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                    <text>Seabee Junkyard:
A holistic and locally inclusive approach to site management and interpretation
Kalle Applegate Palmer
University of Guam, University of Guam Marine Lab, Mangilao, Guam 96923
Email: kalleerin@gmail.com
Bill Jeffery
Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, South Australia
Email: billjeffery@gmail.com
Abstract
The United States of America (U.S.) Navy’s Construction Battalion called ‘Seabees’
were born in January 1942 from the demand for a unique set of both engineering and
combat skills: “We Build, We Fight”. The Seabees were instrumental in the Pacific
theater, and played a significant role in rebuilding Guam. Known as the Seabee
Junkyard due to the dumping of Seabee materials and equipment after the war, the site
located within Apra Harbor, Guam is a popular dive site amongst local and visiting
divers. Research on the significance of the site has revealed that it also represented the
rapid demobilization of U.S. Navy after World War II (WW II). In July 2012, the
University of Guam conducted a Nautical Archaeology Society maritime archaeology
training course funded by the Guam Preservation Trust, which resulted in the material
identification and surveying of the site. Further site investigations have taken a holistic
and locally inclusive approach to the management and interpretation of the site. This
includes non-disturbance wreck diving and underwater cultural heritage education in
association with developing site preservation strategies, and compilation of a
nomination to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places. Additional activities in
promoting the site and educating the diving public will include underwater dive guides,
development of a comprehensive site plan and an underwater cultural heritage trail.
Engagement with various government agencies and community groups are being
implemented to gauge their various levels of interest and assistance in managing and
interpreting the site. Baseline environmental assessment surveys are to be conducted
to determine the differences in natural communities with significant man-made
substrates and those without. Further outreach proposals are being investigated to see
if it can fulfill a role as an Educational and Interpretive Park.
Key words: Seabees, Apra Harbor, Guam, Marianas archipelago, Micronesia
Introduction
Guam is the largest and most populated island of the Marianas archipelago. Exposed to
European contact since the 1500’s and administered by the U.S. since 1898, the island
has been heavily influenced by its colonizers. During WW II, Guam came under the
1

�possession of Japan from 1941 until 1944, at which time the U.S. rapidly developed its
military facilities on the island including Advanced Base Guam. Largely responsible for
this build-up were the U.S. Navy Construction Battalions, popularly known as the
Seabees. With the Seabees came vast amounts of equipment required to conduct such
a massive and rapid build-up. At the end of the war, equipment was arriving on island in
its largest quantities (Hammer, 1947). When the war ended, men on the front and
families at home demanded their immediate return. Large amounts of equipment were
dumped in the jungles and oceans of Guam. One dump site known as the Seabee
Junkyard contains a large and dense area of submerged equipment in seemingly good
condition. The site is positioned at the end of the Glass Breakwater of Apra Harbor; of
which the building was one of the highest priority projects undertaken by the Seabees
upon repossession in 1944. Little is known about the specifics of when and how the
equipment was dumped. Much of the material was unidentified until a July 2012 site
survey. The large quantity of man-made substrate provides an opportunity to describe
and monitor the natural environment in contrast to other sites lacking the unnatural
substrates but with otherwise comparable environmental conditions.
The site provides a unique opportunity for a first of its kind holistic management and
interpretative project on Guam as it is regularly accessed by recreational divers and
exposed to commercial and military activities. Sites on Guam are protected from looters
and salvagers today through recent legislation, but they have been plagued by them
since the end of WW II. The state of such sites is of concern on the island but difficult to
manage because of the ease of access to them and lack of on-site regulatory
management. The holistic management and interpretative approach would be inclusive
of educational outreach, a U.S. National Register of Historic Places nomination pending
the confirmation of its historical significance, as well as the establishment of
environmental and site baseline monitoring.
Historical Overview
The Marianas archipelago is a chain of 15 islands in the Pacific which includes Rota,
Saipan and Tinian. Anthropological and archaeological evidences support the biological
and cultural diversity of pre-contact Micronesia from around 3,500 BCE, which includes
the Chamorro group of people (Dixon et al., 2013). Ferdinand Magellan’s arrival in 1521
2

�marked the beginning of Guam’s European contact and colonization. Spain officially
claimed Guam in 1565 and occupied the island until the U.S. took possession in 1898
following the Spanish, American War (Rogers, 2011). A seaplane base was established
in Apra Harbor, in 1921, where the most suitable anchorage was located (Hammer,
1947) (Fig. 1). In 1938, the Hepburn report recommended Guam as a location for an
advanced base, a fortified base with airfields and naval facilities that could be used to
keep combatant forces on the move during future wars (Bureau of Yards and Docks,
1947). The development of Apra Harbor was prioritized, including building a breakwater
along the northwest side of the harbor to protect it from exposure to the natural
environment and potential attacks (Hammer, 1947). A mile of the breakwater had been
completed when the Japanese bombed Guam on December 8, 1941. The attack
resulted in the Japanese occupation. Advanced base work was halted (Bureau of Yards
and Docks, 1947) and pre-existing U.S. documents on the island were destroyed by the
Japanese (R. Glass, personal communication, 2013).

Fig. 1 Apra Harbor including the location of Seabee Junkyard and Sumay Village.
(Sean Newsome, 2012)

3

�Guam was liberated on July 21,
1944

and

occupational

a

Japanese

presence

on

the

island ended officially on August
10.

The

liberation

of

Guam

marked the beginning of the end
for Japanese forces. Arriving with
the Marines and Army Corp of
Engineers

were

conceived

to

the

Seabees,

support

combat Fig. 2 Seabees at work on Guam in the 1940‘s. (Bill Jeffery,
forces while building advanced 2013)
bases in military-active areas (Hammer, 1947). Seabees were organized in ‘Lions’ which
provided all support needed to build an advanced base, including multiple battalions
and great quantities of equipment. Lion Six, the Lion responsible for work in Guam,
began movement on May 1, 1944 (Hammer, 1947). Liberation marked the beginning of
a rebuilding period for Guam that resulted in the largest base west of Pearl Harbor and
the second largest base in the world (Hammer, 1947). Possession of Apra Harbor was
among the invasion objectives. The harbor developments resulted in the 17,000 linealfoot breakwater, 7,500,000 cubic feet of inner harbor dredging and 26,000 lineal-foot
quay wall (Fig. 2). The Seabees can be credited with 75 percent of the total construction
on Guam with 37,000 construction troops used in the completion of the Advanced Base
Guam (U.S.N., 1946).
Much of the Seabee’s work did not appear to be the product of any pre-planning and
consequently was completed regardless of property lines particularly with the production
of Marine Corp Drive (one of Guam’s main and longest roads) (Rogers, 2011). Much of
the land used by the military was private land and was not properly rented or paid for by
the military. Previous occupants of Sumay village actually remained in refugee camps
during this time (Rogers, 2011). The ’Magic Carpet’ operations to get troops home
began shortly after the end of the war due to demand and public outcry that forces
were not needed any longer (Hammer, 1947). The result was a rapid pace and scale
4

�demobilization resulting in disorganization, misconceptions and infighting. The Truman
administration sought post war foreign policy aimed at establishing economic not
military power. Truman avoided the increase in deficits and military expenditures,
prioritizing the balancing of the budget and ’dismantling the military machine’ (Pollard,
1985). At the time of the end of the war, Seabee equipment was being shipped out to
the Pacific in its highest quantities and could not be sent back without contributing to the
chaos (Hammer, 1947). As they demobilized on Guam, the Seabees dealt with their
equipment by dumping tractors in the jungle and tearing roofs off storage sheds,
exposing it to the elements and hastening deterioration (Hammer, 1947). Seabees
ruined their material for two reasons. The first was that it was too expensive to ship
home; many of the Seabee locations during WWII were very far from the U.S. mainland.
The second was that not returning it home created the demand for continued production
in the domestic market; returning tractors and dozers that could be re-purposed after
their use in the war effort did not stimulate the economy (J. Sprengle, Personal
Communication, 2013). The Seabees were among those severely reduced in the post
war period. By 1946, more than half of the men on Guam had been sent home and the
Naval Operating Base was falling apart (Hammer, 1947). At least thirty-one known
locations of submerged material are in Apra Harbor. Among them are two Nationally
Registered Historic Places (NRHP) and Guam Register of Historic Places (GRHP),
Tokai Maru, a Japanese passenger-cargo freighter struck down by a U.S. submarine in
1943

and

SMS

Cormoran,

a

German ship destroyed in 1917
(Dixon, personal communication,
2013). A number of sites in the
area qualify as NRHP and or
GRHP but have not yet been
nominated.
Natural Environment
Guam is 32 miles long and varies
from 4 to 8 miles wide. It differs in
its natural environment with a higher

Fig. 3 Unidentified material at the Seabee Junkyard in 2012.
(Bill Jeffery, 2012)

5

�limestone plateau occupying the northern half and red clay volcanic soil in the southern
half which is vulnerable during the regular heavy rains. The island is surrounded by a
reef system (Bureau of Yards and Docks, 1947). Changes in the natural environment
have occurred since WW II. Apra Harbor has been predominantly used by the U.S.
Navy for the naval station and naval supply depot but is also accessed commercially
and recreationally. Commercial uses include the Port Authority, the Cabras power plant
and recreational uses include diving, snorkeling, fishing, and jet skiing. Recreational,
military and commercial activity in the area can be considered a human disturbance that
may affect coral reef health. Currently, 27% of the world’s coral reefs are at high risk
and 31% at moderate risk due to human disturbance (World Resources Institute, 2013).
Confirmed disturbances that are factors at the Seabee Junkyard include coastal
development, port installation, recreational activities, tourist facilities, and nuclear
activity (Chabanet et al., 2005). The Seabee Junkyard is located at a depth of eight
meters, 200 meters inside of Apra Harbor along the Glass Breakwater (Fig. 1). The site
covers an estimated two acres of benthic surface area which includes four tractors, an
amtrac, ten pontoon outboard motors, cranes, vehicle remains and hundreds of meters
of one steel piping (Figs. 3-5). Fish found at the site can include Porcupinefish, Diodon
nicthemerus; Moorish idols, Zanclus cornutus; Blue chromis, Chromis cyanea; and
Yellow tangs, Zebrasoma flavescens. Invertebrates at the site may include Day octopi,
Octopus cyanea; blue Linckia, Linckia laevigata; and Cnidarians including jellyfish and
corals. The coral community at the site appears to differ in diversity, quantity and size
from those at similar sites without material but this has not yet been confirmed
quantitatively.
Existing Underwater Archaeological work
Since 2002, the National Park Service gave WW II sites a threatened status as a result
of the ’significant deterioration, vandalism and looting’. WW II sites on Guam comprise
about 20 percent of the islands submerged cultural heritage sites (Jeffery, 2013).
Natural and cultural processes at submerged sites ’intermingle’ with each other and may
be interpreted and managed simultaneously. Environmental processes which affect a
site are specific to the environment they are located in and are inclusive of regional
6

�biology, water movement and quality (Keith, 2004). Multidisciplinary studies surrounding
mid-20th century underwater cultural resource sites and the hazards to the environment
are emerging. A study on the USS Arizona which was sunk during the battle of Pearl

Fig. 4 One of four dozers at the Seabee Junkyard in 2012. (Bill Jeffery, 2012)

Fig. 5 Unidentified material at the Seabee Junkyard in 2012. (Bill Jeffery, 2012)

Harbor in 1941 was geared towards monitoring the rate of oil release into the ocean as
well understanding the nature of and rate of deterioration of the vessel (NPS, 2013).
Baseline monitoring was designed and completed to quantifiably assess the changes
7

