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                    <text>Reinterpretation of Stone Fish Weirs mentioned to
Freycinet in 1819 on Guam
Boyd Dixon
CARDNO GS Inc.
Tamuning, Guam
Abstract
In 1819 the French Corvette L’ Uranie anchored off Apra Harbor on Guam
where its captain Louis Claude de Freycinet was told of the former
presence of stone fish weirs, no longer in use. Archaeological surveys of
Apra Harbor tidal flats identified several low-walled coral enclosures at the
mouth of two freshwater estuaries. Controlled excavation of small sites
adjacent to one of these complexes yielded late Latte Period pottery and
wood charcoal radiocarbon dated with a Bayesian calibration to A.D.
1645-1725. Besides Chamorro fishermen using the weirs to feed local
populations, it is plausible they were expanded to feed visiting sailors
during the seasonal arrival of the Manila Galleons. More challenging to
former notions of Colonial domination is archaeological evidence
documenting the continuity of communal aquaculture practices well after
sustained Contact. The apparent resistance of Chamorro fishermen to La
Reduccion circa 1700 is provocative, especially after the introduction of
Eurocentric food ways and enforced settlement patterns.
Key words: Guam, Fishing Weirs, Pacific, Radiocarbon
Introduction
In 1998, an archaeological survey for the U.S. Navy of Outer Apra Harbor
tidal flats on the Micronesian island of Guam (Fig. 1) identified several
low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of a freshwater estuary (Dixon
et al. 2013), first recorded in 1991 (Wylie and Madsen 1991). Piles of
WWII-era bottles of Japanese manufacture and discarded bivalve shells
were also found on the surface at these shoreline sites, suggesting that
the walls themselves may have been constructed to foster shellfish
production by forced native labor known to have been used to expand

�wartime rice fields nearby. However, interviews with a local Chamorro
resident who abandoned the area with his family in 1941 yielded no
memory of the walls in Apra Harbor during their periodic harvesting of
shellfish before the war1.

Fig. 1: Location of Gigao on Guam. (Modified from Dixon, et al.
2017:196)

Another archaeological survey of Inner Apra Harbor tidal flats in 2002
identified more low-walled coral enclosures at the mouth of two freshwater
estuaries, many overgrown by mangroves or half-buried by silt, thus
bringing archival documents in the Micronesian Area Research Center
(MARC) at the University of Guam (UOG) under new scrutiny. A rereading
of Captain Louis Claude de Freycinet’s account of his 1819 visit to Apra

�Harbor aboard the French Corvette L’ Uranie suggested these sites might
be the stone fish weirs or gigao mentioned by Chamorro residents.
On March 17, 1819, the French corvette L’ Uranie anchored off Apra
Harbor in Guam on a three year scientific mission to the Pacific which
eventually circumnavigated the globe (Freycinet 2003), finishing the
voyage in the vessel Physicienne (Arago 2013). While surveying the
island and its inhabitants’ customs, Captain Louis de Freycinet was told
of the former presence of stone fish weirs no longer in use. Most
archaeologists and historians assumed that Freycinet was misinformed or
such features had not survived the frequent typhoons that affect the
region, as well as the ravages of WWII and subsequent U.S. Navy harbor
construction.
WWII therefore seemed the most logical date of origin for these walls
(Dixon et al. 2013), until scholars of Japanese history on Guam who were
consulted found no record of non-military construction projects along the
shores of Apra Harbor during the 1941-1944 occupation. A more thorough
examination of archaeological and historical literature from across
Micronesia housed at the Micronesian Area Research Center then
revealed

close

parallels

between

construction

methods

and

environmental settings in Apra Harbor and traditional stone fish weirs
recorded in coastal Yap, Pohnpei, and Kosrae. Marine science literature
housed at the Marine Science Laboratory of UOG also confirmed the
former use of fenced fish weirs by Chamorro residents near Apra Harbor
from before WWII until the 1970s when such methods were outlawed.
Freycinet’s informants therefore appear to be vindicated by the
convergence of archaeological, historical, and circumstantial evidence.
So besides Pre-Contact fishermen using the weirs to feed local
populations before the arrival of Ferdinand Magellan in 1521, it is
hypothesized they were expanded to exchange fish and shellfish for metal

�and trade goods with visiting sailors during the seasonal arrival of the
Manila Galleons, perhaps until well after the arrival of Jesuit missionaries
in 1668. Traditional sailing techniques, ancestor veneration, ritual
cohabitation, matrilineal land tenure, herbal healing specialists, and
communal redistribution of natural resources were by then all discouraged
in favor of Spanish Colonial norms of behavior and economy. In contrast,
the gigao might have been maintained until after the forced relocation of
northern Guam residents into traditional southern Guam villages like
Sumay during La Reduccion circa 1700 and even the subsequent
development of Apra Harbor to accommodate periodic Spanish shipping
before Freycinet’s arrival.
More challenging to former notions of Colonial domination is
archaeological evidence for continued traditional aquaculture methods
and pottery production radiocarbon dated generations after the Spanish
entrada, generally perceived as the end of the traditional era (Dixon et al.
2017). Documenting the continuity of subsistence practices from before
until well after initial Contact and the apparent resistance of Chamorro
fishermen to La Reduccion is provocative, especially after the introduction
of Eurocentric food ways and settlement patterns.
Archaeological Identification of Fish Weirs around Apra Harbor
During the first survey in the mangroves along the edge of Outer Apra
Harbor in 1998 (Dixon et al. 2013), a complex of 14 previously unrecorded
low-walled coral enclosures and nearby sites was encountered on the
coral shelf and within the
low tide area (Fig. 2), near fresh water seeps situated between the mouths
of two small estuaries. At irregular intervals along the shoreline opposite
this wall system were scatters of late Latte Period style prehistoric
ceramics and marine bivalve shells (Fig. 3), mostly of Anadara sp. with
fewer Gafrarium sp. Site 1 on-shore appeared to be the battered remains

�of a low latte set or raised Latte Period habitation with midden, Site 4 was
a coconut hummock located about 50 m inland with shell midden and
more pottery, and Sites 2, 3, and 5 contained the stone enclosures off
shore. Site 15 was a natural limestone hill with WWII Japanese defenses
dug into the hillside. A subsequent survey of a segment of the Inner Apra
Harbor shoreline in 2002 (Dixon et al. 2013) revealed another complex of
seven walled constructions on the coral shelf near the mouth of another
small estuary.

Fig. 2: Outer Apra Harbor Fish Weir Map. (Dixon, et al. 2013:360)

�Fig. 3 (left): Outer Apra Harbor Site 3, Shell Midden and Pottery, View to
the Southeast. (Dixon, et al. 2013:359)
Fig. 4 (right): Outer Apra Harbor Site 3, Coral Wall, view to the
Northwest. (Dixon, et al. 2013:358)
The walled enclosures of Outer Apra Harbor were composed of irregularly
shaped, medium to large coral heads (Fig. 4), removed from inside the
enclosures and piled directly on the tidally inundated coral substrate
without the aid of mortar or fill. While some stacking was evident, the
walls were very porous and today attract mangrove growth due to their
stability and entrapment of sediment from the small estuaries flowing into
the features. The outer walls of the roughly rectangular shaped enclosures
measured approximately 3 m wide and 90 cm tall, accounting for some
collapse after years of abandonment and typhoon damage, while some of
the inner walls were less substantial. Many of the walls did not reach the
modern shoreline during high tide, and much of their interiors were
exposed during low tide. Controlled excavation adjacent to one of these
complexes at Site 2 (Fig. 5) yielded late Latte Period pottery and wood

�charcoal radiocarbon dated with a Bayesian calibration to A.D. 1645-1725
(Fig. 6).

Fig. 5: Outer Apra Harbor Site 2, TU. 2, East Profile. (Dixon, et al.
2013:363)

�Fig. 6: Radiocarbon Dating Results, Site 2, TU.2. (Dixon, et al.
2013:365)

Regional Context of Fish Weirs on Guam within Micronesia
A regionally appropriate comparison with the Apra Harbor walled
enclosures in design and construction may be made with other
Micronesian islands that have undergone less impact from modern
development (Moore 1987), and hence maintained traditional prehistoric
fish weirs into modern times. Low islands as far away as the Gilberts and
Nauru farmed juvenile milkfish in artificial interior ponds for later harvest
(Alkire 1972). On Kosrae, stone holding pens for turtles and fish were built
along the mangrove-lined coastline near chiefly residential complexes
indicating their ownership by specific high-ranking families over time
(Cordy 1981). On Pohnpei, basalt stone weirs were constructed near
shore to trap fish driven into the mangroves by high tides of the tradewind
season from December to February. Weirs of coral were longer and more

�irregular in shape, constructed closer to the deeper water lagoon to enable
their incorporation in group fish drives to generate chiefly tribute (Ayers et
al. 1979).
The Micronesian island group best known for their fish weir diversity is
Yap, where several varieties of offshore construction provide the best
comparison for interpreting the function of the Apra Harbor enclosures.
The arrow trap may be the oldest technique employed on Yap, where a
V-shaped enclosure with a central shaft is built facing away from the shore
toward the direction of the outgoing tide and the reef, although some were
built facing deeper channels and holes within the lagoon (HunterAnderson 1981). Baskets were placed at the ends and apex of these weirs
to trap fish attempting to escape. Another type of multiple V-shaped trap
was built just inside the reef to catch fish running both in and out with the
tide, while other Z-shapes traps were built on the crest of the reef pointing
in both directions for a similar purpose. Rock and coral piles were also
constructed in relatively clear areas of the lagoon to provide refuge for
certain fish before they were speared or netted, although the yield of such
features was lower than the V-shaped constructions. Closer to shore and
along main channels were rectangular surrounds which reportedly
functioned as corrals or holding pens for fish captured in deeper waters,
as well as foundations for guardhouses associated with the more
productive V-shaped arrow traps owned by chiefly families.
Conclusions
After comparison of the walled enclosures within Apra Harbor on Guam to
their regional counterparts in Micronesia, it appears that the majority of
features recorded archaeologically likely functioned as holding pens or
corrals for high tide fish collection in deeper waters and as traps for fish
stranded as the tide receded. The partial arrow-shaped wall extending
seaward from the west end of Site 5 in the Outer Apra complex suggests

�its function in trapping fish returning to the reef at low tide as seen in
Yapese constructions. Its spatial proximity to a set of rectangular walls in
Site 3 that do not reach the shore suggests a similar function. Given the
holding capacity of these pens, it is reasonable to expect that deeper
water features similar to those on Yap also existed in mid-harbor (i.e. rock
or coral piles) or nearer the reef (i.e. V- or Z-shaped traps).
It is possible that 19th century Spanish Colonial sailors may have found
some aquaculture features at shallower depths within Outer Apra Harbor
to be an obstacle to safe entry and mooring, although many vessels
remained in deeper anchorage or at Umatac. The organization of
Chamorro labor by local alcaldes to clear such impediments as payment
of labor tax in the late 17th and early 18th century would have been
challenging however, given native participation in numerous revolts
against Spanish demands (Lon Bulgrin, personal communication 2017).
Almost yearly visits by the Manila-bound situado ship from Acapulco by
the 1580s and at least 24 Dutch and English visits by 1686 also noted the
increasingly poor health of many inhabitants (Levesque 1997). Instead, if
these deeper aquaculture features indeed existed at mid-harbor then
many may have been dismantled to build Fort Santa Cruz in 1801 (Driver
and Brunal-Perry 1994), a generation or more after their use had been
discontinued by native fishermen when Freycinet arrived. The shoreline
pens nevertheless, could still have been useful settings for family fishing
even with declining population and Colonial entanglement, until mangrove
growth reclaimed them in the 20th century.
Forms of indigenous resistance in the face of Spanish Colonial influences
were varied in the 16th through 18th century Pacific, but included the
maintenance and transformation of native food ways in coastal California
missions: “European-introduced foods… were prepared and cooked…
according to traditional native prescriptions…” (Lightfoot 2005:196).

�Reuse of European objects was another method of resisting their intended
uses: “instead of using the objects in the European fashion as ceramic
and glass tableware, the people transformed them into native objects such
as pendants, beads, scrapers, and projectile points” (Lightfoot 2005:196).
Traditional political structures and marriage patterns did change as native
populations suffered catastrophic mortality rates from introduced disease,
but religious dances continued and Catholic symbols and rituals were
incorporated into native belief systems (Lightfoot 2005).
Similarly, one might expect Chamorro use of the near-coastal fish holding
pens in Apra Harbor to continue for a generation or more after La
Reduccion circa 1700, albeit in smaller scale family collection endeavors
not inviting Colonial taxation. The continued use of specific coastal
settings for aquaculture in the Mariana Islands thus emphasizes the
longevity of cultural memory as encoded in marine resource exploitation
practices, even in the face of sustained Colonial enculturation. Cultural
revitalization movements as expressed in the maintenance of traditional
fishing practices remain active in the region today in the face of new
challenges, as they appear to have been after the initial shock of Spanish
contact in the Mariana Islands. Further archaeological evidence remains
to be sought in Guam’s other embayments, as well as off the west coast
of Saipan that represents a much larger lagoon system of equal antiquity.

_________________________________________________________
_____
1

This manuscript in no way reflects the opinions of the U.S. Navy or its
contractors. Permanent site locations are not revealed here for their
protection.

�References
Alkire, W. 1972. An Introduction to the Peoples and Cultures of
Micronesia. In W. Alkire, editor, The Peoples and Cultures of Micronesia,
Addison-Wesley Publications, 1-56, Canada.
Arago, J. 2013. Narrative of A Voyage Round the World IN the Uranie and
Physicienne Corvettes, Commanded by Captain Freycinet, During the
Years 1817, 1818, 1819, and 1820 Cambridge University Press, London.
Ayers, W., A. Haun, and C. Severance. 1979. Ponape Archaeological
Survey: 1978 Research. Micronesian Archaeological Survey Report
Number 4, Historic Preservation Office, Trust Territory of the Pacific
Islands, Saipan.
Cordy, R. 1981. Archaeological Survey of Inem, Okat and Loal Kosrae
Island. Micronesian Archaeological Survey Report Number 7, Historic
Preservation Office, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, Saipan.
Dixon, B., L. Gilda, and T. Mangieri. 2013. Archaeological Identification of
Stone Fish Weirs Mentioned to Freycinet in 1819 on the Island of Guam.
Journal of Pacific History 48(4):349-368.
Dixon, B., A. Jalandoni, and C. Craft. 2017. The Archaeological Remains
of Early Modern Spanish Colonialism on Guam and their Implications. In
M. Cruz Berrocal and C. Tsang, Historical and Archaeological
Perspectives on Early Modern Colonialism in Asia-pacific and the Pacific,
Volume 1, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, in press.
Driver, M., and O. Brunal-Perry. 1994. Architectural Sketches of the
Spanish Era Forts of Guam. MARC, University of Guam, Mangilao.
Freycinet, L. C. de. 2003.
An Account of the Corvette L’Uranie’s
Sojourn at the Marianas Islands, 1819. Occasional Historical Papers No.
13, CNMI Division of Historic Preservation, Saipan.
Hunter-Anderson, R., 1981.
Perspectives 24(1): 81-91.

