheless, the Portuguese
had begun their Japanese trade in the 1550s, and there are good documental sources
that suggest that they used Portuguese-built ships. In the later part of 16th century, the
Portuguese visited Nagasaki and Hirado annually, sometimes even other ports around
Kyushu.

Japanese people, including artists, had many opportunities to see actual

Portuguese vessels.

Nobody knows why there are no contemporary depictions of

European ships by Japanese artists until the Namban screens appeared. Moreover,
most of the surviving Namban screens were actually produced between the 1620s and
the 1640s. By this time more than half of foreign trading vessels had been replaced by
Japanese Shu-in Ships, and Chinese cargo carriers.

Both Japanese and Chinese

merchants used junk-type vessels on this trade (Nagazumi, 2001). The conception,
structure, and configuration of the junks were very different from those of European
vessels (Green and Kim, 1989; Green and Burningham, 1998). Moreover, when Ieyasu
opened his country to foreign trade, he concentrated it in Nagasaki and Hirado, in order
to manage all the incoming and outgoing vessels. This fact certainly limited the number
of people who actually saw European ships at anchor with their own eyes, even though
large numbers of Namban screens were produced during this period. Several more
screens were painted after the third Shogun Iemitsu prohibited all foreign trade, except
that with Dutch and Chinese merchants at Dejima.
Originality of the Ships on Namban Screens
These circumstances suggest that the ships represented in Namban screens were not
drawn from the real ships, but copied from illustrations of ships.

The later

representations seem to have been largely copied from earlier, similar screens, but the
origin of the earlier depictions, represented on the screens produced by the Kano
school in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, are harder to pinpoint. For the reasons
6

�exposed above, it seems likely that Portuguese ships were a rare sight in Japanese
harbors most of the time.

By the time they were first painted, these were largely

unknown in Japan. The author has seen, however, vessels similar to those represented
on the Namban screens on other contemporary images: European maps of the Age of
Discovery.
Hypothesis: From European Maps to Namban Screens
The author has studied world maps produced in Europe during the 16th and early 17th
centuries, and found vessels similar to each one of the types shown on the screens as
depictions of Namban ships (Fig. 3). The similarities between these drawings are often
worth notice, sometimes striking, and it appears likely that all European vessels
represented on Namban screens were copied from the decorative ships shown on late
16th century European maps.
In the 16th century cartography encompassed a number of disciplines that aimed at the
production of accurate maps, and many of these disciplines were scientific in their
nature. In this period maps were updated regularly, every time explorers returned from
their voyages with news of discoveries. But knowledge of the world was incomplete and
the blank spaces were often illustrated with appropriated drawings, depicting the flora
and fauna, or the peoples inhabiting the lands represented, and often the seas were
embellished with representations of the ships of their time (Unger, 2010). The trend of
depicting ships on maps became fashionable in the middle of 16th century, and the
fashion reached its zenith in the work of the competent French cartographers of the
Dieppe school. From this period onwards, the oceans of most of the world maps were
filled with small ships and imaginary creatures (Swift, 2006; Wigal, 2007). This fashion
continued well into the 17th century, when the greater amount of geographic information
available produced a style shift into precise depictions of the interior of continents.
European artists drew good and bad images of ships on the maps being made in their
time. Sometimes the quality of the ships represented on 16th century maps is excellent,
other times ships maps are simplified and stylized, often for lack of space. The rigging
was especially simplified due to the small scale at which it was sometimes represented.
It is almost certain that Japanese artists copied these images, often without ever having
seen the actual ships, let alone understanding the complex arrangement of the rigging.
7

�This fact explains the mistakes on Namban screen paintings described in previous
sections of this work, especially in the rigging of the Namban ships.

Fig. 3 Iconography of Ships from 16th Century’s European Maps. Author: M. Swift. (A) From Ortelius’s
1595 Map of Japan; (B) From Ortelius’sAmericaeSive Novi Orvis, Nova Descriptio; (C) From
Hondius’sMap of the Islands of the East Indies; (D) From Ortelius’sAmericaeSive Novi Orvis, Nova
Description; (E) From John Goghe’sMap of Ireland, 1567; (F) From Ortelius’ TheatrumOrbisTerrarum,
1595; (G) From Pierre Desceliers’s (Cartographer of the Dieppe-school) Map of the World, 1550; (H)
From John Goghe’sMap of Ireland, 1567; (I) Diego Homen’sMap of the Indian Ocean, 1558; (J) From
Ortelius’s 1595 Map of Japan; (K) From Pierre Desceliers’s (Cartographer of the Dieppe-school) Map of
the World, 1550; (L) Johannes and Martin’s Map of Americas, 1520.

