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                    <text>Beads on boats:
testing the relation of expected cargo to Philippine
maritime activities
Jennifer Craig1

Abstract
What must be considered in an attempt to critically analyse beads? Multiple historic period
shipwrecks ranging in dates from the 11th century to the 18th century have been archaeologically
excavated from Philippine waters. Past studies have either placed these shipwrecks in the larger
network of shipping activities or singled-out one particular ship’s function.
In this doctoral developing study the context of shipping activities in the wider Philippineoriented community was identified through style-types previously established in studies in
Terrestrial Archaeology, Coastal Landscape and Historic Records; the core of which was
revealed to be the material culture of navigation. Maritime Archaeology methodology was used to
approach the tools and symbols used in pilotage by the four main cultural groups to have settled
in the Philippines – Austronesian, Arab, Chinese and Spanish. This revealed that pilots may have
shared a common language in mathematics. With this potential explanation for communication
across the groups the research turned to the shipwreck collections to find a shared commodity,
ubiquitously expected – BEADS. The hypothesis that particular beads, representative of specific
cultural groups pointed to a probability of beads on all the shipwrecks. This is to be tested by
objectively recording the beads in a database. It is expected the end result of which will point to
the identification of the bead style, manufacture and provenance which in turn will then be used
as indicators to strengthen known stylistic features and shipping activities associated with the
th
cultural groups. Preliminary results indicate this is not the case. The 16 century shipwrecks
contain very few to no beads. This critical analysis will continue into the other Periods
represented by shipwreck assemblages in the Museum’s collections. Could this study be a direct
challenge to preconceived ideas of past Southeast Asian economic models?

Introduction
This paper lays out the methodology in the early development of the doctoral
thesis ‘Historic Period Maritime Archaeology in the Philippines: A critical analysis
of bead assemblages from shipwrecks and the coastal landscape of developing
trade economies’ (Craig in-prep). It aims to reveal how an analysis of beads
could interpret aspects of the negotiation between incoming groups and existing
populations of the Philippines and how this was played out in the wider
interdisciplinary maritime sphere. The framework is largely a critical analysis of
beads archaeologically excavated from historic shipwrecks ranging in date from
the 11th century to the 18th century. The general hypothesis is that beads
recovered from underwater sites would compliment the terrestrial record. Record
here refers to the documents with indicative settlement structures identified by
names of the main cultural groups which occupied the archipelago. The stylistic
1

DPhil Candidate, Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology, School of Archaeology, University of
Oxford, jennifer.craig@arch.ox.ac.uk

�features of the associated built heritage and any remaining ‘footprint’ was further
studied through text, photographs and visits to relevant coastal areas.
Archaeological investigation in these areas has ranged from intensive to nonexistant. In the areas of intense analysis this work was discussed with local
specialists and they have shared their expertise and publications. In the areas of
no historic archaeology I have gone back into the records of previous
archaeological investigation in proxy to the main sites of interest and kept record
of what beads were found where. These separate approaches will all come
together in one visual reference of mapping software.
The main critical analysis for this project is to occur on artefacts recovered
from shipwrecks, it is therefore relevant to have a background knowledge in the
influential environmental science. Maritime Archaeology is the study of
humankind with a directional focus from water to land. Geographic perameters of
this paper will therefore adopt this vantage point. The Philippines is located in the
centre of Southeast Asia, the far west of the Pacific Ocean and far east of the
Indian Ocean. The natural oceanic phenomena of these areas run multiple
currents along and through the archipelago of 7,142 islands (number from Oxford
Philippine Society, based on Philippine National Tourism Statisitics).

Context
The material culture recovered from terrestrial archaeology throughout the AsiaPacific region points to large scale and long term trade (Glover and Bellwood
2006). These networks can be extended over the adjacent and proximal waters
of the Philippines (Dizon and Ronquillo 2010). The South China Sea connects
the shores of China (Bellwood 1978) and Taiwan (Campos et al 2009/10);
Indochina/Malay Peninsula (Andaya 2010; Barnes and Parkin 2002) along the
Maritime Silk Route to East Africa (Boivin-SEALINKS; Horton and Middleton
2000; Lane-HEEAL; Robinson and Wilson forthcoming), through Arabia (Hourani
and Carswell 1995; Lunde 2005) and India (Carswell 2010; Cherian 2010;
Varadarajan and Shah 2011). Across the Philippine Sea to the northeast is
Japan (DeMorga translated by Cummins 1971). The Pacific Ocean opens to the
islands of Micronesia, Macronesia, Polynesia (Clark et al. 2001) and the
American Continents (Anderson et al. 2010)2. Changes in the scale and nature
of this maritime trade can be seen in indigenous coastal landscapes, which for
example in the Philippines has changed from roofed shelters along soft-sandy
beaches (Pharma 2011; Stewart 2009) to the construction of piers and wharves
to accommodate bulkier shipments (Levinson 2006).
The main historic record of the Philippines is Blair and Robertson’s ‘The
Philippine Islands’. These 55 volumes are a synopsis of the known historic
accounts of Spanish occupation in the Philippines. Its review, along with other
cartographic evidence in the Bodliean Library, noted relevant archive locations

2

This is a non-exhaustive list of references. There are of course many other Social Scientists to whom I
could refer.

�and specific coastal areas of intense activity related to Philippine marine trade.
Awards granted by the Society for Nautical Research, Brasenose College,
Friends of Darshak Itiahas Nidhi, the School of Archaeology and Study Abroad
Department at the University of Oxford provided the funds and encouragment to
travel and conduct anthropological fieldwork. Specifically, the opportunity to note
stylistic preferences in architectural features of coastal infrustructure. This
exercise has helped to point out culturally indicative patterns transmitted to the
Philippines.
Archaeological, anthropological, and historic document studies of past
peoples indicate multiple cultural groups inhabited the Philippines during the
historic period between 9th to 19th centuries (adapted from Beyer 1947: 2083).
Historiography indicates Philippine Regions were periodically inhabited by
Chinese, Spanish and Arab-Indian diasporas. Archaeologists who worked on the
islands have produced monographs and publications identifying culturally distinct
artefacts and features of Philippine inhabitants over time4.
Attempts to pull together the cultural evidence from various environments and
disciplinary approaches has been ongoing in the Philippines for decades (Dizon
2004:1363). To date, the most comprehensive book on economics based on
archaeological-evidence is Laura Junker’s (1999) ‘Raiding, Trading, and
Feasting: The Political Economy of Philippine Cheifdoms’. It compares historic,
anthropologic, and archaeologic records spanning over two millenia from 1061
B.P to the end of the 15th century. Her fifteen years of experience working in
Philippine archaeology, at the time of publication, connects the coastal and
mountain people through their trade to reveal complex chiefdoms operated from
the mountain tops to the coastal settlements across the whole of the archipelago.
Wilhelm Solheim (1984-5) suggests a severance between marine and inland
people and produced decades of publications on the coastal people of the
archipelago, coining the term ‘Nusantao’ for maritime traders throughout
Southeast Asia5. In fact, his work is based on beads dated to 2650 B.P.(Dizon
2004: 1362 based on Soliheim and Higham 1996). Anthropological methods
have recorded a group of people severed from the land by choice - the Bajao
(Hoogervorst in-prep; PCCO 46) - continuing to live as they have for centuries,
perhaps millennia.
Since the early 20th century Archaeology and Anthropology activities in the
archipelago have been headed by the National Museum of the Philippines. An
attempt to conduct thorough research on the Philippine culture lead to a
reconnaissance trip to Manila6, courtesy of the Brasenose College Annual Fund
3

Henry Beyer dates these horizon's as Porcelain Age: (Pre-Spanish: 9th to 16th century A.D.); and Spanish
Period Remains: (Historic; 17th-19th century).
4
Especially works by the Head of the Archaeology Division in the National Museum of the Philippines:
Henry Otley Beyer, Robert Fox, Wilfredo Ronquillo; and at the University of the Philippines - Wilhelm
Solhiem and William Scott.
5
Solheim first introduced the ‘Nusantao’ term in the Asian Perspectives journal in 1975 18(2):151-158. He
expanded on the hypothesis in the same journal in 1984/5 26(1):77-88.
6
Meetings revealed that the publication record is wide-reaching as the staff travel abroad often to deliver
papers or are invited to write chapters for books. A visit to the Archaeological Studies Program of the

�and the Society of Nautical Research’s Tomlin/Anderson Fund. Meetings were
held with the director and staff of the Museum, Head of the Archaeology Division,
and the professionals within the Underwater Archaeology Section.
Professionals within this department are now gathering the geographic
information of underwater sites into a visually comprehensive medium (Ligaya
Lacsina pers. comm.). This adds specific context information on provienence to
other geographic focused projects within the country and surrounding Regions.
For example, in the Philippines linguistic patterns (see www.muturzikin.com)
largely parallel the archaeological record and can be identified in the poster map,
‘The Filipino People: Differentiation and Distribution based on Linguistic, Cultural
and Racial Criteria’.

Natural Science
Science of the natural phenomena over sea-scapes can help to point-to optimum
locations for settlements. Oceanographic data can indicate shallow-water
currents (Bonjean and Lagerloef 2002) that run consistently due to natural
universal laws. Meteorological studies point out regular weather patterns such as
Monsoon Seasons when the winds move in particular directions. The Philippines
have the Southwest Monsoon Season from June to September when winds blow
profusely diagonally across the archipelago from the southwest to the northeast.
The technology of marine-craft would have harnessed these phenomena
so as to move as swiftly as possible over the water. The main logistical concerns
when sailing are the speed at which vessels travel and the amount of people on
board. With the domestic needs of food, water and sleeping facilities met, aside
from warfare equipment, the rest of the craft can be used for cargo.

Terrestrial/Coastal
Forts with specific stylistic features were built by culturally distinct groups of
people to defend their important economic transport features – ports. What
constitutes a port can be widely debated according to the needs of the vessels7.
To understand the phases of occupation of people on any island of the
archipelago then it is useful to investigate the architectural features of their
harbour structures. In keeping with the disciplinary vantage point we will turn to
the maritime technology to define the terrestrial needs for the cultural groups.
Specifically I will discuss the needs of the hull. The super-structure of masts,
sails and rigging are more for use at sea and often tied-down and set-aside by
sailors when porting.
Nusantao sailed in outrigger-canoes (Galang 1941; Scott 1981; Scott 1994;
Stead in-prep). These are long, narrow, shallow boats with one or two stablizer(s)
off the port or starboard that can be sailed by one individual or the larger ones
University of the Philippines indicated the program’s library to be a rich deposit for publications in
Philippine social and natural sciences.
7

This is a major object of inquiry within the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology. A large
contributing factor to choosing this Centre for this doctoral research is due to this subject-oriented
community of scholars.

�can accommodate small groups of people (Eusebio Dizon – Anuta Lapita project
notes; Hontiveros forthcoming). When beaching the boats are sailed in as far as
the waves will naturally bring the boat; then carried, pushed and/or pulled ashore
by man-power onto soft sandy beaches so as not to destroy the hull. To keep the
wood of the vessel from too much sun exposure and therefore destructive dryingout it may be brought under the protection of a roofed hut-like structure (Pharma
2011). These boats are still used today and the hut-structures can be viewed
along the edges of soft-sandy beaches (Pharma 2011).
When the Spanish arrived in the 16th century they came on galleons. These
are large, deep, wide ships8. Hundreds of people could sail aboard this vessel. It
required deep harbours with wind-protected anchorages; and lighters to bring the
sailors ashore (until wharves and piers were built). Various landscapes were built
upon to accommodate these deep-hulled ships. Star-shaped forts were built on
the raised land next to deep waters; examples include a hill-top next to a river
billabong (Fort Santiago, Manila, Metro Manila Province, Philippines), a complex
bathymetric approach (Fort St.Augustine, St.Augustine, Florida, USA) or a
mountain encased deep-water harbour (Fort San Diego, Acapulco, Guerrero,
Mexico). These structures were made of brick, stone, wood and plaster. Their
characteristic feature being the compass-needle-like pointed bastions on which
sat large guns to fire cannon-balls on foes.
Arabs sailed markab (or the better known term daw/dhow), the smaller of
which would have been of similar dimensions to the outrigger-canoe, or larger
double-ended boats ending with pointed stern and bow (Hourani and Carswell
1995: 89) probably similar in size to the galleon. The terrestrial structures
required for these vessel-types probably varied between the structures built by
the Nusantao to the Spanish forts. Arabs occupied Manila before the Spanish
and had built a wooden structure (Bacus 2004: 207). What this exactly entailed is
still to be investigated. However, in order to get a sense of the possibilities I
traced the Arab background to Arabia via Gujarat, India (Craig 2011). At the
Darshak Itihas Nidhi Conference held in Mandvi (within Kutch, Gujarat, India) I
had the opportunity to walk around the river-side harbour with reporter and
curator Sarah Bancroft9, where boatbuilding facilties loomed along the edge of
the estuary. Perhaps the wooden structures Bacus (2004:207) refers to were not
fortifications as descibed by the 16th century Spanish governor Antonio deMorga
(trans. by Cummins 1971: 281) but instead the large boat-encased frameworks
as noted along the littoral of the River Tapi of Mandvi.
The Chinese from China sailed into Manila on somas and junks (deMorga
trans. Cummins 1971: 305); while sampans were used to lighter from the larger
ships to shore the cargo of mainly silks, spices, metals and beads (deMorga
trans. Cummins 1971: 306,307). Those who lived in the Philippines10 sailed small
8

According to the Oxford English dictionary ships are defined as ‘a sailing vessel with a bowsprit and
three or four square-rigged masts’ (Soanes and Stevenson 2008:1329).
9
Sarah Bancroft curator for ‘Gujarat and the Sea: the Theatre of the World’, Darshak Itihas Nidhi,
Exhibition on ‘Gujarat and the Sea’ in Mandvi, Gujarat, India, 1-3 October 2010.
10
The Spanish called them Sangley and forced them to live outside the Spanish quarters and in their own
‘suburb’ called parians. This is where the main Chinese trade within the Philippines was conducted. The

�shallow-hulled sampans (deMorga trans. Cummins 1971: 314; for description see
Worcester 1971) so for this reason the coastal landscape boat-needs were
similar to the Nusantao. The Chinese also traded with the Muslim-run southern
islands of Mindanao, the Sulu archipelago and the Calamianes, especially for
their pearls (deMorga trans. Cummins 1971:261-2). The main harbours in the
Southern Region were Butuan of Mindanao and Cebu of Cebu. Both of these
harbours are naturally safe, large and at the estuaries’ mouth of the
Butuan/Agusan River and the complex southeast coastline due to the proximity
of Mactan Island. These conditions seem similar to the needs of the Spanish
galleons so perhaps this trade was conducted by the larger somas (perhaps in
conjunction with sampans but the sailors aboard the smaller vessel would not
have been the main trader and instead facilited the porting of sailors from the
larger vessel to trade with the islanders).

Historical
One of the benefits to working during the historical period is the ability to turn to
historic records to locate sites of occupation. Keeping in mind the needs of the
marine technology (as described in the previous section – Terrestrial/Coastal)
and the scientific data of the natural phenomena (see Natural Science section)
we can largely view charts and read rutters to find exact areas to then survey.
The formulation of charts has also become an important point of investigation but
this has been severed from the doctoral study and instead is being developed as
part of the major-collaboration of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada project ‘The Indian Ocean World: The Making of the First
Global Economy in the Context of Human-Environment Interaction’ headed by
Gwyn Campbell at McGill University11.

Underwater
If vessel stylistic features are known and partnered with scientific data, historic
records and terrestrial/coastal architecture one can narrow down the location of
culturally specific clusters of shipwrecks (Craig 2004). In the Philippines
variations of this approach have been undertaken and resulted in large-scale
bathymetric survey (Goddio 2009) and site-specific archaeological excavation
(Dizon and Ronquillo 2010; Goddio 1988; Goddio 1994; Goddio 1996). Of which
the indicative artefacts have been stored at the National Museum of the
Philippines.

term was also adopted in Mexico City, and is still used today, for the trade of goods from the ManilaAcapulco Galleon Trade.
11
In this major collaboration I am a Research Assistant to Professor Brendan Gillon of the Philosophy
Department at McGill University. We are undertaking research in how navigation tools reveal sailors’
metaphysics and their transmission of ideas over the Indian and Pacific Oceans.

�Further Research
I have noticed a gap in the knowledge on artefacts recovered from ship’s cargo. I
intend to address this gap by running a parallel seriation study to ceramics - on
beads. Beads and ceramics are ubiquidous objects throughout the world.
Ceramics has had much attention and now with the identification of pottery in an
archaeological site one can date the site as clearly as using numistics. The
Philippines is an excellent location for this study due to its established
terrestrial/coastal Type Collection of Beads at the National Museum of the
Philippines.
The main foci of this research are the nautical archaeology sites of the
Philippines. These include the 11th century junk Breaker; the 13th century junk
Investigator; the 15th century 12 junks Lena Shoal, Santa Cruz, and southeast
asian boat Pandanan; the 16th century13 southeast asian boat San Isidro, and
galleon San Diego; and 17th century galleon the San Jose. Depending on the
volume of materials this project may extend to include the 18th century galleon
Santo Christo and East Indiamen Griffin and Royal Captain.
The general hypothesis is that beads recovered from underwater sites would
compliment the terrestrial record. In order to appreciate the terrestrial record I am
currently researching the extent of known historic period sites within the
Philippines and gathering descriptions of each sites’ beads. This is possible
through publications and reports produced by archaeologists and anthropologists
associated with the National Museum of the Philippines and the University of the
Philippines. The reviews largely focus on works produced by Robert Fox and Rey
Santiago as their discussions figure largely on beads recovered from terrestrial
and coastal Philippine sites. I am also conducting a literature review of known
historic sites with bead assemblages throughout the the Asia-Pacific Region.
Much work has been done on this due to the prevalence of bead enthusiasts in
the region. The review includes multiple journals, books and websites.

Standard Database
This research aims to add a database of bead-artefacts from archaeologically
excavated shipwrecks of Philippine waters to the established Type Collection of
Beads in the National Museum of the Philippines. A preliminary visit to the
National Museum of the Philippines confirmed beads recovered from the above
mentioned historic shipwrecks are included in the Museum’s archaeological
inventories. However, this database is currently incomplete. The database to be
produced from this thesis work will add to the Museum’s larger site database. In
order to conduct this work I plan to travel to the Philippines and analyze the
beads. First the beads will be gathered from storage. All the beads are in plastic
baggies with labels indicating where in the shipwreck they were excavated.
Keeping the beads associated to these labels is of utmost importance in
12

I will also look at the Española site artefacts but this is not a wreck site (pers. comm. Gay
Lacsina and Bobby Orillaneda).
13
I also considered the Royal Capitan Shoal site but this is not a wreck, its only ceramic
concretion (pers. comm. Gay Lacsina).

Comment [GL1]: San Isidro is a
southeast Asian boat

�understanding their archaeological context. So the beads will be analyzed baggie
by baggie. Headings will be adapted from the Type Collection of Beads in the
National Museum of the Philippines. The specifics of the analysis are still to be
confirmed as I am to undergo a training internship at the Western Australian
Maritime Museum14. This internship will result in transferable skills with which I
can successfully record the beads in a database, analyze their material and
appreciate the context of this study in the larger Material Culture Studies and
historical sea-scape of shipwrecks in the surrounding seas of the Philippines.
Once the typology is complete an analysis comparing the beads from the
shipwrecks to contemporary sites will be conducted. Jun Cayron’s (2006)
‘Stringing the Past: an archaeological understanding of early Southeast Asian
glass bead trade’ is the first work in the Philippines to show strong evidence of
similarities in beads excavated from shipwrecks to land sites. Peter Francis Jr’s
(2002) ‘Asia’s Maritime Bead Trade: 300BC to present’ also discusses
comparison of shipwreck assemblages with terrestrial finds in an attempt to
connect vast networks of shipments over the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Large
assumptions of the marine activities have been proposed based on very few
examples of critical analysis of underwater sites. Further critical analysis of
beads recovered from shipwrecks is required to test the ‘Francis hypotheses’.
The examples Francis relies on are of the work produced by Laure Dussubieux’s
Lazer Ablation - Inductively Coupled Plasma - Mass Spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS)
Laboratory at the Field Museum in Chicago, Illinois. My thesis work will include
review of this work as well as debates outside of chemical analysis. It will include
the work of Bérénice Bellina-Pryce (2003; 2004:74), of the Centre National de la
Recherche Scientifique, on craft-style-identification theory for generally
connecting networks from India to Southeast Asia.

Preliminary results
Research of the 16th century shipwrecks indicate that beads were not found as
abundantly on all shipwrecks as suspected. It was assumed that boats
transporting goods from the home port would be of the same cultural
characteristics as the original manufacturing sites. However, this is not the case
and it seems the Philippines may have been a mix of entrepôt and knowledgebased-item-trade. These results are inconclusive and require further
investigation. The comparison to historic periods before and after the 16th
century may also indicate presently unknown patterns.

14

In my career progression I have not conducted a formal analysis on a finite collection of categorically similar
objects (i.e. pottery, beads) held in museum stores to note patterns in styles and materials; nor have I formulated a
database to record such information. Through the literature and discipline’s network I have identified the strongest
institution as the Department of Maritime Archaeology at the Western Australian Museum. I will train in a four
month internship on a Southeast Asian pottery collection recovered from an underwater site. This transferable skill
in database construction to record archaeological analysis will occur under the guidance of respected
professionals in Maritime Archaeology. This arrangement is bilaterally beneficial in that it provides the Museum
with a formal analysis of a collection previously not examined.

�Remarks
What is the significance of beads and what can it tell us about past peoples? The
terrestrial context of beads can point to sites of manufacture or deposition. For
example, part of what distinguishes the Manila Chinese settlement, or parian,
from the Spanish quarters are the preference of beads as indicated in the
archaeological record by type and quantity (Beyer 1947; Fox 1977). Rawmaterial sources can be deciphered from chemical analysis (Dussubieux et al.
2010; Pollard et al. 2007). Direct trade connections have been postulated by
comparison of beads on shipwrecks to terrestrial manufacture centers (Cayron
2006; Francis 2002). This approach has indicated potential connections between
the making of a bead and delivery to its intended destination (Cayron 2006;
Cuevas unpublished; Dussubieux and Gratuze 2000; Francis 2002). By
understanding the context of beads this small object can point to larger studies in
the social sciences and humanities. Subjects centering on economic wealth,
social-cultural preferences in fashion, and trade networks through cultural
connections are some. Thus far, pottery is the only material culture capable of
such world-wide and longue-durée intricate information. Local typologies of
pottery and ceramics now expand across the globe and can be used to date
sites, origins, indicate cultural connections and point to stylistic preferences.
Could beads be as reliable a record as ceramics for the formulation of the trade
routes and dating of archaeological sites? The cross-sections of this could reveal
new connections, and cultural preferences hitherto unknown.

Acknowledgments
Without the many conversations with Dr Eusbio Dizon this project would not be possible, I would
like to thank him for his wisdom and for sharing information on the underwater cultural heritage of
the Philippines. I would like to thank my doctoral supervisor Damian Robinson for all his input and
patience with my work. I am thankful to Gay Lacsina for her knowledge and kindness. I would
also like to include thanks to Mark Staniforth for the opportunities I have had during the
development of this conference and to Analyn Salvador-Amores for her assistance.

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The archaeological study of shipsâ€™ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure.</text>
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                <text>What must be considered in an attempt to critically analyse beads? Multiple historic period shipwrecks ranging in dates from the 11th century to the 18th century have been archaeologically excavated from Philippine waters. Past studies have either placed these shipwrecks in the larger network of shipping activities or singled-out one particular shipâ€™s function.&#13;
&#13;
In this doctoral developing study the context of shipping activities in the wider Philippine-oriented community was identified through style-types previously established in studies in Terrestrial Archaeology, Coastal Landscape and Historic Records; the core of which was revealed to be the material culture of navigation. Maritime Archaeology methodology was used to approach the tools and symbols used in pilotage by the four main cultural groups to have settled in the Philippines â€“ Austronesian, Arab, Chinese and Spanish. This revealed that pilots may have shared a common language in mathematics. With this potential explanation for communication across the groups the research turned to the shipwreck collections to find a shared commodity, ubiquitously expected â€“ BEADS. The hypothesis that particular beads, representative of specific cultural groups pointed to a probability of beads on all the shipwrecks. This is to be tested by objectively recording the beads in a database. It is expected the end result of which will point to the identification of the bead style, manufacture and provenance which in turn will then be used as indicators to strengthen known stylistic features and shipping activities associated with the cultural groups. Preliminary results indicate this is not the case. The 16th century shipwrecks contain very few to no beads. This critical analysis will continue into the other Periods represented by shipwreck assemblages in the Museumâ€™s collections. Could this study be a direct challenge to preconceived ideas of past Southeast Asian economic models?&#13;
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                    <text>PROTECTING AND PRESERVING THE UNDERWATER
CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE PHILIPPINES:
A BACKGROUND PAPER
Bobby C. Orillaneda1 and Wilfredo P. Ronquillo2

Abstract
The archipelagic nature of the Philippines and its strategic maritime location in the South
China Sea gives an indication of the country’s significant underwater cultural heritage. Indigenous
rd
and foreign watercraft dating from the 3 century C.E. has been discovered, excavated, exhibited
and published by the National Museum of the Philippines and in collaboration with local and
foreign research entities.
However, the management and protection of this cultural heritage is far from perfect.
Inadequate financial support from the government, weak legislation and enforcement and lack of
qualified personnel are cited as some of the reasons. This is coupled with the ever active threat of
pillage and destruction from treasure hunters, illegal fishing methods and the dive tourism
industry. As such, the National Museum’s role as the leading government agency tasked with the
conduct and management of the country’s underwater cultural heritage and the advance of
underwater archaeology to an academic practice remains a challenge.
The introduction of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater
Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region through the Regional Workshop in Hong Kong in
2003 with the aim of ratification has been an uphill battle, with Cambodia the only country to ratify
the said convention in the Southeast Asian region thus far. This paper examines the impact of the
2001 Convention in the Philippines and examines the prospects for its ratification.