Yapese

Stone

Fish

Weirs.

Asian

Levesque, R. 1998. Accounts of Early Contact: Non-Spanish Visitors to
Guam before 1830. In Guam History: Perspectives Volume Two. L.
Carter, W. Wuerch, and R. Carter Editoris, pp. 37-66, MARC Educational
Series No. 22, University of Guam, Mangilao.

�Lightfoot, K. 2005.
Indians, Missionaries, and Merchants The Legacy
of Colonial Encounters on the California Frontiers. University of California
Press, Berkeley.
Moore, J. 1987. Current Fishing Practices and Use of Marine Resources
in the Outer Islands. Yap State Fishing Authority, Manuscript of file at
MARC, Mangilao.
Wylie, J., and D. Madsen 1991. Guam’s Excess Military Lands:
Opportunities for the Multiple-Use and Protection of World-Class Natural
and Cultural Resources. Department of Agriculture – Division of Forestry
and Soil Resources, Territory of Guam.
Acknowledgments
The author would like to extend his appreciation to Jeannette Simons and
Dr. Eric West, then of NAVFACPAC, and Jennings Bunn and Lon Bulgrin
of NAVFACMAR who freely gave advice and council during the field
surveys and technical reporting. The assistance of Journal of Pacific
History editor Vicki Lucker with an earlier interpretation of this paper is
also greatly appreciated as is the sage advice of Professor Bill Jeffery at
UOG.
Biography
Dr. Boyd Dixon is a Senior Archaeologist
for the Cardno GS office in the U.S.
Territory of Guam. With over 40 years of
archaeological experience in North
America, Latin America, Western Europe,
and the Pacific Basin, his interests are
equally varied. They embrace prehistoric
and historic patterns of settlement, subsistence, interaction, power, and
conflict.

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                    <text>Religion, Trade and Polity: River Ganga on the Gateway of Bengal
Eshan Harit, PhD Research Scholar, Senior Research Fellow (UGC) Department of Humanities and Social
Sciences IIT, Guwahati Assam, India

Sukanya Sharma, Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences IIT, Guwahati Assam, India
ABSTRACT
The essay will shed light on River Ganga in the Kahalgaon- Sahibganj region. In the Historic Period (c.600 BCE- 400
CE) the banks and rocky islands of the river was a liminal space on the border of state societies ideal for ascetics. The
riverscape as a mystical and sacred space has been testified by the writings of Xuan Zang in the 7th Century CE. This
tradition continued in the following century as evidenced by the establishment of the Vikramashila Mahavihara. The
riverscape is marred by rocky outcrops of the Rajmahal and Chotanagpur hills which were a source of minerals like
iron, precious stones like agate, timber and fine alluvial soil for terracotta material. The presence of these raw minerals
within the riverscape allowed for a robust trade. Evidence of such exchange could be found through a study of inland
ports. The 6th Century CE was a period of state formation in Bengal. In the concurrent centuries Bengal emerged as a
dominant political and cultural zone in the eastern part of South Asia. Ganga was the boundary between the ancient
settlements of Champa (Bhagalpur) and the early medieval (c.600 CE- 1200CE) political centre at Pundravardhana
(MaldaDinajpur). The river became a contested boundary and a crucial link between Bengal and northern India. The
river and its surrounding landscape have lived through these multiple narratives in/of time and space. It was a liminal
space, a site of production and exchange and a site of conflict and control. The riverscape is littered with evidence of
these activities from the past. Archaeological evidence of religious activities can be seen etched on the walls and
excavated cave sites on the rocky islands of Kahalgaon and the port site of Bateshwar (literally, god of travellers).
Evidence of trade too can be found on the ports and in the surrounding landscape with evidence of iron smelting in
settlements near the port. Fortifications on the hills besides the river at sites like Teliagarhi and Sakrigali present
evidence of political history of the river in this region.

INTRODUCTION
This paper is concerned with the development of a riverscape. In one of its pockets, river Ganga flows along
the Rajmahal Plateau. The silt deposition in the region has led to formation of alluvial tracts in the last five
thousand years. The area gradually developed into a preferred site of human settlement. The site evolved
from a liminal space in the Early Historic period to a well developed trading center and cultural zone by the
early medieval period.
The shared perception of the river Ganga is that it is a uniform body with emanates from a signified spot
(Gangotri), converges with its tributaries in the upper and the middle valley (Devprayāg &amp; Prayāgraj),
descents towards the lower valley creating deltaic formation and eventually merging into the sea. In essence
the river is a complex and dynamic body eroding hilly terrains and forming new geological zones. The speed
and depth of the river also depends on the terrain, nearby drainages, rainfall and a plethora of varied factors.
In the context of the Gangetic basin this leads to a heterogeneity of the riverscapes formed in different
pockets throughout the river system.
One such riverscape is the area where the river Ganga enters Bengal. The Rajmahal hills along with river
ganga forms the boundary between the cultural zone of Bengali and Hindi speaking populace. This cultural
phenomenon is a product of the geological formations. The western boundary of the distinct riverscape
begins at Kahalgaon. Kahalgaon is a sub-division of Bhagalpur district located approximately 50 km east of
the district headquarters. Kahalgaon has a series of small hillocks. The voluminous river Ganga at the mouth
of its lower plains collides with the Kahalgaon hills. A few of the rocky outcrops of the hills get submerged
into the river. The collision diverts the movement of the river. From its origin river Ganga has a south-eastern
trajectory however the collision at Kahalgaon leads to the river flowing in the north-western direction. The
main stream leaps in the north-western direction bound by the ranges of the Patharghata hills. At Bateshwar,
on the edge of the southern hills, river ganga receives the voluminous discharge of one of its largest
tributaries, river Kosi, often referred as the sorrow of Bihar. Charged with the waters of east-central
Himalayas and terai, the river returns to its south-eastward trajectory.

1

�The silt collected by river Kosi on its path from Himalayas creates a new alluvial landform all along the area
north of the hills. The few river channels from the Rajmahal and its allied ranges also deposit silt in this
region. These depositions date to the Holocene period between 7000-5000 years ago. The areas of the Diara
formation in the northernmost part of the landform is characterized as a “soft unconsolidated sediments
mostly inundated in the rainy season, bank erosion and deposition” by the Geological survey. This described
the dynamic nature of this landform which has formed and continues to form in the last few seven thousand
years.
The transforming landform was home to the Gharials (Gavialis gangeticus) an endemic species of fish-eating
crocodile in the Indian subcontinent. The Gharials thrived in this region along with the river dolphins. This
stretch of the river is declared as the ‘Vikramshila Gangetic Dolphin Sanctuary’ by the government. The
marshy and silty terrain of the region, while ideal for wildlife, was by no means the most ideal space for
human settlement. The dynamic river too disrupted the region through annual floods. The area was probably
marshy in the early historic period and only gradually did the region experience dense human settlement.
The archaeological record suggests that the earliest settlements evolved in the region along the hilly outcrops
at sites like Kahalgaon and Bateshwar. Settlement and agriculture in the newly forming alluvial zone
probably started by the early medieval period. This paper will study the development of the three sites,
Kahalgaon, Bateshwar and Vikramshila along with their hinterland from the early historic period till modern
times. These settlements began as liminal space, outposts and a small port town in the early historic period. It
was a sacred liminal space outside the purview of the Nagara, an urban center. Some trade could have
occurred along the Kahalgaon-Bateshawer bank, however archaeological evidence of the trade is scanty.
Trial excavations could shed further light on the issue. The area primarily seems to be a sacred-liminal space
as suggested by literary records.
By the early medieval period the terrain surrounding these settlements became habitable and the area
experienced a spur of architectural development. The period also saw the establishment of the Vikramshila
Mahavihara. Vikramshila was established around the eastern border of the river bank site of Bateshwar,
which had a monastery and cave dwellings from the Gupta period (end of early historic period). The dynamic
relationship between these three sites will be at the core of this paper. The architectural spur is coupled with
evidence of Iron production and other raw material trade in this region. Its political significance as the
doorway to Bengal was aided by the emergence of state formation in Bengal. The settlements experienced
the expansion of Buddhism primarily patronized by the Pala rulers of Bengal. The production of minerals
including iron, kaolinite, lime coupled with agriculture in the newly formed riverine tracts evolved a
sustainable settlement in the region. While the Buddhist influence in the region declined, these areas
continued to expand. Trade in Iron and other objects continued to thrive. Medieval sites present evidence of
fine Kaolin ware, otherwise found in royal centers in Delhi or Gaud (Verma 2011). The area became
politically much more significant with the formation of the Bengal Sultanate. The area acted as a borderland
between two kingdoms as a key strategic zone. The area also experienced various conflicts often mentioned
in medieval records.
The modern period experienced depopulation in this area. By 1812 CE when Buchanan surveyed the area,
iron production had greatly reduced. He had to traverse inland to observe iron production, while the banks
too had earlier evidence of iron production. The author feels that a large portion of land was wasted in the
region, devoid of agriculture. The British developed large indigo farms in a plantation type zamindari
settlement in the area. The marshy terrain provided for the required humidity in the soil for the cultivation of
this cash crop in the nineteenth century. Archaeological evidence of English settlers along with infrastructure
required for indigo production and shipment survive as remnants. The dynamic riverscape, settled beside the
Rajmahal hills and its surrounding plateau has a complex history of settlement formation and destruction.
Different phases experienced varied events which contributed to changes within the landscape. These
changes were aided by natural factors coupled with other historical factors. These changes have been studied
through the archaeological record from these sites. This essay will discuss these three sites in some detail
before concluding with a discussion on the relationship between these sites.

2

�Figure 1 Kahalgaon (25°15'52.74"N, 87°13'57.12"E)

Kahalgaon is settled on the rocky outcrop of the Rajmahal Plateau. Descending in the south-eastern
direction, the river collides with the plateau. A small portion of the plateau gets submerged under the
voluminous river Ganga in its lower valley. Hilly rivers from the Rajmahal hills also drain into the river right
before the settlement of Kahalgaon, charging the river hydrological system near Kahalgaon. Charged with
the seasonal waters from River Koa, the river is quite deep around Kahalgaon. The depth is also aided by the
undulating rocky terrain which has created uneven depth within the stream. The terrain is not suitable for silt
deposition and hence the bank of the river has been the same since the area experienced human settlements.
The terrain does not allow the city to flood, despite being at the bank of this mighty river.
In the seventh century of the common era, Buddhist traveler Xuan Zang crossed the riverine islands at
Kahalgaon on his route from Champa to Kajangala.1 On visiting these riverine islands he writes “On top of a
peak is a deva temple, where a deity often gives spiritual responses to prayers. Caves are excavated in the
cliffs and water flows into ponds. There are flowery woods and exotic trees. With its huge rocks and perilous
peaks this islet is the abode of wise and benign dwellers. It is so attractive that visitors sometimes forget to
go home.” (Li 1990). The rock-cut Deva temple still survives to this day and is protected by the
Archaeological Survey of India. Xuan Zang’s encounter with the site presents it to be a mystical space in
contrast from the larger urbanized settlements he had crossed earlier. He also mentions “there are thousands
of wild elephants and other fierce animals roaming about in packs in the mountains and jungles in the
southern region of the country.” This means Kahalgaon’s hinterland is still sparsely populated and under the
cover of wilderness. The reference paints a picture of the site as a liminal space, wooded and beyond the
purview of civilization in the seventh century of the common era. His record also mentions the wilderness
which amongst other things was a great source of timber, an item of economic significance in all of human
history.

Figure 2 Rock cut Deva temple at
Islet in Kahalgaon

1

Champa was located in modern day Bhagalpur and Kajangala in the Rajmahal Region
3

�Xuan Zang refers to the presence of Deva temple, probably referring to a temple of Surya or Vishnu. He does
not refer to the presence of Buddhism in the area. In the centuries after his travels, Kahalgaon developed a
Buddhist influence in its settlements. This is evident from the iconographic finds from the top of the
Kahalgaon hill in the SSB college campus. The college has many idols kept safely in a shed within the
campus. The sculptures include two Avlokiteshwara images along with architectural members with pillar
motifs. Buddhist sculptures also include large Votive stupa sculptures. These are, in all probability, the
remains of a Chaitya on the hill top. Broken pedestal of a large Surya sculpture is also present on the site.
Another hilltop located further inland at Kahalgaon has remains of an early structure. The bricks visible on
the surface of the destroyed mounds can be dated to the early medieval period. Two parallel walls of the
surviving base structure survive. This site requires urgent care to survive.

Figure 3: Sculptures at SSB College, Surya Pedestal and Avlokiteshwara

Figure 4: Two Parallel Walls of a buried structure;Stone and brick base of the structure

The liminal space of the early historic period became a bustling market and center of trade during the early
medieval period. The survey of the town hints towards a denser settlement in the core areas of the settlement.
Artifacts suggesting a growth of the settlement, are littered all throughout the settlement area presented on
the map. These artifacts include sculptural artifacts and archaeological mounds. Along with timber the region
might have also traded in Iron. The city was the juncture of trade with the Koa river valley. In the south of
the main settlement of Kahalgaon, river Koa merges with river Ganga. River Koa in its lower valley deposits
large quantities of silt. This creates a fertile zone fit for human settlement. The early medieval phase in this
region was also one of political intervention. The region between Kahalgaon and Sahibganj was often a
contested space between the rulers of North India and the Rulers of Bengal. The influence of the Pala rulers
is visible in this area. This region was the staging point of various battles between the rulers of Delhi and
those of Bengal. The most famous of such incidents is the encampment of Humayun at Kahalgaon in his
campaigns in the east against Sher Shah Suri. The boundary of the pre-modern settlement of Kahalgaon and
its hinterland can be identified by the congregated tombs of warriors fakirs. The graveyard was probably in
the eastern part of the settlement in the medieval period. The city of Kahalgaon continued to be a market
center even during the modern period. In 1866, the main line connecting Howrah-Delhi passed through
Kahalgaon. The region lost its significance with the gradual integration of Bengal into as a province in India
during the colonial rule.

4

�Bateshwar (25°19’28.7” N 87°16’06.5 E)
Bateshwar-sthan is a port site around 10 kilometers north of Kahalgaon. A Gupta period monastery and cave
site survives on the bank of the river here. A few of the ornate caves at the site survive under the protection
of the Archaeological Survey of India. The cave structure has Gupta period sculptures carved into the rocks.
Their carvings are dated to Gupta, post-Gupta period. Two of the four carvings could be identified as being
influenced by the Vaishnava group. The first carving represents the beheading of Rahu and Ketu, the two
demigods by Vishnu sitting on Garuda. The second carving depicts the scene of Krishna holding up the
Govardhana hill on his little finger. The third carving depicts a Malla Yudda, or a fight between two
wrestlers. The story behind the fourth carving is yet to be deciphered.