8

�Discussion: The Origin of Namban Screens
We know that many European art works were brought to Japan once trade with
Portuguese merchants began (Nishimura, 1958). The primary purpose of this influx of
European artworks was to spread Christianity. Missionaries brought European religious
paintings and non-religious paintings to Japan and some taught European art
techniques to Japanese artists, in order to help the Japanese paint religious figures
themselves.

In 1583, the Jesuit missionary Giovanni Niccolo came to Japan and

opened a European Art School (Nishimura, 1958). As a result, Japanese Christian
painters developed a particular style and imitating European painting became an art
form between 1592 and 1615 (Nishimura, 1958). Some of the pieces of art produced in
this period survive today. Well known examples are: Taisei-Oko-Kiba-Zu (drawing of the
western kings on horses), Yonkakoku-Tojo-Byobu (screen with pictures of four
capitals),Rebanto-Kaisen-Zu (screen with the battle of Levant), or Sekaizu-Byobu
(World map screen) (Fig. 4). It is likely that a large number of European paintings and
prints came to Japan around the period in which the Namban screens were produced.
Moreover, Japanese painters also produced world maps around this time. Today, 20 of
those world map screens survive in Japan (Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai, 1964), and
three or four display small ships. Since Japan did not have the knowledge to produce
original world maps based on the sea voyages or its own mariners, it is certain that
these maps were copies of European world maps.

According to Taku Nakamura

(Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai, 1964), a scholar who carefully studied Namban world map
screens, they were all produced from the late 16th century and throughout the 17th
century.

Fig. 4 Sekaizu-Byobu (Kobe City Museum Version). (T. Miyoshi,and K. Onoda)
9

�Nishimura believes that this influx of European artworks was largely a result of the
Tensho Embassy (Nishimura, 1958). The Tensho Embassy was welcomed by Pope
Gregory XIII and by many Italian city states, because their arrival in Rome meant that
Christianity had reached the edge of the known world (Wakakuwa, 2008). On the way
back to Lisbon from Rome, the Embassy visited Padua. While there, a nobleman
presented

four

expensive

books

to

them.

Two

of

these

books

were

CivitatesOrbisTerrarum and TheatrumOrbisTerrarum (Nishimura, 1958; Fróis et al.,
1941). CivitatesOrbisTerrarum (Cities of the World) is a book that compiles drawings of
cities, maps of several regions of the world, and its people (Braun et al., 2008) (Fig. 5).
TheatrumOrbisTerrarum is the so-called first world atlas (Broecke, 1996) (Fig. 6). Both
books have hundreds of depictions of small ships, most very accurate and seemingly
typical of each region.
The Tensho Embassy returned to
Japan in 1590.

However, they

had to stay in Nagasaki for three
years before Hideyoshi permitted
them to visit the capital in 1593.
While

they

were

staying

in

Nagasaki, many Daimyos and
merchants visited them to hear
stories of the travels to Rome.
Fróis noted that the visitors
enjoyed the European maps and
globes
Finally,
allowed

(Wakakuwa,
in
to

1593,
visit

they

2008).
were

Hideyoshi’s

palace. This visit was the march
of Capitão-mor and the scene
Fig. 5: CivitatesOrbisTerrarum. (A) Lisbon. (B) Venice. (C) that is depicted
Rome. (D) Constantinople. (G. Braun,F.Hogenberg, S.Fussel, Namban Screens.
and B.Taschen)
10

on

many

�An interesting additional fact is that Naizen Kano, who drew one of the earliest Namban
Screens, served as Hideyoshi’s painter (Yamashita, 2004; Kano, 2007). Perhaps he
witnessed the reception of the returning Tensho Embassy? Or perhaps Taiko Hideyoshi
asked him to paint the original screen? These are merely the author’s hypotheses, but
they would tie these important events and artwork together in a simple way.