�over time. Diverse disciplines of research were investigated simultaneously; each
related directly or indirectly to overall project objects (Russell et al., 2004). Similarly, an
Earthwatch Project in 2006-2008 was completed in Chuuk comparing reef communities,
coral and fish diversity, at natural sites with shipwrecks (Jeffery, 2012). Guidelines for
monitoring the natural and cultural attributes of submerged historic sites were for the
National Historic Preservation Office (HPO) Federated States of Micronesia, Pohnpei
(Jeffery et al., 2007). They were intended for use throughout Micronesia and aimed to
promote education and training so that additional culturally significant sites could be
studied using the same guidelines. Guidelines encompass maritime archaeology,
marine biology, corrosion surveying, site conservation and conservation components
and stress regular, locally based monitoring for the best management. The development
of a database with files on each submerged site was also among the recommendations
from the report (Jeffery et al., 2007).
There is no existing comprehensive framework for assessing risk and managing
polluting wrecks although a series of regional frameworks exist according to Landquist
(2013) which sought to analyze risk assessment methods and suggest a framework for
risk assessment. Factors in coral reef and resource decline include complications
inhibiting abandoned vessel removal as well as vessel impact resulting from contact
with reefs according to a 2003 National Oceanic and Atmosphere Administration
Damage Assessment Center by Smith et al., 2003. The study promotes the need for a
data collection identifying abandoned vessels linked to a Geographic Information
System. Risks from WW II wreck pollution exist and continue to increase. Thirteen
million tons of vessels are reflected in the Pacific WW II information database that
consists of 3,800 shipwrecks. Pollution results from leaking oil, fuel, chemicals and
unexploded ordinance. Many of these sites are rapidly deteriorating. The Pacific Ocean
Pollution Prevention Program of the South Pacific Regional Environment Program
(SPREP) developed a regional strategy to investigate ways of minimizing environmental
damage resulting from these sites while also preserving site sanctity (Monfils et al.,
2006). Creating artificial reefs by sinking de-fouled ships or other materials has been
increasingly popular. The Victorian Artificial Reef Society in Australia scuttled the ex
HMAS Canberra in 2005 to develop an artificial reef dive site. A biological assessment
8

�of the site conducted in 2006 established that the wreck may still be less diverse than
the natural reef in the area nearby although home to multiple fish and invertebrate
species. The study was intended as a baseline study for which future assessments
could be compared (Schlacher-Hoenlinger et al., 2006).
Project Focus
In July 2012, the Seabee Junkyard was
mapped and surveyed by a Nautical
Archaeology

Field

School

at

the

University of Guam funded by Guam
Preservation Trust. The field school
recommended the distribution of the site
plan (Fig. 6) as well as community
outreach, and further historical research
to

improve

site

interpretation

and

management. The site survey resulted

Fig. 6 Seabee Junkyard Site Map. (Bill Jeffery, 2013)

in the positive identification of WW II
Seabee material at the site. Funded by Guam Preservation Trust, an intensive program
of community and stakeholder engagement was conducted in July 2013. The program
collected feedback on potentially renaming the site as well as further developing it as an
underwater educational and interpretive park. This project is being conducted in
conjunction with the program. Outcomes from stakeholder engagement included the
production of educational and recreational tools for divers, tourists and community
members.
This project will take a holistic approach to in situ interpretation and management that
incorporates the site history, site value, and environmental baseline studies of sites.
This will promote protection of both the history and the environment with nondisturbance diving techniques promoted throughout the region. The easy accessibility of
the site and diversity of substrates, both man-made and natural as well as its exposure
to human disturbances in a relatively protected natural environment provides a unique
opportunity for research, monitoring and education. Gaining a better understanding of
the natural environment at the site can give insight as to the impacts of the WWII
9

�material on the environment. Studying the secondary depositional process of the
salvage of a site after wreckage, predominantly by looters, which alters the
archaeological record left since the primary depositional process of the actual wreckage
of the material can complement interpretation of the site (Keith, 2004; Muckelroy, 1978).
At the site, there is little to no material that may be lifted by hand with much of it
removed by local and visiting looters (M. Beggs, Personal Communication, 2013). Local
management of these sites has not been effective in preventing the extensive looting
from cultural sites and damage to both natural and cultural heritage. In contrast, in
Chuuk, dive guides generally help in curbing looting and there for the protection of these
submerged cultural heritage sites (Jeffery, 2012). There is some legal protection in
place; permits administered by Guam Historic Preservation Office are required to
recover material under Title 21 (Real Property) Chapter 76 (Historical Objects and Sites).
The U.S. protects the sovereignty of sunken government vessels, aircraft and
spacecraft. Recovery of such craft is not allowed without permission (Federal Register,
2004). The U.S. Navy does not allow recovery or disturbance of the material nor
alteration of the site which is on land managed both by either the U.S. Navy or the
Guam Historic Preservation Office. Studies carried out on the Seabee Junkyard have to
be approved by both entities.
Methods
Establishing and conducting the environmental baseline assessment requires
preliminary surveys of the water column and the benthic community will be conducted.
The assessment for all categories will record down to the lowest taxon possible. The
water column study will be conducted using the Stationary Point Count (SPC) method
which is optimal for monitoring large and mobile species. Three cylindrical areas in the
research site and the control site will be assigned and fish, mobile invertebrates, and
mega fauna will be tallied in the area. The cylindrical area will be five meters in diameter
and data collected will reflect all fish in the entire water column with only those
penetrating the area recorded for species. Surveying will start with five minutes of
observation and species listing before counting for five minutes (Ayotte et al.,
2011). Data collected will also include bottom current, visibility, transect depth and

10

�slope. Rugosity measurements will be made dissecting the SPC monitoring zones along
a 10 m transect tape.
The benthic community survey data will be collected using quadrats and line-intersect
transects. Data collected will be in two parts: the substrate type, and what is on the
substrate. Categories for substrate type are man-made or natural. Man-made
substrates include wood, metal, plastic. Natural substrates include pavement, dead
coral, sand patches, rubble, and rock. Growth on substrate may be categorized as live
hard coral, soft coral, coraline algae, macroalgae, other, recently killed/dead coral,
rubble, pavement, and sand. Benthic community data will be statistically analyzed using
a one-way ANOVA and a Cluster Analysis, hierarchically grouping data by similarity, will
be applied for the results of the SPC survey. This preliminary analysis is a question
driven monitoring framework which will assist in determining the survey design (Houk
and van Woesik, 2013).
Conclusion
In order to meet the project objective of holistically interpreting and managing the site in
situ, the following outputs are being developed: U.S. National Register of Historic
Places Nomination, Environmental Baseline Assessment, and development of public
outreach and education including a dive map, presentations to schools and tourism
operators. Research to produce a NRHP nomination for Seabee Junkyard is being
conducted to ascertain the site’s historical significance. Interpreting and nominating the
site promotes awareness about the lasting effects of WWII dumping, moving
undesirable goods out of sight and out of mind at the likely expense of the natural
environment. Revealing the site’s history helps to understand the site’s value, which
may be utilized as an educational and tourism oriented asset for present day
Guamanians.
The baseline environmental assessment will provide a snapshot (Chabanet et al., 2005)
of the site by describing the benthic community, invertebrate populations, and fish
populations. Findings from the site will be compared to that of another site without
material but similar conditions, depth and proximity along the Glass Breakwater.
Information obtained from the assessment includes fish community descriptors, coral
morphological diversity, and the ratio of dead and live standing coral on man-made as
11

�opposed to natural substrates. This comparison which is yet to be undertaken will help
to understand the impact of the manmade material on the environment as well the
impact of the environment on the material. Questions to be investigated also include the
quantity and diversity of species at the site as well as the settlement success of coral on
the man-made material. The assessment is intended to establish a method for
surveillance monitoring (Houk and van Woesik, 2013) of the site that can be conducted
with its continued management. This assessment would be the first of its kind
conducted on submerged cultural heritage sites on Guam and can act as a model for
future monitoring design on other sites on island and in the region.
Acknowledgments
I would like to acknowledge my graduate advisor, Dr. Laurie Raymundo with the
University of Guam Marine Lab and graduate committee member, Dr. John Peterson,
Director of the University of Guam Micronesian Area Research Center. Additional thanks
to the Guam Preservation Office for funding the July 2012 underwater archaeology
course resulting in the detailed survey of the Seabee Junkyard.
References
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Division Standard Operating Procedures: Data Collection for Rapid Ecological
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Biography
Kalle Applegate Palmer is a Master of Science student in the University of Guam
Environmental Science Management Program completing her work through the Marine
Laboratory. She completed her undergraduate degree at the University of Washington,
College of Architecture and Urban Planning in 2006 majoring in Community,
Environment and Planning and minoring in History and Finnish Language. Kalle
received a certificate in Aquarium Science from Oregon Coast Community College in
2010 and has worked at Oregon Coast Aquarium, Birch Aquarium and Underwater
World Guam. She is a PADI Open Water SCUBA instructor, American Academy of
Underwater Sciences Certified Diver and currently working on her Level Three Nautical
Archaeology Certification.
Bill Jeffery has been working as a maritime archaeologist for over 30 years. Bill
formulated and coordinated a maritime heritage program for a state government agency,
Heritage South Australia from 1981-2001. He went onto working with the Federated
States of Micronesia National Historic Preservation Office and completing a PhD in
maritime archaeology at James Cook University. He is a consulting maritime
archaeologist to ERM Hong Kong, the CIE-Centre for International Heritage Activities
14

�and the Hong Kong Maritime Museum and has implemented various types of
archaeological and heritage management programs in Australia, the Pacific Islands,
Hong Kong, Sri Lanka and various countries in Africa. He has conducted maritime
archaeology field schools with the Flinders University, University of Guam and James
Cook University in addition to teaching Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) training
programs in nine different countries.