INTRODUCTION
The Philippines is an archipelago composed of approximately 7,107
islands, with a coastline of 36,289 kilometers, the fifth longest coastline in the
world and surrounded by large bodies of water; the West Philippine Sea (South
China Sea) on the west, the Philippine Sea that stretches to the Pacific Ocean on
the east, the Sulu Sea on the southwest and the Celebes Sea on the south.
There are 31 principal river basins and over 50 lakes scattered all over the
archipelago (Cuevas et al. 2004). Considering the distribution of different land
masses over vast waterways that have been utilized as a source of livelihood,
migration, exchange, trade and other maritime cultural activities, it is unsurprising
that the country has a rich underwater cultural heritage.
Archaeological excavations inside Callao Cave in Peñablanca, Cagayan
Valley, Northern Luzon unearthed the earliest human evidence dated to 67,000
years ago (Mijares et al. 2010). During the Neolithic period, after about the 4th
1

Museum Researcher II, Underwater Archaeology Section, Archaeology Division, National
Museum of the Philippines, bobbyorillaneda@yahoo.com
2
Scientist II and Curator II, Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines,
wpronquillo@yahoo.com

�millennium BCE (Before Common Era), Austronesian speaking people began
occupying the Philippines bringing with them material culture consisting of pottery
and stone artefacts (Bellwood 1997; Solheim 1994-95).
The oldest archaeological evidence of indigenous watercraft in the
Philippines are wooden lashed-lug, planked-boats termed balangay that was
excavated in Butuan, northeastern Mindanao in the late 1970s (Scott 1982;
Ronquillo 1989). Radiocarbon dates from one of the boats yielded a date
between 260 to 550 CE (Common Era) while a similar vessel gave a date of
1270 to 1410 CE after calibration. The earlier radiocarbon date is purported to be
unreliable, but further tests have yet to be conducted to validate or disprove this.
Analysis of the boat building technology identified the Butuan boats as used for
transporting people and goods over short-distance, inter-island travel that did not
venture from the coast. By the 9th century, the Belitung shipwreck (Flecker 2000;
Flecker 2001; Guy 2001-2002) excavated off Indonesia showed the development
of maritime trade between Arab, Indian and Persian states with China. The West
Philippine Sea used as a maritime highway along which they may have utilized
the Philippines as a victual stop and a site for low level trade and exchange. The
10th century Chinese texts, specifically the official Sung History for the year 972
CE, mentioned trade relations with Ma-i, thought to be located in the present day
Mindoro Island in southwest of the archipelago. Tribute bearing missions from
Luzon and Butuan journeyed to China less than a hundred years later (Scott
1984). Chinese and Southeast Asian shipwrecks have been located in Philippine
waters beginning with the 13th century CE until the early 16th century CE,
indicating the participation of the Philippines in the regional Southeast Asian
maritime trade network prior to the advent of the Europeans.
The arrival of a Spanish expedition led by Portuguese captain Ferdinand
Magellan in 1521 CE ushered in the colonial period and the fabled galleon trade
that lasted 250 years (1565 – 1815 CE). During this period, indigenous watercraft
and foreign ocean-sailing commercial vessels carried spices, forest and sea
products, textiles and ceramics from all over the Philippine archipelago, China,
Japan and other Southeast Asian countries to Manila and then brought these to
Acapulco in Mexico, the entry point for the transshipment of goods for Spain via
the naos de china or the ‘Manila Galleons’. In exchange, the galleons’ return
voyage primarily carried silver metal mined from South America that was in high
demand in China and Southeast Asia as currency (Schurtz 1985).
The post galleon trade era during the 19th century saw the rise of
Philippine exports such as sugar, abaca, tobacco and coffee that accounted for
about 90 percent of the total export volume during that period (Legarda 1999).
The commercial role of colonial Spain diminished and was replaced by trading
partners such as Great Britain, the United States of America and China. This
continued until the Philippine revolution in the last years of the 19th century.
During the Second World War, the Philippines became the site of
numerous naval engagements between the United States of America and Japan
that resulted in huge loss of life and ships. To date, hundreds of World War II
shipwrecks are scattered all over the Philippines.

�HISTORY OF UCH MANAGEMENT
Although the country’s Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) consists of varied
material deposits from diverse sites such as an underwater cemetery in
Camiguin, stone boat-shaped burials in Batanes (Dizon et al. 1995-1997) and
reported submerged habitation sites and structures, research and management
of UCH have been largely confined to shipwrecks.
The earliest recorded shipwreck investigation occurred in 1967 at Santo
Domingo, Albay in southeast Luzon (Lopez 1967), and then again in the 1970s
(Conese 1989), but these early forays were purely salvage efforts unsupervised
by qualified personnel or institution. In an effort to preserve and protect the
country’s cultural properties, the Philippine government formulated Republic Act
(RA) 4846, Cultural Properties Preservation and Protection Act, passed on June
18 1966. It was later amended by Presidential Decree (PD) 374, Amending
Certain Sections of Republic Act No. 4846, Otherwise Known as the ‘Cultural
Properties Preservation and Protection Act’ on January 10 1974. The National
Museum was appointed as the lead government agency in implementing the
provisions of these laws, including archaeological research and management.
The Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) was created in 1979 with
support from the Southeast Asian Minister of Education Organization Special
Projects in Archaeology and the Fine Arts (SEAMEO-SPAFA) (Ronquillo 1989).
In the absence of an underwater archaeologist or a diving archaeologist, UAU
was staffed with people from other disciplines such as zoology and engineering
with scuba diving skills. The practice of collaborating with private entities that
could financially support exploration and excavation projects in exchange for a
share of recovered materials started, reflecting the fact that the government
could not provide funds for fieldwork and stop the rising incidence of shipwreck
looting.
The bases for such collaborative agreements between the National
Museum and private proponents were stated in the Underwater Archaeology
Policy Guideline. Contained in the guidelines were the rules and regulations for
the issuance of permits for parties who wished to engage in underwater
archaeological activities within the archipelago’s maritime territory, as well as
establish guidelines on the methodology of survey, exploration, excavation and
post excavation activities that should be strictly adhered to. These guidelines
have been improved and expanded to its present form as the Rules and
Regulations for Underwater Archaeology in Exploration and Excavation in
Philippine Waters. Appended in the rules and regulations is a Memorandum of
Agreement (MOA) that serves as the binding legal instrument between the
National Museum and the proponent.
The first project of the UAU was the excavation of the 16th century
Marinduque3 shipwreck in 1982 (Conese et al. 1981; Alba 1999). This was
followed by survey and exploration projects around the country and the
3

The shipwrecks listed in this text that have not been identified have adopted titles based on nearby placenames and so are not italicized. Italics indicate known ship names.

�excavations of the following: Puerto Galera wreck in Mindoro in 1983 and 1989
(Conese 1983; Conese 1989; Alba 1984; Ronquillo 1998); the Royal Captain
Junk, a 16th century Asian trade vessel in 1985, (Goddio and Jay 1988; Ronquillo
1998); the British East Indiaman Griffin (1761) that sunk off Basilan Island from
1985 – 87 (Goddio and Jay 1988); the Nuestra Señora de la Vida (1620) that
sunk off Isla Verde, Mindoro from 1985 - 88 (Conese 1989); and the San Jose
galleon (1694) that sunk off Lubang Island Mindoro from 1986 – 88 (Sorapora
and Michael 1987; Cuevas 1988; Conese 1989; Ronquillo 1998).
In 1988, UAU was renamed the Underwater Archaeology Section (UAS),
headed by archaeologist Eusebio Z. Dizon. UAS members participated in
advanced underwater archaeology training in Thailand (Conese 1989). Fittingly,
the primary project of UAS was the re-investigation of the Marinduque shipwreck
in 1989 (Henson 1989; Alba 1990). The objective was to improve excavation and
recording methodology and undertake first-aid conservation treatment of
recovered archaeological specimens.
The 1990s was considered the ‘peak’ of Philippine underwater
archaeology following the excavation of a number of important shipwrecks and
the creation of a university program in archaeology:
• in 1990 and 1991 The Breaker Reef (Dupoizat 1994) and Investigator
Shoal shipwrecks (Goddio 1997; Dizon 2003), both dated to the 13th
century;
• in 1991 and 1992 the San Diego (Goddio 1996), a nao that was converted
into a warship that sunk on December 14, 1600 during the naval
engagement with the Dutch ship Mauritius off Nasugbu Island in
Batangas;
• in 1993 the mid-15th century Pandanan shipwreck, a trade vessel that
contained more than 70% of Vietnamese ceramics (Diem 1996; Dizon
1996);
• in 1996 the San Isidro, a 16th century trade vessel (Goddio 1997a);
• and in 1997 the Lena Shoal shipwreck, another trade vessel (Goddio
2002; Orillaneda 2003);
• in 1996 the creation of the Archaeological Studies Program at the
University of the Philippines (UP-ASP) at Diliman, Quezon City that offers
a diploma and masters program in archaeology (Barretto 1997). This is of
particular importance because this marked the entry of university-trained
archaeologists into underwater archaeology.
• In 1999 two vessels were excavated: Royal Captain, a British East
Indiaman vessel that sunk in the Royal Captain Shoal, West Philippine
Sea in 1773 (Goddio et al. 2001); and the Española underwater site where
Chinese and Southeast Asian ceramics along with metal, wood and
animal bones were recovered but the ship itself was not found (Dizon et
al. 2000; Orillaneda 2000; Orillaneda 2004).
• At the turn of the century, the first major project during this period was the
excavation of the late 15th – early 16th century Santa Cruz shipwreck.
Revealed to be a trading vessel that carried mostly porcelain and

�stoneware ceramics from China, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar that
was excavated off Santa Cruz municipality, Zambales.
• The last major project, thus far, was the excavation of the Tagbita Bay
shipwreck, a late 19th century European vessel discovered off the shores
of Sitio Tagbita, Barangay Taburi, Rizal Municipality, southwestern
Palawan from 2003 – 07 (Santiago 2003; Santiago et al. 2006; Orillaneda
2007).
There were other non-shipwreck projects that occurred during this period:
the investigation of reported submerged stone ruins of former towns of Batangas
Province beneath the waters of Lake Taal (Lacsina and Faylona 2002) and the
investigation of a deep underwater cave site in Mactan Island, Cebu in March
2005 (Batoon and Lacsina 2005) and its subsequent mapping and excavation in
May 2011 in collaboration with archaeologist John Peterson. Despite the difficulty
in collecting sediment samples in a relatively deep underwater environment, an
adequate number of sediment, core and rock samples were taken and sent to a
laboratory for dating and environmental analysis and studies (Lacsina and
Orillaneda 2011).
The new UAS staff also underwent training to further enhance their
understanding and skill in underwater archaeology. In January 2003, the primary
author of this paper and Sheldon Clyde Jago-on, another National Museum
archaeologist, attended an underwater training workshop on “Archaeology:
Principles and Practice” sponsored by SEAMEO-SPAFA in Chonburi Province,
Thailand.
In September 2009, a workshop on underwater archaeological artefact
collections and management was held in Manila as part of the Collections Asia
(COLLASIA) 2010 initiative (Lacsina and Orillaneda 2010). Sponsored by
SEAMEO-SPAFA and the International Centre for the Study of the Preservation
and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM), with funding from the Getty
Institute, COLLASIA’s aim was to address specific challenges facing Southeast
Asian countries in managing and conserving their rich and diverse heritage
collections originating from underwater archaeological sites. One of the
objectives of the workshop was the upgrade of storage facilities.

LEGAL PROTECTION OF UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE
IN THE PHILIPPINES
Republic Act (RA) 4846 and Presidential Decree (PD) 374 recognize the
importance of the Philippines’ cultural heritage as well the threats it faces from
illegal excavations and cultural property commercialization. Section 2 of both
laws states that, “It is hereby declared to be the policy of the state to preserve
and protect the important cultural properties and National Cultural Treasures of
the nation and to safeguard their intrinsic value.” Under Section 3, “ships or boats
in part or in whole,” are part of the definition of cultural properties. Section 4
designates the National Museum as, “the agency of the government which shall
implement the provisions of the Act.” Part of Section 12 of both laws states that:

�It shall be unlawful to explore, excavate or make diggings on archaeological or
historical sites for the purpose of obtaining materials of cultural historical value
without the prior written authority from the Director of the National Museum. No
excavation or diggings shall be permitted without the supervision of an
archaeologist certified as such by the Director of the National Museum, or of
such other person who, in the opinion of the Director, is competent to supervise
the work, and who shall, upon completion of the project, deposit with the
Museum a catalogue of all the materials found thereon, and a description of the
archaeological context in accordance with accepted archaeological practices.

Also contained are the penal provisions for violations of the law.
Republic Act 8492, the National Museum Act of 1998, defines the role of
the National Museum in the cultural development of the Filipino people. Section 4
establishes the National Museum Complex that included the Executive House
Building, the Department of Tourism Building and the Finance Building. Section 7
defines the duties and responsibilities of the National Museum. Sections 7.8
through 7.9 emphasizes in the definition of archaeology to include research
through controlled archaeological excavations on land and underwater,
monitoring and regulation of archaeological activities and the collection of a
national archaeological collection. Sections 7.15 through 7.23 mention
information, dissemination and exhibition activities as well as establishing
linkages with similar institutions to promote Philippine culture.
The Cultural Properties Division (CPD) of the National Museum
implements laws on the protection of the Philippine cultural heritage and
conducts information dissemination activities throughout the country. To further
strengthen the implementation of its mandate, the National Museum coordinates
with other Philippine government agencies such as the Philippine Navy,
Philippine Coast Guard, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources
and Local Government Units (LGUs) that could be tapped for policing, monitoring
and management purposes. The National Museum is also a member of the
National Law Enforcement Coordinating Committee (NALECC), Sub-Committee
on Environment and Natural Resources, composed of directors of concerned
government agencies. This is a venue for discussing environmental and cultural
concerns at the senior level for immediate action.
The latest legislation related to UCH is Republic Act 10066, the National
Cultural Heritage Act of 2009, this was approved on March 26, 2010. Article III
Section 11 is a very important amendment to the previous laws since it states:
No cultural property shall be sold, resold, or taken out of the country without first
securing a clearance from the cultural agency concerned. In case the property
shall be taken out of the country, it shall solely be for the purpose of scientific
scrutiny.

Article VI Section 23d further strengthens the previous section:
The grant of permit export shall be based on the following conditions: (i) the
cultural property is exported on a temporary basis; and (ii) the export of cultural
property is necessary for scientific scrutiny or exhibit.

�These provisions led to modified policies embodied in the National
Museum Office Order 2011-108 entitled Guidelines Governing Categorization
and Dealings of Archaeological and Traditional Ethnographic Materials. Section 5
of the Office Order categorizes archaeological and traditional ethnographic
materials and assigns ‘grades’ based on levels of significance with the aim to,
"rationalize the system of categorization," and, "provide appropriate guidelines for
dealings of cultural property and disposition," while protecting the interest of the
cultural heritage of the Filipino people. Grade I materials are National Cultural
Treasures with the highest significance, Grade II are Important Cultural
Properties while Grade III are Cultural Properties. The National Museum defines
the criteria for the categorization. Article III Section 11 and Article VI Section 23d
of RA 10066 are applicable to Grades I and II, while Grade III materials may be
taken out of the country with the Permit to Export issued by the National
Museum. These provisions aim to limit parties who wish to engage in
archaeological projects with commercial intentions.
Section 29 empowers the National Museum to, "recover or retrieve cultural
properties which are under the custody of foreign nationals or entities and to
bring these properties back to Philippine custody". Section 30, much like the RA
4846 and PD 374, assigns the National Museum to, "regulate and control
archaeological exploration, excavation and research and to deputize other
agencies to protect archaeological sites".

THE UNESCO 2001 CONVENTION on the Protection of
Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention)
On the international level, the Philippines, along with other countries, has actively
participated in drafting an international treaty that deals with the protection of
UCH. This effort began in 1993 and was spearheaded by the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This culminated in
the 2001 UNESCO General Convention that aimed to write a comprehensive
framework of rules for the protection of the UCH. In the Asia-Pacific Workshop in
Hong Kong in November 2003, a Philippine delegation was sent composed of
Alberto Encomienda, then Secretary General of the Maritime and Oceans Affair
of the Department of Foreign Affairs, UAS Head Dr. Eusebio Z. Dizon, Maharlika
Cuevas, Deputy Director for Operations of the National Museum of the
Philippines as well as Attorneys Rose Beatrix Cruz-Angeles and Wylie Paler,
ICOMOS representatives. Another UNESCO Experts Meeting on the Protection
of Underwater Cultural Heritage held in Galle, Sri Lanka from 9th to 11th April
2007 was attended by Ms. Corazon S. Alvina, then Director of the National
Museum. In this meeting the Philippines, through the Museum, made the position
of actively preparing for the ratification of the 2001 Convention. In a recent
UNESCO meeting in December 2009, Director Alvina was named as part of the
technical working group to examine closely the text and implementation of the
2001 Convention. In 2010, Dr. Eusebio Z. Dizon was assigned to write on Rule

�26 on Documenting a Site, and Rule 27 on Documentation Standards, of the
2001 Convention Annex on the Rules Concerning Activities Directed at
Underwater Cultural Heritage.
One of the main objectives of the Convention is developing heritage
professionals through training and research programs. In line with this, UNESCO
sponsored three Foundation Courses (October 2009, March 2010 and February
2011) and one Advanced Course (September 2010) in the newly established
Regional Training Centre in Chanthaburi, Thailand under the auspices of the
Underwater Archaeology Division of Thailand and funded by the Royal
Government of Norway (Orillaneda and Lacsina 2010). The training program was
entitled Safeguarding the Underwater Cultural Heritage of Asia and the Pacific:
Building Regional Capacities to Protect and Manage Underwater Archaeological
Sites through the Establishment of a Regional Centre of Excellence Field
Training Facility and Programme of Instruction. The Philippines sent five
participants to these courses, including the secondary author of this paper who
was a participant of the first Foundation Course and who afterwards became a
resource speaker on the 2nd and 3rd Foundation Course and assistant dive
supervisor during the 3rd Foundation Course.
Thus far, the courses have produced 72 graduates from 17 countries in
Southeast Asia, South Asia, Africa, Central Asia and the Pacific. These
graduates are expected to advance the goals and objectives of the 2001
Convention to their respective countries.
The 2001 Convention provides a comprehensive framework for the
protection of UCH and the Philippines recognizes its importance. However, its
ratification and implementation in the Philippines remains a difficult task with the
following reasons. Firstly, the timeliness of ratification by the Philippine
government needs to be considered. This involves not only the National Museum
but also the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Office of the President, and the
Philippine Senate. Preliminary talks between these agencies have been carried
out after the 2001 Convention but have been put on hold due to what were
reported as more pressing matters. The National Museum is currently reestablishing links to stimulate talks on the 2001 Convention. Secondly, the
National Museum does not have adequate resources to carry out underwater
archaeology projects on its own. This is a perennial problem for developing
countries where funds for cultural research come second to economic priorities.
There is also an urgency to protect submerged sites from fishermen and treasure
hunters who are discovering and looting sites at an alarming rate4.
This increasing incidence of uncontrolled looting has forced the National
Museum into a dilemma. On the one hand, letting commercially-motivated
individuals and companies destroy everything in the absence of funding or, on
the other hand, reach a compromise with private entities that can bear the
exploration and excavation costs in exchange for a share of the recovered
pieces. The second scenario was adopted because it was deemed more
advantageous to the National Museum and the UCH of the Philippines. This
4

This is based on numerous reports that the National Museum received but there has not been a specific
study regarding numbers of looting activities.

�arrangement at least guaranteed that the method of recovery followed
archaeological procedures during excavation and post-excavation research
contrary to letting aggressive treasure hunters and unaware fishermen destroy
underwater sites for economic reasons.
However, with the passing of RA 10066 and the possible adoption of the
2001 Convention by the Philippines, it is expected that there will be a shift from
undertaking joint projects with profit-oriented proponents to collaborative projects
with academic institutions and non-profit, research-geared, agencies and
organizations in the management, preservation and protection of UCH. The
National Museum would strongly welcome and support such an outcome.

SOME CONCLUDING REMARKS
As shown above, the Philippines possess a rich and significant UCH that has
been managed by the National Museum. However, the present framework needs
to be improved and the Philippines has taken necessary measures in the form of
strengthened legislation and training of personnel to conform to the principles
and standards set forth in the 2001 Convention. However, the adoption of the
2001Convention remains challenging. Socio-political and economic problems will
continue to influence decision making in undertaking underwater archaeological
projects. At this time, no work on shipwreck preservation and protection,
management and monitoring has yet been undertaken. There are numerous
shipwrecks from the turn of the century to Second World War wrecks that are
very vulnerable to looting and other forms of destruction. These submerged
cultural resources need to be managed in conjunction with other stakeholders,
such as the diving industry and local communities.
There is a need to enhance information dissemination and public
awareness through the Internet, television, books, journals, magazine articles
and other media in order to reach a wider audience. Some National Museum
projects have been televised but not widely or during primetime. More projects
that have media coverage can be expected to provoke more public interest.
The scuba diving community is a very important resource that needs to be
tapped. In many cases divers possess first-hand information about shipwreck
locations and most have the best intentions but not the knowledge of the process
of shipwreck research and protection. This group has the most exposure to
shipwrecks and can be a very valuable ally against UCH destruction if made
more aware of the benefits of the preservation of heritage and if they can be
involved in preservation programs.
Finally, as the Philippines and the rest of the world face the challenges
and opportunities in the preservation and protection of UCH, it is hoped that this
Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage and similar
meetings will be instrumental to formulating effective plans, establishing links and
forming partnerships that could save this very important, but highly threatened,
cultural resource.

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Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia</text>
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                <text>The archipelagic nature of the Philippines and its strategic maritime location in the South China Sea gives an indication of the countryâ€™s significant underwater cultural heritage. Indigenous and foreign watercraft dating from the 3rd century C.E. has been discovered, excavated, exhibited and published by the National Museum of the Philippines and in collaboration with local and foreign research entities.&#13;
&#13;
However, the management and protection of this cultural heritage is far from perfect. Inadequate financial support from the government, weak legislation and enforcement and lack of qualified personnel are cited as some of the reasons. This is coupled with the ever active threat of pillage and destruction from treasure hunters, illegal fishing methods and the dive tourism industry. As such, the National Museumâ€™s role as the leading government agency tasked with the conduct and management of the countryâ€™s underwater cultural heritage and the advance of underwater archaeology to an academic practice remains a challenge.	&#13;
&#13;
The introduction of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region through the Regional Workshop in Hong Kong in 2003 with the aim of ratification has been an uphill battle, with Cambodia the only country to ratify the said convention in the Southeast Asian region thus far. This paper examines the impact of the 2001 Convention in the Philippines and examines the prospects for its ratification.&#13;
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                    <text>The Underwater Cultural Heritage of the Marshall
Islands; A Discussion of the Resources, the Legislation,
the Community, Protection and Preservation
Mary Jane Naone

Abstract
The unique underwater cultural heritage (UCH) of the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI)
remains a formidable challenge for management and preservation. The heritage includes
traditional sites such as important coral reef heads and Marshallese fish traps, the Japanese and
American signature of World War II in the Pacific, and the material evidence of nuclear testing at
Bikini Atoll. Last year, Bikini Atoll was inscribed as a World Heritage Site, and Kwajalein Atoll
remains a United States National Historic Landmark. Traditional sites continue to be used by
Marshallese navigators and fisherman. A widening circle of legislation informs management,
including the respective RMI and United States legislation, U.S. military regulations, and global
strategies for World Heritage management. Consultation and planning may require involvement
from landowners, Irooj (traditional chiefs), mayors, tour operators, developers, the military, local
cultural resource officers, and the governing agencies.
Geography and unreliable transport pose a challenge to preservation and protection. The 29
atolls and 5 islands are not easily reachable, requiring collaboration and creativity for survey and
monitoring. Threats to underwater cultural resources range from WWII wreck looting to ensuring
continued access for fisherman to traditional fish traps at a proposed surf resort. The value of
historic preservation often competes with development interests and the immediacy of economic
need.
This paper is a discussion of the ways that the Historic Preservation Office approaches the
vastness, multiplicity of legislation, range of stakeholders, and challenges that are associated
with preservation and protection of the UCH in the Republic of the Marshall Islands. First I
present an overview of the geography and the resources, followed by discussion of the various
legislation and our actions to address the challenges and build capacity to protect and preserve
the UCH in the Marshall Islands.

Geography
A discussion of the preservation of the UCH of the Marshall Islands must begin
with an understanding of the vastness of the country. The Marshall Islands are
approximately 5000 miles southeast of Japan, and halfway between Hawaii and
Australia. The two chains of atolls and islands that make up the Marshall Islands
are traditionally referred to as the Ralik (eastern) and the Radik chain (western).
The northwestern atolls were traditional known as Kabin Meto, or the “far
reaches of the sea” or “bottom of the sea” (National Biodiversity Team 2000:1011).
While the land mass of the 29 coral atolls and 5 islands totals an area of
70 square miles, the Exclusive Economic Zone that differentiates the waters
surrounding the archipelago from the rest of Micronesia covers 750,000 square
miles. Dry land forms less than 1% of the country’s area. There are 1,225

�individual islets and islands that make up the Marshall Islands, and amongst the
atolls, a total lagoon area of 4,507 square miles. Of these, Kwajalein Atoll is the
largest atoll (and largest in the world) with a lagoon area of 839 square miles and
a land area of about 6 square miles (National Biodiversity Team 2000:11). Due to
its remote location and large lagoon, Kwajalein is leased by the United States
government for use as a military base and ballistic missile testing site.