Fig. 6: TheatrumOrbisTerrarum. (A) World Map, 1570. (B) World Map, 1586. (C) Americas, 1570. (D)
Italy, 1570. (E) Northern Europe, 1570. (F) Asia, 1567 and 1570. (M. P. R. V. D. Broecke)

11

�Conclusion
Not all the Namban ships were necessarily based on ships from CivitatesOrbisTerrarum
and TheatrumOrbisTerrarum.

We don’t know what other European sources were

available in Japan at the time. The members of the Tensho Embassy were invited to
many Italian cities, for instance, Florence, before Rome, and after that other cities,
including Milano, Venice, Padua (where they received the books already mentioned).
There were many printed books and images in Italy at the time. As mentioned above,
maps with drawings of cities and ships were common as a result of the flourishing of the
Dieppe-school decades earlier.

It is likely that the four Japanese members of the

Tensho Embassy purchased or were given maps and paintings for their Christian
fellows in Japan and for Japanese rulers, like Hideyoshi. And it is likely that other
European missionaries and merchants also brought maps and paintings to Japan.
Historical records tell us that the members of the Tensho Embassy brought maps and
globes to Nagasaki, Japan, although there are no historical accounts describing the
members of the Tensho Embassy presenting maps to Hideyoshi. The records say that
“among the gifts, Hideyoshi liked an Arabian horse.” But it is a fact that it was after this
visit that Hideyoshi’s personal artist and his school produced the first Namban screens.
Whether or not this is true, the Namban screens are still rightly considered Japanese
Important Cultural Property and records of the first interactions between Europe and
Japan, between West and Eastern Christians, and represent an interesting symbiosis
between Renaissance European and Japanese traditional arts.
References
Braun, G., Hogenberg, F., Fussel, S., and Taschen, B., 2008.CivitatesOrbisTerrarum =
Cities of the World: 363 Engravings Revolutionize the View of the World: Complete
Edition of the Colour Plates of 1572-1617. Taschen, Colongne.
Broecke, M. P. R. V. D., 1996.

Ortelius Atlas Maps: An Illustrated Guide. HES

Publishers, Utrecht.
Castro, F. V. D., 2005. The Pepper Wreck: a Portuguese Indiaman at the Mouth of the
Tagus River. Texas A &amp; M University Press, College Station.
Frois, L., Okamoto, Y., Bernard, H., and Pinto, J. A.,1941 Kyushu Sanko Keno Shisetsu
Koki (The Travel of the Tensho Embassy). Toyodo, Tokyo (in Japanese).
12

�Green. J., and Kim Z.G., 1989. The Shinan and Wando Sites, Korea: Further
Information. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 18 (4): 33-41.
Green.J., and Burningham, N., 1998.

The Ship from Quanzhou, Fujian Province,

People’s Republic of China. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 27 (4): 277301.
Kano, H., 2007. MomoyamaKaiga no Bi: Tensai,Isai, Kisai no KareinaruSekai (The
Beauty of Momoyama Paintings). Heibonsha, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai., 1964. KirishitanKenkyu Dai 9-shu (Study of The Japanese
Christian). Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Matsuki, H., 1994. Goyoeshi Kano-ke no Chi to Chikara (Power and Lineage of KanoSchool). Kodansha, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Miyoshi, T., and Onoda, K., 1999.ZusetsuSekaiKochizuKorekushon(Collection of
Cartography). KawadeShobo Shin-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Nagazumi, Y., 2001.

Shuin-sen (Red-Seal Ships). Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo (in

Japanese).
Nishimura, T., 1958.NanbanBijutsu (Namban Arts). Kodan-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Okamoto, Y., 1955.

NanbanByobuko (Namban Trade). Sho Shin-sha, Tokyo (in

Japanese).
Russell, M., 1983.Visions of the Sea: Hendrick C. Vroom and the Origins of Dutch
Marine Painting. Leiden University Press, Leiden.
Sakamoto, M. (Ed.), 2008.NanbanByobu Shusei (Inventory of the Namban Screens).
Chuo KooronBijutsuShuppan, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Sukeno, K., 1960. KirishitanFudoki. BekkanKenkyuhen (Study of Japanese Christians).
Hobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese).
Swift, M., 2006.Mapping the World.Chartwell Books, Edison.
Takeda, T., 1995.Kano-ha Kaigashi (Arts of Kano-school). Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo
(in Japanese).
Unger, R. W., 2010.