15

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                  <text>Session 3: Underwater Cultural Heritage, Museums, and Sustainable Development</text>
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                  <text>Video Interview with Dr. Bill Jeffery on Sessions 3 and 11 with links to the papers presented in Session 3. </text>
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                  <text>Underwater cultural heritage holds a vast potential for sustainable development. It is a very interesting and attractive form of heritage, appreciated by the public. Underwater cultural heritage opens tourism opportunities. Worldwide, national authorities create dive trails to foster diving tourism economies. This is of special importance for States bordering the ocean, in particular Small Island Developing States (SIDS), which can greatly enhance their tourist attractiveness through the valorization of submerged archaeological sites.&#13;
The investment in museums on underwater archaeology, dive trails and other forms of access for the public promise a beneficial and lasting return. Studies show that every USD invested in heritage increases the economic activity around the site by a factor between 1.2 to 8, depending on the significance of the site and the form of its valorization by museums and individual access. This is in particular to be noted as raise in employment and gain (hotels, food sales, transport benefit, guides), raise of cultural and educational levels in a region and improved consideration of heritage and local pride. Concerned forms of tourism in the case of underwater cultural heritage are cultural, dive and cruise tourism.&#13;
New approaches and valid alternatives to commercial exploitation of sites are under consideration in order to finance underwater archaeological research and sustainable management of underwater cultural heritage sites, which include; i) dive club guardianship sites, ii) paid and controlled public visits of archaeological work, iii) evaluation of cultural development needs, iv) tour and exhibition opportunities, v) film and book rights in planning archaeological excavations.&#13;
The objectives of the session are to:&#13;
&#13;
â€¢ Enhance understanding of the contribution of underwater cultural heritage to sustainable development;&#13;
â€¢ Identify and promote good practice;&#13;
â€¢ Foster partnership for regional and international cooperation.</text>
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                <text>Seabee Junkyard: A holistic and locally inclusive approach to site management and interpretation</text>
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                <text>The United States of America (U.S.) Navyâ€™s Construction Battalion called â€˜Seabeesâ€™ were born in January 1942 from the demand for a unique set of both engineering and combat skills: â€œWe Build, We Fightâ€. The Seabees were instrumental in the Pacific theater, and played a significant role in rebuilding Guam. Known as the Seabee Junkyard due to the dumping of Seabee materials and equipment after the war, the site located within Apra Harbor, Guam is a popular dive site amongst local and visiting divers. Research on the significance of the site has revealed that it also represented the rapid demobilization of U.S. Navy after World War II (WW II). In July 2012, the University of Guam conducted a Nautical Archaeology Society maritime archaeology training course funded by the Guam Preservation Trust, which resulted in the material identification and surveying of the site. Further site investigations have taken a holistic and locally inclusive approach to the management and interpretation of the site. This includes non-disturbance wreck diving and underwater cultural heritage education in association with developing site preservation strategies, and compilation of a nomination to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places. Additional activities in promoting the site and educating the diving public will include underwater dive guides, development of a comprehensive site plan and an underwater cultural heritage trail. Engagement with various government agencies and community groups are being implemented to gauge their various levels of interest and assistance in managing and interpreting the site. Baseline environmental assessment surveys are to be conducted to determine the differences in natural communities with significant man-made substrates and those without. Further outreach proposals are being investigated to see if it can fulfill a role as an Educational and Interpretive Park.</text>
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                <text>Kalle Applegate Palmer</text>
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                <text>Bill Jeffery, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                    <text>Seamanship and Navigation: Seafarers on Board Daily
Skills in Chinese Junk
Xu Lu
Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society
xuluxm2013@yahoo.com
Yu Long Fa
Xiamen Old Fishing Port
13666084562@163.com

Abstract
Chinese sailing traditions changed a little through time; sailors inherited
their onboard skills, expertise, and experience by orally imparting others
with physical instruction. But these daily skills were rarely recorded or
studied in the past. For seafarers, how to operate and maneuver a
Chinese junk was their daily work; and apart from sparse historical
documents such as Phing-Chou Kho Than (Yu, 1117), Shi Liu-Qiu Lu
(Xiao and Xia, 1580) (Fig. 1), and preliminarily observations by G.R.G.
Worcester, Joseph Needham, Thomas Hoppe, and others, seamanship
and navigation were kept in the minds of surviving successions of living
sailors. In 2004, the author had an opportunity to sail on a nearly 100 year
old Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage. Several months
of onboard experiences provided a rare field investigation to approach the
complex mechanism of crew, their organization and their daily work. This
experience led the authors to raise a marine ethnographic field
investigation project along Fujian coast. Experimental archaeology
creates effective scenes for realistic performance of past systems. A small
full-size replica LanTay II was built for a series of archaeological voyages;
the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add
some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese
seafarers onboard. In this paper, the authors shall present combined
researches on historical documents, past observations with lively oral
materials achieved by marine ethnographic field investigation on
traditional sailing ports along South Fujian coast; throughout this research,
the authors approach the knowledge about seafarers onboard daily skills
and try to present the research about the sailors methods to maneuver
the junk and its navigation system by means of a combination of instinct,
eyesight, memory, and skill.

�Key words: Chinese junk, seafaring, ethnography

Fig. 1: One of the Earlier Documents to Record the Compass Bearing
Direction for Sailing Routes between Fu-Chow to Ryukyu in 1580.
Introduction
In 2004, the author had opportunity to sail on the three-masted Jin Hua
Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage, this long voyage from Dong
Shan Bay of southern Fujian to Zhu-Hai of Canton took 9 days and
covered 330 nautical miles. Jin Hua Xin was the last working traditional
sailing junk in China coast; nearly 100 years old (Xu, 2010). Several
months of onboard investigation voyage provided a rare field experience
to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization, and their
daily work; and this experience led the author to raise a subject of
seafarers with a marine ethnographic field investigation project along the
Fujian coast in 2001. The details of seafarers daily work on Chinese junks
are little known by outsiders previously; yet the last successors of sailors
and fishermen recollected their past stories piece by piece. Experimental
archaeology creates an effective scene for realistic performance of past
systems by sailing a full-scale reconstruction boat. A small full-size replica
LanTay II is planning an archaeological voyage to cross the Taiwan Strait,
the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add
some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese
seafarers onboard.
Previous Researches

�The studies on seamanship for operating and maneuvering Chinese junks
have not yet been explored in detail. To improve productivity, safety and
speed standards of the traditional water transport industry, a unique
official field investigation and iconographies collected for Chinese cargo
junks had been engaged in Fujian during 1958-1959. These works were
restrictedly published in book in 1960，also a reference for sail design
and use was attached in its appendices. This may be the only short
description in Chinese for sailing practices. Sometime in the early 20th
century, European scholars tried to understand the composition of
Chinese junk. A brief description about the structure and working principle
of yuloh has been included in G.R.G. Worcester’s marine ethnographic
field investigation (1947). Joseph Needham (1971) also had a brief
introduction about the action of wind on a Chinese junk under sail, and the
principles of tacking and wearing. There are also a few references about
the performance of Chinese sails under different angles of apparent wind
in Thomas Hoppe’s English manuscript in 2004.
One of the earlier European scholars who observed Chinese traditional
navigation is G. R. G. Worcester (1947). He noticed some important
details and technical logic that others had not found before; his description
is a following:
“In former days, lighted joss sticks suspended from the deck head
were the only timepieces…the cheap alarm chock has greatly
simplified navigation for the junk master. The junks carry no charts of
any kind. The laodahs find their way by means of a skillful combination
of sea instinct, keen eyesight, good memory, and an instinct for
direction nearly as a homing pigeon…they stand in for the land,
depending entirely upon their knowledge of its appearance and the
depth and nature of the soundings to give them position, for to them
the bottom of the sea has its hills and valleys like the land, and they
acquire an intimate acquaintance with its contours and the type of
bottom to be expected in each locality.”

�Another European scholar, Joseph Needham, noted the joss sticks used
by Chinese seafarers (1971):
“…(besides sand-glass,) Burning incense in stick-like form is a
practice which goes far back into China’s Middle Ages, and it would
have been very easy to measure time approximately enough with the
‘joss-sticks’.”

Needham (1971) also categorized the history of navigational methods into
three periods: (a) primitive navigation (b) quantitative navigation
(Measurement): +900 A.D. in East Asia (c) mathematical navigation:
+1500 A.D.
In 2008, an original map of the China Seas region was rediscovered in the
Bodleian Library Special Collections in Oxford by Robert K. Batchelor
(2014) and Timothy Brook (2013). The Selden Map is a detailed map of
Southern China dated the mid-16th century; it appears that the old Xiamen
port is the beginning of all the sea routes on the map, it also labeled the
trade routes departing from Xiamen.
A recent paper summarized the navigation and religion in traditional
Chinese junk have listed several historical materials and demonstrated
with two collections of sounding lead in Quan-Zhou (Lin, 2015).
Historical Contexts
A boat under sail is a very complex historical mechanism; the vessel
consists and represents a naval architecture system, as the tools for
different functions, as a space to reflect the weather, the waves and the
currents, and as a society for the composition of crew and their daily life.
In his encyclopaedic work, Heavenly Creations (chapter on boat, Tian-

�Gong-Kai-Wu), Song Yingxing (1637) divided the Chinese vessels into
sea-going, river and other craft; and then, he classified these for many
types according to their different sailing environment. This classification
may be applied even today because Chinese sailing traditions have
changed little through time, and the last sailors and fishermen of wooden
sailing junk still survive/alive. This paper focuses on Sha-Po-Wei, the main
area of old Xiamen port until the first half of the 20th century, the ages
when wooden sailing boats shuttle in the Taiwan Strait.
Sha-Po-Wei, along with adjacent coast lines, was an ideal port for
seafarers due to its location on the sea route connecting East Asia,
Southeast Asia, and Taiwan (Fig. 2). The demand of marine transportation
and ocean fishery brought seafarers from coastal regions of Quan-Zhou
and lower Zhang-Zhou River. Seafarers of Sha-PoWei divided into two
types: crews and fishermen. The crews mainly migrated from Hui-An
county of Quan-Zhou, while fishermen moved from Zhang-Zhou river
basin belong to Hai-Chen county. Fishermen of Sha-Po-Wei called
themselves ‘sea beggars,’ and it is subdivided into several groups
according different fishing method, namely types and lengths of fishing
vessel. Those groups (between fishermen and local resident, fishermen
and crews, even between different groups of Sha-Po-Wei fishermen) were
rarely communicating each other. Furthermore, both fishermen and crews
lived in their own enclosed social space to avoid troubles with others;
many of them have not even walked several miles out to countryside in
whole their life.

�Fig. 2: A Map of South Fujian and Old Amoy Port Sha-Po-Wei.
Organization
To learn composition of crews is the first step to approach their daily life.
In general, 15-20 tons deadweight trade vessel with two sails allocated 56 sailors, 30-35 tons also two sails would be 7-8 sailors, 55-65 tons with
three sails has 12-13 sailors. Crews were temporary employed between
by the ship owner; however, in addition to their lower wage, every sailor
was allowed to carry a few private cargo up to 250 kilograms, and usually
the ‘laodahs’ (equivalent to captain in Western) had doubled weight and
doubled payment more than other crews. There are five chief positions in
Chinese trade vessel; these were laodah, (and vice laodah, which is

�equivalent to helmsman in the western world), mast head, sampan,
foreboard, and supply chief (besides the ‘chu-hai’ who served as ship
owner's representative also in charge of accounting and port to call for
loading and unloading cargo). The crews were on duty during the day and
in two shifts in the night; they changed shifts in midnight. Laodah and vice
laodah keep working throughout the voyage until they cast the anchor.
Chuhai did not participate in onboard works.
For a local long-line fishing vessels crew size was much bigger than a
corresponding-sized merchant ship. Lodah and vice laodah had to work
day and night during the deep-sea fishing voyage; there were no chief
positions for other sailors, hence there were no arranged shifts. After
vessel dropped the long liner fishing, sampans were lowered one by one
along the fishing route; 3-4 sailors on each sampan were taking back the
hooks. This hard work usually lasted all day long.
There is a small shrine at the aft area of the poop deck containing the
effigy of the junk’s patron saints, Goddess of Mercy, Matsu, Guandi, etc.
The laodah or vice laodah of trade vessel burned incense in stick-like
‘joss-stick’ one by one throughout the voyage to keep alight in the shrine
where the compass laid also. For fishing junks, it was same but joss-stick
only burned one in morning and one in evening, as well as some important
occasions and critical times. Many local long liners have one ‘tong-ki’, a
trance-state man while intercommunicated oracles onboard; he would
give advice in case of an emergency. The tong-ki was a fisherman in
normal times, and they did not receive extra payment.
A living room/quarters was located at the aft area of the ship, or the lower
area of the quarter-poop deck; laodah’s bunk on the back on the left,
opposite side was for chu-hai. In Chinese junk, portside also named yuloh
side while starboard called sail side. Ice butt and stove located in the sail