Figure 5: Vaishnava carvings on the wall of the caves of Bateshwar Hill (2 top);
Carving of a wrestling match between two people (left bottom) and a person sitting in a court setting (right bottom)

Bateshwar and Oriup are strewn with Saiva, Vaishnava and Buddhist sculptures
belonging to the early medieval period. During this period, this was also a site of
sculpture production. This can be argued with the help of an incomplete sculpture
of Avlokiteshwara, a Buddhist deity with chisel marks. The site of Oriup beside
Bateshwar has presented evidence of settlement dating to the Early Historic and
even the Chalcolithic period. Along with Kahalgaon, Bateshwar too is an old port
site which had survived from the early historic period. The significance of the hill
continued in the medieval period as it became a significant Saiva site. Influence of
tantric worship continues on the site. An annual fair is held in this region on the
full moon nights in the month of February. The Bateshwar hill has vast quantities
of Kaolinite deposits. This has been in use historically on the site. During the
British Raj, the site was quarried. The Bateshwar hill has tunnels from one its
sides.

Figure 6: Chisel Market Sculpture

5

�Figure 7 Vikramshila (25°19'26.20"N, 87°17'4.25"E)

Vikramshila was constructed besides the settlement of Oriup in the eighth century. The monastery was
constructed under the patronage of Pala ruler Dharmapala. The monastery was constructed on the edge of the
Rajmahal plateau. One advantage of this location was the minimal chance of flooding. The alluvial tracts to
the north of the site provided the agrarian surplus required for the functioning of the monastery. The riverine
tracts to the North of the monastery has presented evidence of multiple settlements dating back to the early
medieval period. Settlements continued in the medieval phase as well. A dominant activity visible in the red
soil plateau region of the study area was the smelting of Iron. The Patharghata and Gangeldai hill rocks were
used to extract Iron from magnetite ores. The soil in the villages south of the monastery is littered with slag
along with chunks of burned furnace. While a lot of this activity might have occurred in the late medieval
phase, further research including excavations and the carbon dating of slag might aid in the research on trade
in the early medieval period in this region. It can be suggested that the monastery would have been involved
in agrarian as well as trading activity in the region.
The comparison between the market site of Kahalgaon and the monastic site in the Bateshwar-Vikramshila
region. Both the clusters of sites present different types of activity. It is quite visible that Vikramshila
emerged in the early medieval period, probably to cater to the demands of the market for iron products.
Kahalgaon was an older market settlement. The monastery might have played a greater role in the expansion
of the trade economy in the region.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archaeology, I., A Review (IAR). 1966–67, Excavation at Chaṃpā, District Bhagalpur. Delhi, Archaeological Survey of India.
Li, R., 1996. The Great Tang Dynasty Record of the Western Regions.
Oldham, C.E.A.W., 1930. Journal of Francis Buchanan Kept During the Survey of the District of Bhagalpur in 1810-1811.
Verma, B.S., 2011. Antichak Excavations-2: 1971-1981. Archaeological Survey of India.

6

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                <text>The essay will shed light on River Ganga in the Kahalgaon- Sahibganj region. In the Historic Period (c.600 BCE- 400&#13;
CE) the banks and rocky islands of the river was a liminal space on the border of state societies ideal for ascetics. The&#13;
riverscape as a mystical and sacred space has been testified by the writings of Xuan Zang in the 7th Century CE. This&#13;
tradition continued in the following century as evidenced by the establishment of the Vikramashila Mahavihara. The&#13;
riverscape is marred by rocky outcrops of the Rajmahal and Chotanagpur hills which were a source of minerals like&#13;
iron, precious stones like agate, timber and fine alluvial soil for terracotta material. The presence of these raw minerals&#13;
within the riverscape allowed for a robust trade. Evidence of such exchange could be found through a study of inland&#13;
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river and its surrounding landscape have lived through these multiple narratives in/of time and space. It was a liminal&#13;
space, a site of production and exchange and a site of conflict and control. The riverscape is littered with evidence of&#13;
these activities from the past. Archaeological evidence of religious activities can be seen etched on the walls and&#13;
excavated cave sites on the rocky islands of Kahalgaon and the port site of Bateshwar (literally, god of travellers).&#13;
Evidence of trade too can be found on the ports and in the surrounding landscape with evidence of iron smelting in&#13;
settlements near the port. Fortifications on the hills besides the river at sites like Teliagarhi and Sakrigali present&#13;
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                    <text>Remote Survey of a Near-Coastal Archaeological Alignment at Kualoa, Hawai'i
Using Worldview 2 Satellite, LiDAR and UAV Imagery
Damion Sailors
University of Hawai'i at Mānoa, Department of Anthropology
Saunders Hall 808-349-9426, USA
Email: sailors@hawaii.edu
Scott S. Honda
University of Hawai'i at Mānoa, Department of Geography, Saunders Hall 808-351-3096
USA
Email: sshonda@hawaii.edu
Abstract
By using World View 2 multispectral satellite imagery, LiDAR, and unmanned aerial
vehicles, a large submerged archaeological stone alignment, that is likely part of an
ancient Hawaiian fishpond, was detected off the coast of Kualoa, Hawai’i during a
remote survey of the area. Principal component analysis, ratio indices, and LiDAR
interpretation were utilized in a GIS to help detect this archaeological stone feature that
is located in shallow coastal waters. Because threats of modern development, sea-level
fluctuations, and complications inherent to coastal-maritime environments have
generally challenged the survey of cultural resources located within the coastal strand,
this method holds promise for future spatial analyses and provides an accessible and
cost efficient means of shoreline assessment. This paper aims to show how remote
sensing methods can assist in the study of archaeological features that are located
within difficult to access coastal and near-coastal areas.
Key words: Remote Sensing, Coastal Survey, Fishponds, Archaeology, GIS

Introduction
On the windward side of the island of O'ahu, an archaeological alignment was detected
utilizing remote sensing techniques in the near-shore coastal flats of the northwest
section of Kane'ohe Bay near Kualoa Regional Park. Kualoa is a culturally significant
ahupua'a (land division) with a rich, traditional prehistory associated with social elites of
old Hawai'i and today it is maintained by the City and County of Honolulu. Kualoa is also
a pu'uhonua (ceremonial center) that was governed by the kahuna nui (high priests) of
Hawai'i who maintained close relationships with the neighboring watersheds of Hakipu'u
on the west and Ka'a'awa on the north as seen in (Figs.1-2) (Sterling and Summers,
1962; Gunness, 1987). Traditionally, these land divisions possessed stone-walled
1

�fishponds that were typical of an intensified form of aquaculture practiced in early
Hawai'i (Kikuchi, 1976). However, the spatial data that exists on this subject matter is
limited. Accordingly, this paper provides an efficient means of surveying submerged,
archaeological features located in shallow, coastal waters using satellite, LiDAR and
digital camera imagery.

Fig. 1 Area on O'ahu, Hawai'i Where Offshore Stone Alignment Was Detected. (Damion Sailors,
2013)
The Site Location - Kualoa
The first archaeological survey of Kualoa was performed by J. G. McAllister in 1933 and
included the documentation of Mōli'i fishpond, 'Āpua Pond, Mokoli'i Pond, Koholālele
Pond, and Niuola'a Heiau. McAllister learned through interviews and translations that
Kualoa is a pu'uhonua (ceremonial center) where large ceremonies dedicated to Lono
(the god of harvest) were performed and that the area was also well-known for its
association with ancient Polynesian genealogies. Kualoa is also respected for its
2

�ancient burial caves reserved for social elites and its unique access to palaoa (sperm
whale ivory) which, because of its wealth, afforded Kualoa political power in precontact
Hawai'i (Gunness, 1987). McAllister also collected a reference from a local informant
about an ancient fish pond named Pilihe'e that was destroyed by a tsunami sometime
prior to the mid-19th century (Sterling and Summers, 1962). This fishpond was then
located and mapped during a student pedestrian survey during the Kualoa
Archaeological Research Project (1975-1985) using a rough “tape and compass”
method but was not explored further. As a consequence, this fishpond is not well-known
in either academic or local communities and management of this archaeological
resource has not occurred (Gunness, 1987; Carson and Athens, 2007).

Fig. 2 Aerial photograph of Kualoa Beach Park taken from an airplane showing Mōli'i Pond
(large pond on left) and 'Āpua Pond (small pond on right), shoreline accretion at south end of
Kualoa, and coral reef development in area. (John O’Connor, 2013)
There have been other, more recent archaeological studies conducted at Kualoa Park,
and to summarize the findings thus far, there have been 44 shoreline burials recovered
to date and a large amount of material artifacts consisting of large proportions of basalt
tools, kapa (bark cloth) making utensils, and gaming stones. The recovery of these
artifacts support the inference that Kualoa was a ceremonial center associated with the
Makahiki festivals honoring the god Lono. Interestingly, fishing gear was poorly
represented (only 3.62% of total artifacts) as were household items (2.89%) (Barrera,
1974; Gunness, 1987). The survey of this offshore alignment at Kualoa is significant
3

�because of the wall’s probable antiquity and what it might add to the overall
anthropological discussion regarding maritime coastal adaptation in an island
environment (Kikuchi, 1976). The absolute age of this feature is unknown but because
this stone alignment is of substantial size, it can be inferred that an organized social
effort was invested in its construction and maintenance (Kirch, 2010). Oral traditions
and geomorphological studies also support the idea that Kualoa was not only a sacred
land-division with an extensive royal history, but that it was particularly vulnerable to
damage from tsunamis that periodically strike the islands (Gunness, 1987; Carson and
Athens, 2007). Considering that the coastal zone of this windward part of O'ahu is highly
dynamic in terms of its coastal geomorphology, this stone wall may have also served as
a type of break-water constructed in an effort to modify the coastline or it may have
functioned as an aggregate for fishing (Kikiloi, 2003).
Pacific Island Fishponds
At the time of Captain Cook’s arrival to Hawai'i in 1778 there were an estimated total of
360 fishponds of varying size and function located throughout the archipelago. On
average, these fishponds were each thought to have produced a total of 3000 kg of fish
per year (Kikuchi, 1976; Kikiloi, 2003). At first, this may seem rather industrious, but if
we consider that the population in old Hawai'i may have conservatively been around
300,000 people, there would have been very little fish to go around (Schmitt, 1971;
Wyban and Wyban, 1989). It is estimated that fishpond technology in Hawai'i may be at
least seven centuries old after results from analyses made of the Alekoko and Kekupua
Ponds on Kaua'i revealed a radiocarbon range from 1140 - 1280 AD (Burney and
Burney, 2003). This is the oldest radiometric evidence there is for fishpond use in
Hawai'i but it is possible that the origin of this technology extends further back in time.
Hawaiian fishpond types can be separated amongst those that are dependent upon
freshwater, brackish water, and seawater. The primary fish harvested in Hawaiian
fishponds were mullet and milkfish and at least 22 species of edible marine life also
flourished in these ponds as secondary domesticates (Kikiloi, 2003). Based on the
available evidence, it could be argued that in contrast to the rest of Oceania, the
Hawaiian Islands claimed a more sophisticated aquacultural system (Kikuchi, 1976).
This argument is bolstered by the apparent large numbers of fishponds in Hawai'i, their
4

�larger acreage, variation in the types of sites, and in the technological complexity of the
system. However, there is evidence that other areas such as in the Society Islands,
Micronesia, and Western Polynesia, fish pond technologies were just as elaborate and
intensified as those found in Hawai'i (Dieudonne, 2002).
Remote Sensing methods
The advancements in both passive and active sensors used in remote sensing allow for
the collection of data or imagery with greater spatial, temporal, spectral, and radiometric
resolution. One example of advancements made with passive sensors is the
multispectral sensors on board some of today’s satellites (World View 2, Landsat MSS,
IKONOS). Multispectral sensors break up the electromagnetic spectrum into multiple
bands allowing for a finer analysis of an object’s reflectance value than previous
sensors. Hyper-spectral sensors allow for an even finer analysis, breaking up the
electromagnetic spectrum into hundreds of spectral bands (Jensen, 2005). Also an
active sensor technology that has seen increasing use is LiDAR (short for light and
radar). LiDAR is useful in detecting changes in elevation of an area at a relatively high
resolution. The Worldview 2 satellite is a commercial satellite that was launched in 2009
and is capable of collecting 8-band multispectral imagery at a high resolution with an
average revisit time of 1.1 days. The spatial resolution of the images is 1.85 m for the 8band multispectral images and 0.46 m for the panchromatic image. There are 8-bands
that the satellite groups into different parts of wavelengths (nm) within the
electromagnetic spectrum. The 8-bands and sections are the coastal band (400 - 450
nm), blue band (450 - 510 nm), green band (510 - 580 nm), yellow band (585 - 625 nm),
red band (630 - 690 nm), red edge (705 -745 nm), near-infrared 1 (770 - 895 nm), and
near-Infrared (860 - 1040 nm) (Digital Globe, 2013). Since each band collects at
different sections of the electromagnetic spectrum, each band can contain different
information based on the material an object or feature is made of. Each band also
interacts differently with water. The least amount of absorption and scattering takes
place in the wavelengths between 400 - 500 nm. Thus the two lowest bands, the coastal
band and blue band, are the most suitable bands to detect underwater features. In
contrast, the wavelengths represented by the red and near-infrared bands are highly
absorbed by water (Jensen, 2007). In passive remote sensing techniques, there are
5

�multiple operations that can be done to multispectral satellite imagery in order to
produce analyzable results.
Processing
The first process tree began by pan-sharpening the satellite imagery. Pan-sharpening
was done so the multispectral bands could have a higher resolution of the panchromatic
band, which was 0.46 m (Padwick, 2010). The terrestrial areas were then masked out of
the image. This was done to ensure that the full range of digital numbers in the imagery
belonged to pixels of offshore areas which could then be analyzed with greater detail.
An index ratio called the non-homogenous feature difference (NHFD) was then
performed. The NHFD takes the red-edge and coastal bands into the following formula:
(red-edge - coastal) / (red-edge + coastal) (Wolf, 2010). Index ratios, such as the NHFD,
enhance the contrast between two bands (Zeinelabdeina and Albielyb, 2008). The
reason why this formula works well in detecting offshore features is because the rededge and coastal bands interact with water very differently. The energy in the spectrum
of the red-edge band is highly absorbed by water where the energy in the spectrum of
the coastal band is not. When two bands have very different reactions to a phenomenon
(e.g. water) the ratio of those two bands will usually have a substantial amount of
information (Jensen, 2005). This creates an image that visualizes the contrast between
objects closer or above the surface of the water to objects towards the bottom of the
sea floor.
The second process tree started with the pan-sharpening and masking out of the
terrestrial areas of the satellite imagery followed by a principal component analysis
(PCA). PCA is an image enhancement technique that transforms the multispectral
imagery into principal components (PCs). Each principal component represents the
spatially correlated brightness values of each band in the multispectral imagery, while
being uncorrelated to other derived principal components. From the 8 multispectral
bands, 8 PCs are derived. The first PC will have the most information and the last PC
will usually have the least. The goal of PCA is to reduce the amount of spatially
repeated data throughout the 8 bands of the multispectral imagery into principal
components that are quite easy to interpret (Jensen, 2005). Once PCA was executed,
PCs 1 and 2 were visualized in the GIS platform well-known as ArcMap.
6