Ships on Maps: Pictures of Power in Renaissance Europe.

Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, New York.
Wakakuwa, M., 2008.KuatoroRagattsi: TenshoShonenShisetsu to Sekai Teikoku 2 (The
Tensho Embassy and the Portuguese World Empire). Shuei-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese).
13

�Wigal, D., 2007.Historic Maritime Maps.Confidential Concepts, New York.
Yamashita, Y., (Ed.), 2004. Kano-ha Ketteiban (Art of Kano-school).Heibon-sha, Tokyo,
Japan (in Japanese).
Biography
Kotaro Yamafune completed his BA in History at Hosei University (Japan) in 2006 and
started his MA in the Nautical Archaeology Program at Texas A&amp;M University in
2009and completed his MA in 2012. His research interests are Portuguese shipbuilding
and seafaring in the 16th and the 17th centuries and the reconstruction of the Medieval
and Post Medieval shipwrecks. He is currently (2014) enrolled in the Nautical
Archaeology Program as a PhD student. His dissertation focuses on the 3D
reconstruction of Portuguese India trading ships of the 16th and 17th centuries.

14

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                  <text>East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCOâ€™s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia.&#13;
This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. </text>
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                <text>Namban screens, a well-known Japanese art form, were painted by skillful Japanese artists from the late 16th century to the 17th centuries.  Approximately 90 of these screens have been handed down up to the present.  Not only they show some important historical scenes of European commercial activities in the Far East for the first time, but they also depict representational pictures of Portuguese ships during the Age of Discovery.  Although the shipsâ€™ images on the screens are roughly acceptable, the details are often strangely anachronistic.  The same images could be found in some Western maps in the 16th century.  Judging from the similarity, perhaps, Japanese painters, who had never seen actual ships themselves in ports, did manage to copy the images from ones on those maps, which were brought to Japan by the wellknownTensho embassy.  This was the first Japanese embassy that was sent to Europe; the diplomats left Japan in 1582 and arrived at Portugal in 1584. They met with Pope Gregory XIII and his successor, Pope Sixtus V, in Rome, and then returned back to their homeland in 1590.  In the following year the embassy members succeeded in seeing HideyoshiToyotomi, who was the leading political ruler in Japan at that time.  They gave him some souvenirs from Europe, including the maps.  It seems that some official court painters had a chance to see those gifts, from where Japanese artists could have obtained an idea of the shipsâ€™ images that appear in the Namban screens. </text>
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                <text>Kotaro Yamafune, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                    <text>Conserving Ropes from the Phanom-Surin Shipwreck in Thailand: Case Study on
Storage and Exhibition at the National Museum of Thailand
Natchaya Pattanasuttirata , Kunthida Chimmab , Puangporn Srisomboon, and Monchalus
Pitisinchoochai
Conservation Science Division, Office of National Museum, The Fine Arts Department,
Ministry of Culture, Thailand
a
Natchaya.peary@gmail.com, bChimma.kun@hotmail.com
ABSTRACT
There are several important factors to consider when studying appropriate conservation methods for fibers in
museum exhibitions or storage. This research focused on investigating the potential of using Trehalose and
polyethylene glycol 4000 (PEG4000) as treatments for shipwreck rope fibers in Thailand's museums. The
efficacy of these treatments was evaluated by using a twisted fiber thread to tie the torpedo jar. The initial
desalinated fibers were subjected to three groups: untreated rope was dried at room temperature, ropes conserved
with Trehalose, and ropes conserved with PEG4000. Identical concentrations of both the Trehalose and
PEG4000 solutions started at a concentration of 25 percent brix then increased progressively to 40 percent and
60 percent brix.
We employed four different analyses. We used scanning electron microscopy to study morphological properties.
Prior to treatment and after treatment we compared numerical evaluation of the colour change using ΔE* values
(CIE L*a*b* system). We recorded reflectance using wavelengths of white light ranges (380-780 nm). We used
differential scanning calorimetry technique for thermal properties.
The results indicate the Trehalose fibers had a melting temperature of 192.8°C and exhibited less change in
colour and reflectance compared to the others. The PEG4000 fibers had a melting temperature at 59.3°C.
Trehalose had higher thermal properties compared to PEG4000. Thus, Trehalose is an appropriate conservation
material for ropes and other fiber-based materials that are stored or displayed in environments with high
humidity and temperature, such as the case in Thailand.
Keywords Phanom-Surin Shipwreck, conservation of rope (fiber), Trehalose, PEG4000
List of Figure
Figure 1 The twisted fiber used for tie Torpedo jars
Figure 2. Untreated fiber. a) Cross-sectional, b) Cross-sectional lumen, c) Longitudinal
Figure 3. PEG4000 fiber. (a) Cross-sectional, (b) Cross-sectional lumen, (c) Longitudinal
Figure 4. Trehalose fiber. (a) Cross-sectional, (b) Cross-sectional lumen, (c) Longitudinal
Figure 5. Fresh sugar palm fiber. (a) Cross-sectional, (b) Cross-sectional lumen, (c) Longitudinal
Figure 6. Twisted rope. (a) Untreated rope, (b) Trehalose-treated rope, (c) PEG4000-treated rope
Figure 7. Graph of reflectance comparison results between untreated fiber, Trehalose fiber, and PEG4000 fiber.
Figure 8. DSC thermogram of untreated fibers (a), pure Trehalose (b), pure PEG4000 (c), Trehalose fibers (d), and
PEG4000 fibers (e): 1st Heating.