Resources
The Marshallese are internationally regarded as skilled navigators, peopling the
remote atolls after traveling great distances in outrigger canoes reading the
swells, ocean currents, and the weather. Traditional sites demonstrate this
intimacy with the ocean and include coral reef heads featured in bwebenwato
(storytelling), mo, and the fish traps that are still in use today. Marshallese Irooj
(chiefs) set aside land, lagoon, and ocean areas as mo, off limits for harvesting
or fishing – this allowed depleted resources to recover before the area was used
again, ensuring sustainability. The vast cultural landscape of the country includes
these natural resources that have roles in bwebenwato (storytelling), the
components of travel (swells, weather) and the basis of survival (healthy
biodiversity and the coral reef).
In the 14th century, Spanish wayfarers voyaged into Micronesia, and
although they didn’t occupy the lands, claimed “discovery” of several of the atolls.
They were followed intermittently throughout the 1500s – 1700s by more
Spanish, British, and Dutch ships. British Captain William Marshall, commander
of the Scarborough and Thomas Gilbert of the Charlotte are credited for
discovering the Marshall Islands in 1788.
In 1885 the Marshall Islands became a protectorate of Germany which
lasted until 1914. After the outbreak of WWII in Europe, the Japanese
succeeded Germany in administration of the Marshalls, and sought to develop
Micronesia economically and to begin fortification of the islands in preparation for
WWII in the Pacific.
The Japanese fortified Kwajalein, Jaluit, Maloelap, Mili, and Wotje in the
1930s, relocating the residents to other atolls. In 1937, the famous American
aviator, Amelia Earhart, and her navigator, Fred Noonan, disappeared on a
trans-Pacific flight, and one theory placed her in the Marshalls (Roach 2003).
World War II started in 1941 and the United States gained supremacy in
the Pacific, conquering Kwajalein, Majuro and Enewetok Atolls within one month.
The U.S. fortified Kwajalein and Enewetok, and took over trusteeship of the
Marshall Islands in 1944.
The UCH of the Marshall Islands includes the material signature of the
events of World War II. Sunken ships and airplanes characterize the war torn
atolls and undoubtedly extend beyond our current scope of investigation. A
recent survey of Ujae Atoll, arguably removed from the main areas of WWII
activity, revealed an intact Catalina B-5 bomber, typically used for scouting,
sunken in the lagoon. Kwajalein Atoll has an extensive underwater WWII story,
characterized by new finds in addition to the prestigious wrecks long explored.

�The event that placed the Marshall Islands in the global consciousness
came after the war. Following the takeover, the United States detonated 23
thermonuclear weapons in the Marshall Islands. Chosen for its remote location,
the United States assembled WWII Japanese and U.S. warships into Bikini
Atoll’s lagoon, fortified the atoll with bunkers, and relocated the Bikiniians to
neighboring atolls in an epic and unforgettable agreement that they were leaving
their homeland “for the good of all mankind and to end all world wars” (Baker and
Niedenthal 2009:33) During the first peace time test of an atomic bomb, the
fallout from the tests effectively radiated hundreds of Marshallese, Japanese
fisherman, and military servicemen.
Due to its outstanding universal value, Bikini Atoll was inscribed as a
World Heritage Site in July of last year (2010). Bikini Atoll represents the nuclear
age, the introduction of fallout, the first peacetime atomic tests, and serves as an
illustration of nuclear colonialism. Bikini testing marked the beginning of the Cold
War and motivated a global anti-nuclear movement in the second half of the
twentieth century, including the signing of the “Suginami” petition in Japan after a
radiated fishing boat distributed radiated tuna into the markets.
The UCH of Bikini stands as a testament to the nuclear testing. In the
Bikini Atoll lagoon ten sunken vessels remain from the tests from the U.S.
Saratoga, which features Helldiver planes and an Avenger torpedo bomber on
her deck, to the Nagato, a Japanese flagship that assisted in the operation at
Pearl Harbour (Baker and Niedenthal 2009:21). The collection of testing targets
represents over thirty years of naval design and development of which most of
the ships had prestigious roles in WWII prior to the testing (Delgado et al.,
1991:143).

Legislation
The legislation governing the UCH in the Marshall Islands reflects the variety of
resources, origin, and ownership. The Historic Preservation Act of 1991 and the
Regulations Passed Pursuant to the Act mandate cultural resource management
within the country. In addition, United States funded activities in the Marshall
Islands are governed by the U.S. National Historic Preservation Act. The United
States Army at Kwajalein Atoll (USAKA) has three governing documents, and the
Bikini World Heritage Site is managed with deference to the recommendations of
the World Heritage Committee. The Historic Preservation Office (HPO) which is
housed in the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs1 works with the local
governments, the USAKA, the U.S. National Park Service, and Bikini Atoll Local
Government and Management Committee to implement the legislation protecting
submerged resources.
The HPO implements the diving permitting procedure in the legislation
(Spennemann 1992:85). Visitors traveling to outer islands must get an Outer
Island Entry Permit from the Local Government office. The Local Government
1

The Ministry of Internal Affairs (IA) is a branch of the federal government located in the RMI capitol,
Majuro. IA houses the local government office, women’s services, child advocacy, and the Historic
Preservation Office.

�office in the capitol of Majuro is in contact with the local governments on the
outer islands and serves as a hub for communication.
Once the visitors obtain an Outer Island Entry Permit and pay a fee to visit
the islands (atolls) they wish to visit they are sent to the HPO to obtain a diving
permit. The diving permit is $50USD for individuals and they must be certified
divers. The permit contains information about the UCH and serves as an
agreement that the diver is aware of the legislation protecting the UCH and will
abide by it. Snorkelers are also subject to the agreement. We provide the radio
station with the names of the visitors and their activities which are then radioed to
the respective atolls. As the diving permit is tied to the Outer Island Entry Permit
it ensures accountability to the local government about the visitor(s)’s activities.
Due to the breadth of the country the HPO trains Cultural Resource
Officers from the outer atolls to assist with the implementation of the legislation.
The Mayors of the outer atolls appoint the Cultural Resource Officers who may
report back to the HPO should there be problems with visitors and diving.
Additionally, the HPO issues Dive Tour Operator Affidavits which place the
tour operator as monitor of the responsible party for implementation of the
legislation. The dive tour operator pays $150USD annually for the permit to
operate dive tours and the HPO provides historic preservation education to the
dive masters and employees of the dive tour operation.
The USAKA operates according to the Environmental Standards and
Procedures for U.S. Army at Kwajalein Atoll Activities in the Republic of the
Marshall Islands (UES) which was enacted in 1995 and are reviewed every two
years. The three regulatory documents, the UES, the Document of
Environmental Protection (DEP) and the Historic Preservation Plan (HPP)
provide the basis for the cultural management on Kwajalein Atoll. The Army has
also released policy CR 200-4, which prohibits looting and artifact collection on
Kwajalein.
Roi Namur and Kwajalein Island were listed as U.S. National Historic
Landmarks in 1985 but the boundaries of the listing have to be clarified to assess
the designation’s effect on the protection of UCH. USAKA representatives have
maintained that the designation became null in recent years. The issue remains
unresolved and is currently in consultation.
In 2002 the Marshall Islands accepted the Convention Concerning the
Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. This is an international
treaty that binds the RMI to an agreement to promote and protect cultural and
natural heritage. Following Bikini Atoll’s inscription as a World Heritage Site in
2010 the RMI is responsible for managing the site in accordance with the general
objectives of the Convention, and periodic reporting provides an opportunity to
cooperate with the World Heritage Committee to ensure the policies and aims of
the Convention are being met.

Challenges
There are several factors that render the UCH vulnerable and present challenges
to its protection: unsurveyed and unmapped resources, limited staffing, limited

�monitoring, military security, foreign development, and the question of economic
and/or resource benefit(s) of underwater resources to visitors and islanders.
Additionally, the rising sea levels and eroding shorelines have introduced new
resources into the ocean and produced concerns about ownership into the future.
An accurate assessment of the UCH within the 750,000 square miles of
the country is still beyond our reach. Of the 29 atolls and 5 islands, 12 remain to
be surveyed by the HPO for cultural resources. Underwater surveys have been
conducted at Wotje, Maloelap, Bikini, Jaluit, Mili, and Majuro. Like our
Micronesian neighbors the remote reaches of the country belie monitoring. While
our administrative procedures for diving activities ensure education and
communication between the capitol city and outer islands. Implementation of our
laws is subject to visibility and reporting.
The HPO is responsible for conducting survey and inventory and funded
by the U.S. National Park Service (NPS). Staff capacity is limited and funding can
be delayed pending grant reporting. The professional staff are contracted for two
years. The office has seen considerable delays in hiring, causing a gap in
implementation of the legislation as well as progress towards realizing the extent
of the UCH.
Looting remains a problem on the military base of Kwajalein. Limited
capacity within the RMI local government office on Ebeye, military security, and a
poor understanding of the conditions of the wrecks over time have impeded our
office’s efforts to investigate complaints. Complaints from divers on Kwajalein
have been anonymous for fear of backlash. The HPO has attempted to enlist the
Kwajalein Scuba Club to provide monitoring information but questions of
ownership over the wrecks and the lagoon as well as the disbelief that there is
“anything left” to strip have led to an impasse. The recent dismantling of a rare
aircraft below legal dive limits and a formal complaint with “before” and “after”
photographs has heightened RMI action; leading to a government to government
cooperation to address the problem through legislation and investigation.
Foreign development poses a new challenge to the UCH. Many
developers simply don’t “see” the resource as a national heritage and RMI’s
strong land ownership rights can impede implementation of the legislation. A
recent development proposal for a surf resort on the outer islet of Berang, in
Ailinglaplap Atoll, included leasing the water surrounding the islet for exclusive
use by the developer. However, neighboring islanders have frequented the area
for fishing, and the northern shore of the islet features historic, possibly
prehistoric, fish traps (Wright 2011:31).
During consultation with the RMI Environmental Protection Agency, we
questioned whether the waters of the RMI can be leased due to the Public Lands
Act, which stipulates that “all marine areas below the high watermark are the
property of the RMI government”.2 Exclusive use of the waters surrounding
Berang Islet requires negotiation with the federal government and a special
permit should be sought. In the event that a permit of this type is sought, the
2

www.rmicourts.org - Search Public Lands and Resources Act, pdf, Chapter 1, Public
Lands, Section 103.

�Historic Preservation Office will request that Ailinglaplap residents may continue
to use the traditional fish traps as it is an established traditional cultural site
protected by the Historic Preservation Act. The power of landowners to make
agreements regarding their land and shorelines may conflict with historic
preservation measures, and requires careful negotiation to ensure protection of
the resource.
The interconnectedness of natural and cultural resources should inform
protection. In the above example concerning Berang Islet, the developer
questioned whether the traps were anything more than “natural reef lines”. The
Marshallese have traditionally utilized natural reef formations as traps, abridging
the formations by stacking additional reef rock or closing off an area. These
areas may not be recognizable as a cultural resource to foreigners.
Traditional sites in the Marshall Islands are defined as the “sites,
landmarks and locations to which oral traditions of the indigenous people of the
Marshall Islands are attached” (Spennemann 1992:13). As all traditional sites
are significant according to the legislation the sites qualify for eligibility to the RMI
National Register. Traditional sites include landmarks assisting with navigation,
coral reef heads, sacred areas, and traditional sites.
Much of the success in the implementation of the legislation regarding the
preservation of UCH depends on the investment of Marshallese citizens as it is
difficult to inscribe value to historic underwater resources without a recognizable
impetus or economic stimulus. Throughout the Marshall Islands WWII artifacts
have been reused as household and technical implements; to a lesser degree
the same is true for the underwater WWII heritage (Spennemann 2006: 272).
However, growing recognition of the benefits of visitors and preserving
destinations for cultural tourism as well as education about historic preservation
may deter future looting of the wrecks for household use.
The future of the UCH will likely meet more government to government
relations as climate change and rising sea levels affect atolls throughout the
Pacific Ocean. Shoreline graves have been eroding into the lagoon and ocean
for years. Predictions that the atolls will be underwater in the not-so-distant future
necessitate discussion about mitigating effects to shoreline resources. There
may also be questions of ownership of the UCH should the land they are
governed by become submerged.

Capacity Building
The HPO has addressed many of the challenges to preservation by collaborating
with those close to the resources. This includes landowners, divers, snorkelers,
fishermen,
the
scuba
club,
local
governments,
and
others.
Given the remote reaches of the country and the limited capacity to implement
corrective measures for violations of the legislation, the HPO emphasizes
education and networking.
We work with dive operations to request status reports of the underwater
heritage. Most tour operators and dive clubs maintain that stripped wrecks are
bad for business and make for a compromised experience. We are attempting to

�enlist the Kwajalein Scuba Club to assist with monitoring of the wrecks and
provide education to divemasters at Bikini Atoll. Bikini Atoll Local Government
has recently allowed diving at the World Heritage Site and manages the
exclusive tour operation activities by requiring two Bikiniian live aboard monitors,
a divemaster in the water, and a monitor on deck of the charter boat to watch the
divers as they get on and off the boat. The HPO is creating an educational dive
brochure to distribute when issuing dive permits, and to provide to the Marshall
Islands Visitors Authority.
The RMI Advisory Council of Historic Preservation (ACHP) provides
support to RMI HPO in protection of the heritage. For the past year the HPO has
addressed complaints about looting on the military base at Kwajalein. The RMI
ACHP, featuring government officials from various ministries, the Council of Irooj,
and local non government organizations (NGOs) provides the official support to
engage RMI high level officials in government to government relations. The
support of the ACHP ensures cultural resource issues are taken seriously.
We also consult with natural resource managers and educators at monthly
Coastal Management Advisory Committee (CMAC) board meetings, and
collaborate on potential surveys and projects. CMAC features representatives
from the Environmental Protection Agency, Marine Resources Authority, non-forprofit conservation, and others. Meeting with CMAC affords the opportunity to
build capacity by sharing resources and training as well as to collaborate on
understanding the multifaceted impacts of development projects and resource
exploitation. The HPO stays abreast of natural resource protection measures and
maintains relationships with the stakeholders. Earlier this year HPO staff
attended the workshop “Marshall Islands Comprehensive Legislative Review”, as
the Marshalls are part of Western and Central Pacific Fishing Commission
(WCPFC) and used the opportunity to request insertion of language about
protection of the underwater cultural resource.
Given recent local, national and international collaboration we remain
optimistic, while it is clear that there are formidable challenges facing effective
protection of the important underwater resources of the RMI. Building
relationships with the stakeholders and emphasizing education about historic
preservation on the outer atolls builds cooperation and capacity. The inscription
of Bikini Atoll as a World Heritage Site has opened discussions about protection
of the resources at Bikini World Heritage Site and throughout the country. As the
field of maritime archaeology expands globally the UCH of the Marshall Islands
will continue to gain exposure for its uniqueness and importance. Using creativity
and collaboration the HPO will continue its mission of the documentation and
protection of the underwater sites recognized as important resources to the
cultural history of the Marshall Islands.

�Bibliography
Baker,
N.
and
Niedenthal, J.,
2009
Delgado, J.P., Lenihan,
D.J. &amp; Murphy, L.F.,
1991

Delgado, J. P.,
1996
Finney, S.,
2007

National Biodiversity
Team,
2000
Neidenthal, J.,
2002
Roach, J.,
2003

Spennemann, D.,
1992
Spennemann, D.,
1998

Spennemann, D.,
2000
Spennemann, D.,
2006

Spennemann, D.,

Bikini Atoll: Nomination by the Republic of the Marshall
Islands For Inscription on the World Heritage List
Majuro, 2010.
The Archaeology of the Atomic Bomb: A Submerged
Cultural Resources Assessment of the Sunken Fleet
of Operation Crossroads at Bikini and Kwajalein Atoll
Lagoons, Republic of the Marshall Islands. Santa Fe,
N.M: US Department of the Interior,National Park
Service, Submerged Cultural Resources Unit. Note:
an online version can be found at
http://www.nps.gov/history/history/
online_books/swcrc/37/contents.htm
Ghost Fleet: The Sunken Ships of
Bikini Atoll University of Hawaii Press,
Honolulu.
Phase Two Survey and Inventory of
Submerged Cultural Resources in
Portions of Maloelap Lagoon, Republic
of the Marshall Islands, HPO Report,
Majuro.
The Marshall Islands – Living Atolls
Amidst the Living Sea. Santa Clarita,
Ca: St. Hildegard.
For the Good of All Mankind; A History
of the People of Bikini and their
Islands. Bravo Publishers, Majuro.
Where is Amelia Earhart? Three Theories National
Geographic
News
http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2003/12/121
5_031215_ameliaearhart.html
Republic of the Marshall Islands Historic Preservation
Legislation. Majuro: Ministry of Internal &amp; Social
Affairs, Historic Preservation Office.
Essays on the Marshallese Past Second Edition.
Albury: URL:
http://life.csu.edu.au/marshall/html/essays/es-arc
1.html.
Freshwater Lens, Settlement Patterns, Resource Use
and Connectivity. Albury: URL:
http://life.csu.edu.au/marshall/mile.html.
Freshwater Lens, Settlement Patterns, Resource Use
and Connectivity in the Marshall Islands Transforming
Cultures eJournal, Vol.1 No.2, June 2006
http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/journals/TfC
Examples of Adaptive Re-Use of World War II

�2006
Tobin, J.,
1952
Williamson, R.V.,
2001
Wright, M.J.,
2011

Artefacts in Micronesia Micronesica Vol.5 n.1/2.
pp.269-285.
Land Tenure in the Marshall Islands. Atoll Research
Bulletin 11.
The Challenge of Survey and Site Preservation in the
Republic of the Marshall Islands. Cultural Resource
Management 24: 44-45.
An Inventory of Archaeological Resources on Berang
Islet, Ailinglaplap Atoll, Republic of the Marshall
Islands. HPO Report 2011/01. Majuro Atoll, Republic
of the Marshall Islands: Historic Preservation Office.

�</text>
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                <text>Session 8:&#13;
Pacific Islands region: Building UCH Capacity</text>
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                <text>The unique underwater cultural heritage (UCH) of the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) remains a formidable challenge for management and preservation. The heritage includes traditional sites such as important coral reef heads and Marshallese fish traps, the Japanese and American signature of World War II in the Pacific, and the material evidence of nuclear testing at Bikini Atoll. Last year, Bikini Atoll was inscribed as a World Heritage Site, and Kwajalein Atoll remains a United States National Historic Landmark. Traditional sites continue to be used by Marshallese navigators and fisherman. A widening circle of legislation informs management, including the respective RMI and United States legislation, U.S. military regulations, and global strategies for World Heritage management. Consultation and planning may require involvement from landowners, Irooj (traditional chiefs), mayors, tour operators, developers, the military, local cultural resource officers, and the governing agencies.&#13;
&#13;
     Geography and unreliable transport pose a challenge to preservation and protection. The 29 atolls and 5 islands are not easily reachable, requiring collaboration and creativity for survey and monitoring. Threats to underwater cultural resources range from WWII wreck looting to ensuring continued access for fisherman to traditional fish traps at a proposed surf resort. The value of historic preservation often competes with development interests and the immediacy of economic need.&#13;
&#13;
     This paper is a discussion of the ways that the Historic Preservation Office approaches the vastness, multiplicity of legislation, range of stakeholders, and  challenges that are associated with preservation and protection of the UCH in the Republic of the Marshall Islands. First I present an overview of the geography and the resources, followed by discussion of the various legislation and our actions to address the challenges and build capacity to protect and preserve the UCH in the Marshall Islands.&#13;
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                <text>Mary Jane Naone</text>
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                    <text>Micromorphological and chemical characteristics of
waterlogged archaeological bamboo
Mi Young CHA1

Abstract
Waterlogged archaeological bamboo works such as bamboo slips and bamboo baskets, etc.
were unearthed during excavations of the Mado shipwreck No. 1 excavation in 2009. Despite the
number of bamboo artefacts recovered from underwater sites, the characteristics and
conservation of waterlogged archeological bamboo unearthed from the sea have not been
studied sufficiently.
Following examinations of waterlogged archaeological bamboo using optical, scanning
electron and transmission electron microscopy, it was found that waterlogged archaeological
bamboo has been invaded by soft rot fungi and erosion and tunneling bacteria. This is similar to
the usual micromorphological decay characteristics of waterlogged archaeological wood. Unlike
waterlogged wood however, waterlogged bamboo demonstrated differences in aspects of decay
in the interlayer structure of the fibre cell and in the degree of decay, depending on the parts of
the bundle sheath examined.
Chemical analyses suggested that, as in waterlogged archaeological wood, cellulose and
hemicellulose were significantly degraded and the content of lignin was relatively high in
waterlogged bamboo.

1. Introduction
Many bamboo artefacts have been recovered from shipwrecks in Korean waters.
Excavations of the Mado No. 1 shipwreck in 2009 uncovered waterlogged
archaeological bamboo artefacts such as bamboo slips, chopsticks and baskets
(Figure 1; National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 2010). Large
numbers of waterlogged bamboo artefacts were also recovered from the Mado
shipwreck No. 2 in 2010 and from the Mado shipwreck No. 3 that is still being
excavated (National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage in press).

1

Underwater Excavation and Conservation Division, National Research Institute of Maritime
Culture Heritage, KOREA cmy040301@nate.com

�Figure 1. Bamboo slips from Mado shipwreck No. 1
(National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2010)
Bamboo artefacts are very important, particularly the bamboo slips that
were found with rice seeds, buck wheat and millet because the writing on them
provides valuable archaeological information about trade and the date of the
shipwreck. The year that the goods were packed, the names of the senders of
the goods and the people to whom they were despatched were given on these
slips. Ceramics found on the same shipwreck could then also be easily dated.
Despite the large amount of bamboo that has been excavated from Asian
shipwrecks, very little work has been done to characterise the type and extent of
deterioration of these archaeologically valuable material types. This knowledge is
very important as a guide to the best conservation method for the long-term
stabilisation of these artefacts.
On the other hand, the deterioration of waterlogged wood has been
extensively studied. Waterlogged archaeological wood, excavated after being
buried for long periods in boggy marshes, lakes or the marine environment, is
usually deteriorated due to attack by non-biological and/or biological agents. In
the case of wood that has been buried in the ocean for hundreds of years, the
wood breaks down due to attack by marine organisms such as Teredo navalis or
by the chemical actions of sea water and the attack of soft rot fungi, erosion
bacteria and tunneling bacteria. Changes induced by microbiological attack can
be verified through microscopic and chemical analyses.
Decay of wood by soft rot fungi mainly occurs in the thick cell walls of the
latewood and a cavity is formed in the middle layer of the secondary cell wall.
Soft rot fungal decay also occurs in the cell wall of the cell lumen. Decay of the
secondary wall is usually widespread while that of middle lamella is quite
insignificant by comparison.
When examined using optical microscopy, evidence of bacterial decay of
the secondary wall is provided by the appearance of a form of granulates. It is

�possible to differentiate between attack by erosion and tunneling bacteria by
examining the pattern of decay in the cell wall. Erosion bacteria decay the S2
layer, penetrating into the S3 layer and attack the secondary wall. They do not
attack the middle lamella. On the other hand, tunneling bacteria attack the S2
layer as well as the S1 layer, penetrating the middle lamella and leaving a
crescent-shaped decay pattern in the area in which wood cell wall was decayed
(Eriksson et al 1990; Hoffmann and Jones 1990:35-65; Kim and Singh 2000:135155; Singh and Butcher 1991:143-157).
Chemical and microbiological attack on wood has the biggest impact on
the cellulose and hemicellulose components. These polysaccharide components
are more easily degraded than the polyphenolic lignins, leading to significant
decreases in the polysaccharide content and a corresponding relative increase in
the amount of lignin retained in waterlogged wood (Hedges 1990:111-140;
Hoffmann and Jones 1990:35-65; Kim 1993; Kim, et al. 1990:3-7).
As seen above, much research has been devoted to the analysis and
preservation of waterlogged archaeological wood. Unfortunately, probably
because of the relative scarcity of bamboo on many shipwreck sites, the pattern
of decay and changes in the chemical characteristics of waterlogged
archaeological bamboo have not been adequately determined. The
archaeological significance of bamboo artefacts however, demands that a study
of the nature of their deterioration be conducted. This study aimed therefore to
analyze the micromorphological characteristics and the changes in the chemical
components of waterlogged archaeological bamboo and compare these with the
characteristics of both modern, undegraded bamboo and with waterlogged wood.
It was hoped that this comparison would provide information that could be used
to guide conservation treatments of waterlogged archaeological bamboo.

2. Methods and materials
Examinations were conducted of the micromorphological characteristics and
changes in the chemical characteristics of waterlogged archaeological bamboo
unearthed as part of the Mado shipwreck No. 1 underwater excavations in 2009.
The Mado shipwreck No. 1 is estimated to have sunk in coastal waters near
Mado island, Taean in the spring of 1208 (National Research Institute of Maritime
Cultural Heritage 2010). As there is no anatomical difference between
Phyllostachys bambusolides, Phyllostachys nigra var. henonis and Phyllostachys
pubescens which grow in Damyang, Korea (So, et al. 1999:7-14), this study used
3 year old, undegraded Phyllostachys bambusolides as a control group for
comparison. The species of waterlogged archaeological bamboo unearthed in
the Mado shipwreck excavations could not be precisely determined.