�LiDAR has the ability to gather elevation data on land and the bathymetry of areas in
shallow waters with relatively high accuracy (Jensen, 2007). LiDAR, that was made
available through the 2013 National Science Foundation - Research Experience for
Undergraduates, was also utilized to help detect the Kualoa fishpond wall. A LiDAR
point cloud (0.25 m resolution) was used to create a continuous surface or bathymetric
image using Inverse Distance Weighted and Natural Neighbor tools in ArcGIS (Bolstad,
2012). 3D geovisualization in ArcGIS of the LiDAR point cloud readily displayed the
shape of the offshore feature. To visualize the point cloud in 3D, graduated colors
based on the Z (elevation) value were first given to each point. Then the point cloud was
exaggerated to 30 times of its Z value, to best show the variation in depth of the
offshore area.
Unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) technology was also utilized to collect imagery of the
offshore feature. Although there are many UAV platforms available, a DJI Phantom
Quad-Copter was used as it was made available via the National Science FoundationResearch Experiences for Undergraduates program mentioned previously. A Pentax
Optio camera was attached to the Phantom to collect imagery. Due to the weight of the
camera, the flying time of the UAV was limited to approximately two minutes. The UAV
coupled with the camera allowed for up-to-date imagery within the visible light spectrum
of the feature. However, there were some difficulties with the UAV/Pentax combo. The
first difficulty was the manipulation of the UAV’s elevation and position to ensure that
useful imagery over the correct feature was being acquired. Another difficulty was that
the Pentax captures imagery only in the visible light spectrum, so in order for
submerged features to be detected, a substantial amount of sunlight is needed (P.
Nesbit, Personal Communication 2013). Unfortunately, because the weather was
uncooperative, only a limited amount of useful images were acquired in the time allotted.
Finally, an underwater pedestrian survey shown in (Fig. 3), using snorkel gear and
underwater cameras, was also performed at a high tide in order to visually inspect,
measure, and photograph this feature. The wall sections observed on this day were
heavily encrusted with coral, algae, and other marine growth, but it was clear that this
alignment was indeed a purposefully constructed stone wall of some sort. Its function
though remains speculative.
7

�Fig. 3 (left) Underwater survey of offshore alignment at Kualoa Beach Park. Basalt stones used
in the wall’s construction are heavily encrusted with marine growth but can be easily discerned
as an articulated feature. (Chuck DeVaney, 2012)
Fig. 4 (right) Imagery from the steps taken in two “process trees” used to discern the offshore
alignment. A) Non-Homogenous Feature Difference (Red-Edge - Coastal) / (Red-Edge + Coastal),
B) Principal Component Analysis (Symbolized as PC1: Green and Blue, PC2: Red), C) Inverse
Distance Weighted interpolation of LiDAR point cloud, D) Natural Neighbor interpolation of
LiDAR point cloud. (Scott Honda, 2013)
Results
Due to the combination of difficulties in maneuvering the UAV, the varying availability of
sunlight, and the changing tides, the number of useful images captured by the
UAV/Pentax was limited. Given more flying time, stable conditions, and additional
equipment, like a field of view camera mounted to the UAV, more useful imagery could
have been attained. However, a mosaic was attempted in PhotoScan and Microsoft ICE
of the collected UAV/Pentax imagery. Although PhotoScan is capable of producing an
accurate and georeferenced image, it could not produce a mosaic image from the
collected UAV/Pentax imagery. Microsoft ICE was able to create a mosaic using some
of the images taken via UAV, but the resulting mosaic had no ground control points
available in the imagery that were usable for georeferencing. The software used for
manipulating and visualizing the data for analysis was ERDAS Imagine and ArcGIS.
ERDAS Imagine is image analysis software that has the ability to execute many remote
sensing and image analysis techniques (Intergraph, 2013). Principal component
analysis, ratio Indices, pan-sharpening, and masking of the satellite multispectral
8

�imagery were done in ERDAS Imagine. ArcGIS has a variety of tools and applications
that can be used to analyze, extract, manipulate, and manage geospatial data but was
primarily used for interpolating and visualizing the LiDAR point cloud data.
The image analysis, as seen in (Fig. 4), of this offshore alignment revealed the remnant
articulation of a discrete, walled structure that may be part of the aquacultural complex
in this area that includes Mōli'i fishpond, 'Āpua Pond, Mokoli'i Pond, and Koholālele
Pond. This alignment may be part of the Pilihe'e fishpond mentioned by local informants
in McAllister’s early twentieth century survey. Alternatively, it may be part of some sort
of antiquated breakwater or fish aggregation device placed there long ago. Further
study is required in order to understand more about this feature’s origin and function.
What we do know from this survey is that this alignment is purposefully constructed
from basalt boulders, stones, and pebbles, is approximately 550 m in length, three
meters wide, and is less than a meter tall on average being exposed at the lowest of
tides when it appears to be part of the natural reef formation of the area. It is a large
alignment that if proven to be a fishpond wall, would add many hectares to the
traditional aquacultural area of Kualoa. Considering the dynamic nature of Kualoa’s
shoreline, whether it is due to tsunami, tectonic processes and/or sea-level fluctuations,
this feature must have been an important variable in the recent social and
geomorphological history of this part of Kane'ohe Bay, O'ahu.
Discussion
Based on the non-homogenous feature difference, the principal component analysis
imagery, and the LiDAR point cloud, the use of remote sensing techniques (both active
and passive) to locate the offshore wall were useful in mapping this near-coastal
alignment. Because only the contrast of the wall from the surrounding reef was being
sought after, the NHFD was utilized here with the digital number values of the two
bands (coastal and red-edge) to demonstrate this contrast. If one were attempting to
derive the health or biomass of vegetation, the use of radiance would be more
appropriate (Jensen, 2005). Although more sophisticated UAV systems are available,
the hobbyist grade Phantom Quad-Copter was capable of imaging the offshore
alignment. The post processing of the UAV imagery in photogrammetry based software
like PhotoScan could be a useful method of finding and surveying coastal features.
9

�However, in this case study, not all images were usable in PhotoScan. This is probably
due to distortions introduced by water. Perhaps if a multispectral camera, with bands
that could penetrate water (i.e. coastal blue) were used, PhotoScan would be capable of
creating an orthophoto and a digital surface model of underwater features. Kualoa is an
area of chronic erosion and accretion, and has had frequent and intense coastal
modifications occur over the course of human occupation in the area. How the ancient
people of Kualoa adapted to, and perhaps influenced these changes can be seen
archaeologically, and thus remote sensing and survey at a high resolution can assist
anthropological endeavors in this region (Hunt and Lipo, 2008). Knowledge then gained
may shed light on issues of sustainability and how limited resources, such as those
found in the Pacific islands, are managed by complex societies (Ladefoged and Graves,
2000; Erlandson, 2010). In a contemporary context, threats of inundation causing the
potential loss of cultural resources in coastal areas are immediate and severe. These
cultural resources, in the form of archaeological features, can be identified within the
coastal strand using the methods we have discussed here in this report. For future
study, questions regarding the automation of extracting linear features from remote
imagery as well as improvements on data management can be readily explored.
Maritime adaptations may be more easily understood using these spatial methods and
considering the accessibility and efficiency of this type of non-invasive technique, we
propose further similar survey in coastal-maritime regions.
Acknowledgments
Special thanks go to Drs. Carl Lipo, Suzanne Wechsler, Chris Lee, Matt Becker, and
teaching assistants of the 2013 NSF-REU G.R.A.M Field Program, at California State
University at Long Beach. We would like to thank Dr. Terry Hunt, University of Oregon
and Drs. Christian Peterson and Matt McGranahan, University of Hawai'i at Mānoa.
Obligations are extended as well to John O’Connor and Chuck DeVaney for photo
contributions. And a final mahalo or “thank you” is given to the National Science
Foundation (Grant # DGE-1329626) and to those who assisted in reviewing the paper.
References
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�Bolstad, P., 2012. GIS Fundamentals: A first text on geographic information systems.
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A new synthesis in oceanic domestication: The Symbiotic

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Damion Sailors is a graduate student in the Anthropology Department at the University
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Geography, with a Minor in Information and Computer Sciences.

12

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                <text>By using World View 2 multispectral satellite imagery, LiDAR, and unmanned aerial vehicles, a large submerged archaeological stone alignment, that is likely part of an ancient Hawaiian fishpond, was detected off the coast of Kualoa, Hawaiâ€™i during a remote survey of the area. Principal component analysis, ratio indices, and LiDAR interpretation were utilized in a GIS to help detect this archaeological stone feature that is located in shallow coastal waters. Because threats of modern development, sea-level fluctuations, and complications inherent to coastal-maritime environments have generally challenged the survey of cultural resources located within the coastal strand, this method holds promise for future spatial analyses and provides an accessible and cost efficient means of shoreline assessment. This paper aims to show how remote sensing methods can assist in the study of archaeological features that are located within difficult to access coastal and near-coastal areas.</text>
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                    <text>Research on the Intertidal Zone Using Drone
Choi Dongwon (Researcher, National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
Surrounded by the sea on three sides, Korea is in a location of active maritime exchanges throughout history.
Before the development of shipbuilding and navigation, people sometimes chose to navigate while visually
observing surrounding land. However, the natural environment of the Southwest Sea, where tidal flats are exposed,
is likely to have occurred. It may be wrecked by a reef, or the old ship may have been abandoned. The National
Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH) has conducted seven surveys in the intertidal zone,
which helped to establish a systematic investigation method. Our previous investigations involved manpower
surveys. We sought a method for systematic and efficient investigation. Drones identify anomalies exposed in
natural environments such as intertidal zones. However, we questioned the usefulness of drones in underwater
archeology. Drones produced orthophotos. Our results present a new method of intertidal zone survey.
Keywords: intertidal zone, drone, survey
List of Tables and Figures
Table 1 Current status of intertidal survey
Figure 1 Flow chart of orthoimage production
Figure 2 Metashape program

INTRODUCTION
In Korea, mainly the southwest coast and especially the west sea, the intertidal zones have large tidal
differences and the coastline is complicated.1
In the intertidal zone, there is a natural environment that is blocked from the outside and oxygen, as clay
sediments are distributed and have high cohesiveness. Unexposed/buried cultural resources are well
preserved, but exposed ancient ships and artifacts are found damaged. Twenty-seven reported sites are
located in intertidal zone. Seven of these have undergone archaeological excavation.
Table 1. Current status of intertidal archaeological excavations
No.
Year
Site

Recovered artifacts

1

1991-1992

Jindo Byeokpa-ri dugout

One Chinese dugout from the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries

2

1995

Dalido shipwreck in Mokpo

One Goryeo ship from the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries

3

2004-2005

Wonsan Island in Boryeong

179 items : early thirteenth century celadon incense burner

4

2005

Sinan Anjwa shipwreck

One Goryeo shipwreck from the fourteenth century,
four items including Goryeo inlaid celadon

5

2006

Daebudo no. 1 shipwreck in
Ansan

Pieces of a hull of Goryeo from the twelfth to thirteenth Century

6

2015

Daebudo no. 2 shipwerck in
Ansan

One Goryeo shipwreck from the twelfth to thirteenth centuries,
48 items including Goryeo celadon

7

2020-2022

intertidal zone in Yangjam-ri,
Taean

Six items including antefix and decoration of the part of a sword
from Joseon era

The area of tidal flats in Korea is 2,482 km², accounting for about 2.5 percent of the total land area. Among them, more
than 80 percent of the total intertidal zone is distributed in the west coast, about 42.5 percent in Jeollanam-do, about 36.1
percent in Incheon and Gyeonggi-do, and about 36.1 percent in Chungcheongnam-do. About 13.7 per cent in Korea, and
about 4.4 per cent in Jeollabuk-do (Marine Environment Information Portal 2003 http://meis.go.kr/portal/main.do).
1

-1-

�The survey conducted in the intertidal zone has established a system to some extent. However, the
research method for identifying the presence or absence of cultural properties before the investigation
has not progressed significantly. The method was to directly enter the tidal flat and observe with the
naked eye. However, since there are tidal channels in the tidal flats and the quality of the sediment is
soft, the method can be inefficient as it is dangerous and it consumes a lot of time and manpower.
For an efficient investigation in an exposed state, a method using drones will be studied. A drone, also
called an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV), is an aircraft without a human on board. Drones are used in
various areas because they are cheaper and more efficient than satellites or aircraft. In the marine sector,
it is used for monitoring marine national parks and tidal flat farms. In the field of cultural properties, it
has already been used to take aerial photographs of inaccessible places or survey sites at terrestrial
archaeological sites. The use of drones in underwater archeology was not great because the drones could
not identify invisible abnormalities at sea and were only used to take photos of the panoramic view of
the investigation site. However, it is possible to use drones to investigate terrain at low tide, such as the
intertidal zone. I will review the suitability of the intertidal zone investigation using drones, and present
a new survey method through the investigation contents and results.
Aircraft and camera
The NRIMCH has three Splash drones 3+, a waterproof drone and two Mavic Air2s, which can take off
and land with human hands without a landing field. However, it has been used only to confirm the
foreground or field conditions of the investigation site. The drones possessed by the institute are not
suitable as aircraft for producing orthographic images of intertidal zone investigation2. This is because
there are various natural and physical conditions to be considered for aerial photography. First of all,
drones need to be able to withstand weather conditions. Most drones have an excellent hovering function
3
, but an aircraft that can withstand strong winds is needed, because it is unknown what variables will
occur in the weather on the coast. When taking photographs, it is important to have a camera capable of
distinguishing artifacts among features such as stones and shells exposed in the intertidal zone4. When
combining photos, there is a need to figure out where they were taken. The drone must be equipped with
an RTK sensor that can identify the location. As a result of examining these necessary factors, DJI's
Matrice300 RTK was selected as the aircraft to be used for the intertidal zone investigation, and
Zenmuse P1 was used as the camera.
Table 2. Aircraft and camera specifications

Maximum flight time

Matrice300 RTK
810 x 670 x 430
6.3
Horizontal 1cm + 1ppm
Vertical 1.5cm + 1ppm
55 minutes

Maximum speed

17 ㎧

Size (mm)
Weight (kg)
RTK Accuracy

ZENMUSE P1
Size (mm)
198 x 166 x 129
Weight (kg)
0.8
Absolute accuracy
Horizontal 3 cm

Orthophotograph: An image obtained by correcting geometrical distortion due to topographical relief such as height
difference or inclination for image information such as aerial photographs or artificial satellites, and transforming the
appearance of all objects when looking down vertically.
3 Hovering: A state in which an aircraft remains stationary while maintaining a constant altitude.
4 Images taken by UAV are largely subject to image distortion due to two influences. First, when operating an unmanned aerial
vehicle at a constant altitude, external facial expression distortion occurs due to shaking and tilting of the aircraft due to the
influence of wind. Second, image internal facial expression distortion occurs due to the characteristics of the camera and lens
mounted on the unmanned aerial vehicle (Kim et al 2015, 461-471).
2

-2-

�Sensor (still image, mm)
Pixel

Vertical 5 cm
35.9 x 24
45,000,000 pixel

Photo Interval (sec)

0.7s

Investigation plan and contents
In the following year, 2022, three intertidal zones were selected for orthographic imaging. This is the
intertidal zone located in Sinsi-do in Gunsan, Naesan-ri and Byeokpa Port in Jin-do. Since the intertidal
zone in Shinsi-do, Gunsan is large of 520,000 km² and the shape is irregular rather than square, the
shooting area was divided into three areas.