�side, toilet and water bin were in the yuloh side. Sailors carried water in a
bin contained 30 ‘dan’, or 1500 kilograms.
Seamanship
The bamboo strip sails had been adopted in Chinese junks since the
Western Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), and used up until the early 20th
century. However, the last successors of seafarers along the Fujian coast,
which the average age is 80 years old, mostly never saw the bamboo
sails; some of them just heard them from their previous generation or two
generations earlier in which these sails were being used. To operate a
bamboo matting sail, it has to be rolled and unrolled; it is heavier than one
used cloth sail. There is an idiom applied to both sail types, and that says
‘trim one's rubber to the wind’. The cloth lugsail was fasten on odd number
of bamboo from luff to leech where could see the balance from the mast;
each end of the batten on the leech was connected by the bight and
through some euphroes lead the control sheets terminated in one main
sheet to the stern of the upper deck. The sail was often very heavy, and it
required the whole crew at the winch to set the sail. On Jin Hua Xin, it
required approximately 12 minutes with six sailors to turn the winch. The
vice laodah held the tiller and order the trimmer to control the main sheet,
while the laodah served as a navigator and rarely handled the rudder.
The leeward sailing, windward sailing, and wind abeam sailing were the
main points of Chinese sailing junk under different angles of apparent
wind. The latter was rarely recorded by previous researchers, both Song
Yingxing (1637) and Needham (1971) seemed to be confused between
the beam reach and windward sailing. The local seafarers call it ‘tripod
sheet’ as the sheet system have fasted the main sail keep it at
approximate 50 degree angle with the stern, which is the position in
between the leeward sailing and windward sailing. The Old Xiamen

�seafarers often used tripod sheet when they set sail to Tainan by the
winter monsoon (northeast or north wind). The main sail of Fujian junk
was hung on starboard side of the mast, thus the sailors on quarterdeck
would see the bamboo battens while sailing with tripod sheet; they called
it open sail (all the way on the road was port tack, the batten was force to
left the mast). When the boat went back to Xiamen by using same
monsoon, no matter sailing with close reach or beam reach ,it was
starboard tack; this was call close sail (the batten was pushed to touch
the mast) as the bamboo battens could not been seen at the position of
laodah. Moreover, Chinese sailors often worked to windward tacking and
jibing by turn the stern to wind; accident jibe was deemed to be dangerous
especially under the strong wind.
Onboard tools include axes, nails, knives and cloth tec., were used for
emergency repairs. The author learnt and experienced to block the bottom
loopholes in the towed voyage of Lan Tay II at February 2004 (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3: To block the bottom loopholes of the LanTay II.

�Navigation
Just like people live in mountains naturally know and understand their
surrounding landform, Chinese seafarers understood that the seabed had
hills and valleys similar to the land with different sediment types; sailors
used these sediments and topography of the seabed to acquire positions
of the vessel on voyages. The last successors of Fujian seafarers did not
use the needle sailing route manuscripts, but they relied on their trained
eyesight and memories. Yet, some of them also learnt the manuscripts
given by their previous generation; therefore, they can read and
understand it.
Phing-Chou Kho Than, written between 1111 and 1117 by Chu Yu,
described navigation techniques as follow:
“The ship’s pilots are acquainted with the configuration of the coasts,
at night they steer by the stars, and in the day-time by the sun. In dark
weather they look at the south-point needle (compass). They also use
a line a hundred feet long with a hook at the end, which they let down
to take samples of mud from the sea-bottom, by its smell they can
determine their whereabouts.”

The sounding lead was used to ascertain the depth of water, the head of
lead has a hole filled with soap or grease to stick to a few seabed materials
to identify if there was sand, mud, or stones. The weight of a sounding
lead was between 3-5 kilograms. The word ‘fathom’ and ‘water’ was used
by old Xiamen port seafarers to mean a two-arm span, which is
approximately 1.6 meters. Usage of the sounding lead was also described
by Xiao LiuQiu Man Zhi written in 1755. When thrown into the sounding
lead from window of yuloh or shipboard, sailors should remain the boat
stationary. Every five waters there was a red sign in the rope.

�The laodah or vice laodah burned a joss-stick and kept it alight in the
shrine after the ship set sail, and each incense ran about one hour; this
also helped them to acquire the positions in the sailing route. Chinese
seafarers almost never used the ‘distance’ to describe the sea route, but
instead of ‘how long’ it took.
In the middle of the Selden Map, there is an illustration of a Chinese
mariner’s compass at the top, this may be the earliest sample can be seen
today (Fig. 4). The compass was divided into 24 points represented by the
twelve Chinese, earthly branches and the twelve heavenly stems. The
most common compass was consisted of a round wood box, where an
arrow shaped needle was balanced inside. The oldest style compass was
dry-pivoted, later ones were filled with water; yet both were called ‘drygen’ by local seafarers. After the compass was improved with 12 Chinese
characters, it came to 360 degrees; this compass was called ‘luo-gen’.
The seafarers were taught to use the compass and to calculate the tides
and winds since they were young. Every seagoing junk had two dry-gens,
at least, should one needle lose its magnetic field. The Vice laodah kept
one on his side, while the loadah kept another one. In the night, it was
illuminated by the laodah’s opium pipe. Even sampans from long line
fishing junks had their own small dry-gens.

Fig. 4 (right): The Chinese
Mariner’s Compass on Selden
Map.

�Besides compass and sounding lead, Sha-Po-Wei fishermen used
primitive astronomical guidance for them to orient themselves. They could
read directions by simply by 4 stars during the night. Venus for east,
Needle End Star for south, West Star for west and North Star for north.
Sailing Routes
There are a least eleven historical documents about compasses and its
bearing directions for sailing routes in Taiwan Strait: these are listed as
follows:
1. Si yi Guang Ji (四夷广记), written between 1592 and 1598 by Shen
Mao Shang.
2. Shun Feng Hsiang Sung (顺风相送 Fair Winds for Escort), written in
about 1593.
3. Tung His Yang Khao (东西洋考 Studies on the Oceans East and
West) ,written in 1617 by Chuang Hsich.
4. Chih Nan Cheng Fa (指南正法 General Compass Bearing Sailing
Directions), written before 1669.
5. Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu (海国闻见录)，written in 1730 by Chen Lun
Jiong
6. Peng hu Ji Lue (澎湖纪略)，written during the reign of Emperor
Qianlong in Qing Dynasty by Hu Jian Wei.
7. Xiao Liu Qiu Man Zhi (小琉球漫志)，written in 1755 by Zhu Shi Jia.
8. Wai Hai Ji Yao (外海纪要), written in early 19th century by Li Zen
Jie.
9. Xia-Men Zhi (厦门志，Xiamen Chronicle), written in 1839 by Zhou
Kai.
10.
Xia-Men-Gang ji shi (厦门港纪事), written in 1843 by Dou
Zheng Biao.
11.
Hai Jiang Yao Lue Bi Jiu (海疆要略必究), written in 1856 by Li
Yan Yu.

�When a ship set sail to Tainan from Xiamen, nearly all the above
documents showed similar descriptions for navigation; departing from
Nan Tai Wu of Xiamen at direction between ‘chen’ and ‘Xun’ (amount to
127.5°)，it takes seven ‘gen’ to Peng-Hu hill, then sail at direction of ‘xun’
(about 135°)，and it takes another five ‘gen’ to Luerhmen of Tainan.
Many sailors of old Xiamen port served on merchant junks between south
Fujian and Taiwan; they sailed to Tai-Nan in north wind season, went to
Wu-Qi of Taichung, Lu-Kang of Chang-Hua, Dong-Shi and Bu-Dai of
Chia-Yi, kee-Lung during south wind season. Mostly, they set sail from
the old Xiamen port; it took less than one tide to arrive Bay Liao-Luo of
Quemoy. After waiting for good wind, they set sail again and used the
tripod sheet sailing to Ma-Kung of Peng-Hu for approximately twenty
hours. They then waited for suitable winds and tides to Luerhmen; it would
take another 10 hours. They would try to sail closer to the east direction
when sailed across Taiwan Strait. It would take much less time when ones
sailed from Tainan to Xiamen.
Archaeological Experiment of LanTay II
On 21st May 2017 at 10 am, LanTay II set sail from port of Liao-Luo of
Quemoy planning to trace the historical sailing route by heading 127.5° to
Peng-Hu (Fig. 5). The weather forecast for the day were Wind Northeast
Beaufort force 3, Swell 1.3 meters, but the author onboard found that the
wind had veered to east and increasingly, while the swell is more angular
than the wind after the ship entered Taiwan Strait. The course of the ship
had to turn in direction of 170°-180° to steer quartering sea. The LanTay
II was under control until 16 pm, when the skipper made the decision to
abandon the boat at the position 24.1743°N, 118.5535°E, while the
situation was Wind East Beaufort force 6-7, Swell 3 meters and 6-7 meters

�instantaneous. The 6 years of preparatory archaeological voyage lasted
6 hours, all the crew numbers transferred to companion ship.

Fig. 5: The archaeological voyage of LanTay II.
As postmortem reports of the experiment, Sha-Po-Wei indigenous
fishermen had compiled the warning signals as below:
a.

The day of 21st May was the 26th day of the fourth month in Chinese

lunar calendar, one of the brightest days of the Great White Planet in the
whole year; and it is the day for brewing disaster the whole year ahead in
Taiwan Strait. It means that this is a day with storm surge and a taboo day
for sailing.
b.

The included angle of wind and wave increasing with the height of

the sun which reached the maximum after 12 am, and they stacked up
into higher swell. The best set sailing time to cross Taiwan Strait was 4
am.

�c.

The position where the ship was abandoned is right between

seabed valley and hills based on the past records; that was where the
swell on the sea surface become rougher (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6: The Sha-Po-Wei indigenous fisherman motioned the topography
of the seabed of the Taiwan Strait they recorded half a century ago.
Discussion
The seamanship and navigation of the Chinese Junk requires a plethora
of nautical knowledge and a variety of onboard skills. All knowledge
regarding Junk ships (including sail and rudder, sounding lead, mariner’s
compass, joss-stick, compass bearing recorded for sailing route, wind and
tide, etc.) formed a closely connected knot of complementary techniques.
The information gathered during the marine ethnographic field
investigations at old Xiamen port indicated that a series of traditional
onboard skills displayed by the last successors of sailors and fishermen
may be closely corresponding to skills and techniques described in the
historical documents that range from Song Dynasty to Qing Dynasty.
Nonetheless, details of the geographic parameters of sailing routes are
still obscure, such as accurate depths and seabed materials, and the
sailing directions under the effect on winds and tides. An old local

�seafarers proverb says, ‘The stationary compass bearing recorded but
flexible brains’, and also says ‘Live performances to speak clearly’, thus
experimental archaeological methodologies, or sailing a real ship, shall be
used to study their historical context to reconstruct navigational practices
and methodologies for sailing in China Seas. The better way forward with
archaeological voyages is involving the older seamen and indigenous
fishermen into the sailing investigations. The authors believe that
expected discoveries of this research-investigation will bring new
evidence that significantly extends our knowledge of earlier onboard lives
of Chinese Junk ships.
Oral Sources
1. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 27th March 2012.
2. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 30th March 2012.
3. Huang ChaoQi, Ruan PengShi, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 11th April
2012.
4. Capt. Zhuang XingJie, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 13th April 2012.
5. Huang ChaoQi, Yu LongFa, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 21st April 2012.
6. Huang Chao Qi, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 17th June 2014.
7. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 10th November 2014.
8. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 11th April 2015.
9. Zen JinTang, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 12th April 2015.
10. Ruan YaYing, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 12th December 2015.
11. Zen JinTang, Pi Shan Road of Xiamen, 18th December 2015.
12. Ruan QueTou, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 27th December 2015.
13. Ruan ShiLu, Sha-Po-Wei of Xiamen, 30th December 2015.
14. Ruan ShiLu, Ruan QueTou, Sha Po Wei of Xiamen, 8th January
2016.