3
5
5
5
6
6
6
8

List of Table
Table 1 shows the results of the L*a*b* colour space data for untreated rope, rope treated with Trehalose, and rope treated
with PEG4000
7

1

�1. INTRODUCTION
The Phanom-Surin shipwreck was discovered at Samut Sakhon, Thailand in September 2013. The
shipwreck is dated to the 9th century CE (1stROFAD 2016). We narrow our discussion to the excavated
rope fibers. Our literature review on rope fiber or “Tao” fibers identified them as Arenga pinnata,
commonly known as the sugar palm or Arenga palm (Mahaphol 2013). For centuries sugar palm fibers
were used as ropes for ships due to their exceptional strength, durability, and resistance to saltwater
(Ishak et al. 2012, 700). Our study expands from this literature review to focus on the conservation of
twisted rope/fiber, used to tie Torpedo jars (Figure 2), with a specific emphasis on museum exhibition
and storage purposes.
In this study, we compared conservation of fresh sugar palm fibers in PEG4000 and Trehalose, which
demonstrated superior properties compared to the non-treated fibers. We examined moisture
absorption, which the fibers treated with Trehalose (henceforth Trehalose fiber) showed lower
moisture absorption than the fibers treated with PEG4000 (henceforth PEG4000 fiber). We compare
the physical characteristics of the fibers that underwent conservation treatment (in either PEG4000 or
Trehalose) by the changes in reflectance, colour and heat resistance. Our results are intended for use to
design a conservation plan for the appropriate environment for museum display, storage, and
conservation.

Figure 1 The twisted fiber used to tie Torpedo jars

2. MATERIALS AND METHODS
2.1 Materials
On the Phanom-Surin shipwreck ropes were used to tie Torpedo jars. PEG4000 (M w ≈ 3500 - 4000)
was purchased from Loba ChemieTM, India. Trehalose (TREHA®) was purchased from Hayashibara
Co.Ltd., Japan.
2.2

Samples preparation

We prepared the fiber samples by flushing with deionized water until the electrical conductivity (EC)
of the solution was below 100 μS. The fibers were divided into three groups, dry at room temperature,
soaked with Trehalose or PEG4000. We tightly covered the fibers while soaking to prevent water
evaporation.
i.
ii.

Untreated - The untreated fibers were dried at room temperature.
Soaked with Trehalose - The fibers were immersed in Trehalose starting with 20
percent brix at room temperature (34°C). The solution was heated, while the Trehalose
concentration increased from 40 percent to 60 percent brix. The controlled temperature
did not exceed 80°C, and the fibers were immersed for 24 hours. Once the fibers
reached the (20, 40, 60) percent brix constants the fibers were dried with an electric-fan
until completely dried. The fibers were cleaned with warm water to remove any
residual Trehalose and dried until a constant weight is obtained.

2

�iii.