Figure 1. Flow chart of orthoimage production

It is a large reef exposed even at high tide, which could interfere with drone flight. Therefore, aerial
photography was conducted in advance regardless of altitude. Afterwards, after uploading the photos to
the drone control program (UgCS), the flight plan was entered so that the drone could automatically
take photos. This program plays the role of a mission planner and was used because there were variables
that were confirmed during the intertidal filming of Sinsi-do. As there is a reef more than 15 m in the
intertidal zone of Shinsi-do, when the existing flight program is used, the drone detected the reef as an
obstacle and stopped filming without proceeding. Through the UgCS program, a digital elevation model
(DEM) was made to recognize precise altitude changes, and the flight was planned after applying it to
the program. The flight time considered the ebb tide, and all the investigated areas were photographed
for three consecutive days to prevent errors in the results due to changes in the topography. The intertidal

-3-

�zone in Naesan-ri, Jindo (73,000 km²) and the intertidal zone in Byeokpahang, Jindo (260,000 km²)
were not large, and there was no need to consider special flight conditions since the flight area was set
in a rectangular shape.
Investigation results
After aerial photography of the intertidal zones of Shinsi-do of Gunsan, Naesan-ri of Jindo, and
Byeokpahang of Jindo were taken, orthophotographs were made. First, the intertidal zone of Gunsan
Sinsi-do was divided into three parts to produce orthographic images, and then the orthophotograph of
the three districts were merged into one. In the case of the intertidal zone of Shinsi-do, experiences were
earned with regard to how to photograph a large area, how to merge photos, and how to prepare for
objects that can become obstacles such as reefs in the intertidal zone. In the meantime, there was a
problem in preparing the storage capacity and file management plan for the orthophotograph result.

Figure 2. Metashape Program

In the orthographic image of Naesan-ri of Jindo, visible objects were checked by scale. As a result of
checking by enlarging to 1:7, 1:1, and 5:1, it was possible to distinguish the color of the sample and the
color of the surface layer, but the picture was broken at the scale of 5:1. Various objects appeared in the
intertidal orthographic image of Byeokpahang of Jindo. A row of wooden fences and two pieces of
pottery, which seem to be traces of past maritime defense facilities, have been newly identified. An
object that looked like a pottery hoof was also identified, but it was identified as marine garbage, not an
artifact. In addition, information on various objects that can be identified in the intertidal zone, such as
buoys, anchors, and anchor lines, was acquired.
Another feature that could be identified in the orthographic images of Byeokpa Port in Jindo is that the
results may vary depending on the flow of water in the tidal channel when the photos are merged. Photo
merging is basically a process of merging photos taken of objects in a still state. However, since the
wave has an irregular shape, a more finished result requires the process of using the correction function
of the photo merger program.
CONCLUSIONS
The intertidal zone drone survey can access places not easily accessible to humans. A drone equipped
with an RTK sensor accurately records the location of the photographed picture. There is no need to use

-4-

�GCP (Ground Control Point) because it is merged based on coordinates when producing
orthophotographs.5
The automatic flight using a program with a mission planner function was conducted, and the results of
the orthophotograph was checked. We collected the following results from our drone survey: 1) we can
identify exposed artifacts with orthophotograph at 15 m. 2) artifact coordinates are possible; 3) minimize
manpower and fieldwork hours; and 4) intertidal data can also be collected with orthophotography.
However, there are also evident challenges and limitations to be addressed. First of all, the orthoimage
merging time is proportional to the intertidal zone investigation area. There is a need to think about how
to store the data, as the size of the file increases in proportion to the time. And if there is a terrain feature
caught in the middle of a flight at a certain altitude, there must be the process of creating a digital
elevation model after aerial photography at a high altitude. Results are still early, with a lot of trial and
error because the method option is new. In future, various data will be accumulated through more
intertidal investigations which will produce more systematic and accurate research.
Acknowledgements
The investigation of the intertidal zone was carried out as the beginning of the underwater excavation. The investigation of
buried cultural properties identified in the intertidal zone can be said to have been systematic with a lot of research experience.
However, as for the investigation method before the buried cultural properties are identified, no new method other than the
direct investigation by a person was suggested. The investigation method using drones was first proposed in 2021, and the
research contents and results are still insufficient. There is a need to organize the direction of the intertidal zone investigation
through drones, detailed survey methods, and limitations in the future.
Bibliography
Heo, Ui-Haeng. Lee, Wal-Yeong. A Study on the utilization of drones and aerial photographs for searching ruins with a
focus on topographic analysis, Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies 51, no. 2 (2018): 22-37 (In Korean).
Kim, Bum-Jun. Lee, Yoon-Hyunh. Choi, Jong-Kuk. “Investigating Applicability of Unmaned Aerial Vehicle to the Tidal
Flat Zone” Korean Journal of Remote Sensing 31, no. 5 (2015): 461-471 (In Korean).
Lee, Jae-Bin. “Current status and future direction of marine surveying and GIS using drones” The Korean Institute of
Broadcast and Media Engineers 22, no. 2 (2017): 53-66 (In Korean).
Oh, Jae-hong. Kim, Duk-Jin Lee, Hyo-Seong. “Use of Drone for Mapping and Time Series Image Acquisition of Tidal
Zones” Journal of Korean Institute of Intelligent Systems 27, no. 2 (2017): 119-125 (In Korean)
Shim, Jae-Yeon. Chung, Jae-Young. “RTK-GPS Systems for Autonomous Drone”, The Proceedings of Autum Conference
of Korean Society of Mechanical Engineers on Fusion IT, 2018: 128-129 (In Korean)
NRIMCH. Underwater Archaeology in Korea, Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2016 (In Korean).

GCP (Ground Control Point) refers to a triangular point that marks the location by surveying. As a photo merging factor, it
helps to make the merge work well. In some situations the ground control point appears in the photo result.
5

-5-

�</text>
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                <text>Surrounded by the sea on three sides, Korea is in a location of active maritime exchanges throughout history. Before the development of shipbuilding and navigation, people sometimes chose to navigate while visually observing surrounding land. However, the natural environment of the Southwest Sea, where tidal flats are exposed, is likely to have occurred. It may be wrecked by a reef, or the old ship may have been abandoned. The National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH) has conducted seven surveys in the intertidal zone, which helped to establish a systematic investigation method. Our previous investigations involved manpower surveys. We sought a method for systematic and efficient investigation. Drones identify anomalies exposed in natural environments such as intertidal zones. However, we questioned the usefulness of drones in underwater archeology. Drones produced orthophotos. Our results present a new method of intertidal zone survey.&#13;
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                <text>Dongwon, Choi. 2023. “Research Methodology for Intertidal Zone: Utilization of Drone.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1922 </text>
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                    <text>Research on the removal of calcareous and iron concretions
from marine finds
Zhang Zhiguo, Ma Qinglin, Li Naisheng, and Tian Xingling
Department of Conservation Science and Technology for Underwater Cultural Relics
Center for Cultural Relic Restoration and Training
Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage
No. 2 Gao Yuan Street, Chao Yang District,
Beijing 100029
China
Email: zzgwys@126.com
Liu Wei
University of Science and Technology,
Beijing
China
Abstract
In recent years, several shipwrecks have been found in the South China Sea, such as
Huaguang Jiao I and South China Sea I, shipwrecks from the Southern Song Dynasty
(12-13c AD) and Nan’ao I, a wreck from the Ming Dynasty (14-17c AD). Many ancient
archaeological iron objects were found the site. Usually, calcareous and iron
concretions exist on these iron objects and some iron objects are concreted together
very tightly. This paper discusses methods to remove calcareous and iron concretions
from archaeological iron objects found from the sea and separation methods for the
concreted iron objects recovered from the Huaguang Jiao I and South China Sea I
shipwrecks.
Key words: Huaguang Jiao, South China Sea I shipwreck, Iron objects; Calcareous;
Iron concretions; Removal techniques

Introduction
The most striking feature of iron corrosion in a marine environment is the formation of
thick concretions. Concretions form on iron buried beneath the seabed and on that
exposed to seawater. In both cases the concretion is formed by the iron corrosion
products interacting with material adjacent to the iron. Iron is not a biologically toxic
material and any iron immersed in seawater is rapidly colonized by marine organisms.
These organisms build up a layer of skeletal material, predominantly calcium carbonate
(CaCO3). The subsequent diffusion of iron II ions (Fe2+) and iron III ions (Fe3+) from the

1

�underlying corroding iron produces chemical changes in this biological material (North,
1976). In the concretion, Fe2+ ions interchange with calcium ions (Ca2+) in the CaCO3, to
produce ferrous carbonate or siderite (FeCO3). Some of the CaCO3 is also dissolved by
the hydrogen ions (H+) forming calcium bicarbonate [Ca(HCO3)2], which causes the pH
of the solution to increase. The increasing pH then results in the gradual precipitation of
Fe2+ and Fe3+ as oxides, hydrated oxides and hydroxy chlorides. These fill holes and
pores in the concretion and so form an iron cementing matrix to replace the original
calcite matrix, which is slowly dissolving. Under the concretion, in areas of low oxygen
content, reactions between iron ions and sulphide ions (S2-) ions produced by sulphate
reducing bacteria result in the formation of iron (II) sulphides (FeS) and elemental
sulphur (S). The end result of these processes is that the inner concretion becomes a
replica of the marine growth but with the CaCO3 of the marine organisms virtually
entirely replaced by iron corrosion products (North, 1976).
The outer layer of the iron concretions is approximately the same composition as the
marine growth on inert materials. The major differences are the presence of up to 2%
iron and small, but significant amounts of inorganic CaCO 3. When iron is continuously
buried beneath the seabed, negligible marine growth occurs but a hard concretion can
still be formed provided the seabed material contains CaCO 3. The mechanism here
appears to be basically the same as for exposed iron. As the iron-rich acidic solution
diffuses into the surrounding seabed material it dissolves some CaCO3 and precipitate
iron compounds which act as a binding cement. Further out from the object the
previously dissolved calcium reprecipitates, due to increasing pH, and forms a second
cementing layer. As a result any material in the seabed next to the corroding iron is
incorporated into the concretion. Magnetite (Fe3O4) is the main iron oxide component of
buried concretions compared with iron oxy hydroxides (FeOOH) and haematite (Fe2O3)
in exposed concretions (North, 1987a).
The concretions from the Batavia shipwreck site in Australia mainly contained FeOOH,
Fe3O4, FeCO3 and iron hydroxy chlorides (FeOCl), minor constituents were CaCO3,
quartz (SiO2), FeS and S and sometimes contained traces of sodium chloride (NaCl)
and gypsum (CaSO4.2H2O) (North, 1976). North (1982) compared the chemical
compositions of concretion and iron corrosion products from the Day Dawn shipwreck
2

�site in Australia, the concretions consisted of 46.1% iron (Fe), 0.34% sodium (Na), 7.9%
calcium (Ca), 0.33% magnesium (Mg), 2.2% SiO2 and less than 0.05% chlorine (Cl), but
the iron corrosion products consisted of 60.8% Fe, 0.06% Na, 0.11% Ca, 0.03% Mg and
6.1% Cl (North, 1982). Concretions found within marine sediment, where oxygen is
relatively scarce, contain higher proportions of lepidocrocite (γ-FeOOH), Fe3O4, and the
magnetic sulphide, pyrrhotite (Fe1-xS). Other compounds, which are unstable under
atmospheric conditions, and thus difficult to identify, may also by present (Cronyn,
1990). The main method of concretion removal is by mechanical methods, such as
toothpick, dental drill, riveting gun, hammer and sand-blasting machine (Hamilton, 1999;
Mardikian and David, 1996; North 1987b; Rees-Jones, 1972). Chemical methods, such
as 20% phosphoric acid (Rees-Jones, 1972) and hot soda baths (Pearson, 1972), have
been used, especially for seriously corroded fragile iron, but concreted iron objects
cannot be soaked for a long time. Liquid nitrogen (MacLeod, 1987) and electrolytic
methods (Montlucon, 1986) can also be used for concretion removal. The liquid nitrogen
method is effective in removing thick calcium carbonate layers on iron surfaces.
Hydrogen produced by the electrolytic method may cause damage to the surfaces of
ancient iron objects.
The concretions on some marine iron recovered from three shipwrecks excavated from
the South China Sea, HuaguangJiao I and South China Sea I, wrecks from the
Southern Song Dynasty (12-13c AD) and Nan’ao I, a wreck from the Ming Dynasty (1417c AD), were analysed using multiple scientific techniques to determine the
composition and structure of the concretions. The concretions from the three wrecks are
composed primarily of two different types; calcareous/iron concretions or coral and
siliceous concretions. The different types of concretion from the three wrecks were
comparatively analysed. The results indicated that the concretions from South China
Sea I contain calcareous and siliceous concretions, mainly SiO2, mixed calcareous
concretions, FeS2, and FeCO3. And concretions from HuaguangJiao I were analogous
to those from Nan’ao I except the composition of the iron concretions from the former
consisted primarily of Fe3O4, goethite (α-FeOOH), lepidocrocite (γ-FeOOH), Fe2O3 and
akaganeite (β-FeOOH), while FeS, FeCO3 and β-FeOOH were the main minerals
present in the Nan’ao I iron concretions (Liu et al., 2011). This paper discusses methods
3

�to remove calcareous and iron concretions from marine archaeological ancient iron
objects and tests some separation methods for the concreted iron objects from the
HuaguangJiao I and South China Sea I shipwrecks.
Results and Discussion
Removal of the Calcareous Concretions by Chemical Methods
Figure 1 shows the white calcareous
concretions on the iron object, HTQ-9 from
the