2.1 Micromorphological characteristics
Collected samples were embedded in Spurr's resin after being fixed and
dehydrated. Semi-thin sections were observed with an optical microscope
(Olympus BX50) after being were dyed with Toluidine blue. Ultra-thin sections
were observed with a transmission electron microscope (TEM, JEM-1400; JEOL
Ltd., Japan) after being were dyed with KMnO4 and UALC.

�2.2 Chemical characteristics
Waterlogged archaeological bamboo samples used in this experiment were
freeze-dried prior to characterisation to minimize changes that may have
otherwise occurred during drying.

2.2.1 Material composition
Prior to chemical component analysis, the bamboo samples were ground with a
Wiley mill, producing a wooden powder of 60~80 mesh. Organic solvent
extractives, holocellulose, Klason lignin, and ash were analyzed according to
TAPPI standards while the monosaccharide components were analyzed by gas
chromatographic techniques.

2.2.2 Chemical analysis
Powder samples of less than 300 mesh were analyzed with FT-IR after mixing
them with KBr in the proportion 100:0.05 and producing a pellet. For X- ray
diffraction analysis, CuKα radiation was used at 40 kV and 20mA. The relative
crystallinity was determined using the Segal method (Lee and Kim 1992:28-37)
Cr. (%) = [(I200 - Iam)/ I200] x 100
I200 : diffraction intensity of (200) (2)
Iam : diffraction intensity of non-crystalline region (2)

3. Results and Discussion
3.1 Micromorphological characteristics
Bamboo fibres have a polylaminated structure in which narrow and wide layers
are repeated (Cho, et al. 2008:261-265; Liese 1987:196-208). Examination with
an optical microscope showed that there were differences in decay between the
layers. Decay of the bamboo fibres near parenchyma cells was more advanced
than that of bamboo fibres near vessels. Cavities were found in bamboo fibres
and the presence of granulates showed that they were attacked by soft rot fungi
and bacteria.
Observations using a TEM showed that there was difference in decay
between the narrow layers and the broad layers in the polylaminated bamboo
fibres. Although the waterlogged archaeological bamboo was attacked by both
bacteria and soft rot fungi, most of the decay was caused by bacteria. Because
the decay was so advanced it was impossible to clearly observe the exact nature
of the decay of the bamboo samples. It was possible however, to observe the
damage caused by tunneling bacteria. In some bamboo fibres, the deterioration
of the cell lumen is similar to that of the middle lamella.

�Figure 2. Bundle sheath of waterlogged archaeological bamboo(x200)
(photo by author).

3.2 Chemical characteristics

3.2.1 Material composition of waterlogged archaeological bamboo
The chemical composition of waterlogged archaeological bamboo is shown
below (Table 1). It is reported that unlike lignin, polysaccharides are easily
decayed, especially in waterlogged archaeological wood (Hedges 1990:111-140;
Fujii, et al. 1988:261-265; Kim, et al. 1990: 3-7; Kim 1993; Seifert and Jagels
1984:269-297; Taniguchi, et al. 1986:738-743). It was revealed that the ratio of
holocellulose to lignin was 0.1 to 1, due to preferential decay of the
polysaccharides compared to lignin in waterlogged archaeological bamboo, a
result similar to that which has been previously demonstrated in waterlogged
archaeological wood. The ratio of holocellulose to lignin was 3.1 to 1 in the
bamboo control group. These results compare favourably with the results of
earlier research on waterlogged archaeological wood (Hedges 1990:111-140;
Hoffmann and Jones 1990:35-65; Kim, et al. 1990:3-7; Kim 1993).
Assuming that all the glucose determined and reported in Table 1
originated from cellulose, the amount of cellulose and hemicellulose in degraded
waterlogged archaeological bamboo is 8.1% and 8.4% respectively (Kim 1988:39). Based on the expected yields of glucose and hemicellulose sugars from

�undegraded bamboo, approximately approximately 76.7 % of the bamboo
cellulose and 79.3 % of the bamboo hemicellulose has therefore been lost from
the waterlogged archaeological bamboo. The amount of organic solvent soluble
material also deceased. It was difficult to clearly judge whether the loss of
organic soluble extractives like resin, was caused by activities of marine
microorganisms or by chemical degradation and dissolution into the sea water.
The ash content of the waterlogged archaeological bamboo was 4.2 times
greater than that of the control group. This result is not unexpected and is
consistent with earlier reported results for waterlogged archaeological wood
unearthed from marshes or underwater sites (Cha, et al. 2006:19-30; Hedges
1990:111-140; Hoffmann and Jones 1990:35-65; Kim, et al. 1990:3-7; Kim 1993).
Table 1. Chemical composition of Control(Phyllostachys bambusolides ) and
WAB (Waterlogged archaeological Bamboo).
(% of dry
matter)

OSE

Control

4.4

HL
Rham

Ara

Xyl

Man

Gal

Glu

KL

Ash

24.3

1.3

62.1

5.4

75.2
0

3.5

36.0

1.0

0

34.7

16.5
WAB

2.3
0.1

0.6

7.3

0.3

0.1

8.1

Abbreviations used: Rham (rhamnose), Ara (arabinose), Xyl (xylose), Man (mannose), Gal
(galactose), Glu (glucose), HL (holocellulose), KL (Klason lignin), OSE (organic solvent
extractives).

3.2.2 Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) and XRD analyses
When analyzing the chemical characteristics of waterlogged archaeological
bamboo with FT-IR, it was revealed that all components in the waterlogged
archaeological bamboo sharply decreased. Cellulose absorptions at the 895,
1050 and 1160 cm-1 bands either disappeared or decreased. The 1730 cm-1 band
corresponding
to
hemicelluloses
disappeared
and
the
combined
-1
cellulose/hemicellulose band at 1315~1335 cm band sharply decreased. In the
control group, one band (1251 cm-1) was found while in waterlogged
archaeological bamboo, two bands at 1225 cm-1 and 1266 cm-1,were found.
Absorptions at the 1220~1230 cm-1 band and at approximately 1270 cm-1 are
attributed to guaiacyl lignin and it was found that the guaiacyl lignin component
was less decayed than the syringyl type. This result supports the argument that
as lignin decays, the decay resistance of guaiacyl lignin is greater than that of the
syringyl type (Hedges 1990:111-140).
The results of X- ray diffraction analyses are presented in Table 2. The
diffraction intensity corresponding to crystalline cellulose (I200), sharply decreased
while the diffraction intensity , corresponding to amorphous cellulose (Iam)
decreased. When measuring the degree of relative crystallization according to

�the Segal method, it was revealed that crystallization sharply decreased by over
4.7 times.
Table 2. Relative crystallinity of Control(Phyllostachys bambusolides) and WAB
(Waterlogged archaeological Bamboo).
Relative crystallinity(%)
Control
51.8%
WAB
10.9%

4. Implications for Conservation Treatment of Bamboo
The aim of this study was to determine the degree of degradation of waterlogged
archaeological bamboo as a precursor to the determination of the most
appropriate conservation treatment for these material types. The polysaccharide
content, as found by the chemical determination of holocellulose (Table 1),
corresponds to a maximum water content of approximately 700 % (Wilson, et al.
1993:599-610), indicating that the waterlogged archaeological bamboo is
extremely degraded. Such extreme degradation would normally imply that PEG
4000 should be used to treat these materials. However because of the
differences in the structures of wood and bamboo such a treatment would not
necessarily be the best. It was also important to find a treatment that would
stabilise the bamboo for eventual display in the high relative humidity conditions
that exist in the Korean summer.
Experiments are in progress therefore, in which different consolidants
(PEG, sucrose and cetyl alcohol) are being used to determine the most effective
treatment for these materials. For these consolidants different molecular weights
(PEG), different concentrations and varying treatment times are being tested.
Treated archaeological bamboo will be freeze-dried after consolidation. An
analysis of the treatments, based on shrinkage data, colour, extent of cracking
and checking and general aesthetic appearance will be used to determine the
most effective treatment or treatments. The results of these tests and the
conclusions drawn will be reported at a later date when all experiments have
been completed.

5. Conclusions
When observing waterlogged archaeological bamboo with an optical microscope
and a TEM, it was revealed that waterlogged archaeological bamboo was
decayed by soft rot fungi and bacteria, in a manner similar to the
micromorphological decay of waterlogged archaeological wood. It was found that
unlike the decay of wood however, in waterlogged bamboo, there were
differences in aspects of decay of the layer structure in the fibrous cells of
bamboo and in the degree of decay in the vascular regions of the plant.
As with waterlogged archaeological wood, there is a relative increase in
the lignin content compared to the holocellulose that degrades more readily.
Research on changes in the chemical characteristics according to patterns

�and processes of decay was not conclusive because the decay of the
waterlogged archaeological bamboo used in this study was very highly
advanced. Further research will be conducted into the changes in the chemical
characteristics according to patterns and processes of decay.

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components, Springer Verlage, Berlin.

"Cell wall structure of buried wood of Tochinoki (Aesclus
turbinate B)", in Mokusai Gakkaishi, Vol. 34, pp 261-265.

"The chemistry of archaeological wood", in (eds.) Roger M.
Rowell and R. James Barbour, Archaeological Wood
Properties, Chemistry, and Preservation, American
Chemical Society, Washington D. C., pp 111-140.
Hoffmann P., and "Structure and degradation process for waterlogged
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archaeological wood", in (eds.) Roger M. Rowell and R.
James Barbour, Archaeological Wood Properties,
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Washington D. C., pp 35-65.
Kim, Y. S.,
"Application of infrared spectroscopical techniques for
investigation of archaeological woods", in Journal of the
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Korean Wood Science and Technology, Vol. 16, No. 4, pp
3-9.
Kim, Y. S., Bang,
"Chemical composition archaeological woods submerged in
the seawater", in Journal of the Korean Wood Science and
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and Choi, K. N.,
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Wooden characteristic and conservation of Jindo logboat,
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Conservation Institute for Maritime Archaeological Finds
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Kim, Y.S., and
"Micromorphological characteristics of wood biodegradation

�Singh, A. P.,
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Singh, A. P., and
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Harada, H, and
Nakato, K.,
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of Wood Anatomists (IAWA) Journal, Vol. 21, No. 2, pp
135-155.
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by X-ray difference methods", in Journal of the Korean
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"Anatomy and properties of bamboo", in (eds) A.N. Rao, G.
Daanarajan and Cherla B. Sastry, Recent research on
bamboos, Chinese Academy of Forestry, China and
International Development Research Center, Canada, pp
196-208.
Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 1, Underwater Excavation,
Report of the Research of Antiquities of National Research
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Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 2 Underwater Excavation,
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"Conservation of the Ronson Ship’s bow, Waterlogged
wood study and conservation", in Proceedings of the 2nd
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"Bacterial degradation of wood cell walls: A review of
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"Wood characteristics of Phyllostachys bambusolides,
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in Organic Geochemistry, Vol. 20, pp 599-610.

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Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management</text>
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                <text>Waterlogged archaeological bamboo works such as bamboo slips and bamboo baskets, etc. were unearthed during excavations of the Mado shipwreck No. 1 excavation in 2009. Despite the number of bamboo artefacts recovered from underwater sites, the characteristics and conservation of waterlogged archeological bamboo unearthed from the sea have not been studied sufficiently. &#13;
&#13;
Following examinations of waterlogged archaeological bamboo using optical, scanning electron and transmission electron microscopy, it was found that waterlogged archaeological bamboo has been invaded by soft rot fungi and erosion and tunneling bacteria. This is similar to the usual micromorphological decay characteristics of waterlogged archaeological wood. Unlike waterlogged wood however, waterlogged bamboo demonstrated differences in aspects of decay in the interlayer structure of the fibre cell and in the degree of decay, depending on the parts of the bundle sheath examined. &#13;
&#13;
Chemical analyses suggested that, as in waterlogged archaeological wood, cellulose and hemicellulose were significantly degraded and the content of lignin was relatively high in waterlogged bamboo. &#13;
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                    <text>In Situ Preservation – Application of a Process-Based
Approach to the Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage
Vicki Richards1

Abstract
Over the past few decades, the archaeological community has been moving away from the more traditional
methods of excavation and recovery of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) towards a less intrusive
management approach, essentially involving the preservation of sites in situ. Over the years, different
remediation strategies have been utilised in order to protect these sites in situ and most of the techniques
involve reburial of sites. Reburial may be an appropriate means of stabilising and decreasing the
deterioration rate of a site, however, there needs to be a holistic approach to the study of the environment,
before and after reburial to gain a full understanding of the changes that are occurring on the site and
determine the effectiveness of the technique.
This paper outlines a process-based approach to the development of appropriate long-term
management strategies for UCH sites.

Introduction
Over the past 50 years, technology has advanced at such a rate that the development and
exploitation of the seabed has increased exponentially, which has, in turn, led to the
discovery of increasing numbers of UCH sites. Conditions often exist in these underwater
environments that favour the long-term preservation of archaeological remains and
valuable information regarding our past can be gained through comprehensive
archaeological investigation of these submerged sites. In more recent times however the
archaeological community has moved away from the more traditional excavation and
recovery methods and further towards on-site examination and in situ preservation of UCH
sites. This trend has been politically galvanised in the recently ratified United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) Convention on the Protection
of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2001: Article 2), that states as a
fundamental principle, ‘the preservation of underwater cultural heritage in situ should be
considered as a first option’. However, this does not preclude partial or even total
excavation and recovery of sites if they are considered under threat.
Nonetheless, concerns have been raised regarding the application of in situ
preservation techniques as a management tool for UCH sites. Those opposing in situ
preservation often argue that the sites are ‘out of sight and out of mind’. This is probably
true to some extent and under certain circumstances, however increasingly, post
stabilisation site monitoring is becoming an integral part of any on-site management
programme (Caple 2004; Hogan et al. 2002; Nyström Godfrey et al. 2011; Richards et al.
2009). Others claim that the ability to preserve sites in situ has not currently been proven
and that more scientific investigation is required (The Institute of Field Archaeologists
2008). Although this may be an accurate statement if the suitability of such practices are to
be properly evaluated it is essential that more, not less, in situ preservation projects are
initiated in order to provide information that will ultimately lead to a better understanding of
this technique.
Reburial of an archaeological site following exposure either by natural causes,
industrial interference or archaeological excavation may be an appropriate means of
stabilizing and decreasing the overall deterioration rate of our underwater cultural resource
1

Department of Materials Conservation, Western Australian Museum, Shipwreck Galleries, 45-47 Cliff St,
Fremantle, WA 6160, Australia, TEL: +61 8 9431 8472: FAX: +61 8 9431 8489: email:
vicki.richards@museum.wa.gov.au

�by limiting dissolved oxygen, nutrients, etc and minimising the effects of water movement.
This should ultimately decrease physical, chemical and biological degradation of the site.
Unfortunately in the recent past, when sites were reburied there was often little, if any
subsequent monitoring to determine the effectiveness of the technique (Gregory 1999). It
is imperative that there be a holistic approach to the study of the environment, pre and
post burial to gain a full understanding of the changes occurring in the reburial
environment and the associated deterioration of the archaeological material (Caple 1994;
Hogan, et al. 2002). This, in turn will allow an accurate assessment of the success or
failure of the adopted remediation strategy on the long-term preservation of the site
(Godfrey, et al. 2004; Godfrey, et al. 2005).
In order for any in situ preservation strategy to be successful the following points must
be addressed in the overall management plan:
1. Ascertain the extent of the site.
2. Assess the most significant physical, chemical and biological deterioration
processes occurring on the site.
3. Assess the pre-disturbed local burial environment and the major factors affecting
the long-term stability of the site.
4. Identify the major material types present on the site and their extents of
deterioration.
5. Implement an appropriate in situ preservation strategy to mitigate continued
deterioration and stabilize the site long-term.
6. Implement a long-term monitoring programme to evaluate the efficacy of the
implemented in situ preservation strategy.
7. Provide alternative plans and procedures if the implemented in situ preservation
strategies are unsuccessful.
8. Provide resources for the conservation and storage of any recovered artefacts.
Each of these points will be discussed in more detail below and are integral to a
process-based approach when assessing UCH sites and establishing successful long-term
management plans.

Point 1
The first point to be addressed in preparing any in situ preservation plan is the extent of
the site that is to be stabilised. Many wreck sites are not conveniently contained within the
confines of the remaining hull structure and are often spread over a wider area. These
problems become even more apparent when parts of the wreck assemblage lie buried in
the sediment. Simple mechanical probing with long stainless steel rods and dredging of
test trenches can be used to define the area of a site, however these techniques are time
consuming and would not be suitable for sites dispersed over a large area or deeply
buried. In addition, excavated areas must be adequately reburied post investigation.
More commonly, marine geophysical instrumental techniques, such as side-scan
sonar, magnetometers and multi-beam sonar, which can be deployed over large areas,
are used to detect sites exposed above the seabed. However, the use of sub-bottom
profilers in conjunction with side-scan sonar has enabled the detection of both exposed
and buried wreck material (Quinn, et al. 1998). These techniques can also provide
invaluable information regarding the broader-scale sedimentary processes occurring onsite (Quinn 2006). Consideration of this type of information is vitally important when
designing an appropriate long-term in situ preservation strategy for a site.

Point 2
The synergistic physico-chemical and biological processes that naturally occur underwater
can significantly threaten the integrity of archaeological sites. For example, many sites are
at risk of physical damage by exposure through dredging or sediment erosion. The

�exposed material is subjected to increased wave movement and elevated levels of
dissolved oxygen, which lead to increased physical, chemical and biological deterioration.
Biological attack of organic materials is primarily dependent on the concentration of
oxygen in the surrounding environment. When a site is disturbed, the increase in oxygen,
water and nutrient contents will almost certainly lead to a more aggressive environment.
Importantly, this also applies to the recent reburial environment. Under these conditions,
marine borers will be excluded due to the limited supply of dissolved oxygen within the
recently deposited sediment however, degradation would continue through fungal and
bacterial attack, that are able to tolerate much lower oxygen levels (Björdal and Nilsson
2002). If the reburial sediment remains stable and is not subjected to continued or
seasonal erosion then microbial processes will eventually consume the oxygen and near
anaerobic conditions will prevail where organics will only be subjected to the relatively slow
action of erosion bacteria (Nilsson 1999). Due to the manner of this microbial attack the
strength of the organic structure is reduced but little archaeological information is lost.
Mary-Lou Florian (1987) reported that anaerobic bacteria only survive to a depth of
approximately 60 centimetres (cm) in undisturbed sediments and other authors have
shown that the extent of biological degradation of organic materials decreases significantly
with burial depths greater than 50 cm (Björdal and Nilsson 2002; Gregory 1999; Nilsson
1999). This is directly related to the decrease in oxygen levels with increasing sediment
depth. Lower oxygen levels adversely affect the activity of aerobic and facultative microorganisms that cause significantly more damage than anaerobic bacteria that are more
prominent at greater sediment depths.
Chemical processes can also affect the integrity of archaeological metal objects.
One of the most common is the corrosion of iron and other metals. While it is generally
accepted that the corrosion rates of most metals are significantly reduced under anaerobic
conditions microbially induced corrosion of ferrous alloys can still be an issue in anoxic
environments.
It is important to understand the natural deterioration processes occurring on
underwater archaeological sites in order to reduce these effects and obviously the depth of
burial and the stability of the local environment are two of the most important factors to
consider when developing appropriate remediation strategies.

Point 3
The physico-chemical and biological characteristics of the pre-disturbed local environment
should be assessed prior to excavation and/or reburial to assist in determining the inherent
stability of the site, the major degradation mechanisms occurring on-site and the effect the
local environment will have on buried materials. In addition, this pre-disturbance
information will be used as baseline data to determine if and when the reburial
environment returns to its original pre-burial state and the rate at which this occurs
following the changes that necessarily accompany reburial. For example, during reburial
via dredging, previously anaerobic sediments will be exposed to increased oxygen
concentrations and an influx of nutrients when the sediments are initially deposited. This
will lead to increased chemical and microbiological deterioration of the reburied materials
before the sediment attains conditions that are conducive to long-term preservation again.
The critical parameters to measure include the chemistry of the seawater, pore
water and sediments [pH; redox potential (Eredox); dissolved oxygen, total iron and organic
contents; sulphide, sulphate and carbon dioxide concentrations; nutrient levels], the type
and nature of the sediments (loss on ignition; particles size distribution; porosity) and the
level and type of microbiological activity within the sediment (Nyström Godfrey and
Berstrand 2007; Richards, et al. 2009).
It is also strongly recommended that the broad scale and localised sediment and
water movement is monitored at regular intervals over an extended period of time. As

�mentioned previously while some of this information may be obtained via marine
geophysical techniques it is imperative that the current strength and direction, turbidity,
tidal period, etc are also monitored. Extensive assessment of these site-related coastal
processes and the physico-chemical and biological microenvironments present on the site
will provide information regarding the major factors governing the stability of the site so
that successful site specific in situ preservation strategies may be developed.

Point 4
It is important to obtain a full understanding of the extent of deterioration of the major
material types present on a site when considering in situ preservation. For instance, if the
remaining hull structure, whether constructed of wood, iron or a combination of both, is
extensively degraded it may not be able to withstand the weight of large quantities of
sediment required for reburial in order to minimise further deterioration. Similarly, totally
corroded iron is not amenable to in situ preservation by cathodic protection using sacrificial
anodes. Moreover, it is essential to collect this baseline data for long-term comparative
analysis to quantify the effect the mitigation strategy has on the reburied materials.
Knowing the state of preservation will also enable conservators to choose the optimal
treatment regimes in those cases where the recovery of material is necessary.
In order to assess the extent of deterioration of the major material types a
comprehensive on-site pre-disturbance conservation survey should be conducted. The
range of measurements and analyses that are recommended is summarised below.

Metals
In Situ Measurements
corrosion potential (Ecorr), pH, total depth of concretion and corrosion (dtotal), total depth of
corrosion (dc), water depth and temperature at the measurement point.

Organic Materials
In Situ Measurements
Visual inspection, simple probing, pH profiles, pilodyn measurements, sample collection
for ex-situ analysis.
Ex-situ Analyses
Maximum water content (Umax) – measure general extent of deterioration.
Microscopic analysis - wood species identification, measure extent and identify the type of
microbiological attack.

Point 5
If the initial assessment of the pre-disturbed environment indicates that the site is unstable,
the archaeological remains are severely degraded and at risk of exposure and further
damage resulting in significant loss of the submerged archaeological record then different
mitigation strategies need to be considered in order to ameliorate these problems. It is at
this planning stage that an overall evaluation of whether it is both practically and
economically feasible to leave the site in situ should be discussed. In situ preservation of a
site in its original position is only one option. Dependent on the nature of the local
environment, the effects of residential or industrial developments and the archaeological
significance of a site, the entire site or parts thereof, may need to be excavated, recovered
and possibly conserved or re-deposited in another area under similar or preferably

�improved environmental conditions. In the end the measures taken are always a
compromise between the archaeological value of the site, the expected effects of the in
situ preservation strategy, the time span over which it has to be effective, the effect on the
local environment and the resources required.
There are a number of different in situ preservation techniques, or more commonly,
combinations thereof, that may be used to protect underwater archaeological sites.
• Stabilization by land reclamation
• Reburial/backfilling by dredging surrounding sediment
• Sandbags – canvas, polymeric
• Deposition of rock, gravel, sediment
• Stabilisation after sediment deposition (e.g. using geotextile fabrics, shade cloth,
rubber matting)
• Sediment encapsulation (e.g. cofferdams of wood, sheet metal, polymeric crash
barriers filled with sediment)
• Sediment trapping (e.g. geotextile fabrics, shade cloth, debris netting and artificial
seagrass used to trap suspended sediment through natural water movement)
• Cathodic protection of ferrous elements (sacrificial anodes, impressed current)
Obviously, simple reburial options are preferred but often they are fraught with postdeployment problems. For example, one potential problem with the sediment drop option
is lateral dispersion of the sediment on dumping, which will significantly reduce the overall
depth of coverage leading to a reburial area considerably larger than the actual wreck
itself. Another issue with this option is, unless the physical environment on-site is relatively
benign, that even short periods of increased water movement can cause significant loss of
deposited sediment unless the reburial mound is stabilised by layers of geotextile or
rubber matting (Manders, et al. 2008; Richards, et al. 2009). Sand bags are often used to
stabilise underwater archaeological sites, however the choice of materials (e.g. cotton
versus ultra-violet (UV) stabilised polymeric sand bags) and the method of deployment are
very important. Therefore, under most circumstances the use of sand bags is not
recommended for the medium to long-term preservation of a wreck site (Gregory 2010;
Manders, et al. 2008; Richards, et al. 2009).
The more complicated techniques include sediment trapping methods, which rely
on trapping suspended sediment in the water column resulting in the formation of an
artificial sediment mound or sediment encapsulation methods where a cofferdam, usually
made from wood, steel sheet or polymers, is filled with sediment to the required depth and
covered with geotextile to minimise sediment loss during periods of high water movement.
Notable examples of the sediment trapping techniques are the use of artificial
seagrass on wrecks, such as the William Salthouse (Figure 1) (Harvey 1996; Hosty 1988),
the James Matthews (Figure 2) (Richards, et al. 2009) and the Hårbølle wreck (Gregory, et
al. 2008) and different types of netting (shade cloth, debris netting, wind netting) used on
several wrecks in the Netherlands (Manders 2004), Sri Lanka (Manders, et al. 2004) and
also trialled on the James Matthews (Figure 3) (Richards, et al. 2009) and the Hårbølle
wreck (Gregory, et al. 2008).
The use of sediment encapsulation techniques utilising cofferdams is not common
as their deployment is complicated, labour intensive and usually expensive. In addition,
cofferdams constructed of timber or steel sheet can deteriorate rapidly and adversely
affect the delicate balance of the wreck ecosystem. However, Trevor Winton and Vicki
Richards (2005) proposed the use of environmentally inert polymeric ‘crash barriers’ that
interlock into a ring-like arrangement that can be placed around the periphery of a site and
filled with sediment to the required depth. It is currently being trialled on the James
Matthews site (Figure 4) (Richards, et al. 2009). This negates the need to increase the
reburial area which is common with the sediment drop method and toe scouring problems
that can arise with the other sediment trapping techniques.