2.3

Soaked with PEG4000 - The immersion process in PEG4000 follows the same
procedure as immersion in the Trehalose solution, but the fibers were left to dry at room
temperature.
Scanning electron microscopy (SEM)

After sample preparation (see above for details) all fibers were immersed in liquid nitrogen, broken up
and stored in a desiccator to absorb moisture for one day. Each were coated with gold (Au-Coating)
through an auto fine coater (Smart Coater, DII-29030SCTR) for 4 minutes. Analysis was conducted
with a benchtop scanning electron microscope (JCM-7000, JEOL) at 5 kilovolts (kV).
2.4

Differential Scanning Calorimetry (DSC)

After sample preparation and SEM all fibers underwent thermal analysis with the Differential
Scanning Calorimetry (DSC) technique (Mettler Toledo brand). Five milligrams (mg) of sample were
sealed hermetically in the aluminium crucible. Nitrogen gas was purged at a flow rate of 20 millilitres
per minute (mL/min). At a heating rate of 10 °C/min across a range from -20 to 200°C to 50 to 230°C.
2.5

Spectroradiometer

After sample preparation, SEM and DSC all fibers underwent spectroradiometer (Konica Minolta CS2000), with wavelengths from 380 to 780 nanometers (nm) range. The samples were prepared by
twining and thickening the ropes, three random points were selected for spectroradiometer at a 0.2
aperture in the (CIELAB) (Commission Internationale de l´Eclairage, L*, a* and b* represent each of
the three values the CIELAB color space uses to measure objective color and calculate color
differences. L* represents lightness from black to white on a scale of zero to 100, while a* and b*
represent chromaticity with no specific numeric limits. Negative a* corresponds with green, positive
a* corresponds with red, negative b* corresponds with blue and positive b* corresponds with yellow).
Under the International Commission on Illumination (CIE) commonly used D65 - D series of
illuminants portray standard illumination conditions at open-air in different parts of the world measurements were taken and the reflectance values were averaged. The data was then analyzed for
colour variability.

3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Our study focuses on the conservation of waterlogged fiber in Trehalose and PEG4000 that was used
to tie Torpedo jars in the Phanom-Surin shipwreck (Figure 2), for the purpose of museum exhibition
and storage.
3.1

Scanning Electron Microscopy

Microscopic examinations of fibers treated with Trehalose and PEG4000 show structural differences
compared to untreated rope samples. Untreated rope displayed severe degradation, collapse of cells,
and the longitudinal section had a hole where the silica had come off (Figure 4-c). Fresh sugar palm
fibers retain silica (Figure 7-c). Cross-sections of PEG4000-treated and Trehalose-treated ropes
appeared similar to each other. PEG4000-treated rope had a smoother longitudinal surface (Figure 5c), while Trehalose-treated rope exhibited an orthorhombic crystal form (Figure 6-c). These
differences indicate distinct effects of the different immersive treatments of conserved fibers.
Trehalose and PEG4000 conserved fibers of twisted rope show surface cracks due to SEM sample
preparation. The micrograph of these twisted fibers (Figure 8) show reduced bend and twist resistance.
Specifically, Trehalose exhibits lower twist resistance than PEG4000. In previous research the
conserved fibers improved tensile strength (Mahaphol 2013). Trehalose, with its rigid crystalline
structure, demonstrates higher tensile strength than PEG4000 and untreated rope.

3

�Silica Body

(a)

(b)

Hole of Silica Body

(c)

Figure 2. Untreated fiber. a) Cross-sectional, b) Cross-sectional lumen, c) Longitudinal

(a)

(b)

(c)

Figure 3. PEG4000 fiber. (a) Cross-sectional, (b) Cross-sectional lumen, (c) Longitudinal

(a)

(b)

(c)

Figure 4. Trehalose fiber. (a) Cross-sectional, (b) Cross-sectional lumen, (c) Longitudinal

Silica Body

(a)

(b)

(c)

Figure 5. Fresh sugar palm fiber. (a) Cross-sectional, (b) Cross-sectional lumen, (c) Longitudinal

(a)

(b)

(c)

Figure 6. Twisted rope. (a) Untreated rope, (b) Trehalose-treated rope, (c) PEG4000-treated rope

4

�3.2

Reflectance (percent)

Figure 7. Graph of reflectance comparison results between untreated fiber,
Trehalose fiber, and PEG4000 fiber.