HuaguangJiao

calcareous

I

concretions

shipwreck.
are

The

usually

composed of two layers, an outer and inner
layer. Two samples of the different layers
were collected using a scalpel. The outer
Fig. 1 Iron object (HTQ-9) from the HuaguangJiao white surface layer consisted of calcite
I shipwreck. (Z. G. Zhang).
(Mg0.1Ca0.9CO3) and aragonite (CaCO3) and

the inner white layer consisted of kutnahorite (Ca1.11Mn0.89 (CO3)2 and CaCO3. Figures
2a and 2b show the XRD spectrums of the outer and inner layer samples. The
calcareous concretions of two layers are both very hard, and the inner layer is harder
than outer one. About 0.4g of the white calcareous concretion, removed from the outer
and inner layer of iron object HTQ-9, was soaked in a 10% EDTA disodium salt solution
(EDTA-2Na), pH value was about 10. Figure 3 shows the transformation process of the
concretion sample. The sample had completely dissolved after 102 hours. This
experiment demonstrates that 10% EDTA-2Na can remove these types of white
calcareous concretions present on this marine iron object.
Removal of the Iron Concretions by Chemical Methods
The iron object of HTQ-17 from the HuaguangJiao I shipwreck was sectioned into five
sub-samples. The size of each sample was about 3.0 square centimeters. The red
brown iron concretion on their surface was analysed by XRD. Figure 2c shows the XRD
spectrum. The analysis result indicated the concretion mainly consisted of β-FeOOH, γFeOOH, Fe3O4 and α-FeOOH. Five solutions; 5% oxalic acid, 10% oxalic acid, 9.35%
aminoacetic acid, 9.35% aminoacetic acid sodium salt and 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid
sodium salt, were tested to dissolve the red brown iron concretions on five samples of
4

�HTQ-17. Figure 4 shows the transformation of the red brown iron concretions of HTQ17 in 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid sodium salt. The results of the experiment
demonstrated that the dissolution rate of the red brown iron concretions in each solution
in decreasing order was: 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid sodium salt, 9.35% aminoacetic
acid, 9.35% aminoacetic acid sodium salt, 10% oxalic acid, 5% oxalic acid. So the
9.35% mercaptoacetic sodium salt was the best solution to dissolve the iron
concretions.
Removal of the Iron Concretions by Mechanical Methods
Laser blasting, sandblasting and ultrasonic cleaning methods are effective techniques to
remove concretions from marine iron objects (Hamilton, 1999). However, the laser
method has the disadvantage that the power is difficult to control; it is an expensive
technique and is not suitable for large areas and/or thick concretion layers.
Sandblasting is appropriate for the more fragile iron objects with thin concretion layers.
Ultrasonic cleaning, such as an ultrasonic dental tool, is useful for deconcreting small
areas covered in thin concretion layers, which are not particularly hard and the power is
easily controlled. Mechanical and chemical methods are commonly used in combination
to remove concretions from marine iron objects. Figure 5a shows a concreted iron nail
recovered from the South China Sea I shipwreck. The concretion was removed using a
combination of mechanical and chemical techniques, i.e. a solution of EDTA-2Na in
conjunction with a chisel and scalpel were used to remove the concretion from this
object. Figure 5b shows the iron nail after concretion removal.
Separation of a Group of Concreted Iron Objects
Figure 6a shows a group of four concreted iron objects, HTQ-2 recovered from the
HuaguangJiao I shipwreck. Some mechanical tools, such as an electric drill, an
engraver, a chisel and a small hammer were used to mechanically separate the iron
objects. Special care was taken during the separation process to avoid any fracture or
breakage. When the electric drill was used for separation, the appropriate diameter drill
bit was chosen and the power should be controlled according to the extent of corrosion
and the distance between the concreted iron objects. Figure 6b shows the four iron
objects after separation.

5

�Conclusion
This paper presented some experimental results on a variety of removal methods for
calcareous and iron concretions from marine archaeological ancient iron objects. Based
on the analytical data, 10% EDTA-2Na can remove the white calcareous concretions on
marine iron objects and 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid sodium salt solution can dissolve
the red brown iron concretions successfully. Commonly combinations of mechanical
and chemical techniques can remove block concretions on marine iron objects and
separate groups of concreted iron objects. Mechanical techniques are still the most
common and reliable method for concretion removal.

6

�Fig. 2 XRD spectrum of HTQ-9 (a = outer layer; b = inner layer) and
HTQ-17 (c).
(Z. G. Zhang)

3a

3b

3c

3d

Fig. 3 Transformation of calcareous concretions from HTQ-9 in 10% EDTA disodium salt after (a) 0 hours,
(b) 6.5 hours, (c) 54 hours, (d) 102 hours. (Z. G. Zhang)

7

�Fig. 4 Transformation of the red brown iron concretions from HTQ-17 in 9.35% mercaptoacetic acid
sodium salt after (a) 24 hours, (b) 72 hours, (c) 144 hours. (Z. G. Zhang)

Fig. 5 Iron nail from the South China Sea I shipwreck. (a) Before deconcretion, (b) After concretion
removal. (Z. G. Zhang)

Fig. 6 Concreted group of iron objects, HTQ-2 from the HuaguangJiao I shipwreck (a) Pre-separation, (b)
After separation. (Z. G. Zhang)

8

�Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Mr. Qiu Gang, Director of Hainan Museum, who supplied the
marine iron samples. We would also like to thank Prof. Zhan Changfa and Dr. Shen
Dawa for their assistance with the analysis and research. This research project was
financially supported by the Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage (CACH).
References
Cronyn, J. M., 1990. The Elements of Archaeological Conservation. Routledge Press,
Britain, 181.
Hamilton, D. L., 1999. Methods of Conserving Archaeological Material from Underwater
Sites. Nautical Archaeology Program. Department of Anthropology. Texas A&amp;M
University. College Station, Texas, 54-55.
Liu, W., Wang, J. L., and Zhang, Z. G., 2011. Scientific analysis of the concretion on
ancient marine iron recovered from three shipwrecks in South China Sea. Journal of
National Museum of China, Vol. 2: 145-156.
Mardikian, P., and David, R., 1996. Conservation of a French pistol from the wreck of Le
Cygne (1808). Studies in Conservation, Vol. 41: 161-169.
MacLeod, I. D., 1987. Conservation of corroded iron artefacts - new methods for on-site
preservation and cryogenic deconcreting. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology
and Underwater Exploration, Vol. 16 (1): 49-56.
Montlucon, J., 1986. Electricity: A new implement in archaeology. In J. W. Foster and O.
S. Sheli (Eds.), 17th Conference on Underwater Archaeology. Sacramento, California,
January 8-12, 1986, Facsimile Reprint by Coyote Press: 75-78.
North, N. A., 1987a. Corrosion of metals. In C. Pearson (Eds.), Conservation of Marine
Archaeological Objects, London, Butterworths: 77-78.
North, N. A., 1987b. Conservation of Metals. In C. Pearson (Eds.), Conservation of
Marine Archaeological Objects, Butterworths, London, 209-211, 223-227.
North, N. A., 1982. Corrosion products on marine iron. Studies in Conservation, Vol. 27:
75-83.
North, N. A., 1976. Formation of coral concretions on marine iron. International Journal
of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration, Vol. 5 (3): 253-258.

9

�Pearson, C., 1972. The preservation of iron cannon after 200 years under the sea.
Studies in Conservation, Vol. 17: 102.
Rees-Jones, S. G., 1972. Some aspects of conservation of iron objects from the sea.
Studies in Conservation, Vol. 17: 39-43.
Biography
Zhiguo Zhang received his BSc (2001) and MSc (2004) in Chemistry from Shandong
University and Tsinghua University, respectively and attained a PhD (2011) in history of
science and technology from the University of Science and Technology, Beijing, China.
His research field comprises the analysis and conservation of museum objects and the
protection of marine cultural relics, such as ancient Chinese pigments, metals, stone,
and wooden shipwrecks. Since 2004, he has worked on the conservation and research
of ancient objects at the Chinese Academy of Cultural Heritage (CACH) in Beijing.

10

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                  <text>This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas:&#13;
â€¢ In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices&#13;
â€¢ Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring&#13;
â€¢ Conservation treatment case studies&#13;
â€¢ Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials&#13;
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                <text>In recent years, several shipwrecks have been found in the South China Sea, such as Huaguang Jiao I and South China Sea I, shipwrecks from the Southern Song Dynasty (12-13c AD) and Nanâ€™ao I, a wreck from the Ming Dynasty (14-17c AD). Many ancient archaeological iron objects were found the site. Usually, calcareous and iron concretions exist on these iron objects and some iron objects are concreted together very tightly. This paper discusses methods to remove calcareous and iron concretions from archaeological iron objects found from the sea and separation methods for the concreted iron objects recovered from the Huaguang Jiao I and South China Sea I shipwrecks. </text>
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                    <text>Restoration of Shipboard Life in the Goryeo Period
Jeong Heon (Researcher, National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
This study aims at understanding the characteristics of an ancient ship as a residence that moves independently,
and preparing basic data for life on ship accordingly. First of all, the excavation location of daily artifacts on ships
were classified and reviewed according to Goryeo shipwrecks recovered with shipboard artifacts . As a result, the
composition of artifacts in the bottom center space identical to the views of previous studies was confirmed.
However, there were ships with uncertain remaining conditions and records, and in the case of some artifacts such
as combs, the location is sporadic and there are few cases, so it is difficult to determine the location of the
excavation. Daily artifacts on ships show a high proportion of batch artifacts, but there is a limitation in that the
absolute number of artifacts in the water is limited. Therefore, in addition to conducting a comparative study, we
tried to prepare a basis for the composition of space and artifacts. As for the basis of the living space on ships, a
comparison was made between Joseon Dynasty and modern ships. The basis for the composition of artifacts in the
space in the center of the ship bottom was sought through comparison of land artifacts of the same period. As a
result of comparison with later ships, it seems that until the extinction of modern ships, the space in the center of
the bottom was located in the third compartment based on the bow. However, we cannot know the exact time, but
when it comes to modern ships after Mado no. 4, there is a difference in that the center space of the ship is changed
from the front of the mast to its back. As a result of the comparison to the selected cooking space of daily remains
on land, there were fewer distinct examples of artifacts in the cooking area of land living remains than underwater
remains. We indicate the importance of a linked study rather than an isolated study of the land and underwater
artifacts.
Keywords: underwater archeology, ships of era, life on ships, comparative research
List of Tables and Figures
Figure 1 Current state of underwater excavations in Korea
Figure 2 Floor plan of shipwreck and composition of artifacts of shipboard life
Figure 3 Living space on wooden ships of the Joseon Dynasty and modern times
Figure 4 Comparative diagram of batch artifacts of land and underwater remains

INTRODUCTION
An ancient ship has the characteristics of a place of limited activity and residence that moves
independently, and provides a lot of information on the relevant underwater artifacts, such as the ship's
production place, arrival and departure points, and living area. The importance of comparison study with
the land artifacts of the same era has already been emphasized in past studies (Ju 2013, 419; Bowens
2009, 27), but in Korea, related research has not progressed due to the lack of excavation materials. Both
land and underwater excavation are increasing, remains of the latter of which are small in number
compared to the former, but they are in relatively good condition. In addition, daily artifacts on ships,
which are distinct from cargo, show essential material and cultural elements of the narrow space in the
ship that sailors occupied for a short period of time in the past, and there is a need for research on the
restoration of life on ships.
Major research on domestic underwater excavation mainly focuses on history of ship, ceramic, and
maritime exchange. On the other hand, there is relatively little interest in research related to shipboard
life. Recently, some studies on daily artifacts on ships, including those from sunken ships, have been
conducted (Moon 2017; Lee 2021). In addition, as the daily artifacts of the Goryeo Dynasty were
classified in various ways according to their function and material, such as metal, ceramic, and wood,
chronological and analytical studies of individual artifacts have also been conducted.

1

�THE REVIEW OF SHIPBOARD DAILY ARTIFACTS OF THE GORYEO DYNASTY

Figure 1. Current state of underwater excavations in Korea

It is known that underwater artifacts including shipwrecks are in good condition as the air is blocked by
mud and seawater. However, the remaining states of shipwrecks and artifacts are affected by
environmental factors such as the angle of the hull, pests, and corrosion. For this reason, the remaining
state of ancient ships and artifacts is different for each site. However, as the space in the middle of the
hull and the central part of the hull was used as a storage space and cooking space for daily artifacts on
ships during the Goryeo Dynasty. Fortunately, there are relatively many cases in which daily artifacts
on ships remain. This chapter examines the current status of ships and daily artifacts on ships during the
Goryeo Dynasty, and reviews the work log of the overall report and the records of the location of artifacts
by area are reviewed in order to identify the context of the excavation of daily artifacts on ships, and to
present the composition of collective daily artifacts on ships.
The review indicated there were various cases such as recording method for each excavation report, the
location of unrecorded artifacts, and the deviation from the original location of the artifacts according
to the remaining hull. However, as shown in Figure 2, the shipboard daily artifacts showed the same
composition in the center compartment of the hull, located in the third compartment from the bow.

2

�Figure 2. Floor plan of shipwreck and composition of artifacts of shipboard life

3

�Shipboard daily artifacts consist of an iron part, an iron bowl, and an iron steamer for cooking, one or
two pieces of pottery with a capacity of 100 L or more for storing drinking water, a jar, a bamboo basket
that are situated at the middle of bottom of the ship. Except for them, a bronze spoon, a comb, and a
whetstone were recovered. The large pottery pot is presumed to have stored only drinking water, unlike
the land one. Hyunhwasa Goryogojeon, a memoir of Goryeo’s record of personal experience by Seo
Kyung, specifically mentioned the supply of potable water to the port of calls, and material, capacity.
and name of a large pottery pot. Bongrae no. 3 shipwreck shows same recovery contexts with those of
Mado no. 4 in Joseon Dynasty. Pottery is easy to manufacture in large sizes and is light compared to its
size, making it suitable for storing and transporting drinking water for ships (Han 2014, 228), and
various types of a large pottery pot show a certain capacity, which is closely related to Yangje of the
Goryeo Dynasty. (Han 2012, 71). In addition, there is a need to conduct research on comparative study
on the drinking water storage method of foreign ships and an review of previous studies on the amount
of drinking water and the number of people on a ship, as the limited drinking water capacity on a ship
has a mutual relationship with the number of people on a ship, the voyage period, and the port of calls.
In the meantime, artifacts that are relatively small in size and light in weight, such as combs, bronze
spoon, bronze chopsticks, and wooden tools, have a high loss rate and sporadic cases. Daily artifacts on
a ship include various artifacts, such as wooden hammers, ropes, handle of an adze, and pottery handles,
but the number is limited and the excavation locations are scattered, making it difficult to estimate the
existing location. Wooden comb for sanitation (Eolraebit) and bamboo comb (Chambit) have been found
on Daebudo no. 2, Mado no. 1, and Mado no. 3 shipwrecks, but the number of artifacts is also small and
the excavation location of each artifacts is different. Lastly, as artifacts related to play, chess pieces were
found in Mado no. 3 and wooden chess pieces were found in Sinan shipwreck. The context of all
excavations is uncertain.
RESTORATION OF SHIPBOARD LIFE THROUGH COMPARATIVE STUDY

Figure 3. Living space on wooden ships of the Joseon Dynasty and modern times
1: 3rd exposed surface of a Mado no. 4 (1417-1425), 2: Yeonggwang nonpowered ship
3: Jindo Gwanmaedo ship, 4: Sinan Gageo Island Ship