�Formatted: Centered

Figure 1. Successful application of artificial Cegrass® on the William Salthouse, six weeks
after installation. Photo: Heritage Victoria

Formatted: Centered

Figure 2. Unsuccessful application of artificial seagrass on the James Matthews, five years
after deployment. Photo: Western Australian Museum

�Formatted: Centered

Figure 3. Successful application of a sediment trapping mat on the James Matthews, five
years after deployment. Photo: Western Australian Museum

Formatted: Centered

Figure 4. Polymeric ‘crash barrier’ cofferdam trialled on the James Matthews, three years
after installation. Photo: Western Australian Museum
Alternatively, if the local on-site environment is not conducive to in situ stabilisation
of a site then excavation and reburial in another more suitable area may be necessary.
Notable examples of this procedure are the San Juan in Red Bay, Canada (Stewart, et al.
1995; Waddell 2007), the Day Dawn in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia (Moran 1997)
and the reburial of artefacts recovered from the Fredricus in Marstrand Harbour, Sweden
(Berstrand, et al. 2005), which was the catalyst for the collaborative reburial research
project, “Reburial and Analyses of Archaeological Remains” (RAAR) (Nyström Godfrey
and Berstrand 2007; Nyström Godfrey, et al. 2011).
Finally, the corrosion rates of iron hulled vessels or structural features can be
significantly lowered through cathodic protection using sacrificial anodes. The anodes,
usually zinc or aluminium alloy, corrode in preference to the iron, effectively protecting the
ferrous alloys from rapid decay. This technique has been used widely on many iron
shipwrecks, with Australia being one of the world leaders in its application (MacLeod 1986;
2010; Heldtberg, et al. 2004).

Point 6
Good organic and metal preservation depends on the maintenance of a stable chemical
environment characterised by an anoxic, reducing environment, with near neutral pH, low
porosity, organic content and bacterial activity. Hence, long-term monitoring of a reburied
site is a critical component of the overall management plan. The sediment levels and the
biological and physico-chemical environment of the reburial mound should be monitored at
regular intervals. Ideally, the same suite of analyses should be performed on these post
reburial sediments as was previously described in point 3 for the pre-disturbed
environment. As destructive sampling of reburied archaeological materials is contrary to
the aims of reburial, it is recommended that sacrificial modern wood and metal samples be
included in the reburial mound and retrieved and analysed (see point 4) at regular intervals
(Gregory 1999; Richards, et al. 2009). The results of the biological and physico-chemical
analyses can then be correlated to the extents of deterioration of the sacrificial samples
and extrapolated to the condition of the reburied archaeological material thereby allowing

�the effectiveness of the adopted mitigation strategy on the long-term preservation of the
wreck site to be properly assessed.

Point 7
An alternative and fully costed contingency plan must be developed in the event that the
adopted in situ preservation strategy is unsuccessful.

Point 8
A provisional budget must be allocated for the conservation of any recovered artefacts that
are deemed unsuitable for reburial.

Conclusion
Application of this process-based approach should hopefully provide a better
understanding of the major deterioration processes occurring on-site and assist in the
application of the most appropriate in situ preservation strategies customised to
accommodate the unique qualities of each site. Long-term monitoring feeds back into this
system, quantitatively evaluating the effectiveness of the remediation strategy and
providing evidence for alternative measures to be sought if the chosen technique is
unsuccessful. In this way, the current uncertainties surrounding in situ preservation as a
management tool for UCH sites can be addressed and ultimately lead to a better
understanding of this technique in the future.

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Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management</text>
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                <text>Over the past few decades, the archaeological community has been moving away from the more traditional methods of excavation and recovery of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) towards a less intrusive management approach, essentially involving the preservation of sites in situ. Over the years, different remediation strategies have been utilised in order to protect these sites in situ and most of the techniques involve reburial of sites. Reburial may be an appropriate means of stabilising and decreasing the deterioration rate of a site, however, there needs to be a holistic approach to the study of the environment, before and after reburial to gain a full understanding of the changes that are occurring on the site and determine the effectiveness of the technique. &#13;
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                    <text>Pattanam archaeological site :
The wharf context and the maritime exchanges
P. J Cherian1

Abstract
Since 2007 the archaeological excavations at Pattanam, located on the southwestern
coast of India, were undertaken by the Kerala Council for Historical Research (KCHR)
Thiruvananthapuram. These efforts unearthed an early historic (1st c BCE – 5th c CE)
multi-cultural port site, which is now widely considered as an integral part of the ancient
port of Muziris. This paper discusses the material evidence related to the maritime
exchanges at Pattanam, including a wharf context and the importance of the site in the
transcontinental interfaces in antiquity.
The most striking material evidence unearthed at Pattanam is the enormous
quantity of terracotta objects, ranging from sherds of a variety of jars and pots to roof
tiles and bricks. This paper will specifically examine the Indian and non-Indian distinct
pottery of the Pattanam ceramic assemblage.
The excavations in the northeastern part of the site revealed a wharf and
warehouse structure, a wooden canoe made of anjili in a waterlogged context, along
with nine bollards of teak. The wharf was a platform made of a mixture of laterite, clay
and lime, with an elaborate brick lining where the reclining platform touches the water.
The waterlogged area also produced a plethora of paleo-botanical and other
archaeological evidence prompting one to propose a hypothesis that Pattanam is a
major emporium of the spice trade network of the Early Historic Period (1st c BCE – 5th c
CE). This ‘priceless’ evidence from the wharf context and the adjacent waterlogged area
are breakthrough finds for understanding the Early Historic inter-continental exchanges
that flourished as part of the ancient spice trail that linked Asia, Africa and Europe.
The paper concludes by examining the domineering distribution of local pottery as
an example in pointing out the problems of Euro-centrism in the perspectives on longdistance exchanges.

Maritime exchanges and the southwest coast of India
The processes and impacts of long distance maritime exchanges have always been
fascinating fields of enquiry for researchers in archeology and history, the foci of
investigations being mostly ancient port sites. Early maritime exchanges were taking
place either through circuitous routes or mid-ocean routes or both and it is important to
distinguish and correlate them for a better understanding of the early connectivities
(Boivin and Fuller 2009:113-180; Fuller 2011:544-558). Small vessels shuttled between
jetties and ports through the short distance circuitous routes, as "mobile bazaars",
probably for the supply of essential items (Thapar 1997:11-40). Mid-ocean routes, on
the other hand, mark a distinct phase of bulk trade in non-perishable/luxury items, new
navigation technology, expertise and heavy investments. The establishment of mid
ocean routes is often attributed to the "discovery" of monsoon winds without taking into
1

Director, KCHR &amp; Pattanam Excavations, India.

�account the long-term dynamics of maritime activities that existed before the
"discovery".
We have about half a dozen sources of various genres that refer to the key Early
Historic port sites in the Indian Ocean Rim (Cherian 2009:65-79). The most important
among them in the southwest coast of India were Tindis, Muziris, Nelcynda and Becare.
Mostly they are mentioned in the non-Indian textual sources. The important ones are
Strabo’s Geography (c.1st c BCE / CE), the Periplus Maris Erythraei (c.CE 40 -70) by an
unknown author, Pliny’s Natural History (c.Mid 1st c CE published after 77) and
Ptolemy’s Geography (c.150 CE). The other sources include the Muziris Papyrus ( 2nd
century AD trade agreement between a Muziris merchant and a banker, probably based
in Alexandria) that reveals in some detail the huge quantum of trade between Muziris
and the Red Sea/Mediterranean network. Charition, a Greek play or mime about two
lovers eloping to India, also has references on trade. Cosmas Indicopleustus refers to
the St Thomas Christians on the Malabar Coast as well as the pepper trade through five
ports. But interestingly, the port of Muziris is not in his list. The Peutinger table, a map of
2nd century trade routes, shows Muziris adjacent to the temple of Augustus; the
Western Ghats is marked as, "where elephants are born". The Indian sources on
maritime exchanges are mostly classical Tamil literature and epic poems like Sangam
literature, and Chilappatikaram. The Malabar Coast also abounds in myths and legends
that mention trade and ports, but being products of social imagination, they serve more
as complex riddles than sources for the study of the past (Cherian, et al. 2007).
Most of the ancient port sites elsewhere on the Indian Ocean littoral have been
identified on land but those on the southwest coast of India were believed to have been
wiped out forever since none of the searches for them was fruitful (Achan 1946). The
southwest coast of India also had not yielded a single habitation site until the discovery
of the Pattanam site. Though copiously mentioned in ancient literature and travelogues,
their invisibility on ground was intriguing (Gurukkal, et al. 2001:35-50). The ethnographic
history of this coastal belt is eloquent about various non-local trading communities and
their belief systems that co-existed (The Semitic religions of early Judaism, Christianity
and Islam claim to have had set foot on the Malabar Coast in their early days). It
becomes more mysterious when most of the contemporary port sites such as Korkai,
Alagankulam, Poompuhar (Kaveripattinam) and Vasavasamudram could be
successfully investigated on the Coromandal coast (southeast coast of India) following
Arikamedu (Veeram Pattanam) excavations (Begley 1996; Begley 2004). The
southwest coast of India remained an archaeological vacuum (except a few coin
hoards) as far as its legacy of international maritime exchanges was concerned. At the
same time studies and excavations on contemporary sites and trade routes had yielded
evidence for intercontinental maritime connectivity (Romanis, et al. 1997; Sidebotham
2011).

Pattanam - background
Pattanam is a typical Kerala coastal village, thickly populated and densely cultivated.
Interestingly, the place name "Pattanam" has etymological significance, in nearly a
dozen Indian languages, it means town or port city.
The surface surveys in the 1990s were conducted by a small group of
researchers who shared boundless excitement in teaching, learning and practicing

�archaeology, and finally led them to the site (Shajan, et al. 2004:312-320). The present
multi-disciplinary excavations evolved from that humble beginning.

Pattanam - location
Pattanam (N. Lat. 10° 09.434'; E Long 76° 12.587') is a densely populated hamlet in the
Vadakkekkara revenue village in Paravur taluk of Ernakulam District in Kerala, India.
The site is located in the delta of the river Periyar about 25 km north of Ernakulam
/Kochi. About one km south of the site flows the Paravur Todu, a tributary of the river
Periyar which is about six km to the north of Pattanam. The Arabian Sea is about 4 km
west of the site. About one km from the western boundary of the site is the Tattapally
River or Munambam kayal, a backwater body that runs parallel to the Arabian Sea.
Another noteworthy feature of the site is the network of canals linking the area with the
Paravur todu and the Tattappally river and many residents remember country boats
plying these canals until the mid 20th century (Cherian 2008:5-20).

Pattanam – chronology
The chronology of the Pattanam site spans across three millennia: the story beginning
with the Iron Age habitation, with the commercial peak between 1st c BCE and 5th c CE
and life going on with its inbuilt continuities and discontinuities. High precision
Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) Carbon14 (C14) dating on the charcoal samples
from the aeolian sandy layers at depths varying from 340 cm to 370 cm confirm that
native settlement had begun at Pattanam in the Iron Age phase (around 1000 BCE)
(Cherian, et al. 2009:236-40).

Pattanam- features
Pattanam has maritime features comprising a wharf context and other allied port
features, urban features comprising of remains of planned architecture, personal
adornment articles, fine wares and the industrial feature comprising lapidary workshops,
kiln and furnace contexts (Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al. 2011).
The attempt in this paper is to look closely at the wharf feature as well as the
non-local pottery assemblage and initiate discussion on the significance of Pattanam in
long distance and regional maritime contacts.
To be more objective and balanced in assessing the long-distance exchanges,
an effort is also made to bring in the role of the local in facilitating them. Respecting the
primacy of material evidence, one of the fundamentals of the archaeology discipline,
observations and inferences are made from literally touching and brooding over the
objects excavated from Pattanam.

�Table 1. PATTANAM EXCAVATIONS FROM 2007-2011 - ANTIQUITIES
Sl no

Name of object

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

Grand total

1

Gold

1

2

4

38

22

67

2

Copper objects

6

27

18

68

42

161

3

Coins

13

12

18

31

24

98

4

Lead objects

4

19

23

63

100

209

5

Iron objects

529

758

906

3033

2358

7584

6

Glass beads

1122

1915

6373

22214

7094

38718

7

stone beads

50

7

108

234

148

547

8

Spindle whorl

4

6

5

15

9

39

9

Cameo blank

2

6

3

8

29

48

10

Glass fragments

35

53

138

334

778

1338

11

Lamps

0

4

4

8

22

38

12

Ring stones

0

0

0

15

9

15

TOTAL ANTIQUITIES

48,862

Table 2. PATTANAM EXCAVATIONS FROM 2007-2011 - CERAMICS
Sl no

Name of object

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

Grand total

1

Amphora

177

286

572

2215

2779

6029

2

TGP

71

107

66

422

861

1527

3

Torpedo

50

156

142

767

1983

3098

4

Rouletted

1037

1266

442

3320

2469

8534

5

Terra sigillata

2

7

0

2

111

122

6

Chinese

10

31

28

106

64

239

7

Graffiti

41

0

33

19

2

95

8

Brahmi

5

2

0

1

2

10

9

Local ceramics

517831

367079

286475

1471870

894209

3537464

TOTAL CERAMICS
Unidentified distinct pottery adds another 94671 sherds to the assemblage.

3557118

Pattanam – finds
Five seasons of excavations have unearthed a treasure trove of antiquities of an
unprecedented magnitude, probably exceeding all contemporary port sites on the Indian
Ocean littoral. The major finds include ceramics, lapidary objects, metal objects, coins,
faunal and botanical remains. (Cherian, et al. 2007; Cherian, et al. 2008; Cherian, et al.
2009; Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al. 2011) See the consolidated data of antiquities
and ceramics in Tables 1 and 2. The voluminous quantity of antiquities unearthed at

�Pattanam displays a picture of a 2000-year-old polychromatic and polyphonic urban
culture with maritime connectivity to three continents - Asia, Africa and Europe.

Ceramics and terracotta objects constitute the majority of artifacts from Pattanam.
The terracotta objects include lamps, spindle whorls, toy wheels, discs (with and without
perforation), hopscotches, oven knobs and stoppers, tiles, bricks, ring-wells and the
enormous quantity of potsherds.
We have broadly classified the ceramic assemblage into local pottery and fine/
distinct ceramics. The fine pottery includes the Indian, foreign and some unidentified
types. The distinct ceramic assemblage comprises the Mediterranean (Roman) potterywhich includes amphora (6029), terra sigillata (122), the West Asian torpedo jar sherds
(3098) and Turquoise Glazed Pottery (1527), along with the Indian Rouletted Ware
(8534), and unidentified fine wares (94671). The local pottery has an astonishing
dominance with around 3.5 million sherds. (Cherian, et al. 2007; Cherian, et al. 2008:
Cherian, et al. 2009; Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al. 2011).

Amphora is a terracotta jar, used across the Mediterranean world and beyond, for
storage and transportation of wine, olive oil and garum (fish sauce) (Roberta, 2008 a).
The Amphora sherds at Pattanam vouch for India’s linkages with the Roman world in
the Early Historic period. Pattanam has yielded the maximum number of amphora
sherds ever found from an archaeological site in the Indian Ocean rim. 6029 Amphora
sherds were found from the five seasons of Pattanam excavations (Cherian, et al. 2007;
Cherian, et al. 2008; Cherian, et al. 2009; Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al. 2011).
According to Roberta Tomber (Tomber,2008 b), the majority of Roman amphorae
sherds found at Pattanam, including those with double-rod handles, were transportcontainers for wine. The double rod style originated in the fourth century BCE, along
with the Greek Koan amphorae produced on the island of Kos (Whitebread 1995). Their
production was primarily during the Hellenistic period (c.336- 30BCE) but it continued
into the Roman Empire period through the first century CE (Tomber 2008 b ).
Tomber (2008; 2011) further identifies Dressel 2-4, the most common variety
found at Pattanam as belonging to Kos, (Greek Island) Campania, (Southern Italy and
Bay of Naples) and Cilicia (Eastern Turkey and Syria). The provenance of other
identified sherds are Catalan (Spain), Goul (France), Rhodes islands (Greece) and
Egypt. The amphora sherds from the five archaeology field seasons need to be studied
comprehensively to understand more about the transactions between India and the
Mediterranean and Red sea regions.

Terra Sigillata is another imported Italian ceramic referred to earlier as Arretine ware.
This is strong evidence for maritime exchanges. This fine quality, stamped table ware,
has red slip, smooth waxy surface and fine gloss. A total number of 122 sherds (subject
to confirmation by the expert) of Terra sigillata has been found from Pattanam (Cherian
et al. 2011; Tomber 2011).

Indian Rouletted Ware (IRW) are fragments of Indian fine pottery including bowls
and dishes.
wares from
1998). This
Indian role

Large quantities were unearthed at Pattanam. The provenance of rouletted
other sites has already been identified as from the Bengal region (Gogte
Indian fine pottery found in almost all Indian Ocean rim sites signifies the
in the South Asian trade network. Pattanam excavations produced the

�largest ever assemblage of the Indian rouletted ware. (Cherian et.al 2011) It should
also be noted that roulette ware has not been reported from the southwestern coast of
India till Pattanam excavations. The rouletted ware sherds are the largest in quantity
(8534) among the Pattanam identified distinct ceramics.
The occurrence of IRW at the lowest layers of occupation is a pointer to the probable
contacts with other parts of India, even during the Buddhist and Jainist periods (Cherian,
et al. 2007; Cherian, et al. 2008; Cherian, et al. 2009; Cherian, et al. 2010; Cherian, et al.
2011). These sherds can further deepen our understanding of the Indian Ocean trade

dynamics.

Turquoise Glazed Pottery (TGP) referred in literature also as ‘TURQ’, SassanoIslamic, alkaline ware and alkaline glazed ware, is the term used to refer to a glazed
earthen ware that has a light beige fabric and a glaze that can be green, yellow, white or
blue in colour. The glaze is often badly weathered. The forms normally consist of bowls,
plates and jars of varying sizes. This class is part of a broad tradition of alkaline glaze
earthenware that goes back to the Neo-Babylonian period (c.626 BCE - 539 BCE) in
Mesopotamia and appears to have continued well into the Islamic period (post 7th c CE)
(Kennet 2009). Earlier studies have identified the emergence of these glazed wares in
Mesopotamia and Iran (Hannestad1983:i,15). It is also believed that TGP was
principally manufactured in Southern Iraq possibly near Basra, although it is possible
that other centers existed (Mason, et al. 1991: 52).
TGP has wide distribution around the Indian Ocean, mostly but not exclusively on
coastal sites, reaching as far as Japan in the Islamic period (Glover 2002). It has been
traded to sites in Eastern Arabia as early as the 5th century BCE (Hojland and
Anderson 1994).
On the South Asian side of the Arabian Sea some TGP were found in coastal
and inland archaeological sites of Srilanka and India (Kennet 2009). Derek Kennet
(2009) further reports that Pattanam sherds could potentially, at the very broadest level,
be dated as early as 5th century BCE to as late as the 14th century CE. However, based
on his closer analysis of the sherds from the 2007 archaeological field season, Kennet
(2009) concludes that, those may most likely be dated between the 3rd/2nd century BCE
to the 7th/8th century CE.

Unidentified distinct pottery is the substantial quantity of pottery (94671) and may
be a clue to the linkages of the Malabar Coast with places and people hitherto unknown.
The pre-occupation with the Romans would have submerged the local and other
regional categories.

Local Pottery is the largest assemblage and probably the most challenging study
material at Pattanam. Truckloads of local pottery were recovered and sherds of 3 cm
and above were quantified by size, number and weight. The diagnostic sherds are
closely studied and the rest are stored. As mentioned earlier, the local pottery sherds
amount to a staggering 3.5 million. They express the various aspects of the sociocultural life of the residents at the site of Pattanam. The local pottery included
containers for day-to-day use, industrial use and architectural materials such as bricks,
tiles and ring wells (Selvakumar 2010; Report on local pottery assemblage 2007). They
would be crucial to the understanding of the social history of Tamilakam (the triangular

�tip of South India comprising present states of Kerala, Tamilnadu, Pondicherry and
parts of Karnataka).

Stratigraphy sequence of amphorae and TGP are in resonance with the chronology
suggested by Tomber (Tomber 2008 b) and Kennet (Kennet 2009). Most of the sherds
are from the Early Historic layers when the commercial transactions were at their peak.
Amphorae very clearly are of the Early Historic layers, while TGP sherds were found in
the Iron Age-Transition layers. This may suggest commercial activity at Pattanam site in
the pre-Roman phase. Interestingly, IRW was found in all the stratigraphic layers of
Pattanam, except the Iron Age and modern layers, suggesting the prolonged role of
regional trade. In spite of the intensely disturbed condition of the site, the stratigraphic
pattern at Pattanam remains uniform. See the illustration of a trench section (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Archaeological illustration of a trench section in the Pattanam site.

The wharf context is the most striking structural feature at Pattanam. It is situated
next to a port, with a canoe, bollards and an adjacent commercial ware house area. The
wharf was found in the northeastern boundary of the site close to a water logged
deposit. The part of the wharf that could be excavated was a huge structure (+6m in
length and 7.3m in width), made of a mixture of laterite granules and had a nineteen
course outer brick lining. The waterlogged area adjacent to the brick-lining had a dugout
canoe made of single log of Anjili wood (Bhatt 2007). The intact portion of the highly
decayed canoe measures ca 6m in length and 30 cm in breadth and the AMS dates put
the C14 calibration age range from 1300 to 100 BCE (i.e.700± 600 cal. BCE with 95.4%
probability) (Cherian, et al. 2009:236-40). The AMS dates for the teak bollard sample

�puts the C14 calibrated age range from 1100 BCE to 1300 CE (i.e 100± 1200 cal. CE
with 95.4% probability) (Cherian, et al. 2009:236-40). The layer below the canoe had
amphorae, rouletted ware, TGP and other ceramics, as a floor for the water-logged area
of the wharf.

Paleo-botanical evidence. Beneath the ceramic layer of the water-logged area of
the wharf, at a depth of 3m, was a rich collection of botanical remains with a layer of
clay over them. Apparently this layer of 25-35 cm thick clay prevented oxidation at the
lower layers and preserved the paleo-botanical remains. The botanical assemblage
included black pepper, bread fruit seed, grape pips, teak, coconut fronds, coconut
shells, prop root base of areca nut, bamboo pieces and indeterminate wooden tissues.
In 2008, cardamom, rice, wheat, green gram, lentil, mango seeds, Indian gooseberry,
Indian jujube, Borassus palm, brinjal, ladies finger and gourds were added to the list
(Kajale 2007; Kajale 2008). Another important botanical item distributed in almost all the
trenches was frankincense. In 2007 and 2008 archaeological field seasons Teak
(Tectona grandis. L.f.) Anjili (Artocarpus hirsutus Lamk.), Punna (Calophyllum
inophyllum.L), Kadukka (Terminalia chebula Retz.) and Karimaruthu/Thenmavu
(Terminalia crinulata H.heyni ex Roth.) were identified (Bhatt 2007; Bhatt 2008). The
ecofacts from the wharf context, as well as the antiquity of the local canoe reiterate the
available information on the spice trade that flourished in the period of the Roman
empire (27 BCE to 393 CE). The akananooru poem 149, refers to the pepper trade
where as purananooru poem 343 mentions about a water craft kazhithoni resembling
the dugout canoe excavated at Pattanam (Selvakumar 2008:21-28). This also
corroborates with information from the Periplus that Roman ships anchored off shore
and collected spices and other trade items using small watercrafts (lightering).
Problems in perspective. Euro-centric perspectives, at the cost of the local,
dominated the history of long distance trade. At no point has the local pottery been a
tool for understanding dynamics nor used as a comparative balance sheet of long
distance trade. However, over the years, perspectives have shifted from Imperial
Roman to Indo-Roman and Indian, but the latter is yet to gain its equilibrium and rightful
place.
It would have been impossible for long distance maritime trade to evolve, survive
and flourish without adequate regional resources - both men and material. Pattanam
had the presence of artisan groups as evidenced by remains of lapidary, metallurgical
and kiln activities.(for details Cherian et al 2010&amp;’11). The regional support systems and
networks were never duly acknowledged while discussing the larger exchanges across
the oceans. The cultural transmissions too were considered unilateral affairs.
The reference to the local pottery is made in this paper mainly to bring parity in
the understanding of long distance maritime contacts. Earlier perspectives (colonial)
concentrated on the non-local antiquities and ceramics and projected Indian port sites
as Roman sites or at the most as Indo-Roman sites! The Pattanam site needs to be
understood primarily as an Indian site with Roman or West Asian connections.