The results of the reflectance (percent) measurements indicate that both PEG4000 and Trehalose
conserved fibers increased reflectance compared to the non-treated fiber. Pointedly, the PEG4000 fiber
exhibited higher reflectance percentage than the Trehalose fiber. This suggests that PEG4000
treatment may have more significant impact on enhancing the fiber's reflective properties. PEG4000
fiber (Figure 5-c) surfaces were coated with a layer of silica so the longitudinal surface reflection was
smoother and more uniform, which resulted in regular reflection of incident light. In contrast, the
Trehalose fiber (Figure 6-c) have rough surfaces with irregularly shaped rectangular features and
thickness varies, which leads to scattered reflection of incident light. The diffused light in multiple
directions is disordered and does not exhibit regular reflection. This causes a decrease in the detected
signal.
3.3

Colour measurement ΔE*

Table 1 shows the results of the L*a*b* colour space data for untreated fiber, Trehalose fiber, and PEG4000 fiber.
L* ± SD

a* ± SD

b* ± SD

ΔE*

No-treatment (PSF )

14.17±2.20

0.66±0.21

2.20±0.23

-

PSF/PEG4000

15.85±3.05

0.56±0.77

1.03±0.44

2.05

PSF/Trehalose

14.12±4.49

0.98±0.53

2.03±0.98

0.37

No-treatment (Currently)

23.53±4.59

1.89±0.60

7.33±0.45

10.74

Treatment
a

Note: a PSF refers to Phanom-Surin fiber

The untreated fiber has a low L* value of 14.17, indicating a relatively dark colour. The positive a*
value of 0.66 and positive b* value of 2.20 suggests the colour of the untreated fiber has a slightly
reddish-yellow hue. The PEG4000 fiber increased the L* value to 15.85, indicating a brighter colour.
The a* value decreased slightly to 0.56, indicating a slightly greener hue, while the b* value
decreased significantly to 1.03, indicating a more blueish hue. The Trehalose fiber resulted in a similar
L* value as the untreated fiber at 14.12, but a higher positive a* value of 0.98 and a higher positive b*
value of 2.03. This suggests that the Trehalose fiber colour has a more reddish-yellow hue than the
untreated fiber.
The CIE L*a*b* colour system allowed us to evaluate the colour change of the fiber. The colour
difference (ΔE*) was calculated by comparing the colour values of the treated and non-treated fibers.
ΔE* value greater than one was considered visually detectable.
5

�The results of the colour measurement ΔE* for PEG4000 fiber (2.05) and Trehalose fiber (0.37)
(non-treated fiber so there is no ΔE* value) indicate that the addition of PEG4000 to the fiber caused a
significant colour change, while Trehalose fiber minimally changed. These findings suggest that the
Trehalose treatment more effectively preserves the colour stability of the sugar palm fiber than
PEG4000. The cause of colour change requires further investigation.
3.4

Differential Scanning Calorimetry (DSC)

Figure 8. DSC thermogram of untreated fibers (a), pure Trehalose (b), pure PEG4000 (c),
Trehalose fibers (d), and PEG4000 fibers (e): 1st Heating.

We investigated the thermal properties of fibers following preservation with Trehalose and PEG4000
treatment, which resulted in changes in the thermogram characteristics of the fibers.
Figure 10 (a) and (d) show the relationship between Fiber and Fiber/Trehalose. DSC thermogram:
peaks at 96.11°C and 139.73°C for Fiber, and 92.27°C and 149.44°C for Fiber/Trehalose. The first
peak corresponds to water evaporation. Fiber/Trehalose has more easily evaporated water due to the
attributed hydroxyl groups in the cellulose structure, which make it difficult to bond with water. The
presence of a hydroxyl group of Trehalose in Fiber/Trehalose also binds to the cellulose of the fiber,
causing a decrease in the amount of bonding between water and cellulose. At 149.44°C, the melting
temperature (Tm) of Fiber or Fiber/Trehalose occurs. In fact, Trehalose's melting temperature is at
192.80°C, which causes the crystals of the Trehalose chain to fold into lamellae this absorbs heat
energy from surroundings and causes vibrations until the intermolecular attraction is overcome. As a
result, the crystals dissociate into randomly spaced Trehalose chain molecules. The second peak of
Fiber/Trehalose (Figure 10 (b)) covers Trehalose's melting peak and has a wide range. The
temperature transition from glassy state to rubbery state (T g) occurs at 106.50 °C, where Trehalose
chains in the amorphous region absorb heat energy, which increase distance between chains and free
up space for volume. Comparison of the DSC of Fiber and Fiber/Trehalose, Trehalose treatment raised
the second peak temperature, this indicates higher melting temperature and improved high-temperature
resistance.
Figure 10 (a) and (c) show the relationship between Fiber and Fiber/ PEG4000. From and (c), the first
peak observed at 54.36°C (Figure 10e) corresponds to the melting temperature (T m) of PEG4000. A
lower melting point than Trehalose. PEG4000 is composed of repeated units of ethylene glycol, which
6