Comparative review of living spaces of a wooden ship in the Joseon Dynasty and modern times
The utilization of the space in the center of the bottom of the ship of the Goryeo Dynasty, as examined
above, is also seen in the Mado no. 4 shipwreck in the Joseon Dynasty (Figure 3). The location and
name of the central space of the ship bottom is also found in the modern wooden ship. The second
picture of Figure 3 is the general layout of the non-powered ship of Sangnakwol Island in Yeonggwang,
which was surveyed in 1936 by Saptaekgyeongsam. Even though the nature is different from that of a
cargo ship, but the name and location of the cooking space is referred to. The name of the cooking room
of a non-powered ship was marked as fire field (Tusi). The location of the cooking room is the same as
that of the ship examined above, as the third compartment based on the bow, but it is located behind the

4

�mast. The third picture of Figure 3 is also a ship surveyed in the 1920s during the Japanese colonial
period, and is a general layout and central section of a ship in Gwanmae Island of Jindo. The fourth one
in Figure 3 is the floor plan of the ship of Sinan Gageo Island, which was surveyed in 1996. The location
of the compartment of Tusi in the ship is the same as the ships discussed above.
Some of the ancient ship data, literature records, and pictorial data of later ships examined so far have
the meaning of comparative research as a basis for identifying that the location of the central space of
the ship's bottom is the same as the central compartment from the early Goryeo Dynasty to the modern
age until the disappearance of wooden ships. After the discovery of Mado no. 4 shipwreck, the location
of the central space in the bottom of the ship is the same as being located in the third compartment, but
in modern ships, there is a difference that it is changed not to the front of the existing mast, but to the
back of it.
Comparative study of cooking space of land remains in the Goryeo Dynasty
Before the comparison of land and underwater remains, the similarities and differences between land
and underwater remains are to be mentioned, and comparison objects are to be selected. Domestic
ancient ships show the characteristics of short-term occupied residential area, the good remaining state
of artifacts, and the consistent composition of artifacts, but there is a limit in that the absolute number
of objects to be analyzed is small. On the other hand, the land remains provide the characteristics of
relatively long-term occupied residential area, and a large amount of excavation data, but there is a limit
in that it is not possible to see the composition of the state of remaining objects and artifacts in a not
good condition, and composition of batch artifacts. These differences and similarities are determined to
provide complementary grounds in terms of research on restoration of living between underwater and
land remains of the same period.

Figure 4. Comparative diagram of batch artifacts of land and underwater
remains (left: cooking space of land remains (target: 14); right: ;living
space on ships (target: 7)

The selection method of comparison target is as follows. First of all, about 570 residential areas and pit
dwellings were examined for 125 living artifacts in Gyeonggi province, where relatively many remains
of the Goryeo Dynasty are distributed. For selecting the remaining objects that have the nature of a
cooking space, the remaining objects that have different possibilities in terms of the place that were
originally used for reasons such as heating facilities, disposal, production, and exiting, were excluded
from comparison. As a selection criterion for this, first, the remaining objects where cooking artifacts
such as pottery steamers and iron pots have been reported, second, traces of cooking spaces such as
sintering marks, furnaces, and stoves were reported, and finally, the remaining objects with good
location records of excavated artifacts were selected for comparison as much as possible.
The results are displayed in Figure 4. The high proportions of batch artifacts in underwater remains with

5

�few objects can be seen as a direct basis for the composition of artifacts related to life at the time. In
particular, the fact that there is a high proportion of bamboo baskets, which are rarely excavated, as well
as bronze bowl, combs, and bronze spoons and chopsticks, which are mainly excavated from tomb burial
items, are found in underwater remains, suggest the need for a linked study of land and underwater
remains. However, there are not many excavation data for underwater remains, and there are limitations
due to differences in the remaining state of the hull, the size of the hull, and the recording method at the
time of the excavation.
In the meantime, in the case of a large pottery pot presented in this study, there is a big difference in the
proportions between land and underwater remains. This is due to the fact that it is not that the space in
the central space of the bottom of the ship have only the characteristics of a storage space for cooking
artifacts. As described in previous chapter, the large pottery pot for storage and transportation on a ship
has a different function from the large pottery pot of land artifacts, which stored grains and fruits, as it
had potable water in it. In addition, as the location of a large pottery pot of the land remains is separated
from the cooking area, there is a need to conduct independent research on potable water for ships and a
large pottery pot.
CONCLUSIONS
The overall context of the excavation of daily artifacts from the Goryeo Dynasty was reviewed according
to the characteristics of the floor, plane, and internal space of the hull. The examination found the
consistent location and composition of certain artifacts in the central space of the bottom of the ship, the
third compartment, which is in line with the opinions of the existing studies and reports. The artifacts in
the central space of the bottom of the ship consist of artifacts for cooking, such as iron hatchets, iron
wells, iron bowls, steamers, cooking slabs, bronze spoons, bronze chopsticks, bronze bowls, and
whetstones, as well as artifacts for storage and transportation, such as bamboo baskets, a large pottery
pot, and a pottery pot. In the meantime, in the case of a large pottery pot, there are cases where it is
located in the 6th compartment of the stern like Daebudo no. 2 shipwreck, but it is mostly concentrated
in the 3rd compartment, the central space of the bottom of the ship. Relatively light artifacts in a small
quantity such as combs and wooden tools are sometimes located in the central space of the ship bottom,
but there are few cases and they have sporadic excavation locations.
The comparison of ships in later age found that there was no big difference in the space in the center of
the bottom of Mado no. 4 and the drawings of modern ships. In particular, even in modern ships, it
seems that the living space on ships are also located in the third compartment. Although it is still difficult
to determine the changes in the space in the center of the bottom of the ship within a wide period, it was
found that the location of the space in the center of the ship's bottom continued to be the third
compartment from the Goryeo Dynasty to the point of extinction of wooden ships. However, the bottom
center space is maintained as the third compartment, but the central space of the bottom of the ship is
located in front of the mast until Mado no. 4 and then moves to the back of the mast.
The comparison between the underwater remains and land remains of the same period found that there
was a big difference in the composition proportion of the artifacts including iron hatchets, iron wells,
and pottery steamer found in the underwater artifacts. Even though the number of life artifacts on ships
is small, they show a continuous composition of artifacts and provide complementary grounds with land
remains related to studies on life at the time. This shows the need for connected study rather than a
disconnected study of both terrestrial and underwater remains. We aim to unify underwater remains with
land remains of the same period.

6

�Bibliography
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Xuanhuafengshi Gaolitujing
Yuamchongseo

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University PhD Dissertation (2016) (In Korean).
Mun, Gyungho, “Shipboard Life of Jojols in the Early Joseon Period envisioned based on the relics of Taean Mado Shipwreck
No.4.” Journal of the Island Culture 48 (2016): 37-66 (In Korean).
Nautical Archaeology Society. Underwater Archaeology: The NAS Guide to Principles and Practice. Oxford: Blackwell
Publishing (2009).
Shin, Jongkuk. “The Characteristics of Shipwrecks in the Goryeo Period and the Study on Artifacts Recovered from Them.”
Kongju National University PhD Dissertation (2020) (In Korean).

7

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                <text>This study aims at understanding the characteristics of an ancient ship as a residence that moves independently,&#13;
and preparing basic data for life on ship accordingly. First of all, the excavation location of daily artifacts on ships&#13;
were classified and reviewed according to Goryeo shipwrecks recovered with shipboard artifacts . As a result, the&#13;
composition of artifacts in the bottom center space identical to the views of previous studies was confirmed.&#13;
However, there were ships with uncertain remaining conditions and records, and in the case of some artifacts such&#13;
as combs, the location is sporadic and there are few cases, so it is difficult to determine the location of the&#13;
excavation. Daily artifacts on ships show a high proportion of batch artifacts, but there is a limitation in that the&#13;
absolute number of artifacts in the water is limited. Therefore, in addition to conducting a comparative study, we&#13;
tried to prepare a basis for the composition of space and artifacts. As for the basis of the living space on ships, a&#13;
comparison was made between Joseon Dynasty and modern ships. The basis for the composition of artifacts in the&#13;
space in the center of the ship bottom was sought through comparison of land artifacts of the same period. As a&#13;
result of comparison with later ships, it seems that until the extinction of modern ships, the space in the center of&#13;
the bottom was located in the third compartment based on the bow. However, we cannot know the exact time, but&#13;
when it comes to modern ships after Mado no. 4, there is a difference in that the center space of the ship is changed&#13;
from the front of the mast to its back. As a result of the comparison to the selected cooking space of daily remains&#13;
on land, there were fewer distinct examples of artifacts in the cooking area of land living remains than underwater&#13;
remains. We indicate the importance of a linked study rather than an isolated study of the land and underwater&#13;
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                <text>Heon, Jeong. 2023. “Restoration of Shipboard Life in the Goryeo Period.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology.  URL:  https://apconf.omeka.net/items/show/1923</text>
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                    <text>A Manila Galleon in Oregon:
Results of the “Beeswax Wreck” Research Project

Scott S. Williams
Naga Research Group
1324 Eskridge Blvd SE
Olympia, WA 98501
USA
Email: Beeswax.wreck@gmail.com

Abstract
The results of a seven-year, multi-disciplinary investigation into the identity and origin of
the “Beeswax Wreck” are discussed. The “Beeswax Wreck” is the name historically
given to a 17th century source of marked beeswax blocks and candles found along
beaches of the north Oregon coast. Artifact analysis, remote sensing,
geoarchaeological investigations, and archival research indicate the Beeswax Wreck
was an Acapulco-bound galleon that wrecked near Nehalem Bay prior to AD 1700, and
is most likely the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos. The Santo Cristo de
Burgos sailed from the Philippines on July 1st, 1693 and disappeared. No trace of the
vessel was ever found despite years of searching by the Spanish in the islands of the
west Pacific and along the Mexican coast.
Keywords: Manila, Acapulco, Philippines, Beeswax, Porcelain, Geoarchaeology
Introduction
At the turn of the 19th century, the first Euro-American settlers in the Oregon Territory of
the Pacific Northwest coast noted wreckage on the beach of the Nehalem Bay sandspit
in what is now Tillamook County, Oregon (Fig. 1). The unknown ship was constructed
of teak and carried a large cargo of beeswax in the form of large blocks and candles,
which were strewn for miles over the spit and shores of the lower Nehalem Valley. The
amount of beeswax scattered over the beach and lower valley was so great that mining
the beeswax became a source of income for early settlers in the area.

Both the

“Beeswax Wreck” as it was called and its cargo were the topic of much speculation in
the scientific and popular press throughout 19th and 20th centuries, because the ship
1

�wrecked at least a century prior to
Euro-American

settlement

of

the

region and its large cargo of beeswax
made its origin a mystery to the
settlers. Since 2006, a volunteer
group of professional archaeologists,
historians, coastal geomorphologists,
and interested community members,
in coordination with Oregon State
Parks

and

the

Oregon

State

Archaeologist, have researched the
origin and identity of the Beeswax
Wreck. The goal of the research has
been to locate wreck remains and
confirm the identity of the vessel.
Archaeological evidence indicates that

Fig. 1 Portion of NOAA Chart 18520 showing the
Beeswax Wreck Project Area. The Nehalem sand spit
extends from the town of Manzanita to the river
mouth, in the area marked “Nehalem Beach” on the
chart. Short Sands Beach is the large cove at Cape
Falcon. (NOAA Chart 18520)

the Beeswax Wreck was a Manilla
galleon en route
to Acapulco, sailing or drifting north of the normal galleon trade route when it wrecked
off Nehalem at 45 degrees north latitude. Based on stylistic analysis of design motifs on
recovered sherds of the porcelain cargo that the ship carried, the vessel wrecked
sometime between 1670 and 1700, during the reign of the Kangxi Emperor of the Qing
Dynasty (Lally, 2008).
Project Location and Environment
Nehalem Bay is located on the Nehalem River in Tillamook County, northwest Oregon
(Fig. 1). Nehalem Bay is protected by a 5-6 km long sand spit that varies in width from
0.5-1.0 km, extending south from Neahkanie Mountain. Neahkanie Mountain is a large
headland that rises abruptly from the ocean to an elevation of 497 meters and marks
the north limit of the Nehalem River watershed, the Manzanita dune field, and the
Nehalem littoral cell (Peterson et al., 2011). The seaward side of Neahkanie Mountain
presents sheer cliffs, broken by the large sandy cove known as Short Sands Beach and
2

�other, smaller coves and natural rock arches (Fig. 2). Today, Nehalem spit is vegetated
with introduced non-native beach grass, shrubs and trees. The fore dune along the
beach reaches 10-15 m in elevation.

Prior to the mid 20th century, however, the

Nehalem Spit was an active dune field with little to no vegetation and dune heights of 58 m (Cooper, 1958). Starting in the 1950’s, Oregon State Parks undertook an intensive
program of planting non-native beach grass to stabilize the dunes for park development.
Between the fore dune and a large sand ridge known as Cronins Point to the east lies a
low-lying deflation basin. Prior to revegetation efforts and construction of the Nehalem
Airstrip, this deflation basin often became a lake in winter and portions of it still pond
water to this day. Historically, much of the wreck debris and beeswax was found in this
area as windblown dunes migrated over the
spit, alternately exposing and covering
wreck materials. The introduced beach
grass and other non-native vegetation has
since stabilized the dunes, and wreck
materials are now only found through
chance

excavations

associated

with

development in the area (Peterson et al.,
2011).
Historical Accounts
The Lewis and Clark expedition noted that
the local Clatsop Indians brought beeswax
to trade with the explorers when they were
camped on the Columbia River in the winter
of 1805-1806 (Moulton, 2003). The wreck
itself was first recorded in 1813 by the fur
trader Alexander Henry (Coues, 1897).
Local Indians told Henry the wreckage and
beeswax were from a large ship that had
wrecked many years before the fur traders

Fig. 2 Shoreline cliffs and offshore pinnacles,
Neahkanie Mountain. Short Sands Beach is the
large sandy beach in the left background;
Neahkanie Mountain rises out of the picture to
the right. View to northeast. (Richard Rogers,
Beeswax Wreck Project).

settled the area in 1811 (Coues, 1897: 768). The origin of the ship was a mystery,
3

�although Henry referred to the wreck as that of “the Spanish ship… cast away some
years ago, and the crew all murdered by the natives” (Coues, 1897: 841). The wreck
and the mystery of its beeswax cargo were written about extensively in newspapers and
regional journals as settlement of the region increased in the latter half of the 19th
century (cf. Giesecke, 2007; Williams, 2007, 2008). Popular novels were even written
describing the supposed adventures of the wreck survivors (Rogers, 1898; 1929). When
conditions were right and wreckage was exposed or beeswax was found, newspapers
in Oregon and across the country carried stories about the wreck, speculating whether
the beeswax was truly the cargo of a ship or a natural deposit of mineral wax (Cotton,
1915). Arguments over whether the material was beeswax cargo from a wrecked ship
or petroleum wax seeping from underground continued through the early decades of the
20th century, and exploratory wells were drilled to locate the presumed vast fields of oil
thought responsible for the wax. In the latter half of the 20th century archaeologists and
historians became interested in the wreck (Gibbs, 1971; Marshall, 1984). Its origin and
identity were the focus of several archaeological investigations (Woodward, 1986;
Scheans and Stenger, 1990). Some investigators suggested the vessel may have been
an Asian junk, a Portuguese merchant, or a Dutch or English pirate rather than a Manila
galleon (Stenger, 2005; Woodward, 1986). Much of the accessible wreck material was
collected by local residents and souvenir hunters in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries, and only small pieces of beeswax and sherds of late 17th century Chinese
export porcelain and earthenware are rarely collected by beachcombers in the area
today.
The Beeswax Wreck Project
The Beeswax Wreck Project is as an all-volunteer organization bringing together
various professionals and community members interested in the Beeswax Wreck. The
first phase of the project synthesized known historical and archaeological information
pertaining to the wreck and prepared a research design to guide the project (Williams,
2007).