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                <text>Pattanam archaeological site : The wharf context and the maritime exchanges&#13;
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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>Since 2007 the archaeological excavations at Pattanam, located on the southwestern coast of India, were undertaken by the Kerala Council for Historical Research (KCHR) Thiruvananthapuram. These efforts unearthed an early historic (1st c BCE â€“ 5th c CE) multi-cultural port site, which is now widely considered as an integral part of the ancient port of Muziris. This paper discusses the material evidence related to the maritime exchanges at Pattanam, including a wharf context and the importance of the site in the transcontinental interfaces in antiquity.&#13;
&#13;
The most striking material evidence unearthed at Pattanam is the enormous quantity of terracotta objects, ranging from sherds of a variety of jars and pots to roof tiles and bricks. This paper will specifically examine the Indian and non-Indian distinct pottery of the Pattanam ceramic assemblage.  &#13;
&#13;
The excavations in the northeastern part of the site revealed a wharf and warehouse structure, a wooden canoe made of anjili in a waterlogged context, along with nine bollards of teak. The wharf was a platform made of a mixture of laterite, clay and lime, with an elaborate brick lining where the reclining platform touches the water. The waterlogged area also produced a plethora of paleo-botanical and other archaeological evidence prompting one to propose a hypothesis that Pattanam is a major emporium of the spice trade network of the Early Historic Period (1st c BCE â€“ 5th c CE). This â€˜pricelessâ€™ evidence from the wharf context and the adjacent waterlogged area are breakthrough finds for understanding the Early Historic inter-continental  exchanges that flourished as part of the ancient spice trail that linked Asia, Africa and Europe. &#13;
&#13;
The paper concludes by examining the domineering distribution of local pottery as an example in pointing out the problems of Euro-centrism in the perspectives on long-distance exchanges. &#13;
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                <text>P. J Cherian</text>
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                    <text>Maritime History of Steamship Companies Impact
in Modern China, 1840-1911
Han Qing

Abstract
This paper aims to provide evidence of historical documents in Chinese steamship industry and how
these materials may provide context to better understand the underwater cultural heritage. What were
the economic impacts of steamship industry on China’s littoral landscape? Through a discussion on
maritime policies the following examples are noted:
a) Assistance Policy – In 1876 Japan ordered a cessation on Chinese steamships from entering
Japan to purchase coal. In response the Chinese government enacted the September 1876 Decree
for Coal Aggregate Industry in Kai Ping in support of the first national coal mining industry. This
caused great changes in the littoral landscape with the building of mining infrastructure.
b) Preferential treatment – The 1872 Royal Act declared the development of the first Chinese
steamship company. The China Merchants Steam Navigation Company gained monopoly of the
inland-waterway systems (Yangtze River – Shanghai to Hankou to Chong Qing). In support of its
development the policy entailed the following:
i. Raised high-prices on freights with the implementation of a tax to twice their value;
ii. Private company taxes were increased but taxes reduced on the steamship company.
iii. prohibition on other competitive steamship companies until 1896.
These historical records can help to interpret maritime archaeology by providing reasons for
ship-type shifts in cargo assemblages. When the government stepped in with these raised freights
and taxes then the private companies operating junks were ousted by the national steamship
company. This could explain why a shipwreck would encase high-valued merchandise along the
canal system. The cargo could be misinterpreted to represent a pirate ship. However, knowledge of
the relevant policy clarifies the fact that working steamships would have been the preferred vessel to
carry cargoes of high-value.

Introduction
In this discussion of policy I will first start with the definition of keywords and their
context. 'Supportive Shipping Policy' means the governing state provides the
national shipping companies privileges in finance, tax, operation and loans. Foreign
shipping companies do not have the same privileges under these policies. The
policies are an impetus for encouraging new ship building and the expansion of new
and/or developing national shipping companies.
In the 19th century the world market expanded on a large scale after the
Industrial Revolution. Private investments were made in attempts to adapt to the
growing trade that brought about the increased demands of shipping transportation.
National governing bodies, in countries geographically located in the western
hemisphere, noted these dynamics in world economics and instated regulations to
support their national shipping companies.
At the forefront of global maritime activities was Britain. The 1651 Navigation
Act restricted trade by foreign ships between England (in 1701 under the Acts of
Union became 'Great Britain') and its colonies. The goal was to force colonial
development into Liners favourable to England and stop direct colonial trade with the
Netherlands, France and other European countries. The original ordinance of 1651
was renewed during the Sovereign Restoration (1660's), in 1660 and 1663, and
subsequently subject to minor amendment. These Acts formed the basis for British
overseas trade for nearly 200 years.

�In 1837 the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company (P&amp;O) won a
contract from the British Admiralty to deliver mail to the Iberian Peninsula. This was
the first mail contract awarded to a commercial shipping company. Later it was paid
by the Royal Post Office. The mail contracts provided P&amp;O with a degree of financial
security and a major source of revenue for more than 100 years until the outbreak of
the Second World War. Other contracts, similar in nature, were awarded to other
shipping companies, especially Alfred Holt`s Ocean Steamship Company.
Japan and other western states such as America, France and Germany
followed this example and made similar steps towards the development of national
shipping companies.

Forms of supportive shipping policies
Ship-building Subsidy
To encourage national shipping companies to build new vessels governments
provided money towards the costs of construction. The amount was calculated
according to load-tons.
For example, in 1881 France adopted ship-building subsidy acts which entailed
offers of 25.10 francs per ton for iron boats, 11.58-15.44 francs per ton for wooden
boats and 5.80 francs per 100 kilograms (kg) for new engines, boilers and affiliated
parts.
On 1st October 1896 Japan enacted the Navigation Encouragement Law for
vessels ranging in size from 700 to 1000 tons. The subsidy offer was 12 yen per ton.
Larger vessels were offered 20 yen per ton. Additionally, the Japanese authority
offered 5 yen per indicated horsepower (ihp) for machines made in Japan.

Mail Allowance or Navigation Bounty
Rapid expansion of new Liners and national mail shipments were encouraged and
indeed occurred with the aide of subsidies towards national shipping companies.
These subsidies were usually a contract between authority and company, not an act
or regulation.
In the introduction I discussed how Britain was the initial country to enforce
these policies, which was later followed by other countries. I will here introduce the
initiatives of France, America and Germany respectively.
In 1851 the French state agreed on a subsidy to Messageries Nationales (in
1871 renamed the Compagnies des Messageries Maritimes) for the postal service of
an annual subsidy of 300,000 gold francs. This original agreement was guaranteed
for ten years (Ramona 2001).
On 25th August 1865 the American Congress authorized a subsidy to the
Pacific Mail Steamship Company (PMSS) for transporting mail to Yokohama and
Hong Kong. From 1867 the initial subsidy was $500,000 for twelve round trips a year,
to the total sum of $4,500,000 over nine years.
The German government provided support to Norddeutscher Lloyd with an
annual subsidy of 4,400,000 deutsch marks to cover three routes of mail service.
This initial contract lasted for 15 years.

Government supported capital or loans
At times the government has built up new shipping enterprises with government
funds and then turned it over to renowned business groups to operate it. Otherwise,
in order to develop its maritime enterprises, governments have bought steamers for

�specific shipping companies free of charge, and/or they provided loans to be paid
back in instalments. Japan's government has the reputation for providing the most to
the development of its steam-shipping.
Nippon Yusen Kabushiki Kaisha (NYK) and Nisshin Kisen Kaisha (NKK) were
founded by the Japanese government. In August 1872 the Japanese government
gave 15 ships to NYK at the price of 250,000 yen, this was lower than the original
cost to build steamships. Further, the company could repay the money by
instalments. In September 1875 the Japanese government bought 13 steamships
(total tonnage 11,174) and gave the ships to NYK without imposing any fee. In
October of the same year the government lent $810,000 to NYK. With this money
NYK purchased four steamships (total tonnage 6761) from the American company
PMSS's Yokohama-Shanghai line, this sale included shore properties.
NKK or Janpa-China Steamship Company was established in March 1907.
Originally there were four Japanese shipping companies that conducted business on
the Yangtze River. They were a direct competition with British, German, French and
Chinese firms. The Pass Letter Province of Japan decided that a merger of these
companies would enable stronger competition against foreign companies. The new
company (NKK) was formed with approximately 46% of shares held by OSK, 41%
by NYK, 10% by shareholders of Hunan Kisen Company, and 2.5% by Daiton Kisen
Company interests.

Reducing tax burden
The government took over the responsibility of covering the costs for shipping
companies to operate on their routes. They started special tax policies to provide
national shipping enterprises money towards custom charges, port dues, tonnage
tax, transit duty, etc. This allowed for the companies to operate virtually free of
charge along their transit. For example, when the Suez Canal was completed and
opened for shipping traffic the British government covered the Canal transit dues for
British shipping companies.

Cabotage right (Coastal transportation right)
Cabotage originally is the transport of goods or passengers between two ports in the
same country by a vessel. Cabotage has since been expended to now cover
aviation, railways and road transport.
‘Cabotage rights’ are defined as the right-of-passage of company ship(s) owned
by one country to trade or transport in the waters of another country. Most countries
do not permit cabotage by foreign companies, however in the late Ch’ing Dynasty,
after the second Opium War, foreign shipping companies had this right. Only a few
countries in the world have currently renounced this right.

Speed rate allowance
Only Japanese shipping companies operated the speed rate allowance. When the
Japanese ships transported between foreign ports the Japanese government
provided an allowance of 25 yen per 1,000Miles per ton. This came into action under
the 1896 Navigation Encouragement Law. It was limited to vessel(s) with a gross
tonnage over 100, which had the capacity to sail at a speed of over ten knots, and
the age of the vessel was under 15 years old. The allowance would increase by 10%
for every additional 500 gross tons, with a further 20% increase for every extra knot
of speed it could achieve. The highest limit was 6,000 gross tons and 17 knots.
However, this policy had a fatal flaw in that in order to get the allowance the shipping

�companies focused on building larger and faster vessels in spite of hold capacity
and economic benefit (Wray 1984:305).
Inspired by these policies the shipping companies quickly controlled many main
lines of the world. For example, the shipping market of China was monopolized by
foreign companies.
Chart 1.Tonnage percentage of foreign flag ship entered and cleared in the ports of
China (1864-1911) (data from Yang, et al. 1931)
%
80.00
70.00
60.00

BRITAIN

50.00

AMERICA
GERMAN

40.00

FRANCE
30.00
JAPAN
20.00
10.00
0.00
1864

1869

1874

1879

1884

1889

1894

1899

1904

1909

YEAR

China Merchant Steam Navigation Company (CMSNC) was the pioneer
Chinese-flag steam shipping venture. It was formed at the end of 1872 and began
official operations on the 17th January 1873. It changed the situation that Chieseflag shipping shared no more than 1% in the overall Chinese shipping market. The
new company was a serious intervener and rival with the foreign lines. Unlike foreign
companies the Ch’ing Dynasty government did not have any special law or
regulation to support it. CMSNC mainly relied on the idea of its initiator---Li Hungchang. Hung-chang’s support chiefly entailed the following four forms:

1. Government Loans and moratorium
The Ch’ing Dynasty government provided loans to CMSNC and postponed the
return on the captial. In 1873 the initial total capital for CMSNC was Tls.1400,000;
Tls.134,000 of which was a government loan 2 . In 1876 CMSNC experienced
difficulties under the pressure of their rivals Shanghai Steam Navigation Company
(SSNC), China Navigation Company (founded by Butterfield &amp; Swire) and China
Coast Steam Navigation Company (founded by Jardine, Matherson &amp; Co.). Li Hungchang lent Tls.500,000 from the Navy and Land expenditures, along with taxes

1 Tls, Shanghai Tael silver, Chinese monetary unit, one Tls approximately equals one-third Great
British Pound in 1870`s.
2
This was drawn from the military expenditure of Chilli province.

�collected from Yantai customs. In January 1877 the company purchased the entire
fleet and shore properties of SSNC for Tls.2,220,000. This included an initial
payment of Tls.1,000,000, this was obtained from a government loan. It was the
largest loan in company’s history. In 1878 the government loans reached its height
in the company’s history at Tls.1,960,000.
In 1885 CMSNC was to repay the last government loan of Tls.770,000.
Simultaneously more than Tls.1,000,000 of the foreign loan was to be repaid.
Without doubt it was difficult to repay both loans at the same time so Hung-chang
decided to the foreign loan should be repaid first. Once this was accomplished the
Chinese government loan was to be repaid. This meant that the Chinese
government loan was postponed by 5 years, and was not repaid until 1890.

2. Monopolization of transport “tribute rice”
Tribute rice is a special tax for the eight provinces along the littoral of the Grand
Canal 3 (Shandong, Henan, Anhui, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Hunan and Hubei).
The eight provinces were to transport different amounts of rice along the Grand
Canal to Beijing by sampan every year. The amount of tribute rice was
4,000,000Picul4 per annum. The concession of transport tribute rice was a privilege
reserved solely for CMSNC. Hung-chang explained to the Ch’ing Dynasty
government on 23rd of October 1872, the reason for the build of a new steamship
company. His points included transport tribute rice and the challenge of the foreign
monopoly of steam ship companies in China. In 1873 CMSNC transported 20% of
the tribute rice with a rapid increase to 40-50%.
Transporting tribute rice had great affect on the development of CMSNC in its
early stage. Its freight was a stable source of income. This was due to the fact that
the Ch’ing Dynasty government paid higher freights. Before 1879 the freight was
Tls.0.5615833 per Picul and was later reduced by 10%, a fee for the Sea
Transportation Office, and 5%, a fee for all daily costs. The net profit of it was
Tls.0.4773. Additionally, the government paid Tls.0.15 per Picul for repairs. This
included waste rice allowance and a 20% fee tax for carrying other cargo when ships
returned from Tianjin, so the freight was in fact higher than it was for junks to
conduct the same activity. Through the 1880’s the freight declined to Tls.0.531 per
Picul, although essentially remaining higher. The following quote provides evidence
of this:
For the transport of tribute rice from Shanghai to Tientsin,the government for many
years paid Tls.0.55 per Picul---a rate at least twice as high as that charged by foreign
firms for moving cargo between the two ports (Liu 1959:443).

Some foreign shipping companies never attempted to transport tribute rice. In 1875
SSNC proposed to transport the tribute rice by Tls.0.1 per Picul. The freight was
lower than the cost of the goods. A writer for the Shanghai News (16th March 1875)
commented, "it was astonishing to hear this news and forced everyone have to think
about what was the reason behind it". This may signify that there was no doubt that
the manager of SSNC wanted to drive out CMSNC. In 1884 a German named
Flexsys offered another proposal. He wanted to transport the tribute rice for ten
years by seven steamships. His proposal included the fee of Tls.0.6 per Picul, at no

3
4

The Grand Canal refers to ports along the north-south oriented River from Beijing to Hangzhou.
Picul, Chines unit of weight, one picul equals 71.616 kilograms.

�less than 800,000 Picul annually; if, however, this amount was not reached he
offered to pay Tls.0.3 per Picul for any sum that lacked. In return for this contract he
would give seven steamships to China as a gift in kind. Li hung-chang said, “now in
China, there are only two privileges of transport: for the Chinese shipping company
one is tribute rice, and another is salt……It is obviously a bait [for the seven
steamships], we should not believe this offer and instead politely refuse it” (Wu
1905-1908: 4-6). The tribute rice market did not open to foreign shipping companies
for its entire duration.
Transporting tribute rice brought considerable profits to CMSNC. From 1873 to
1884 the net profit of transporting tribute rice totalled Tls.2,600,000. This did not
include the subsidy for repairs and free taxes. The annual average calculation of the
tribute rice freight was 18% of the total income. In 1874 the income from the rice
tribute totalled one-third of the company’s income at Tls.155,000 (Zhang 1988). The
privilege of transport tribute rice became a sharp weapon for CMSNC in the rivalry
with foreign steamship companies.

3. Tax concessions
The company also benefited from certain government tax concessions.
(1) Free tax of cargo. If the company`s steamship succeeded in transporting
tribute rice to Tianjin and carried cargo from the three opened northern ports: Tianjin,
Yingkou and Yantai, when it returned, the export duty of the 20% of the total weight
of tribute rice would be free. In 1876 this policy extend to transport relief food and
the cent-tax5 was free.
(2) Taxation of tea cargoes was another outstanding example of favouritism.
In 1873 Li Hung-chang proclaimed that tea brought by Chinese steamers to Tianjin
would be forwarded to Zhangjiakou (Kalgan) for the Mongolian and Russian markets.
These would not endure any payment of inland duties. The export duty of tea was
usually Tls.2.5 per 100Jin 6 but it declined to Tls.0.6 when tea cargoes were
transported by CMSNC and this included free the coast duty.
(3) Tonnage tax was initially free for the company when it entered and left
some ports. In 1877 after purchasing SSNC, the fleet of the company was enlarged.
The Tonnage Tax started initially with a fixed tax at Tls.1000 per month for the whole
fleet for all ports of China, thereby providing a savings of approximately Tls.30004000 every year.
(4) Free Transit Dues for foreign companies were only ever provided to the
CMSNC.

4. Forbiddance of any other new company to be built
Before the Sino-Japan War (1894) the Ch’ing Dynasty government did its best to
keep the CMSNC as a monopoly over Chinese shipping companies. Any one who
wanted to operate a new steamer line were thwarted.
In 1895 Japan forced the Ch’ing Dynasty government to sign the unfair Treaty
of Shimonoseki. In which it was agreed that Japanese steamships could sail
alongside the Grand Canal from Shanghai to Suzhou and Hangzhou. This was the
first time that China opened inland steam navigation to foreigners. Foreign shipping
companies seized this opportunity to extend their business to inland waterways.
5

Cent-tax, one of business tax. In 1853, the Ch'ing Dynasty government collected tax on overland
cargo transport. At first the tax was 1% of the value.
6
Jin, Chinese weight, one Jin equals 596.8 grams.

�With the power and capacity of steamships as well as the privilege of taxes they
robbed the traditional junks` business in no time. This situation aroused some
Chinese to set up national shipping companies. Forced by peerage pressure the
Ch’ing Dynasty government had to change their attitude. On 13th July 1898 the
government issued the regulations of inland steam navigation which permitted
Chinese people to set up their own steam shipping companies. This was the end of
the CMSNC’s reigning era.

Conclusion
Though the Ch’ing Dynasty government took the above mentioned steps to support
the CMSNC it was limited and insufficient. This could largely be attributed to the
contemporaneous weak government. The CMSNC gave up ocean transportation
first, the purpose of which was to improve the situation along the Chinese coastal
trade and inland shipping markets so they were not monopolized by foreign
companies. However, we can conclude from Chart 2 that these efforts received
limited change.
Chart 2. Percentage of numbers &amp; tonnage of Chinese flag ships that entered and
cleared in the ports of China (1864-1911)7 (data from Yang, et al. 1931)
80.00

%

70.00
60.00
50.00
percentage of ship
numbers

40.00

percentage of
tonnage

30.00
20.00
10.00
0.00
1864

1869

1874

1879

1884

1889

1894

1899

1904

1909

YEAR

The government's preference tended towards steamships over junks,
although the change was slow. Largely, CMSNC initiated the privatized sector of
modern historical Chinese maritime culture which of course has left its imprint in
underwater cultural heritage. It was the first to have its own commercial ship's flag,
develop infrastructure for steamship dockyards, build steamship dockyards, build
Chinese steamships, and lose a steamship in a shipwreck. From 1873-1877 the
7

The sudden rise of ship numbers in 1904 is because the statistics included junks from this year,
however, we can see the percentage of tons decline.

�tonnage percentage increased quickly from 1% to 33%, later the percentage
declined due to the increase in shipwrecks.
The demands of War were another important factor. The three low points in
Chinese steamship development during this period was caused by the following
three wars: Sino-France War (1883), Sino-Japan War (1894) and the Boxer War
(1900).
The CMSNC, the first Chinese steamship company, was also the impetus for
new Chinese industries such as: the fuel support of Kaiping Coal Mining (started
September 1876), the first Chinese business to offer insurance of goods and ships
by the Renhe Insurance Company, communication development and independence
with the Tianjin Telegraph Office and the first higher-education institution in maritime
studies the Shanghai Industrial College of Ministry of Posts and Telegraph (started
in 1909).
To appreciate the potential of Chinese underwater cultural heritage during the
modern historical period we must turn to the development in maritime history of
privatized industry. The first step of which was to compete with the fast globalized
trade that was only possible with the advanced technology used in steamships. This
paper attempted to lay out the history of that development through historical records
and bring together the information in comparative charts. The next step would be to
conduct critical analysis of specific sites related to this industry in China.

Bibliography
Great Britain.
Parliament
1877
Liu, K.C.,
1959
Ramona, P.,
2001
Wray, W. D.,
1984
Wu, R.L.,
1905-1908
Yang, C., Hau, H.B.,
and others
1931
Zhang, H.Q,
1988

Commercial Reports from Her Majesty’s Consuls in
China,1876, Harrison and Sons, London.
"Early enterprise in Nineteenth-Century
China", in
Journal of Asia Studies, Association for Asia studies,
Vol.18, No.4, pp. 442-443．
Paquebot vers L'Orient, Editions Alan Sutton, ProvenceAlpes-côte-d’Azur.
Mitsubishi and the N.Y.K. , 1870-1914: business strategy
in the Japanese shipping industry, Harvard University
Asia Centre, Boston.
Document Record of Li hung-chang, Nanjing Press,
Vol.16.
Statistics of China Foreign Trade During the Last SixtyFive Years, Monograph no. 4, National Research Institute
of Social Sciences, Academia Sinica.
History of China Merchant Steam Navigation Company,
People's Transport Press, Beijing.

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                <text>Maritime History of Steamship Companies Impact in Modern China, 1840-1911&#13;
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                <text>Session 11&#13;
Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>This paper aims to provide evidence of historical documents in Chinese steamship industry and how these materials may provide context to better understand the underwater cultural heritage. What were the economic impacts of steamship industry on Chinaâ€™s littoral landscape? Through a discussion on maritime policies the following examples are noted:&#13;
&#13;
a) Assistance Policy â€“ In 1876 Japan ordered a cessation on Chinese steamships from entering Japan to purchase coal. In response the Chinese government enacted the September 1876 Decree for Coal Aggregate Industry in Kai Ping in support of the first national coal mining industry. This caused great changes in the littoral landscape with the building of mining infrastructure.&#13;
&#13;
b) Preferential treatment â€“ The 1872 Royal Act declared the development of the first Chinese steamship company. The China Merchants Steam Navigation Company gained monopoly of the inland-waterway systems (Yangtze River â€“ Shanghai to Hankou to Chong Qing). In support of its development the policy entailed the following:&#13;
&#13;
	i. Raised high-prices on freights with the implementation of a tax to twice their value;&#13;
	ii. Private company taxes were increased but taxes reduced on the steamship company.&#13;
	iii. prohibition on other competitive steamship companies until 1896.&#13;
&#13;
These historical records can help to interpret maritime archaeology by providing reasons for ship-type shifts in cargo assemblages. When the government stepped in with these raised freights and taxes then the private companies operating junks were ousted by the national steamship company. This could explain why a shipwreck would encase high-valued merchandise along the canal system. The cargo could be misinterpreted to represent a pirate ship. However, knowledge of the relevant policy clarifies the fact that working steamships would have been the preferred vessel to carry cargoes of high-value.&#13;
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                <text>Han Qing</text>
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                    <text>Protection of Catalina Wreck Site in Biak Water and
Rehabilitation of the Surrounding Marine Environment
Zainab Tahir

Abstract
Over more than a decade ago a United States of America’s (USA) Air Force aircraft was found
underwater off the coast of Biak in West Papua. The aircraft is believed to be Pby Catalina, a
WWII amphibious bomber aircraft.
When the Papua Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries operated regular monitoring for
marine ecosystems in Biak waters the team recorded severe problems with marine life directly
associated to the waters surrounding the Catalina Wreck Site. National and Local government
have been working together since 2010 to manage the underwater heritage and the marine
environment in an integrated way. It is aimed that integrated management of the site will preserve
the historical value of the WWII remains and rehabilitate the surrounding marine environment.
Rehabilitation involves the establishment of coral gardens surrounding the wreckage of the
aircraft.
My intention in this paper is to present the plans of the Ministry of Marine Affairs and
Fisheries to recover the coral reef to a healthy condition, to protect the underwater cultural
heritage (UCH) and to manage the area for reasonable use.

Introduction
Nowadays, the site popularly known as Catalina Wreck Site (CWS) has become
one of the biggest attractions to tourists in the West Papua area. It was probably
shot down by the Japanese during WWII when the islands of Biak were used as
a base by both the USA and Japanese forces. The USA Air Force was based on
Owi Island which is less than 10 nautical miles from the Island of Biak where the
Japanese were stationed. The sunken aircraft is located between these two
islands and is still intact because it is lying in relatively calm water which is only
less than 30 meters deep.
In addition to the presence of the WWII remains, Biak waters have a
variety of marine biodiversity. However, when the team from the Ministry of
Marine Affairs and Fisheries conducted regular monitoring of the marine
ecosystem they found severe problems with the underwater life and especially
surrounding the CWS. It was assumed this was cased by destructive fishing
activities including the use of dynamite. These activities have caused severe
damage to the coral reefs, this has left only a remaining 20% healthy coral
surrounding the entire Biak Island (Research Center for Maritime Territory and
Non Living Resources 2006).