�enable it to form hydrogen bonds with water molecules. In comparison, Trehalose is composed of a
cyclic glucose disaccharide that forms strong hydrogen bonds due to the two glucose molecules being
linked by an α,α-1,1-glycosidic bond. These structures when compared result in Trehalose’s higher
melting temperature than PEG4000.
Based on the thermal investigation, Trehalose-treated rope showed superior thermal stability and less
moisture absorption than PEG4000.
4. CONCLUSION
We demonstrated the use of Trehalose and PEG4000 in the conservation of twisted fiber used to tie the
torpedo jars on the Phanom-Surin shipwreck. The results showed the Trehalose fibers had less change
in colour, reflectance and higher thermal properties compared to the PEG4000 fibers. We conclude
Trehalose is an effective conservation material for fibers in high humidity and temperature
environments. The use of Trehalose as a conservation treatment for sugar palm fibers created a barrier
between the cellulose structure and water, which reduced the amount of water that can evaporate from
the fibers. The experiments in this study are informative and favour Trehalose as the preferred fiber
treatment for museum display and storage in high humidity and heat environments, such as Thailand.

Acknowledgements
The authors sincerely thank Mr.Sanae Mahaphol and Ms.Sopit Panyakhan, Scientists from conservation science division, and
The Fine Arts Department of Thailand for their help and constant encouragement. Thanks Ms.Sirin Yuanyaidee, Director of
Kanchanaphisek National Museum and staff. Thank you Assoc.Prof.Dr.Mantana Opaprakasit and Dr.Intatch
Hongrattanavichit from Faculty of Science Chulalongkorn University for their support with the analysis instruments and their
advice. Moreover, we’re grateful to the Sumitomo Foundation, Japan and Ms.Umaporn Kruekamwang, Director of Office of
National Science Museum Thailand for the support.

Bibliography
Ishak, M.R., S.M. Sapuan, Z. Leman, M.Z.A. Rahman, U.M.K Anwar, and J.P. Siregar. "Sugar palm (Arenga pinnata): Its
fibres, polymers and composites." ELSEVIER (2012): 700.
Mahaphol, Saneh. "The conservation of ropes from the Phanom-Surin Shipwreck Site, Thailand." Academia (2013): 1-16.
The 1st Regional Office of Fine Arts Department, Ratchaburi Fine Arts Department (1stROFRD). Study of Phanom-Surin
Shipwreck, Phanthai Norasing Sub-district, Meuang District, Samut Sakhon Province (2013-2015). Bangkok:
Bangkok in House, co., 2016.

7

�8

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museum exhibitions or storage. This research focused on investigating the potential of using Trehalose and&#13;
polyethylene glycol 4000 (PEG4000) as treatments for shipwreck rope fibers in Thailand's museums. The&#13;
efficacy of these treatments was evaluated by using a twisted fiber thread to tie the torpedo jar. The initial&#13;
desalinated fibers were subjected to three groups: untreated rope was dried at room temperature, ropes conserved&#13;
with Trehalose, and ropes conserved with PEG4000. Identical concentrations of both the Trehalose and&#13;
PEG4000 solutions started at a concentration of 25 percent brix then increased progressively to 40 percent and&#13;
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We employed four different analyses. We used scanning electron microscopy to study morphological properties.&#13;
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                <text>Pattanasuttirata, Natchaya, Kunthida Chimmab, Puangporn Srisomboon, and Monchalus Pitisinchoochai. 2023. “Conserving Ropes from the Phanom-Surin Shipwreck in Thailand: Case Study on Storage and Exhibition at the National Museum of Thailand.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1908 </text>
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