�15. Capt. Zhang TongLong, Ruan QingTing, and Yu LongFa, Si Ming Nan
Road of Xiamen, 27th May 2017.

References
Anonymous, 1653. Selden Map of Southern China and Southeast
Asia (MS Selden Supro 105). Bodleian Library (University of Oxford),
Oxford.
Anonymous, 1593. Fair Winds for Escort / Shun Feng Hsiang Sung
(MS Selden Supro 145). Bodleian Library (University of Oxford), Oxford.
Anonymous, ca. 1669. Chih Nan Cheng Fa / General Compass Bearing
Sailing Directions (MS Selden Supro 578). Bodleian Library (University of
Oxford), Oxford.
Batchelor, R. K., 2014. The Selden Map and the Making of a Global
City, 1549–1689. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Brook, T., 2013. Mr. Selden's Map of China: Decoding the Secrets of
a Vanished Cartographer. Bloomsbury Press, New York.
Chen, Lun Jiong, 1730. Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu, Repn. in 1970. Economic
Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei.
Chu, Yu, 1111-1117. Phing-Chou Kho Than, Repn in 2006. Elephant
Press, Zhengzhou.
Chuang, Hsich, 1617. Tung His Yang Khao (Studies on the Oceans
East and West), Rpen in 1970. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business
Bank, Taipei.
Dou, Zheng-Biao, 1843. Xia-Men-Gang ji shi. In Six Xiamen Territoria
Seas Literatures Annotation of Xiamen, Repn. in 2013, Xiamen University
Press, Xiamen.
Hoppe, T., 2004-2008. Mainland China Revival of the Junk. Unpublished
Manuscript.
Hu, JianWei, ca. 1736. Peng hu Ji Lue, Repn. in 1970. Economic
Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taipei.
Li, YanYu, 1856. Hai Jiang Yao Lue Bi Jiu. In Six Xiamen Territoria
Seas Literatures Annotation of Xiamen, Repn. in 2013, Xiamen University
Press, Xiamen.

�Li, ZenJie, ca.1800. Wai Hai Ji Yao. In Six Xiamen Territoria Seas
Literatures Annotation of Xiamen, Repn. in 2013, Xiamen University
Press, Xiamen.
Lin, Han, 2015. Navigation and religion in traditional Chinese ship.
Symposium of Navigation and Religion of the Traditional Ships in
East Asia, Busan.
Needham, J.,1971. Science and Civilisation in China, Nautical
Research, Vol. IV: Physics and Physical, Part III: Civil Engineering
and Nautics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Sailing Cargo Junks Office of Department of Transportation of Fujian
(Ed.), 1960. Fu jian sheng Mu Fan Chuan tu ji (Collection of Cargo
Junks Drawings for Fujian Province). Department of Transportation of
Fujian, Fuzhou.
Shen, MaoShang, 1592-1598. Si yi Guang Ji, Repn. in 1947. China
Central Library, Nanking.
Song, YingXing, 1637. Heavenly Creations (Tian-Gong-Kai-Wu) in Sequel
to Si-Ku-Quan-Shu, Zi Radical, Repn. in 2002. Shanghai Ancient Books
Press, Shanghai.
Worcester, G. R. G., 1947. The Junks and Sampans of the Yangtze:
A Study in Chinese Nautical Research, Vol. 1: Introduction and Craft
of the Estuary and Shanghai Area. Statistical Department of the
Inspectorate General of Customs, Shanghai.
Xiao, ChongYe and Xie Jie, 1580. Shi Ryukyu Lu (Diplomatic Mission to
Ryukyu), Repn. in 1997. Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank,
Taipei.
Xu, Lu, 2010. A Ship Archaeological Investigation on Canton Style
Sailing Junks: the Jun Hua Xing Case. In China Maritime Museum
(Ed.), The Position and Mission of China’s Maritime Culture,
Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, Shanghai: 236-252.
Zhou, Kai, 1839. Xia-Men Zhi (Xaimen Chronicle), Repn. in 1996. Lu Jiang
Press, Xiamen.
Zhu, ShiJie, 1755. Xiao Liu Qiu Man Zhi, Repn. in 1970. Economic
Academy of Taiwan Business Bank in 1970, Taipei.

�Biographies
Xu Lu (Chinese: 许路) is
Founding Director and Chief
Maritime Archaeologist of
NVOCC Chinese Sailing Junk
Expedition Society (CSJES).
He is a commissioner of
China
Maritime
History
Studies
Association
and
Fellow of The explorers Club.
He also works as a co-research fellow for NSC-ANR project Maritime
knowledge for China Seas hosted by École française d'Extrême-Orient
(EFEO) and Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica (IHP) in
2014-2018 duration. His English publication include The Naval
Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sea Going Sailing Junks: An
Overview (Delta Book World, 2014).
Yu LongFa (Chinese: 余龙发)
is a local fisherman at Xiamen
old fishing port, born in 1952
at ShaPoWei. He works as a
professional fisherman since
the age of 12, being a skillful
master of seamanship and
navigation in east and South
China Sea during past 50
years. He assisted Mr. Xu Lu
with the recording and decoding on board skills in Chinese Sailing Junk.

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Tokyo University of Marine Science and Technology, Japan    </text>
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                <text>Chinese sailing traditions changed a little through time; sailors inherited their onboard skills, expertise, and experience by orally imparting others with physical instruction. But these daily skills were rarely recorded or studied in the past. For seafarers, how to operate and maneuver a Chinese junk was their daily work; and apart from sparse historical documents such as Phing-Chou Kho Than (Yu, 1117), Shi Liu-Qiu Lu (Xiao and Xia, 1580) (Fig. 1), and preliminarily observations by G.R.G. Worcester, Joseph Needham, Thomas Hoppe, and others, seamanship and navigation were kept in the minds of surviving successions of living sailors. In 2004, the author had an opportunity to sail on a nearly 100 year old Jin Hua Xin as an apprentice sailor for her last voyage. Several months of onboard experiences provided a rare field investigation to approach the complex mechanism of crew, their organization and their daily work. This experience led the authors to raise a marine ethnographic field investigation project along Fujian coast. Experimental archaeology creates effective scenes for realistic performance of past systems. A small full-size replica LanTay II was built for a series of archaeological voyages; the data gathered from the traces of past sailing routes will verify and add some knowledge for understanding the real daily work of Chinese seafarers onboard. In this paper, the authors shall present combined researches on historical documents, past observations with lively oral materials achieved by marine ethnographic field investigation on traditional sailing ports along South Fujian coast; throughout this research, the authors approach the knowledge about seafarers onboard daily skills and try to present the research about the sailors methods to maneuver the junk and its navigation system by means of a combination of instinct, eyesight, memory, and skill.</text>
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                    <text>Searching for the evidence of disaster from the sunken village of Lake Hibara, Japan
Randy Sasaki (Associate Professor, Teikyo University Research Institute of Cultural Properties)
Wataru Tanikawa (Senior Researcher, Japan Agency for Marine-Earth Science and Technology)
Jun Kimura (Associate Professor, Tokai University)
Hisashi Nakagawa (Curator, Toyohashi City Museum of Art and History)
Shintaro Yamasaki (Associate Professor, Disaster Prevention Research Institute, Kyoto University)
Yuhji Yamamoto (Professor, Kochi University)
ABSTRACT
In 1888, the eruption of Mount Bandai in the Fukushima prefecture of northern Japan created a dammed lake,
resulting in the submergence of the entire village of Hibara. A multi-disciplinary research team has been
organized to extract both archaeological and historical information as well as environmental information. The
focus of the research is not only on the material culture, but also on topics such as the process of submergence
and how people's lives were affected. The study of the submerged village of Hibara is a unique opportunity to
gain a deeper understanding of the impact of natural disasters on human settlements. To locate the periphery of
the site, the team is using remote sensing technology including Side Scan Sonar, Sub-bottom Profiler, and
underwater drones. Additionally, soil coring is being used to study the event sequence and the environment, and
archaeological techniques are being used to record the material culture. This is one of the first studies of its kind
conducted in Japan, and the team aims to develop methodologies for investigating submerged sites. Ultimately,
this research will contribute to the study of local history and enhance our understanding of cultural heritage.

List of Abbreviations
SSS Side Scan Sonar
JpGU Japan Geoscience Union
Keywords: Japan, Fukushima, Submerged Landscape, Natural Disaster
INTRODUCTION
This article discusses the scientific potential of studying disaster sites located on an inland lake.
So-called disaster archaeology at submerged archaeological sites is not a well-known topic of research
in Japan. In 2022, to promote the study of underwater disaster archaeology at inland lakes, researchers
from various fields came together to conduct an archaeological expedition. This paper focuses on a
research project led by Senior Researcher Wataru Tanikawa, being conducted at the submerged site of
Hibara Village in Fukushima Prefecture. The village was submerged by the formation of a dammed
lake following the 1888 eruption of Mt. Bandai (Central Disaster Management Council 2005, 1). The
site records the tangible heritage of village life, the mechanisms of a disaster, and how people reacted
to the disaster. The project is a joint effort by archaeologists and natural scientists to extract records of
disasters by investigating historical records, archaeological remains, as well as acquired data from
remote sensing technologies and soil science technologies.
The importance of understanding past disaster sites is apparent because such studies not only provide
an understanding of our past but also contribute to today’s policy-making in better disaster prevention.
Disasters, such as volcanic eruptions, change the landscape drastically and the lives of people. The
study of submerged landscapes and the material culture left behind underwater due to a disaster can
provide insight into our past interaction with the environment. Research in this sub-field has been
challenging because of the small number of investigated sites, the lack of uniting themes, and how to
glean information through available scientific methodologies. The team hopes to create momentum for
further research on disaster archaeology at submerged sites by providing possible themes and research
methods to be followed. This paper discusses the history of Hibara Village, how the research came
about, results from the 2022 season, and as a conclusion, a plan for future research. The preliminary
results of the 2023 fieldwork will be discussed in the presentation.
1