�Figure 1. Catalina from the top part (left). General Condition of Coral Reefs Along
the Site (right) (photographs taken by Cipto A.Gunawan, 2009)
Since 2010 the National and Local Government have attempted to
manage the underwater resources in an integrated way. One long-term goal of
the management is to set up the area as a Maritime Conservation Area within
which the WWII remains and coral reefs would be managed and protected for
reasonable use. The practical idea to remedy this particular marine ecosystem is
to establish coral gardens. Other advantages of creating these artificial reefs are
increasing local economic growth through creating a tourist attraction and raising
the awareness of local people and to engender respect for their heritage as well
as the marine environment.
On the other hand, based on regulations, extending some features
surrounding cultural sites means changing the original landscape and this is
prohibited. The Governmental Decree No.10/1993 chapter 29 on the Explanation
of Law No.5/1992 of Cultural Protection Objects declared that the activities
classified as damaging actions are reducing, extending, changing, moving and
polluting a protected heritage, however, this policy is not set in stone, the other
chapters (chapter 22 and 23) point out that in order to protect and maintain the
cultural heritage, development is allowed with certain restrictions, taking
consideration of the site and environmental boundaries. Moreover, this is
reinforced by the new Law No.11/2010 on Cultural Protection, stating that in
order to preserve its sustainability as well as to benefit the community; the
development of cultural sites is permitted with strict terms and conditions.
Establishing a set of plans is a significant step in order to bridge the
regulations, the protection of the CWS and the rehabilitation of the coral reefs.
One of the plans is a zoning system. This is a spatial planning approach which
divides areas into different zones based on their characteristics and functions.
Jon Day (2002:141) pointed out that, “managing marine areas refers to the
concept of ‘zoning’ to separate conflicting uses or to keep sensitive, ecologically
valuable or recovering areas free from use”.
Examples of how to protect a cultural site can be found in the
management of terrestrial heritage sites in Indonesia. For example, the
Borobudur temple uses zoning plans and other policies on access to better
control the impacts of humans or the environment on the site. This World
Heritage Listed site is divided into the following five zones: Zone 1 is a strict
protection zone at a radius of approximately 200m from the temple; Zone 2 is the

�buffer zone established 500m from the core zone and open for visitors, facilities
and the office; the other three zones, which are at a variety of radial, contain
some protected cultural sites (Baiquni 2009).
In Indonesia zoning plans are popularly implemented for terrestrial
archaeological sites, land and marine national parks, urban planning and other
industries (such as mining). Implementation of this style of management to
underwater cultural sites is indeed a new task to all parties, including the
government. This country has a huge number of historical submerged sites which
are supposed to be protected with the intention for long-lasting future existence
and to be managed for its benefit to local communities. Therefore, establishing
the plans for the site management is crucial to bring into an action. In this case
the Catalina Wreck Site would be a pilot project.
“Zoning” is a popular term used for spatial planning. Act No.27/2007 on
Management of Coastal Zone and Small Islands defined it as “a spatial
engineering technique in dividing zones based on its resources and its “carrying
capacity””, and zoning plan is a set of plans ruled whether the activities are
allowed or not in the determined zones. Generally, it is divided into three areas:
first, the core zone; and second, the protected area, aimed to preserve important
objects or ecosystem; third, is a buffer or supporting zone. An example for Zone
2 is David.H. Williamson’s (2004) Marine Park “no take” zone, it is a location
allocated only for the preservation of marine biodiversity. In Borobudur Zoning
Plans, this zone is multi-functional with particular restrictions located a half
kilometer from the temple. It is almost the same as what Day (2002) pointed out
about the buffer zone of the Great Barrier Reefs, in that it allows for commercial
and recreational activities but restricts shipping, trawling, oil drilling and mining.
The third zone is rehabilitation or development; according to the Ministerial
Decree of Ministry of Forestry No.P.56/Menhut-II/2006, all rehabilitation activities
such as recovering the devastated ecosystems are suggested for inclusion in this
zone. Considering these regulations in managing the CWS and rehabilitating the
marine ecosystem the following zoning model and coral reef recovering method
is presented.

Zoning Plans
Zoning is a cornerstone of area management. The Great Barrier Reef is a
remarkable example for its zoning plans. They are aimed to conserve, to regulate
the use of the Marine Park while “allowing reasonable use, to regulate the
activities that exploit the resources as well as to minimize the effect of those
activities, to reserve the areas for public appreciation and enjoyment, and finally
to preserve the resources in its pristine undisturbed condition except for the
purposes of scientific research” (Kenchington 1990 in Day 2002). Zoning is also
implemented to minimize conflict of use.

�Figure 2. The sceme of coral garden (Designed by I Ketut Sudiarta)
There are three main objectives in the creation of zones in the CWS.
Firstly, protect the underwater cultural heritage. Secondly, conserve the marine
ecosystem. Thirdly, manage the reasonable use by visitors and local community.
Table 1 (below) illustrates the zoning plans of CWS, divided into four major
categories:

Activities
Coral
Transplantation
Diving
Coral Adopt
Memorial Stone

Table 1. Zoning Matrix of the CWS
Protection Buffer Rehabilitation Utilization
Zone
Zone
Zone
Zone
No
No
Yes
Yes
Yes
No
No

Yes
No
No

Yes
No
Yes

Yes
Yes
No

Notes:
•

•
•

•

Protection Zone is the zone where the UCH “Catalina Wreck Site” is spotted. Strict
entry for tourism is allowed in this area, however, fishing and all extensions such as
establishing a coral garden are prohibited to a certain width. Strict entry means it is a
“look but don’t touch” zone, in which all forms of extraction (including fishing) are
prohibited.
Buffer Zone, in this area all activities are prohibited in the protection Zone. It provides
support to the protection zone.
Rehabilitation Zone is part of the area where the marine ecosystems are severely
damaged and need to be recovered if it is to continue existence. In this area
establishment of coral garden is part of the long-term plan.
Utilization Zone. As it seen from the scheme above, this zone is divided into two
parts, first is creative zone aimed at encouraging local communities to recruit and
grow coral as an coral ornament for aquarium; the second is Catalina Reef Aware
concerned in the persuation and introduction to tourists in the adoption of coral reefs.

�Rehabilitation
William Precht (1998) mentioned two options of recovering coral reefs: first is
rehabilitation, “enhancing natural recovery through substrate stabilization”, and
the second is restoration, which means, “reestablishing the structural, biological
and aesthetical aspect of the reefs”. Helen E. Fox, et.al (2005) suggested that
rehabilitation is more practical and costs less than the restoration option.
Rehabilitation of the marine ecosystem is a recovery process of the
damaged environment to revive its existence. However, restoring damaged coral
reefs are complicated. Sometimes specific corals are unsuccessfully transplanted
(Clark and Edwards 1995; Harriot and Fisk 1995; Edward and Clark 1998 in Fox,
et al. 2005). There are some methods that have been implemented such as
cultivation of coral gardens through transplantation (Harriot and Fisk 1995;
Rinkevich 2000 in Fox, et al. 2005) and another different technique that
accelerates the growth of recruited coral (Hilbertz 1992; Van Treeck and
Schuhmacher 1997; Van Treeck and Schuhmacher 1999 in Fox, et al. 2005).
According to Mark Baine (2001) “rehabilitation” means creation of artificial
coral reefs, protection of coastal areas, conservation of the sea life and providing
new tourist attractions (which can generate market impacts to gain local
economic growth). National Oceanic Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) (2007)
guide states that,
properly constructed, and strategically sited artificial reefs can enhance fish
habitats, provide more access to quality fishing grounds, benefit fishermen and the
economies of shore communities, increase total fish biomass within a given area,
and provide managers with another option for the conservation and management
of fishery resources.

The term rehabilitation can also be used in the sense to mitigate the loss of the
habitats. James Spurgeon and Ulf Lindahl (2000) pointed out that “manipulation”
of the coral habitat is a popular experimental option to manage and conserve
coral reefs. Relocating and fixing it to the particular substrate is one of the
methods to recover this habitat. However, policy of restoring or rehabilitating
coral reefs should be standardized by the government. An example of which is
what Ministry of Environment in Japan has done by arranging manual for
restoration and remediation of coral reefs done by Japan Government (Ministry
of Environment, 2004). In the USA, the government has developed an approach
that considers biological and economic information to assess the significance of
ecosystem restoration, known as Habitat Equivalency Analysis (HEA) (Unsworth
and Bishop 1994; Milon and Dodge in press; Spurgeon and Lindahl 2000:132).
NOAA’s (2007) guideline established important aspects to consider in the
success of artificial reefs “manipulation habitats” such as sitting, material and
design, regulatory requirement, construction, management and liability.
In the CWS transplantation plans are based on the considerations of the
ecosystem recovery, the opportunity to gain local economic growth and raising
awareness of the local community, as well as protection of the UCH. The
methods which are planned are divided into two major parts. Firstly, the
Rehabilitation Base, which is located approximately at 15 to 20 meters depth.

�This area has provided for a coral garden. The design is about block writing
“CATALINA BIAK”. This consists of two different parts and different material block and writing. The block is formed by a hard structure, while the writing is
from specific pipes (Term of Reference of Directorate of Coastal and Ocean
Affairs 2010).

Figure 3. Models of the artificial reefs structure’s block
(designed by Dondy Arafat).
The transplant corals, which placed on the block, are taken from rare deep
coral species that grow in Biak waters. The types of the species (sp) (hard coral,
soft coral dan googonian) are lobophytum strictum, Blastomussa sp, Caulastrea
sp, Nepthea sp (Research Center for Maritime Territory and Non Living
Resources 2006). Secondly is the involvement of the community base which
provides location of creative zone and adopt coral or Catalina Reef Aware to
encourage people participating in planting corals. For example, in a creative area
located in 3 – 5 m depth the local community is persuaded to grow various types
of coral ornaments, which can be managed as an alternative livelihood. It also
can generate an embryo or source of the next coral transplantation. However, in
the Catalina Reef Aware Zone, located in 5 – 10 m, tourists are offered to buy
recruited coral and tag their name in each as personal memories. This method
was successfully implemented in Sanur – Bali (I Ketut Sudiarta, 2009).
Additionally, as a tourist attraction, coral transplantation also reduces the
strength of the coastal current in this area. It must be stated that remarkable
achievement of coral rehabilitation could not be generalized due to the different
conditions of each environment.
The coral reefs recovery program and the protection of the CWS have
long-term targets to achieve. All above-mentioned plans are starting points in the
recognition of the area as a Maritime Conservation Area.

Maritime Conservation Area
“Maritime Conservation Area” (MCA), is a title found in Ministerial Decree of
Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries No. 17/2008 concerning Conservation of
Coastal Zone and Small Islands. It is defined as “certain area which legally stated
to protect the existing traditional maritime custom and maritime archaeological

�site which is closely related to the conservation of coastal and small islands”.
Basically, the concept is a similar to the Marine Protected Area (MPA) as a
conservation tool in locations to limit public access in order to improve its
sustainability. However, MPAs are mostly used to determine locations where
fishing activities are socially and economically important (Sutton and Tobin
2004), while MCAs rely on the presence of the maritime heritage whether its
tangible, such as coastal and underwater cultural sites, or intangible, for instance
its traditional or local wisdom related to maritime aspects. According to the
Ministerial Decree (2008), Maritime Conservation Area is classified into two
categories; first is protected area of intangible maritime heritage, and the second
is protected area of tangible maritime heritage. The CWS and the surrounding
area’s long term goals fall within the second category.
Establishing the MCA requires the following systematic stages (Figure 4):
• collection of data related to the biophysics of the area and the
ecosystems, social economic and culture of the local community,
local policies in order to support conservation program; collecting
general data such as history, position and boundary of the site,
providing thematic and bathymetric map of the site and the related
area.
• survey and significant assessment aims to verify and collect
data from the field, such as climate, coastal and oceanography,
social economic of the community, infrastructures, cultural sites and
urban development planning. Based on survey results and the
available data, significance of the marine ecosystems, social
economic and cultural aspects are assessed to measure the
feasibility of the establishment of the MCA, as well as, the extent of
coverage for the protected area;
• public consultation to obtain input from the local community, as
well as to educate people about policy of the protection of the
marine environment and UCH;
• recommendation to the authority whether to endorse or not.
All stages above are suggested be done or facilitated by local government who
proposes the establishment of the maritime conservation area.
In the case of the long term five year program of the CSW, some stages
such as collecting data were done in 2010 and the public consultation is planned
in this year. However, the involvement of local community still needs to be
refined.
Maritime Conservation
Area

Collecting Data

Survey and Significant
Assessment

Public Consultation

Recommendation

Figure 4. Diagram of the MCA systematic stages (Ministrial Decree 2008).

�Conclusion
The purpose of the management of the CWS and its surrounding marine
environment are to conserve its present state and to preserve its sustainability for
future generations. Furthermore, the CWS is part of several significant sites in
Biak Island related to the WWII. In consideration of the evidence provided in this
paper one could conclude that regional protection is required in this area.
However, the plan of this small project is expected more systematic than its
current plan to provide an advanced management plan before establishing it as a
MCA. Introducing the program to the local community and ensuring their
involvement from the beginning should be integrated into part of the plans.
Another concern is the arrangement of related guidelines such as artificial reef
guidelines and diving in/on the UCH.
By managing WWII remains in Indonesia the country’s officials can
provide an opportunity for future WWII sites to establish mutual heritage center
for WWII remains and conduct a heritage trail join-program between Asia Pacific
countries to introduce the existences of the heritage, widely.

Bibliography
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Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>Over more than a decade ago a United States of Americaâ€™s (USA) Air Force aircraft was found underwater off the coast of Biak in West Papua. The aircraft is believed to be a PBY Catalina, a WWII amphibious bomber aircraft. &#13;
&#13;
When the Papua Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries operated regular monitoring for marine ecosystems in Biak waters the team recorded severe problems with marine life directly associated to the waters surrounding the Catalina Wreck Site. National and Local government have been working together since 2010 to manage the underwater heritage and the marine environment in an integrated way. It is aimed that integrated management of the site will preserve the historical value of the WWII remains and rehabilitate the surrounding marine environment. Rehabilitation involves the establishment of coral gardens surrounding the wreckage of the aircraft.&#13;
&#13;
My intention in this paper is to present the plans of the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries to recover the coral reef to a healthy condition, to protect the underwater cultural heritage (UCH) and to manage the area for reasonable use.&#13;
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                <text>Zainab Tahir</text>
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                    <text>Legally in situ: legislative allowance for the practical
application of in situ preservation pertaining to marine
archaeological materials
Debra Shefi1
‘The protection of underwater cultural heritage through in situ preservation shall be
considered as the first option. Accordingly, activities directed at underwater cultural heritage
shall be authorized in a manner consistent with the protection of that heritage, and subject to
that requirement may be authorized for the purpose of making a significant contribution to
protection or knowledge or enhancement of underwater cultural heritage’ (2001 Convention:
Annex, General Principles, Rule 1).

Abstract
The protection of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) often falls prey to interpretation of, or
exclusion from, the law. With the ratification of the 2001 United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) Convention on the Protection of the Underwater
Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) encouraging the use of in situ preservation as the
preferred option for managing these submerged sites, there is a need for a more refined
guideline as to what constitutes in situ preservation within the 2001 Convention. Cultural
heritage managers utilise a number of proactive and reactive in situ preservation methods
with the intent to establish and maintain a stable environment for submerged cultural material,
which can only be employed if the State Party has supporting legislation.
Within the
Asia Pacific region, the degree of State Party laws pertaining to the protection of UCH ranges
from being in compliance with the rules and principles outlined by the 2001 Convention to
contradicting the fundamentals within the document outright. Furthermore, terminology found
within State Party laws varies from terminology found within the 2001 Convention, which
further differs from terminology used by practitioners. With this in mind, it is necessary to try
and bridge the gap between written definitions found in international texts and laws with the
practitioners’ application of in situ preservation in order to strengthen the relationship between
language and practice for the purposes of more efficiently supporting the management of
underwater sites. This paper will focus on terminology within the Asia Pacific region pertaining
to UCH management by examining the differences between legal boundaries and best
management strategies. This paper will specifically look at terminology within regional
domestic laws, discuss Rule 1 of the Annex, and address how amending terminology within
these texts may benefit the region.

Introduction
Heritage, along with the debate surrounding its ownership, has existed as a
legal entity in various capacities for over a century. As an all-encompassing
term, heritage has been defined as both the tangible and intangible aspects of
society that are considered valuable enough to preserve and pass on through
the generations (Davison 1991; Schofield 2008; Smith 2006). More
specifically, the term can be broken down into individual facets, including
cultural heritage (together with underwater cultural heritage), natural heritage,
intangible heritage, industrial heritage, and ethnographic heritage
(UNESCO.org; Smith 2006; Rössler 2006; UNESCO 1972). Heritage can also
1

Flinders University, Department of Archaeology, Australia, Debra.shefi@flinders.edu.au

1

�be considered an aspect of history, a discourse, and a tradition, thus providing
a resource to better understand the past (Schofield 2008; Smith 2006). More
broadly, it is a useful term to describe what is remembered, practised,
continued and evolved throughout the ages.
Laws regarding the protection of cultural heritage within the Asia
Pacific region vary in degree of legal definition with regards to what
constitutes the term in accordance to age, material, location and ownership.
The different definitions have significant implications on the classification of
material, and therefore the extent of protection. This paper will focus on
identifying key phrases within State Party laws that are associated with
heritage found underwater, and how these relate to the General Principles,
Rule 1 in the Annex associated with the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. The purpose of this
investigation is to consider the need to amend specific terminology or
definitions of terms within the 2001 Convention’s Annex in order to provide
stronger support for State Parties that have either ratified or agreed to the
rules and guidelines provided in the Annex. In order to do this, the discussion
will first set out which nations in the region have cultural heritage laws
specifically referencing UCH and the terminology applied within these texts.
Nations included in this study are based on UNESCO’s parameters for the
Asia Pacific region (UNESCO.org). The discussion will then continue by
reviewing Rule 1 followed by how the domestic laws relate to the Annex. It is
necessary to consider the relationship between domestic law and the 2001
Convention, and whether this relationship can be strengthened.

Asia Pacific as defined by UNESCO
UNESCO delineates Asia Pacific as the following countries:
Afghanistan
Australia1,2
1
Bangladesh
Bhutan
Brunei Darussalam
Cambodia1
1
China
Cook Islands
Democratic Peoples
Republic of Korea
Fiji
India
Indonesia
Islamic Republic of Iran
Japan
Kazakhstan
Kiribati

Kyrgyzstan
People’s Democratic
Republic of Lao
1
Malaysia
Maldives
Marshall Islands
Federated State of
Micronesia
Mongolia
Myanmar
Nauru
Nepal
New Zealand1
Niue
1
Pakistan
1
Palau
Papua New Guinea

Philippines1
Republic of Korea
Russian Federation
Samoa
Singapore
Solomon Islands
Sri Lanka
Tajikistan
Thailand
Timor-Leste
Tonga
Turkey
Turkmenistan
Tuvalu
Uzbekistan
Vanuatu
Viet Nam

1

State Party with laws referencing the protection of underwater cultural heritage within
general law.
2
State Party with specific laws referring to the protection of underwater cultural heritage.

Within the cultural heritage legislation of these countries, there is a
spectrum of protection for UCH. This ranges from specific protection of
archaeological material located beneath the surface of the seabed, through to
allowing treasure hunting by permit. There are forty-eight Parties listed above
2

�and only two have ratified the 2001 Convention: Cambodia and the Islamic
Republic of Iran. Many of the remaining nations listed above have agreed to
the Annex but because of political reasons or contradictions with their own
domestic laws, have yet to ratify the 2001 Convention. Of the forty-eight
countries, no cultural heritage legislation was found for fifteen countries, and
an English translation was not available for five countries. As a note, there
may be relevant heritage legislation for these fifteen Parties however no
mention of UCH laws could be found in English sources. Thirteen of the
twenty-eight English translations for the Parties have legislation pertaining to
the protection of cultural heritage in regards to water. Of the thirteen nations,
Australia is the only country to have specific UCH legislation, and this specific
legislation only pertains to shipwrecks (HSA 1976). None of these thirteen
nations refer to in situ preservation within their cultural heritage laws.
The most common terminology found within the domestic laws are in
regards to the location of heritage material – in internal waters, archipelagic
waters, and territorial waters. Of the thirteen Asia Pacific nations with
underwater references in their legislation, Malaysia and Sri Lanka reference
internal waters. Malaysia, for example, includes antiquities located in, ‘any
part of the soil or of the bed of a river or lake or of the sea’ (MAA 1976: Part
I.2.a), and includes any undiscovered antiquities, ‘lying on or hidden beneath
the surface of the ground or in any river or lake or in the sea’, to be ‘absolute’
property of the Malaysian government (MAA 1976: Part II.3.3). This legislation
however, does not reference preservation of these antiquities, merely the
location and ownership.
Terminology and phrasing regarding the location of State-specific
legally defined cultural heritage ranges from ‘on land and underwater’, to ‘on
ground or underwater', ‘to the Territorial Sea', and to ‘the Continental Shelf’;
however, active management regarding preservation is neither outlined nor
referenced. Examples of cultural heritage legislation consisting of these terms
include:
Bangladesh – Antiquities Act 1968;
Philippines – Cultural Properties Preservation and Protection Act 1974
and National Cultural Heritage Act 2009 (see Orillenada and
Ronquillo this volume);
Sri Lanka – Antiquities Ordinance 1956 (Revision);
Turkey – Conservation of Cultural and National Property 1983.
Cambodia has more specific laws stating that it is illegal to, ‘carry out
excavations or survey on land or under water, for the purposes of bringing to
light cultural property...’, without approval from the appropriate authority
(RPCH 1992: Section 8. Article 47; LPCH 1996: Chapter 2. Section 7. Article
40; see Heng Kamsan; Nady Phann this volume). China also extends
legislation regarding the preservation of ancient remains and relics out to the,
‘territorial seas within the boundaries of the People’s Republic of China’
(LPRC 1982. Chapter 1. Article 5), as does New Zealand under the Antiquities
Act 1975 (see Charter and Dodd this volume) and Viet Nam under the Law on
Cultural Heritage 2001. Again, these laws do not address specific methods for
managing the preservation of underwater cultural material.
Pakistan’s legislation, in contrast to many others, does provide some
framework regarding the survey and excavation of cultural heritage. The
Pakistani Archaeological Excavation and Exploration Rules 1978 (AEER)

�defines excavation to mean, ‘any research aimed at the discovery of an
antiquity, whether such research involves digging of the ground or is carried
out on the bed or in the sub-soil of inland or territorial waters of Pakistan’
(AEER 1978:2.1.b). The AEER also defines exploration to mean,
‘investigation, without digging; or surface, aerial or underwater operations
aimed at the discovery, survey or recording of an antiquity’ (AEER
1978:2.1.c). Furthermore, no significant archaeological materials found during
a survey or excavation can be, ‘destroyed, dismantled, removed or disturbed,
save with the previous permission’, nor can individuals, ‘mutilate, discolour,
disfigure, remove, dismantle or damage any antiquity found in the course of
excavation or exploration’ (AEER 1978:9.d and 9.f). Excavation can be a
destructive method of information extraction, and is potentially damaging to
the stability of underwater cultural resources. The AEER sets out that
practitioners who are surveying and excavating must, ‘take necessary
measures for safeguarding and preserving the site under excavation or
exploration during and between seasons of work’ (AEER 1978:9.m). This
implies in situ preservation without defining the specific parameters of
‘safeguarding and preserving’. This is an example where the integration of
the international 2001 Convention with a strengthened definition for in situ
preservation could support and encourage more active preservation under
domestic law. Of the laws mentioned above, the trend within domestic law
focuses on the location and ownership of heritage, not the management and
preservation of the sites.

UNESCO – Background on the 2001 Convention
One of the first events in initiating the development of the 2001 Convention
occurred during discussions leading up to the establishment of the United
Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1958 (UNCLOS). This was in
regards to the conscious omission of, ‘objects such as wrecked ships and
their cargoes (including bullion) lying on the seabed or covered by the sand of
the subsoil’, within the document (YILC 1957:298). The UNCLOS does
however stipulate that, ‘this article is without prejudice to other international
agreements and rules of international law regarding the protection of objects
of an archaeological and historical nature’, (1982: Article 303.4) – a proviso
that extends to include the 2001 Convention. As an institution, UNESCO, ‘is
the sole intergovernmental organization with near universal membership
which has a mandate to help States protect their cultural heritage’ (Engelhardt
2006:7). Although this agency encourages Parties to ratify the 2001
Convention, the process of ratification is long and arduous. More than 100
countries were present during the meetings to create the document, and
although these countries helped develop the outline and terminology applied
throughout the text, each nation had to sacrifice key points or terms that
complied with their domestic laws. With omissions and alterations, many
States were no longer able or willing to ratify the 2001 Convention. However,
they did often state that, ‘they [would] ensure that the Rules of the Annex are
implemented’ (Engelhardt 2006:7). Although ratification of the 2001
Convention is, for some countries, unrealistic in the near future, the

�participating bodies agreed that the 2001 Convention helps establish an
international standard and regulation specific to the management and
preservation of UCH (Englehardt 2006). To date, 40 State Parties have
ratified the 2001 Convention (UNESCO.org).