�HISTORY OF HIBARA VILLAGE
Hibara village is strategically located along an East-West path in a mountainous region of northern
Japan. The major development came during the Edo period (1603-1867 CE) when the village was
designated as a post town or Shukuba-Machi, on the Aizu-Yonezawa Highway. The village has little
farmland, but it flourished as an “inn” for merchants and travelers. However, in the Meiji era
(1868-1912 CE), when the highway system was abolished, the town declined in its importance.
Despite losing its function as a station, the village was a well-known spot along the highway for rest
(Kita-Shiobara Village Board of Education 2018, 1-2).
On 15 July 1888, the sudden eruption of Mt. Bandai changed the course of the village forever. This
was the first major disaster that received international attention in the Meiji period. A part of the
mountain collapsed and the avalanche buried several villages, killing close to 500 people (Sato 2021,
49-50). Hibara village first appeared to have been saved from the devastation, as the debris from the
collapsed mountain did not reach the village. However, the debris from the mountain dammed the
existing streams creating lakes. The water level began to rise slowly, and after several months, the
government ordered the villagers to evacuate and the village was relocated to a higher ground. The
newly formed Hibara Lake eventually swallowed the entire village (Kita-Shiobara Village Board of
Education 2022, 36).
The location of the village was not forgotten. The focal point for the villagers then and now is the
shrine, located at the ridge of a hill, above the current water-level. The passageway, or the approach to
the shrine, is marked by rows of trees. After the submergence, these trees were cut down, leaving the
tree stumps behind partially submerged. These stumps can be seen today along the two Torii gates,
leading up toward the shrine. One Torii gate is standing close to the current shoreline and another Torii
is in the lake. The water level of the lake is controlled, and seasonal fluctuation is high due to the
heavy snowfall in the area. Usually, the water-level is kept low during winter. During summer seasons,
one of the Torii is completely below water, but when the water level is low, one can walk beyond this
Torii on dry land.
The submerged section of the village has been designated as a known site by the local municipality
(Kita-Shiobara Village Board of Education 2022, 35). In 2000, Hosei University carried out a
preliminary diving survey around the village and found several ceramic fragments. Hosei University
organized further research in 2002, and they recorded some features, including rock foundations and
raised ground. The work was done by the university's Explorer Club and not by trained archaeologists
(Tanikawa 2021). The video and the drawings they made, however, provided clues about what to look
for during research. In addition to these underwater expeditions, the Kita-shiobara village conducted
an in-depth walking survey during a historic low tide in 2016; they found gravestones and other
stone-built structures, as well as some artifacts including ceramics and iron objects (Kita-Shiobara
Village Board of Education, 2022).
HOW THE RESEARCH CAME ABOUT
For years, Tanikawa had a vague idea of studying past disasters and their impacts on human society by
combining natural and social sciences. Between 2015-2019, Tanikawa investigated "Kuroda-gori," a
village in Kochi Prefecture that is believed to have been submerged by the Hakuho Earthquake of 684
(Tanikawa et al. 2016, 17-18). Based on historical documents and sedimentation history, several areas
in Kochi Prefecture were surveyed, finding underwater remains, such as blocks of stones and stone
pillars (Tanikawa et al. 2019). However, it was not possible to identify direct links between the
features, sedimentology data, and written records. Tanikawa realized the need for collaborative
research, especially from the archaeological community. Randall Sasaki, hearing the story of
Tanikawa’s research, offered help. To discuss the possible collaboration of research, a session titled
`Natural hazard and human activity recorded in underwater geoarchaeological structure` was
organized at the Japan Geoscience Union and American Geophysical Union joint meeting held at
2

�Makuhari, Japan (JpGU Session H-QR05, 2020). At this session, the need to investigate a known
submerged site as joint research was proposed, and Hibara village was selected as a case study. The
research team, mainly from three different fields, was formed. Besides the archaeological team, one
team focuses on remote sensing surveys to gather an overall image of the site, and another team
conducts scientific analysis including the soil profile. The Lake Hibara underwater site is a suitable
location for research for several reasons. Written records of the disaster are available and the reason
for the submergence is known. The location of the site is certain and the local municipality is eager to
support the project.

Figure 1. A Historic Map (Azaippitsukagirichizuchou, Hibara-Mura) of Hibara Village,
displayed at the Local Museum (Photographed by the research team)

In 2021, the team gathered at Hibara Lake for a preliminary investigation; a sonar survey, snorkel
survey, and underwater monitoring by a drone were conducted. The sonar survey revealed rows of tree
stumps along the approach and showed some strong reflections. The snorkel survey identified rows of
trees and some building blocks. The underwater drone survey revealed stone structures, and possible
locations of a temple by the presence of gravestones. The main source for identifying the general plan
of the village is the land allocation map (Azaippitsukagirichizuchou, Hibara-Mura) from the early Meiji
period (Aizu -Yonezawa Kaido Main Road, Hibara Historical Museum). It depicts streets, canals,
housing blocks, and important buildings including a shrine, a temple, and administrative buildings
(Figure 1). The results from the 2021 season appeared to correspond well with the allocation map. A
meeting with the local municipal office was held, sharing the results and discussing the research plan.
Based on the results, the team was able to draw a research plan. The team applied for a research grant
and was approved, starting a four-year project in 2022 (Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (A) Clarification of underwater ruins of Lake Hibara and the volcanic disaster that caused the submergence
of the lake).
THE 2022 SEASON
This was the first main season of the research and was focused on gleaning information from various
methods to see the overall picture of the site and fine-tune the research plan for the coming seasons.
The team conducted various remote sensing surveys and diving investigations. Soil samples and wood
samples were also collected for analysis.
3

�Remote Sensing Survey
The success of underwater archaeology is all about knowing where to look, and this study is to know
the general distribution or the plan of the village. The above-mentioned allocation map is an important
source; the map contains information on the length/size of the village blocks. Remote sensing was
planned to orient and adjust the map to be used for archaeological surveys (Figure 2).

Figure 2 A Photo of the Lake, the Torii Gate, and the
Team Conducting a Survey (Photographed by the research team).

Sonar surveys were conducted on several occasions using Side Scan Sonar (SSS) (Imagenex Model
872 YellowFin: 800 kHz). The images showed reflections from the submerged Torii, rows of trees,
stone walls and foundations, intersecting roads, and some other unknown features. Approximately an
area of 0.2㎢ was surveyed, and a mosaic image was generated. The SSS image appears to correspond
well with the land allocation map, showing some of the building blocks with sharp corners. A general
land formation and small streams can be vaguely seen but require a visual inspection to identify
(Figure 3).
A Sub-bottom Profiler survey (SyQwest Bathy 2010-PC: 3.5 kHz) was conducted to investigate the
features buried below the lake sediment. The survey focused on the proposed village area; transact
lines were made from both north-south and east-west directions. The result showed that the site was
covered by about 20-30 cm thick soft lacustrine sediment. The land slopes downwards towards
west-northwest directions and appears to show a greater change in elevation at the edge of the village,
which is also seen in the SSS data. All water sources run from west to east, following the natural land
formation. The irrigation channel made at the village followed this natural drainage direction.

4

�Figure 3 A Side Scan Sonar Mosaic Image overlayed;
Showing the Outlines of the Village in Reflections (image provided by the research team)

A magnetometer survey (OH Marine Magnetics SeaSpy2) was also conducted. Around the supposed
village, 12 magnetic anomalies were found, mainly concentrated in the northern part of the survey
area. These anomalies could potentially be associated with iron artifacts discarded by villagers when
leaving.
Archaeological Investigation
The underwater investigation was conducted to see if the SSS data corresponded with the map and the
accuracy of the map. If the team can “learn” how underwater features appear, it may be able to
reconstruct the village by looking at the SSS data, and also be able to pinpoint the location to dive.
Silt accumulation is the main problem for an archaeological diving survey. The visibility becomes
close to zero, if divers are not careful to disturb the bottom surface. The datum was set at the
submerged Torii, and a 100 m line was established extending out from the approach. Since this survey
was a preliminary expedition, this is a temporary datum and a fixed datum point will be established in
the following season. The submerged Torii is about 71 m offshore. The resident informed the team that
these Torii gates were constructed about 40 or 50 years ago, close to the original locations.
Stacked Stone Wall
The diving survey revealed the remains of a two-story stacked stone structure with an L-shaped plan,
located 120 meters offshore (about 50 m from the datum). This is thought to be the junction of the
approach and the main highway. The structure was composed of rectangular stones measuring roughly
70 cm x 30 cm. The feature is partially buried, especially showing heavy accumulation towards the
west. The wall was at least two stones high, 18 stones lined north-south (along the approach), and at
least five stones east-west (along the main highway). This wall can be seen clearly on the SSS image.
Rock Accumulation
A wide area of gravel accumulation was discovered approximately 15 meters from the datum. The
exact extension is unknown, and the size and the shapes are irregular. Several stones were cut to make
into shapes, and a circular hole was drilled in at least one of the stones, which is broken in half. It is
5

�considered to be the foundation of the Torii. The feature appears as cloudy reflections in the SSS
image.
Earthen Embankment
An elongated earthen embankment was discovered parallel to the east of the approach road, extending
approximately 25 m in length. The embankment was made primarily of sand mixed with gravel. The
embankment measures four meters wide and has a low rise of two meters. To the north of this feature
is an area with scattered rocks and the remains of building foundations. Based on the land allocation
map, a temple was located at the northern end of the embankment. The embankment may be an access
road to the temple. The feature is shown as a mix of spotted strong and weak reflections in the SSS
image.
Landform
The SSS image shows an abrupt change in color at several locations, and these correspond well with
the elevation change. A slanted S-shaped change in landform seen in the image can also be seen in the
land allocation map. The abrupt change in the elevation was confirmed during the diving survey as
well. The houses, or village blocks were built along this ridge. The main highway runs along the lower
edge of this ridge. Some houses, a shrine, and a temple were built on the upper ridge and the rest of the
town below.
Core Samples Wood Species analysis
The core samples were taken at four locations, two samples each (Samples A and B), counting eight
cores in total. Samples A were subjected to destructive analysis while Samples B were only used for
non-destructive analysis. The baseline for collecting samples was set along the approach to the shrine,
establishing the zero point at the submerged Torii. The core sample was collected at 30m (Core I),
52m (Core II), 70m (Core III), and 100 m (Core IV) from the zero point. Core samples were collected
by divers pounding polycarbonate pipes directly into the lake bottom. Samples up to 35 cm in
length/depth were collected. Nondestructive observations of internal structure in lake sediments were
made using X-ray computed tomography. Density and magnetic susceptibility measurements were
made using a nondestructive multi-sensor core logger, density and porosity measurements were made
using the nitrogen gas displacement method, grain size analysis using laser diffraction, and mineral
identification using powder X-ray diffraction.
All cores had fine-grain sediments in the shallow/top layer (Layer I) and mixed sediment with some
angular gravel in deeper layers (Layer II). Layer I had a lower bulk density, magnetic susceptibility,
percentage of grains larger than 1 mm in diameter, and dispersion of grain size distribution. In terms of
bulk density, a clear physical property gap was observed between the layers. Layer I showed a larger
proportion of diatoms and volcanic glass and a smaller proportion of quartz than Layer II. In addition,
no illite or chlorite, both of which are andesitic origin, was found in Layer II. The results indicate that
Layer I is a soil layer deposited after the formation of Hibara Lake.
To our surprise, pottery fragments were found in Core IV. These pottery sherds had engraved stripes
on the interior, suggesting that it is a fragment of mortar for grinding, which is a typical artifact found
in a site dating to the Early Modern period or later. Core IV showed higher porosity, indicating heavy
land use. Perhaps, this area was used as farmland or trash pits existed nearby. Core III, which is
located near the intersection of the approach and the main highway, showed compacted soil.
Rows of trees along the approach create the key scenes of the site. To identify the species and to date
the tree, core samples were drilled into several trees. The species were identified as cedar. The trees
date to around the mid-19th century from the radiocarbon dating. The date confirms that the growth of
trees stopped soon after submerging.
6

�CONCLUSIONS AND 2023 SEASON PLAN
Interdisciplinary investigation of the Lake Hibara underwater site is a challenging and complex
endeavor, but the first season shows promising results. The research team hopes to obtain a
comprehensive understanding of natural disaster mechanisms as well as the people’s interaction with
the event. With the data and knowledge gathered in the first season, the research team is
well-positioned to find out more about the complex dynamics of the underwater site, and the wider
implications of natural disasters.
During the 2023 season, small-scale excavations both on land and underwater are being planned. This
may provide an insight to the changes in material culture before and after the village was relocated.
The detailed season plan has not been finalized at this point of writing, but the season's preliminary
results will be introduced at the conference.   