Part One of the Annex Framework
The General Principles outlined in the Annex to the 2001 Convention provide
rules regarding the protection of UCH. Rule 1 of the General Principles states
that in situ preservation is to be considered as the first option in managing
submerged cultural material. According to UNESCO, this means that objects,
‘should preferably be left on the seabed in their original location’
(UNESCO.org). Although in situ preservation is stated as the preferred
option, under certain conditions the removal of artefacts from on or beneath
the seabed may be acceptable as long as excavation can provide, ‘a
significant contribution to protection or knowledge or enhancement of
underwater cultural heritage’ (2001 Convention: General Principles, Rule 1).
By the broad UNESCO definition, UCH could be considered preserved
if it were left submerged in its current place of rest, either beneath the seabed
or resting on the seabed. While practitioners may not argue with this
statement, if the site is located in an exposed or dynamic environment, a
passive response will do nothing for the long-term protection and preservation
of the site. In order to more effectively manage the site, an appropriate
proactive in situ preservation method suited to the environmental conditions
should be applied. In this case, a clearer definition for best management may
include actively managing a site in its original location, ‘in order to extend its
longevity while maintaining original context and spatial position’ (Ortmann, et
al. 2010:28). If the material is degrading at a high rate due to exposure from
extreme tidal movement, sand movement, coastal erosion, looting, salvage,
construction, or marine organisms a proactive preservation measure suited to
the environment should be applied. This course of action leaves the site in
situ - thus falling under the stipulated best management practice – while still
allowing for and encouraging active management and preservation of the
UCH.
Since the 1950s, practitioners around the world have acknowledged
the importance of in situ preservation and experimented with a number of
different methods regarding the stabilisation of shipwrecks and associated
underwater material. These preventative and proactive in situ preservation
methods include backfilling, sediment dumping, hessian and polypropylene
sandbagging, deposition of ballast and stones, and the use of geotextiles,
artificial seagrasses, plastics, tyres, toxins, trenches, and iron and plastic
fences (Harvey 1996; Hosty 1988; Moran 1997a; Moran 1997b; Oxley 1998;
Sledge 1979; Waddell 2007). It may be difficult, however, to obtain support for
the application of these methods due to a lack of specific reference within
both domestic law and the 2001 Convention. UNESCO’s current definition
encourages ethical practices and promotes protection of cultural heritage,
however it does not provide specific guidance in methodology for in situ site
preservation.

�Any method of in situ preservation, whether proactive or reactive,
should reflect the importance of context as well as scientific site formation
processes, while helping to re-establish equilibrium at the site after exposure.
Research in countries such as Australia, Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands,
and Canada have demonstrated that proactive in situ preservation helps slow
down the rate of decomposition by increasing the establishment of an
anaerobic environment (Bergstrand 2002; Björdal and Nilsson 2008; Curci
2006; Gregory 1998; Grenier 2007; Manders 2006; Manders, et al. 2005;
Nyström 2002). These various scientific data strengthen the argument for an
expansion of the definition of in situ preservation, and reinforces the
importance for the 2001 Convention to address specific methodological
approaches within internationally accepted standards for best practice. With a
lack of countries in the Asia Pacific region having domestic cultural heritage
laws specifically inclusive of heritage underwater, the broad acceptance of the
Annex, with suggested methodology, is a crucial step in more effective
preservation in the Region. Furthermore, those Parties with laws regarding
UCH will have a more comprehensive document to help support their own
laws in regards to more efficient and proactive site protection.

Parallel Terms between Entities
The 2001 Convention is a necessary adjunct to the UNCLOS in regards to
underwater archaeological material. The 2001 document extends State Party
jurisdiction beyond individual Territorial Seas to include waters within the
Economic Exclusive Zone (EEZ) and Contiguous Zone, up to the nominal
boundary of the Continental Shelf (2001 Convention: Article 8, 10.1, 10.2).
Under special circumstances, the jurisdiction of a State Party may extend out
into the Area (2001 Convention: Article 11.1). The 2001 Convention
establishes a framework that addresses the safeguarding and preservation of
UCH with the intent of helping to establish an international standard for the
survey, exploration, and management of submerged archaeological sites.
Restrictive economic circumstances that many nations face due to the
ongoing global financial crisis have implications on the management of
cultural heritage. Decisions around site preservation and protection methods
may be limited in this current environment. It is however still the responsibility
of individual countries to protect their own UCH by, ‘the best practical means
at their disposal and in accordance with their capabilities’ (2001 Convention,
Article 2.4). While the capabilities of individual Nations may vary, further
developing the definition of in situ preservation provided by UNESCO may
also introduce a greater onus on governments to consider their duty of care
by actively stabilizing sites under internationally accepted rules and principles.

Conclusion
One of the most important aspects of the 2001 Convention is that it
encourages international co-operation and fosters the exchange of
information and methodologies that improve the protection and preservation
of significant UCH. This information, in conjunction with domestic law within
the Asia Pacific region, helps practitioners better manage UCH at an

�internationally accepted standard. Rule 1 from the Annex, General Principles
identifies in situ preservation as the first option for managing submerged
cultural heritage. It does not, however, outline in situ preservation
methodologies acceptable for application. As the specific concept of in situ
preservation is not addressed in any domestic laws relating to cultural
heritage management within the Asia Pacific region, it is necessary to better
integrate UNESCO’s definition with methodologies and applied practice to
more effectively manage underwater sites.
Amendments to the 2001 Convention and to the Annex can occur in
2014, five years after the January 2009 ratification. In this context, clarifying in
situ preservation techniques as best practice in managing UCH sites will
enable more cohesion between domestic laws and the international 2001
Convention for the Asia Pacific region. This will be of great benefit to
participating governments and to practitioners, leading to better outcomes for
the long-term preservation and value of UCH.

Abbreviations
2001
Convention
AEER 1978
HSA 1976
LPCH 1996
LPRC1992
MAA 1976
RPCH 1992
UNESCO.org
UNESCO 1972
UNCLOS
YILC 1957

United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural
Organization. 2001 Convention on the Protection of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage.
Pakistan - Archaeological Excavation and Exploration Rules
1978
Australia - Historic Shipwrecks Act 1976
Cambodia - Law on the Protection of Cultural Heritage 1996
China - Law of the People’s Republic of China on
Protection of Cultural Relics 1982
Malaysia – Antiquities Act No. 168 1978
Cambodia – Resolution on the Protection of Cultural
Heritage 1992
www.UNESCO.org
United Nations Eductional, Scientific, and Cultural
Organization. 1972 World Heritage Convention
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1958
United Nations, 1957, Yearbook of the International Law
Commission 1956, Vol II. United Nations, New York.

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Issue 2, pp. 1-8.
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on the William Salthouse” in Bulletin of the Australasian
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13-16.
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in the Netherlands” In R. Grenier, D. Nutley and I.
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Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>The protection of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) often falls prey to interpretation of, or exclusion from, the law. With the ratification of the 2001 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organizationâ€™s  (UNESCO) Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention) encouraging the use of in situ preservation as the preferred option for managing these submerged sites, there is a need for a more refined guideline as to what constitutes in situ preservation within the 2001 Convention. Cultural heritage managers utilise a number of proactive and reactive in situ preservation methods with the intent to establish and maintain a stable environment for submerged cultural material, which can only be employed if the State Party has supporting legislation.  	Within the Asia Pacific region, the degree of State Party laws pertaining to the protection of UCH ranges from being in compliance with the rules and principles outlined by the 2001 Convention to contradicting the fundamentals within the document outright. Furthermore, terminology found within State Party laws varies from terminology found within the 2001 Convention, which further differs from terminology used by practitioners. With this in mind, it is necessary to try and bridge the gap between written definitions found in international texts and laws with the practitionersâ€™ application of in situ preservation in order to strengthen the relationship between language and practice for the purposes of more efficiently supporting the management of underwater sites. This paper will focus on terminology within the Asia Pacific region pertaining to UCH management by examining the differences between legal boundaries and best management strategies.  This paper will specifically look at terminology within regional domestic laws, discuss Rule 1 of the Annex, and address how amending terminology within these texts may benefit the region.</text>
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                    <text>Multidisciplinary Research Potential of Whaling Heritage
in the Pacific Region
1

2

Jason T. Raupp , Suzanne S. Finney , Kelly Gleason

3

Abstract
From the time that whaleships first rounded Cape Horn at the end of the eighteenth century, the
activities of European and American whalers transformed the landscape and seascape of the
Pacific region. While systematic hunting had a profound effect on cetacean populations, whaling
affected more than just the hunted. The pursuit of new whaling grounds, the need to replenish
food, water and firewood, and the frequent occurrence of shipwrecks and desertion, all led to
interactions with the indigenous inhabitants and environments of virtually every archipelago.
These interactions generated enduring influences, both positive and negative, on the cultural and
material heritage of the Pacific.
The archaeological evidence of whaling can be seen through the wrecks of whaling
ships, the remains of whaling stations, and shipwreck survivors' camps that are found in even the
most distant corners of the Pacific. The information contained in such sites has proven potential
to inform researchers from a range of disciplines including archaeology, historical ecology,
biology, and conservation science. Due to the remote locations of many of these sites and the
limited resources available for accessing and studying them, multidisciplinary approaches to their
investigation offer researchers and heritage managers cost effective options for gleaning valuable
data.

Introduction
From the time that whaleships first rounded Cape Horn, the activities of European and American
whalers transformed the landscape and seascape of the Pacific. The archaeological evidence of
whaling operations can be seen through the wrecks of whaling ships, the remains of whaling
stations, and the shipwreck survivor camps that are found in even the most distant corners of the
Pacific. The information contained in such sites has proven potential to inform researchers from a
range of disciplines. Due to the fact that many of these sites are hard to reach and that often
resources available for accessing and studying them are limited, multidisciplinary approaches to
their investigations offer researchers and heritage managers cost-effective options for gleaning
data. This paper provides a discussion of the benefits of such an approach and offers practical
examples from studies of wrecked whaleships in the Pacific region.

History of whaling in the Pacific region and its legacy
In the late 18th century whale ships first entered the Pacific Ocean, where they found new
hunting grounds with seemingly endless stocks of sperm whales (Raupp and Gleason 2010:66).
Exploration of the Pacific Region soon led to the discovery of new grounds and an understanding
of the seasonal movements of whale species. This knowledge brought increasing numbers of
1

Maritime Archaeology Program, Flinders University, AUSTRALIA

2

President, Maritime Archaeology and History of the Hawaiian Islands Foundation (MAHHI), USA

3

Maritime Heritage Program Coordinator, Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument,
USA

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�ships that roamed throughout the region year-round in search of prey, and by the 1850s the
grounds extended in a rough triangle from just north of Cape Horn, west to New Zealand and
north to the Arctic (Rydell 1952:68). Over the next century, hundreds of ships recorded thousands
of voyages from European and American whaling ports to the Pacific Ocean and the islands
scattered within (Finney 1999:33; Raupp and Gleason 2010:67).
While this systematic hunting had a profound effect on cetacean populations, whaling
affected more than just the hunted. The pursuit of whales, the need to replenish supplies, and the
frequent occurrence of shipwrecks and desertion, all led whalers to virtually every island in the
Pacific region, both populated and not. There they interacted with the local indigenous
populations and traded Western consumer goods for food, wood and fresh water. These
interactions generated enduring influences on the cultural and material heritage of the islands.
Sometimes these interactions resulted in tragic consequences, such as the introduction of
communicable diseases like measles, small pox and syphilis; at other times intimate interaction
with islander populations led to offspring, who in some instances carry the names of their whaling
ancestors to this day (Finney and Graves 2000:9). Intentional or accidental, benign or
catastrophic, whaling has left an indelible mark on many cultures throughout the Pacific region.

Multidisciplinary approaches to whaling heritage research
Whaleships reached some of the most remote parts of the Pacific while hunting for whales. Being
nomads of the sea with no fixed course and no immediate purpose for arrival, whalers were
content to drift wherever the currents carried them, so long as they found whales (Thrum
1915:135). Such drifting often led them into uncharted areas where they encountered barely
visible and treacherous reefs. As a result, many of the known sites of wrecked whaleships, and
ensuing survivor camps, are in difficult to reach locations. For archaeologists wishing to study
those sites, accessibility is often the largest hurdle. One way to mitigate some of the challenges
involved with whaling research is to investigate collaborative opportunities with researchers in
complimentary fields.
The issue of finding the most cost-effective means to conducting field research is much
the same case with wrecks located in deep water. Deep water wrecks are often miles off shore
and require large research vessels to travel and stay out at sea for long periods of time. The
excessive depths encountered generally means that they are out of reach for conventional
archaeological recording methods by divers and consequently require expensive remote sensing
equipment, remotely operated vehicles and sometimes autonomous underwater vehicles to
investigate sites hundreds of meters below the surface.. Therefore a multidisciplinary approach
allows research teams to maximize expensive ship time and draw on a wide range of expertise
and equipment for a holistic approach to studying shipwreck sites (Church and Warren 2009:20).
An example of this can be seen in the resources needed to reach the shipwreck sites
found in Papahānaumokuākea National Marine Monument (PMNM). PMNM is located in the
central north Pacific Ocean and is comprised of the northwestern Hawaiian Islands, a chain of
islands, atolls, and shoals extending approximately 2,000 kilometers (km) northwest from the
th
main Hawaiian Islands (PMNM 2011:1). Situated between 19 century whaling ports in Hawaii
and the rich hunting grounds of the north Pacific, the region became a trap for whaleships and at
least ten are historically reported lost there. These archaeological remains represent the largest
known concentration of such sites anywhere in the world and thanks to the protection afforded
them by Monument status, their preservation and that of the surrounding reef environments make
them ideal for detailed archaeological investigation. However, due to its remote location,
accessing the wrecks in PMNM involves a great deal of infrastructure and planning. Access to the
northwestern Hawaiian Islands for NOAA maritime archaeologists is facilitated through ship time
requests by PMNM for the 68 metre (m) long NOAA ship Hi’ialakai. This ex-US military vessel
has been fully converted for marine research and is capable of traversing heavy seas and
carrying enough supplies to accommodate the month long expeditions. But while this kind of
infrastructure support helps to facilitate maritime heritage goals, it is important to note that such
research trips would be cost-prohibitive if ship time was not shared with other scientific teams
working on separate, non-heritage related research in the Monument.

�Formatted: Font: 12 pt, Not Bold, Not Italic

Historical and Archaeological Data
As with all historical archaeological research, the archaeology of whaling heritage benefits from
collaborative efforts with historians and archivists. The identification of whaling shipwrecks or
associated terrestrial sites usually occurs either through active research or accidental discovery.
Wrecked whaleships and survivor camps are often mentioned in contemporary accounts and the
locations of such sites are usually gleaned through years of searching archives for relevant data.
Alternatively, occasionally stars align and wrecks are located through accidental discovery during
routine survey work. In those cases divers locate material remains of ships which are later
identified as whaling wrecks through diagnostic artifacts found at the sites.
Each of the above mentioned situations has occurred in Papahānaumokuākea National
Marine Monument. Of the ten whaleships historically known to have wrecked within the
Monument’s boundaries, the wrecks of five have so far been located and archaeologically
investigated. The approximate locations of four of these sites were identified through data
contained in survivor’s accounts and maps drawn by either the wrecked whalers themselves or
later voyagers to the region (The Friend, 3 September 1859). Using such sources PMNM
archaeologists were able to narrow down survey areas and had little trouble finding two of the
sites, those of the British whaleship Gledstanes (1837) and the American whaler Parker (1842).
Historic descriptions were also used to positively identify the wrecks of the British whalers Pearl
and Hermes (1822) once the sites were identified by NOAA Coral Reef Ecosystem Division
(marine debris) divers in 2004 (Van Tilburg 2005:1). On the other hand, as in the case of the
Nantucket whaleship Two Brothers, serendipity played a part in site identification. In this case,
historical research pertaining to this wrecking event indicated that it was lost at French Frigate
Shoals (FFS), within the boundaries of PMNM. Though this presented an enormous search area
from which to begin, ultimately the site was located purely by chance while PMNM researchers
conducted tow-board surveys near Shark Island, on the edge of FFS.
Combined historical and archaeological research can also provide evidence of site
formation and indications of the locations of possible survivor’s camps. Due to the weather
conditions encountered in the open Pacific Ocean and the shallow nature of the reefs and shoals
on which many whaleships came to grief, archaeological remains are scattered for hundreds of
meters in pockets and sand channels in various reefs. This not only makes the systematic
recording of these sites incredibly challenging, it can also make site identification nearly
impossible. However careful scrutiny of historical documents pertaining to wrecking can be
compared to the archaeological data to recreate the event and ultimately help to determine site
identity. Once determined, the data about the wreck can be further mined to determine if crews
were able to escape, and if so, whether a survivor’s camp exists and its approximate location.
One particular wreck that shows how detailed research into site formation processes can
be useful for site identification is that of the British whaler Litherland. Historic records state that
this vessel struck rocks off of Clarke Island in Bass Strait (Australia) and sank in 1853. A detailed
account of the wrecking event and a description of the ultimate disposition of the vessel were
published in a local newspaper (Hobart Town Courier, 30 June 1853; Nash 1990:14). Physical
data recorded about the main site, other remains scattered on the seabed and the locations, and
the positions of anchors and chain enabled a number of conclusions to be made concerning the
wrecking process and site formation (Nash 1990:20). Thus by combining relevant data contained
within historical sources with that recovered during archaeological investigations, researchers
were able to not only positively identify the site as that of Litherland, they also recreated the loss
of the vessel and deduced information about historical environmental conditions on the day that
the wreck occurred.
As each of these examples illustrates, the value of combining preliminary historical
research into project planning should not be underestimated when it comes to conducting
research in remote locations. However heritage management offices are often inundated with
massive workloads and lack of staff, and simply do not have the spare time necessary to chase
sources listed in logbooks, journals, account ledgers and other archival materials that are
scattered in libraries and museums around the world. Because of this, a comprehensive

�approach to researching whaling heritage is not feasible for the individual archaeologist; thus
building relationships with historical researchers is extremely important.

Geophysical Survey
As mentioned previously, whaleships hunting in the Pacific were occasionally lost on shallow
reefs and crews were forced to abandon their vessels and seek refuge. In some cases they
narrowly escaped and drifted in whaleboats until rescued, but in others they were able to find
suitable locations to establish camps where they lived until rescued. Martin Gibbs (2003:128) has
shown that the study of shipwreck survivor camps can provide a range of information related to
human behavior in crisis situations including social organization, salvage, subsistence and rescue
strategies. Examples of such occurrences from the Pacific region include whaleships wrecked in
Fiji, Palau and Hawaii (see Holden 1836; Twynings 1850; DuPont 1954). Accounts of each of
these incidents exist which provide details of life at the camps, contact with indigenous cultures,
and the construction of rescue vessels.
Archaeologically such sites can be difficult to detect due to the low lying nature of the
islands and their tendency to be washed over in heavy weather conditions. However, impacts and
alterations made to the physical environment by activities such as shipbuilding can often be
revealed through remote sensing surveys. Clark and de Biran (2010) recently conducted a
geophysical and archaeological survey of the shipwreck survivor camp for the British packet ship
Antelope, which wrecked in Palau in 1783. By combining terrestrial remote sensing techniques
with traditional archaeological investigation and historical research, the researchers were able to
accurately identify and interpret the remains of the camp. The positive results of this project are
encouraging and provide evidence that geophysical surveys make an important contribution to
successful archaeological research into shipwreck survivor camp sites.

Historical Ecology
Historical ecologists use a range of information to understand the histories of past ecosystems
which in turn may be used in helping to better manage current ecosystems and resources.
Included in their data sets are archaeological data, anecdotal historical accounts, ethnographic
information and modern ecological and social data (Kittinger 2010). It has been postulated that
fishing and whaling were the first massive human-induced alteration of the marine environment
and preceded other impacts such as pollution and climate change (Jackson, et al. 2001; Worm, et
al. 2007:333). Historical information pertaining to whaling activities in the Pacific region has great
potential to inform studies of historical ecology throughout the region. Whalers are known to have
kept detailed records of their catches, of daily activities such as subsistence fishing, and of
sightings of other animals in their logbooks and journals; thousands of these sources exist in
museums, libraries and private collections around the world and can be scoured for ecological
data that is invaluable to researchers. As the editors of the International Whaling Commission’s
report on Historical Whaling Records stated, they were “… enthralled by the discovery of the rich
treasure of biological data which resided within old, musty whaling logbooks and journals”,
(Tillman and Donovan 1983:ii).
The potential for archaeologists and historical ecologists to work together is evident in
their use of the same historical sources. Such sources record not only whale catches but also
information about shipwrecks, shipwreck sightings, and exploitation of other biological resources
on land and on the sea. Historical ecologists have the ability to supply archaeologists with sets of
data that outline the numbers and species of whales spotted and their movements, to which
whaling captains would have inevitably responded. As a result some predictive modeling for
shipwrecks, whaling stations and survivor camps may be drawn from this data. Alternatively,
archaeologists studying shipwrecks and their shipwreck survivor camps may provide historical
ecologists with evidence of diet and utilization of native wildlife through faunal remains recorded
during excavations (Nash 2005:19). One such study is currently underway using data pertaining
to the northwestern Hawaiian Islands, where university researchers and an agency archaeologist
are collaborating to better understand the effects that shipwreck survivors had on island ecology
(Kittinger, et al. 2011).

�Biological Science
For many years the assistance of biologists has been requested on archaeological projects
because they can provide species identification and condition assessments on shipwrecks.
However in the past decade there has been a growing interest among maritime archaeologists
and marine biologists to work together to gain a more holistic understanding of how shipwrecks
have altered site environments through the addition of unintentional artificial structure and
changes to the natural reef structure. There are a variety of scientific techniques for collecting
data that biologists can contribute to archaeological sites including site formation studies and the
dating of shipwrecks through schlerochronology, or dating of associated coral via core
examination (Smith, et al. 2005:10). And just as biological studies can aid archaeologists in better
understanding site environments and the processes acting upon the wrecks, archaeological and
historical information gives biologists insight into the structure of artificial reefs (i.e. shipwrecks)
and the temporal contexts of their formation (Church and Warren 2009:21).
Such is the case with a recent study on biodiversity in the ecology of shipwrecks in
PMNM (Smith 2010). This innovative project aimed to determine whether shipwreck sites
supported distinct ecosystems and if residual effects from disturbances caused by the wrecking
create differences between wreck sites and surrounding coral communities. Data recovered from
this project not only provided answers to questions about reef recovery, it also proved invaluable
for archaeologists investigating site formation processes and served as the foundation for longterm monitoring protocols. The study found that the growth and health of a reef system on a
shipwreck can provide clues as to its age and the amount of cultural or natural interference that
may occur short and long-term (MMP 2010). The results of this research exemplify the value of
multidisciplinary research through the various types of practical information that can be gleaned
from viewing shipwrecks from a different perspective.

Conservation – In Situ studies
The remote locations in which many whaling shipwrecks have been found would provide an
excellent opportunity to undertake baseline in situ conservation studies. In situ conservation
surveys involve collecting data to assess the preservation of sites, and the value of these surveys
to managers cannot be understated (Richards and McKinnon 2009:i). Most of the whaling sites
identified in Pacific waters are subjected to very little cultural disturbance due to their remote
nature. They are not impacted by recreational divers or souvenir collectors and in many instances
were not contemporarily salvaged. This lack of cultural disturbance means that only natural
impacts are affecting these sites. This presents an excellent case for conservation scientists who
study preservation and deterioration rates.
Additionally, due to the dynamic nature of the environment and the conditions in which
these vessels wrecked, their archaeological remains are represented by collections of artefact
clusters generally dispersed over large areas. According to David Gregory (2010:3) in open
seawater the physical effects of scouring and biological processes are the major causes of
deterioration of wooden and organic materials. This explains the almost complete lack of wooden
structure encountered on several whaling wreck sites that have been identified in the Pacific
region. Instead, these sites are characterized by the heavy iron objects associated with the
various industrial activities involved in onboard whaling operations such as trypots and blubber
4
hooks. Metal submerged in seawater corrodes in a micro-environment that prevents the
formation of protective oxide layers normally associated with terrestrial corrosion processes
(Carpenter, et al. 2010:34). Thus corrosion processes are constantly weakening and breaking
down these metal artefacts.
4

Pelagic whaling operations involved activities that centred on preparing and processing whale
blubber into valuable oil. Known as “cutting in” and “trying out”, these processes employed sturdy
iron hooks and reinforced rigging tackle to lift blubber pieces onto the deck, where they were
further trimmed and then placed into large cast iron trypots built into brick hearths for rendering
the oil. In most cases when wrecked whaleships have been located, the presence of these
artefacts provides diagnostic evidence.

�In situ conservation surveys and monitoring programs are becoming a commonly used
method for managing site preservation in many parts of the world. Its relatively low costs when
built into a research design at the early stages would be a suitable option for whaling wreck sites
and would allow conservation scientists the ability to study sites affected only, in many cases, by
their natural environment.

Conclusion
This paper has attempted to highlight the nature of whaling shipwreck sites found in the Pacific
region and the usefulness of multidisciplinary approaches to their investigation. In an age when
budgetary restrictions are the norm and fuel costs are on the rise, archaeologists must think
laterally about the way they organize their field research. Collaboration has been a strong suit of
the discipline of archaeology for many years and this paper illustrates how this type of
collaboration is successful and can continue to be cultivated in future explorations of the impact of
whaling in the Pacific and throughout the oceans of the world.
Formatted: Font: 12 pt, Not Bold

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                <text>Multidisciplinary Research Potential of Whaling Heritage in the Pacific Region</text>
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Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>From the time that whaleships first rounded Cape Horn at the end of the eighteenth century, the activities of European and American whalers transformed the landscape and seascape of the Pacific region. While systematic hunting had a profound effect on cetacean populations, whaling affected more than just the hunted. The pursuit of new whaling grounds, the need to replenish food, water and firewood, and the frequent occurrence of shipwrecks and desertion, all led to interactions with the indigenous inhabitants and environments of virtually every archipelago. These interactions generated enduring influences, both positive and negative, on the cultural and material heritage of the Pacific.&#13;
&#13;
The archaeological evidence of whaling can be seen through the wrecks of whaling ships, the remains of whaling stations, and shipwreck survivors' camps that are found in even the most distant corners of the Pacific. The information contained in such sites has proven potential to inform researchers from a range of disciplines including archaeology, historical ecology, biology, and conservation science. Due to the remote locations of many of these sites and the limited resources available for accessing and studying them, multidisciplinary approaches to their investigation offer researchers and heritage managers cost effective options for gleaning valuable data.&#13;
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