Acknowledgements
We acknowledge the Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research for funding our project. We are deeply grateful for numerous
individuals and groups whose contributions were essential to their success. Particularly, appreciation should be given to the
residents and municipal officers for their hospitality and invaluable support, which greatly facilitated our research.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Historical Map 字一筆限地図帳　第四大区七小区　岩代國耶麻郡 檜原村, Author not recorded, Date Unknown,
(Photographed by the research team)
Central Disaster Management Council. 1888 Mt.Bandai Eruption Report, Tokyo:Central Disaster Management Council,
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Kita-Shiobara Village Board of Education. Kita-Shiobara Village Excavation Report, No. 5, Fukushima: Kita-Shiobara
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Sato, Hiroshi. “Eruption of Mount Bandai in 1888 and Recovery from Disaster.” Water Science 65, no. 3 (2021): 45-69.
Tanikawa, Wataru. Collaborative Research and Meeting of Natural Hazard Science and Archaeology for Submerged Ruins.
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Tanikawa, Wataru., Go-ichiro Uramoto, Yohei Hamada, Masafumi Murayama, Yuhji Yamamoto, Takehiro Hirose, Osamu
Tadai, Kouki Tanaka, Hiromasa Ozaki, Minoru Yoneda, and Hidekazu Tokuyama. “Provenance of submerged stone pillars in
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Tanikawa, Wataru., Go-Ichiro Uramoto, Hidekazu Tokuyama, Masafumi Murayama, and Yuhji Yamamoto. “A Review on
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Jishin 31 (2016):17-26.

7

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&#13;
Of course heritage exists in a variety of cultural frameworks, and ensuring sustainability requires approaches to engagement to be both responsive and sensitive to the overlapping cultural contexts in which UCH may exist. As a culturally diverse region, the treatment of heritage must be also tailored to cultural definitions, heritage management frameworks and conventions which may, in some cases, differ across jurisdictions/countries and their interests. The panel will also attempt to explore the ways in which UCH is managed within diverse cultural frameworks, and invites papers to examine topics including contested UCH, ownership, security, etc.&#13;
&#13;
The panel invites papers exploring significance within local, national and transnational historiographies and the implications for funding and management of UCH. UCH includes material that has been deposited on the seabed as a result of warfare and catastrophe, so papers which explore and/or engage with topics including loss, warfare, conflicted significance and contested heritage are particularly welcome.&#13;
&#13;
Other relevant sub-themes include:&#13;
&#13;
* Public engagement in the management of UCH&#13;
&#13;
* Interpreting maritime cultural heritage for non-specialist audiences&#13;
&#13;
* Significance, interpretative potential, stakeholders and support/sustainability&#13;
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* Museums, Education, Outreach and Conservation&#13;
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* Memory, memorials and memorialisation</text>
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National Museums of Kenya, Kenya</text>
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Monmouth College (IL), USA</text>
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Western Australian Museum, Australia</text>
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National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage&#13;
Republic of Korea</text>
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                    <text>Shared Heritage? Shared Responsibility?
Reflections on the role of ‘shared’ colonial heritage within
capacity building programs in the postcolonial world
Dr. Robert Parthesius

Abstract
The Centre for International Heritage Activities (CIE) has been involved in developing Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage Programs (MUCH) in Asia and Africa since the 1990s. Although these
programs aimed for a general development of capacity and awareness for MUCH in the specific
region, often the focal point of the program was international (colonial) heritage sites. Although
understandable from the practical implication of funding opportunities and available expertise of the
international trainers, our experiences showed that this focus was not ideal for the establishment of a
sustainable policy on MUCH management in the post colonial countries.
Building on that experience CIE has developed a vision on international cooperation that
places MUCH in a broader perspective by including a platform of local and international stakeholders
in all stages of the program. Through discussions about the relevance of the MUCH sites for the
various stakeholders awareness can be raised for each other’s perspective on this type of heritage.
Since the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001
Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) explicitly promotes
international cooperation and given the reality that many MUCH sites in Asia and Africa are linked with
the past of European expansion, it is important to develop a vision on the role of this colonial heritage
that is seen by some as ‘shared heritage’ within the national, regional and global context.
This paper evaluates the MUCH programs of the CIE in Asia and Africa and hopes with this to
open the discussion on best practices in establishing a sustainable MUCH program on a local/regional
level but promotes at the same time international cooperation to be inclusive for all types of MUCH.

Introduction

From the 16th century, Dutch mariners explored the world outside Europe in the wake
of other European nations. In the space of only a few decades they built up an
international shipping and trade network. The diverse activities that derived from this
commercial expansion, military expeditions and the later colonial rule have left many
traces behind. For quite some time, the Netherlands has been interested in the
legacy of the age of Dutch and European expansion. This is seen as an important
period that is associated in the Dutch national memory with mixed feelings of pride
and shame. In many countries where the traces of this period have been preserved,
this period also forms an important marker in their history and national identity.
Netherlands policymakers introduced Mutual Cultural Heritage in the 1990’s to label
the heritage of the Dutch expansion and colonial period. This term, which can also be
translated and used as Common or Shared Cultural Heritage, has been the subject
of some debate because the remnants of a Dutch presence do not automatically lead
to mutual appreciation (Fienieg and Parthesius 2008).
The overall objective of the Dutch Mutual Cultural Heritage Policy (MCHP
2009-2012) is to, "collaborate on the sustainable maintenance and management of
common cultural heritage, on the basis of reciprocal political and substantive
involvement". The aims and the associated funds of the MCHP also provided an
excellent basis for programs focusing on the management of Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) sites like shipwrecks and maritime
installations that the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the West India Company
(WIC) left behind worldwide. Since the 1990’s, the author and the Centre for

�International Heritage Activities (CIE) have been involved in the development of
MUCH capacity building programs in Asia and Africa.
Between 1998 and 2007 a program was implemented around the remains of
the VOC-ship Avondster wrecked in 1659 in the Bay of Galle, Sri Lanka. In 2007
another MUCH capacity building program was initiated in Southern Africa (Tanzania,
Zanzibar and South Africa). Although the funding still came mainly through Dutch
funds, the set-up of these programs changed from a focus on colonial heritage to a
focus on the development of a local vision on the relevance and importance of
MUCH. The Dutch Culture and Development programme turned out to be another
valuable framework (and funding source) for the set-up of more general MUCH
programs that not only focus on the remains of the European expansion but also on
the development of strategies to raise awareness for local perspectives on MUCH.
The UNESCO World Heritage Convention 1972 and the 2001 Convention formed a
framework for the international cooperation.
In this paper, the structure, results and development of some of these MUCH
programs are discussed. Specifically, the programs in Sri Lanka and South Africa are
compared in order to investigate the role that colonial/shared cultural heritage has in
the development of a sustainable capacity building program. Is it possible to use a
colonial heritage site to stimulate a local perspective on MUCH and to build capacity
in the partner country?

Sri Lanka: the Avondster project
Since the early 1990’s, a team of Sri Lankan and international maritime
archaeologists, historians and museum curators has conducted research, on request
from the Sri Lankan authorities, in the Bay of Galle and in the extensive archives in
Sri Lanka and the Netherlands. Underwater surveys have revealed an impressive
number of heritage sites, dating from the 13th century up to modern times
(Parthesius 2007).
Based on this first inventory of underwater heritage sites in the Bay of Galle,
an ambitious capacity building programme was formulated in order to establish
suitable infrastructure for the management of MUCH sites. In 2001, a Maritime
Archaeology Unit (MAU) was formed under the Mutual Heritage Centre, managed by
the Sri Lankan government agency, the Central Cultural Fund, in cooperation with
international partners in the Netherlands, Australia and Mexico, and sponsored by
the Netherlands Cultural Fund (derived from MCHP). Their first major project was
the excavation of the Avondster, one of five Dutch East-Indiamen wrecked in the
World Heritage Site Galle (for details see Wijamunige this volume).
During the 1993, 1996 and 1997 expeditions to Galle Harbor, the wreck of the
Avondster was discovered and identified (Green, et al. 1998). A survey and testexcavation in 1998 and 1999 revealed a site in an excellent state of preservation; a
rich source of material finds and historical knowledge was anticipated. The wreck site
is situated about 80 metres off the beach in about 4 metres of water. From a diving
safety perspective it was deemed suitable for training, although visibility was often
poor. The site was relatively easy to interpret underwater, enabling the
archaeologists to understand the construction techniques used on a 17th century
East- Indiaman. The Avondster was also historically well documented, which allowed
the Sri Lankan archaeologists to be introduced to historical-archaeological research.
The Avondster site was also selected because it was under threat. Due to
changes on land caused by the building of a sea wall and the channeling from storm-

�water drains, the Avondster had become increasingly exposed throughout the 1990s
(Parthesius 1998).
The Avondster project had a number of aims in addition to the survey,
excavation and conservation of the site and the artefacts. One of the primary goals
was, through the involvement of the Sri Lankan archaeologists and conservators, to
build up local capacity and the associated infrastructure, so that they could continue
with a maritime archaeology programme in Sri Lanka into the future. Another
important goal was the development of a Maritime Museum, based to some extent on
the material recovered from the Avondster but also incorporating Sri Lanka’s broader
maritime history, its sites and the people involved.

Figure 1. NAS training of the members of the Maritime Archaeological Unit,
Sri Lanka, 2001
The opportunity to conduct a professional archaeological excavation using the
highest possible standards was seen as an appropriate step to take in protecting the
site. It would also demonstrate how important archaeological information could be
obtained and disseminated to the community. The Avondster-project involved the
pre-disturbance survey of the exposed part of the site, excavation of trenches in the
bow, midships and stern areas, and the recovery of about 3,000 artefacts, an iron
cannon and a large iron anchor. In addition to the archaeological requirements, the
development of a conservation infrastructure, conservation training, and
implementation of conservation techniques were also deemed to be of equal

�importance (Parthesius, et al. 2005). In cooperation with the Conservation
Department of the Western Australian Maritime Museum, the Amsterdam Historical
Museum and The Instituto National de Antropologia e Historia in Mexico, a wellequipped conservation laboratory was built. A small team of conservators was
trained in many of the techniques required to conserve maritime archaeological
objects.
Since the inception of the Avondster-project in 1998, the primary aim of the
work carried out by the foreign consultants has been to train members of the MAU as
conservators and maritime archaeologists so that they would have the skills to
function autonomously. This aspect has been emphasized during every field season.
As part of this training, many foreign consultants with various skills have worked with
the MAU team. The use of different consultants has broadened the MAU team’s
exposure to different experiences, thereby giving them the benefit of alternative
approaches and many years of accumulated experience and knowledge. To
accompany the training provided by specialist consultants to the Sri Lankan team, a
detailed system of assessment was designed. A very significant outcome of this
project was that the Sri Lankan team collaborated with the foreign consultants who
produced a two-volume publication on the work implemented on the Avondster
(Parthesius 2007). In addition, through a UNESCO initiative, the Galle MAU served
as a regional training centre in maritime archaeology for the Asia/Pacific region with
field schools in 2006, 2007 and 2008 (http://www.unescobkk.org/index.php?id=4944).

Figure 2. Preparing a barrel for raising from the Avondster-site, Galle,
Sri Lanka, 2004

�The Avondster-project is considered a success but there is an important side
note to make that refers to the sustainability of MUCH management through wellestablished awareness and a sense of ownership. The program in Sri Lanka was
possible because a Dutch VOC vessel was under threat and we could persuade the
Netherlands Cultural Fund to invest in a capacity building programme around this
colonial shipwreck that has been labeled ‘mutual heritage’. The built capacity turned
out to be sustainable because the focus on a colonial shipwreck against the
background of the fortified city of Galle is seen as important heritage and connected
with the cultural identity of Sri Lanka.

Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) Programme in
Southern Africa
On invitation by South Africa and Tanzania, the CIE took the opportunity in 2007 to
build on the experience gained in Sri Lanka and formulated a four-phased MUCH
capacity building programme that recognized the importance of establishing a local
tradition and vision on this specific type of heritage. Key in this set-up is to bring all
relevant stakeholders together and encourage full involvement, ranging from political
commitment to community engagement. Unlike the project in Sri Lanka, the focus on
Mutual Cultural Heritage in South Africa would not be developing a framework for the
‘new MUCH programme’. For South Africa this would start the cooperation on the
wrong footing since the colonial heritage has a negative annotation. An ‘open
definition process’ started with multiple stakeholders deciding relevant subjects and
sites for a MUCH programme. A universal framework for the MUCH programme was
found in the context of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention 1972 and the 2001
Convention.

Figure 3. Surveying an intertidal shipwreck on Robben Island, South Africa, 2010.

�South Africa
Since 2007 CIE has assisted the South African Heritage Resources Agency
(SAHRA) in developing a MUCH program in South Africa. The Netherlands
involvement came about through their funding contribution to the program through
the Netherlands Culture and Development Program. South Africa contains some of
the oldest evidence of human occupation in the world and some of this evidence may
be found around its coastline and underwater. The ongoing importance, use and
exploitation of the sea and inland waterways by communities are evident today from
numerous types of sites, traditional cultural practices and customs. Many shipwrecks
from the activities of foreign explorers, traders and colonialists can also be found in
its waters. South Africa therefore contains a range of tangible and intangible heritage,
significant and relevant to contemporary communities and contributing toward the
cultural identity of the country.
The workshops organized on Robben Island in 2010 and 2011 included a
number of participants, particularly those from South African stakeholders other than
SAHRA, being educated in parts of the NAS theoretical and practical training
program. One of the aims of the practical workshops was to build-up a database of
the Robben Island MUCH sites (on land and underwater). Robben Island and its
surrounding waters contain in excess of 100 sites (many with poor provenance and
lacking documentation) and the outcomes of the practical work will assist the Robben
Island Museum in beginning the documentation and management of this component
of its cultural landscape.
Apart from the direct capacity that has been built amongst various
representatives of government agents, students, volunteers and of course the
SAHRA staff, the project has a important focus on the development of public
awareness and an African vision on MUCH. The discussions with many stakeholders
and relevant communities have led to the selection of so-called “Legacy Sites”,
representing the vision on MUCH in South Africa. They are not intended to be an
exhaustive list, they are simply ‘highlights’ to begin to describe how diverse South
Africa’s relationship with water actually is. In this stage of the programme four Legacy
Sites have been selected:
The shipwreck site of the Barrel Wreck in the Table Bay shows the strong
linkages of South Africa with an international shipping network (Sharfman
2012). It was selected as a legacy site because not only is it a good example
of a ‘traditional’ underwater archaeological site but it is relatively easy to
access and monitor, thus use for training and specialized studies can help
answer conservation and management questions regarding similar sites.
Robben Island is also linked with the international maritime connections. As a
place of isolation, it has a long history of banishment and imprisonment,
stretching back to the first settlers who brought their political opponents from
the colonies in the Far East (Deacon 1996). The fact that the site is an Island
means that almost all the activities that took place there have an inherent
connection with the ocean.
The fish weirs at Stillbaai and Arniston are an important element in the
MUCH sites because they represent the relationship of local communities with
the sea. These stonewall fish traps are of undetermined age but were used by
local fishermen for at least the past century. The fish weirs could be anything

�from 200 to 2000 years old. This poses several interesting questions regarding
traditional fishing practices and interactions between settlers and indigenes.
Lake Fundudzi has been identified as Legacy Site due to its intangible
connection with water. The lake is situated in the northeast of the Limpopo
Province and is viewed as the only natural inland lake in Southern Africa. For
the Vhavenda people, however, the lake is more than just a natural water
body, as it forms a rich heritage of folklore, myths and ceremonial rituals. It is
their burial site and is therefore sacred and believed to be the home of
ancestral spirit of the Vhatavhatsindi people who claim their ancestors
discovered the lake when they moved into South Africa from Zimbabwe
(Sharfman, 2012). The living heritage that surrounds the lake, such as the
communities’ cultural practices, could be extrapolated to a broader
understanding of African ways and means of dealing with its past, for instance
broader African religious and spiritual relationships with water. These
practices often provide a tangible element to the intangible aspects of spirits
and their mediums with water. Broader research needs to be included in the
submission as water is a central feature in the living heritage of numerous
people.

Figure 4. Lake Fundudzi, Limpopo, South Africa, 2010.

Considerations and conclusions
As emphasized by the Avondster-project, sustainability in a country or region is only
possible when a capacity building programme has been put together in collaboration
with the relevant stakeholders (political, academic and bureaucratic). To obtain this, it
is important that an awareness of the different values of maritime and underwater
cultural heritage (MUCH) is appreciated between all stakeholders. It is in that context
also necessary to create and implement practicable measures to stimulate public

�awareness. This can be achieved in part through community engagement
programmes, which implement MUCH projects for the benefit of contemporary
communities. In addition to reviving or helping to maintain traditional cultural
practices and protect and preserve indigenous sites in less developed countries, one
of the benefits could be an economic gain through the re-use of UCH and through
tourism managed by the local community.
Cultural heritage sites from the colonial period, that have been labeled Mutual
Cultural Heritage from the Dutch perspective, take a prominent position in both Sri
Lanka and South Africa. Through the nature of the European expansion, many of the
remains of this period (e.g. port cities, harbor installations, fortifications and
shipwrecks) can be considered MUCH sites. The fact that they are located in
prominent places and that the Netherlands consider it Mutual Cultural Heritage,
doesn’t mean automatically that the partner countries may also consider it important
heritage linked with their own cultural identity.
Sri Lanka and South Africa are different in that respect. In Sri Lanka the built
heritage of the so-called Dutch Period (1640-1796) is considered heritage of ‘Dual
Parentship’. The World Heritage Site Galle is considered as the highlight of that
heritage. The wreck of the VOC-ship Avondster does not fall under that concept. It
was in a sense new heritage because before its discovery in 1993 neither the
Netherlands nor Sri Lanka were aware of its existence. Placed in the context of
Galle, but not as a product of Sri Lanka-Dutch design, the Avondster-site was
considered Mutual Cultural Heritage instead of heritage of Dual Parentship.1 This
concept made the Avondster very suitable and reciprocal for research and for the
development of capacity and heritage management strategies for this site. However,
it kept the perspective on the MUCH sites in the whole of Sri Lanka very narrow.
The context for cooperation in South Africa was totally different. Cultural
heritage plays an important role in the development of the ‘New South Africa’ after
the first democratic elections of 1994. Cultural identity is key in the nation building
process after the country was divided and scattered under the Apartheid regime
(1948-1994). Although the authorities are acting very responsibly towards the
inclusion of the cultural heritage of the former repressors, it is clear that VOC
heritage is not generally and popularly linked with the South African cultural identity.
Consequently these types of sites could not be a starting point for the set-up of a
capacity building program. The cooperation was therefore centered on the technical
assistance that international experts could bring to the development of MUCH
management in South Africa. Since stimulating the development of a local vision on
MUCH is a key activity in the CIE’s capacity building vision, this element was also
included in the programme. The sometimes-heated discussions during the
workshops on the relevance of MUCH for South Africa led to a vision on the heritage
that expressed the relationship of the communities with the sea and water in general.
The identification of the four Legacy Sites shows how inclusive this vision is.
The work that is in progress on the Legacy Sites has only scratched the
surface of the rich and diverse MUCH of South Africa. A great deal of work is still
required. This will entail an examination of the challenges of redefining MUCH and
the collecting of data to describe and analyze the sites. With diversification of the
scope of MUCH comes the question of fitting MUCH into the heritage themes that are
currently significant in South Africa. Is the new approach to MUCH relevant, and how
are the identified sites relevant to all South Africans? The field has moved beyond
1

Ironically the site can be considered as heritage of Anglo-Dutch dual parentship since the Avondster
was a captured and modified ship from the English East India Company.

�the confines of “physical sites”, “maritime” or “underwater” cultural heritage towards
an integrated and holistic, seamless study of heritage associated with varied bodies
of water within which tangible and intangible heritage can be explored. This is a very
exciting process of reciprocity in which we could assist with the transfer of technical
skills and knowhow, and where together we created a platform of discussion in the
region that has led to a unique vision on ‘water heritage’ from an African perspective.

Bibliography
Deacon, H.,
1996
Fienieg, A.,
Parthesius, R.
2008
Green, J. N.,
Devendra, S. and
Parthesius, R.,
1998
Dutch Mutual
Cultural Heritage
Policy (MCHP)
2009-2012
Parthesius, R.,
1998
Parthesius, R.,
Millar, K., Jeffery,
B.,
2005
Parthesius, R.,
2007

Parthesius, R.,
2010
Sharfman, J.,
Masuku-Van
Damme, S.L.,
Parthesius, R.
In print
UNESCO
fieldschool
2006-2008

The Island, A History of Robben Island, David Philip
Publishers, Cape Town.
“Heritage trails: International cultural heritage policies in a
European perspective”, in (ed) Gert, Oostindie, Migration and
cultural heritage in the Dutch colonial world, KITLV Press,
Leiden
Report for the Sri Lanka Department of Archaeology Galle
Harbour project 1996–1997 archaeology, history, conservation
and training, Special Publication No. 4, Australian National
Centre of Excellence for Maritime Archaeology, WA Maritime
Museum.
Common Cultural Heritage Policy Framework 20092012, AVT09/BZ93771
http://awad.kitlv.nl/home/show_news/71?page_name=news
Archives and Wreckes: Australian-Dutch co-operation. in
Green, J (ed) The Ancods colloquium. 68-74.
“Preliminary Report on the Excavation of the 17th-Century
Anglo-Dutch East-Indiaman Avondster in Bay of Galle, Sri
Lanka”, in International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 34, 2
pp. 216-237.
Excavation report of the VOC-ship Avondster, The AngloDutch East-Indiaman that was wrecked twice in Ceylon,
Centre of International Heritage Activities special publication
No. 1, Amsterdam.
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shipping network in Asia 1595-1660, Amsterdam University
Press.
New Perspectives on Maritime and Underwater Cultural
Heritage in South Africa. Cape Town 2012 (in print)

http://www.unescobkk.org/index.php?id=4944

�</text>
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                <text>Shared Heritage? Shared Responsibility? Reflections on the role of 'shared' colonial heritage within capacity building programs in the postcolonial world</text>
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                <text>Session 6&#13;
Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries</text>
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                <text>The Centre for International Heritage Activities (CIE) has been involved in developing Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Programs (MUCH) in Asia and Africa since the 1990s. Although these programs aimed for a general development of capacity and awareness for MUCH in the specific region, often the focal point of the program was international (colonial) heritage sites. Although understandable from the practical implication of funding opportunities and available expertise of the international trainers, our experiences showed that this focus was not ideal for the establishment of a sustainable policy on MUCH management in the post colonial countries.&#13;
&#13;
Building on that experience CIE has developed a vision on international cooperation that places MUCH in a broader perspective by including a platform of local and international stakeholders in all stages of the program. Through discussions about the relevance of the MUCH sites for the various stakeholders awareness can be raised for each otherâ€™s perspective on this type of heritage. Since the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) explicitly promotes international cooperation and given the reality that many MUCH sites in Asia and Africa are linked with the past of European expansion, it is important to develop a vision on the role of this colonial heritage that is seen by some as â€˜shared heritageâ€™ within the national, regional and global context.&#13;
&#13;
This paper evaluates the MUCH programs of the CIE in Asia and Africa and hopes with this to open the discussion on best practices in establishing a sustainable MUCH program on a local/regional level but promotes at the same time international cooperation to be inclusive for all types of MUCH.</text>
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