Information on the wreck includes 19th and 20th centuries newspaper and

journal articles; physical remains such as beeswax blocks and candles, ceramic sherds,
and wooden artifacts in museums and private collections; and reports of previous
4

�archaeological and geotechnical investigations in the area. Evidence indicates that the
Beeswax Wreck carried goods typically transported by Manila galleons, including
Chinese export porcelain, earthenware dragon jars, and Philippine beeswax in large
blocks marked with Spanish shipping symbols, material not normally transported on
Asian junks. The quantity of the beeswax is a significant clue to the nationality of the
vessel that wrecked. Historic accounts indicate that during the 19th century anywhere
from 5 to 20 or more tons of beeswax was shipped from Nehalem to markets in Oregon,
California, and Hawaii (Cotton, 1915). The volume of beeswax was so large that several
19th century observers assumed the source was natural petroleum wax, as they could
not conceive of any “ancient” ship carrying so much beeswax, despite the shipping
symbols carved into the beeswax blocks, the presence of candles with wicks, and even
bees preserved in the wax. Radiocarbon dating of the beeswax and diagnostic Chinese
porcelain associated with the wreck indicate the vessel sailed during the mid to late 17th
century (Erlandson et al., 2001; Lally, 2008).

In the comprehensive and detailed

Spanish records of galleon sailings and losses, only two Acapulco-bound galleons went
missing during that time: the Santo Cristo de Burgos, which disappeared in 1693, and
the San Francisco Xavier, lost in 1705 (Blair and Robertson, 1909; Dahlgren, 1916;
Levesque, 2002; Schurz, 1939). The San Francisco Xavier has been identified as the
likely candidate for the Beeswax Wreck by previous researchers (Giesecke, 2007;
Marshall, 1984).
Our initial research focused on the San
Francisco Xavier as the most likely
vessel for the Beeswax Wreck for two
reasons: 1) Schurz’s (1939) statement
that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned
and wrecked near the Marianas Islands,
citing Hill’s (1928) account; and 2) a
large tsunami struck the Oregon coast in
1700 AD, and we expected such an
event would have obliterated evidence of

Fig. 3 Remote sensing survey areas on Nehalem
Spit and offshore. (Scott Williams, Beeswax Wreck
Project)

a vessel that wrecked prior to that year.
5

�Fieldwork began in 2007 with terrestrial magnetometer survey of the Nehalem spit, from
the town of Manzanita to the river mouth during the lowest tide of the year. This survey
covered the length of the spit, from the fore dune crest to the low tide level (Fig. 3), to
determine if any ferrous objects such as cannons or anchors were present from a ship
wrecked on the tsunami-eroded beach and covered by sand redeposited on the spit
after the tsunami. Additional survey was done in the deflation basin near the airstrip, in
areas reported to have contained wreckage into the 20th century (Giesecke, 2007).
With no magnetic anomalies detected either along the shore or in the deflation basin, a
limited marine survey was conducted just offshore and parallel to the spit, using a
Zodiac and magnetometer. Several potential anomalies were located (Fig. 3), but
deteriorating weather conditions prevented accurately locating the sites.

Ground

penetrating radar surveys were started in 2007 as well, to characterize the
geomorphology of the spit and the effects of the tsunami (Peterson et al., 2011).Also in
2007 analysis was started on a large collection of porcelain sherds collected over the
previous fifteen years by a resident beachcomber who recognized the sherds as
potentially associated with the wreck.

The dispersed pattern of these sherds in

terrestrial sites suggests an offshore source is “feeding” a beach deposit at Neahkanie
(Fig. 1), perhaps off the wreck. Further evidence of an offshore source is suggested by
an area of the spit with tsunami deposits incorporating the porcelain sherds (Peterson et
al., 2011), which limits the date of their arrival in the bay.
Based on these factors, our focus shifted to the possibility of a pre-tsunami wreck, with
lower hull deposits offshore and the historically described distribution of terrestrial wreck
materials being the result of tsunami deposition. In 2008, a second magnetometer
survey was conducted from the river mouth to Arch Cape, north of Neahkanie Mountain
(Fig. 3). Weather and ocean conditions prevented diving on the magnetic anomalies
identified during that survey. Analysis of the porcelain was completed that same year,
confirming that the cargo represented Chinese export ware intended for the markets in
New Spain, and dated to the period between 1670-1700 with 1690 AD as the mean
manufacturing date (Lally, 2008; In Press). Geotechnical surveys continued through the
summers of 2008 and 2009 (Peterson et al., 2011). A terrestrial magnetometer survey
was conducted of Short Sands Beach in 2010 to determine if anchors or other large
6

�metallic artifacts might be present there
(Fig. 4). None were found. Continued
mapping of porcelain finds resulted in the
identification of a likely search area for the
offshore source (Fig. 4).

In late 2011, a

multi-beam sonar survey identified two
potential wreck sites in the area.

Dive

surveys to examine the two sites were
undertaken in the summer of 2012, but
were limited due to adverse weather
conditions. No wreck materials were found.
Additional magnetometer and side scan
sonar surveys were undertaken on the
offshore anomalies in the summer of 2013.
The surveys produced promising signals, but
poor visibility, rough ocean conditions, and
equipment issues limited our ability to finish

Fig. 4 USGS 7.5 minute quad maps showing the
Beeswax Wreck Project Area showing areas of
remote sensing surveys by type. (Beeswax
Wreck Project)

the systematic survey and dive on the sites.
No offshore wreck deposits were located before bad weather forced an end to the dive
season.
Discussion
The Pacific Northwest is a tectonically active area that has undergone repeated megaearthquakes and associated subsidence-generated tsunamis, with the last major
rupture in 1700 (Atwater, 2005; Peterson et al., 2011). Based on our analysis of the
historical record along with recovered ceramic types and their association with dated
tsunami deposits, we know that the Spanish vessel carrying these ceramics wrecked
before the last sailing of the San Francisco Xavier. We now believe that the Beeswax
Wreck is instead the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos, lost in 1693.
Reports of its demise in the Marianas Islands are based on a fictional story first offered
by Hill (1925; 1928) and then repeated by Schurz (1939) as fact. We propose that the
7

�following sequence of events distributed and then buried debris from a single galleon,
which wrecked on pinnacle rocks or in shallow water offshore of Neahkanie Mountain
prior to 1700 AD. After the vessel wrecked, the Cascadia earthquake of 1700produced
a large tsunami that swept onshore wreck debris over the spit and into Nehalem Bay
and the river channel, depositing material on inflow strandlines (Peterson et al., 2011).
Heavy materials such as ballast, cannons and porcelain likely remained offshore where
the galleon sank, while lighter materials such as timbers and beeswax floated south
onto
the spit.

The returning tsunami wave deposited more material on the outflow

strandlines, including debris described as the inland wreck and porcelain sherds found
in the tsunami drape deposit. One section of superstructure, historically described as
the offshore river-mouth wreck, lodged in the bar at the river mouth. Following interseismic rebound and uplift, the beach began recovery and sand washed into the ocean
by the tsunami was redeposited on the beach, eventually burying wreck debris by the
mid-1900s.
The study by Peterson et al., (2011) showed that the spit did not subside or erode
enough for a post-tsunami wreck (e.g., the San Francisco Xavier) to have been washed
over the spit by normal ocean processes.

Therefore, historical accounts of wreck

materials in the back-dune basin of the spit and the lower reaches of the Nehalem
valley indicate those materials had either washed into the back-dune area through nowburied channels, or were carried over the fore-dune by the tsunami wave. The GPR
survey revealed that there were no relic river channels through the spit, and that the spit
has been stable for at least the last 1000 years in terms of size, elevation, and river
mouth location (Peterson et al., 2011). The only viable mechanism for ship timbers and
beeswax to get over the fore dune and up the river valley is a tsunami cresting over the
spit. To explain Schurz’s (1939) account that the Santo Cristo de Burgos burned and
sank near the Marianas Islands, we note that other sources (Blair and Robertson, 1909;
Dahlgren, 1916) make no mention of any known wreckage or survivors from the Santo
Cristo de Burgos, only that the ship disappeared without any knowledge of its fate.
Schurz cited Hill (1928) as the source for his assertion the Santo Cristo de Burgos
burned, yet Hill’s account is clearly apocryphal. Additional archival work in Seville in
8

�2012 located documents (Archivo de Indies, 1699) confirming that as of 1699 the Santo
Cristo de Burgos was still missing, with no survivors and no wreckage having been
found up to that date.
In conclusion, the multi-year, multi-disciplinary research conducted on the Beeswax
Wreck has resulted in the development of a working hypothesis on the identity of the
vessel and potential locations where underwater wreck deposits are likely to be found.
Archival research for the project has confirmed the total loss of the Santo Cristo de
Burgos in 1693, and refutes the claims by Hill (1925; 1928) and Schurz (1939) that the
Santo Cristo de Burgos burned in the west Pacific. The research also revealed a
number of sources that can be used to correlate future finds with archival records,
including 998 pages of documents detailing the crew and construction details of the
Santo Cristo de Burgos, and accounts of the 1692 aborted voyage and the refitting for
the 1693 voyage. In the near future, as weather and funding allow, we plan to expand
the survey area and conduct additional dive surveys on the targets identified in 2013. If
we can confirm the identity of the Beeswax Wreck, we will likely solve the mystery of the
fate of the Santo Cristo de Burgos, as well.
Acknowledgments
The Beeswax Wreck Project has been possible through the generous financial and
technical support of Naga Research, Dr. Mitch Marken and the Nehalem Valley
Historical Society. This paper has benefitted from the insight and research of Dr. Mitch
Marken, Dr. Curt Peterson, Richard Rogers, and numerous others, although any errors
or omissions are the sole responsibility of the author. The paper has greatly benefited
by review of earlier drafts from Dr. Lance Wollwage and Craig Holstine.
References
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The Orphan Tsunami of 1700: Japanese clues to a Parent

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�early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and their Peoples, their History and
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�Oregon, USA. Harvard-Yenching Institute, Cambridge.
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Portland.
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Prehistoric Shipwrecks on the Oregon Coast? Archaeological

Evidence. Manuscript on file, Oregon State Historic Preservation Office., Salem.
Biography
Scott Williams received his Bachelor’s in Anthropology from the University of Hawaii in
1985 and his Master’s in Anthropology from Washington State University in 1989. He
has conducted archaeological research throughout the Pacific Basin and in various
Pacific Rim nations for government agencies, private consultants, and the Bishop
Museum, Honolulu. He currently resides in Olympia, Washington, and is the Cultural
Resources Program Manager for the Washington State Department of Transportation,
11

�overseeing the agency’s archaeology and history program.

12

�</text>
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                  <text>Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro </text>
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                  <text>Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepÃ´ts that stood along the way.</text>
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                <text>The results of a seven-year, multi-disciplinary investigation into the identity and origin of the â€œBeeswax Wreckâ€ are discussed. The â€œBeeswax Wreckâ€ is the name historically given to a 17th century source of marked beeswax blocks and candles found along beaches of the north Oregon coast. Artifact analysis, remote sensing, geoarchaeological investigations, and archival research indicate the Beeswax Wreck was an Acapulco-bound galleon that wrecked near Nehalem Bay prior to AD 1700, and is most likely the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos. The Santo Cristo de Burgos sailed from the Philippines on July 1st, 1693 and disappeared.  No trace of the vessel was ever found despite years of searching by the Spanish in the islands of the west Pacific and along the Mexican coast. </text>
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                    <text>Date: March 24, 2017
KAMSAN HENG MR.
DIRECTOR OF ANTIQUITY DEPARTMENT, MOCFA.
MEMBER OF ECONOMIC SOCIAL AND CULTURAL
COUNCIL, OCM.
TEL: +855 89 810 089
EMAIL: kamsan_heng@yahoo.com

TOPIC:

Risk and Protective Measures of Cultural Property in Cambodia
The risk to cultural property takes several forms such as risk from illegal activities, risk
from neglect, and primarily the risk that cultural heritage is not well understood, but the
key element of this presentation is protection.
Cultural heritage property come in at least three forms; tangible, intangible, and the term
Memory of the World (MoW). In response to tangible heritage property protection the
government of Cambodia has taken measures that are far reaching and sustainable.
Those measures include but not limited to legislation in the form of Royal Decrees and
sub decrees, ministerial directives and initiatives, protective custody in secure sites such
as museums, greater site protection, and management, conservation and renovation of
cultural heritage ruins and artifacts. In addition to these measure, a concerted effort to
promote public awareness and participation in heritage protection efforts. Supplementing
Cambodian efforts are those of UNESCO, international organizations, and special
agreements between nations to cooperate in stopping illegal trafficking of heritage.
Efforts within Cambodia have been undertaken to recognize intangible heritage as an
equally important aspect of culture that requires preservation. Organizations such as
ICCMOS. ICOMOS, and World Heritage are important in the planning and management
of all heritage. Cambodia is a participant in MoW with the Archives of the Tuol Sleng
Genocide Museum. With two World Heritage sites, Angkor Archaeological Park, and
Preah Vihear, and soon to be recognized Sambor Prei Kuk Archaeological Site, and four
intangible cultural heritage elements, Cambodia is well on the way to a more sustainable
cultural heritage management policy and plan.
In the international cooperating arena two especially productive agreements are in place.
With the United States government, a “Red list of Cambodian Antiquities at Risk” has
been published and distributed. It provides a good basic definition of the heritage that is
most likely to be illegally traded.
Additionally, with the US government cooperation in their Customs and Homeland
Security, and Justice Department has returned many valuable artifacts to Cambodia and
stopped the sale of others. Closer to Cambodia the Royal Thai Government has assisted
in preventing cross-border trafficking and return many large and significant stone and
wooden works of art.
Cambodia is also grateful to the private individuals who understand the importance of
heritage who have donated cultural property from their legally acquired collections to the
Kingdom of Cambodia.

�The measures that have been in place and reinforced by Cambodia and its’ worldwide
partners are steps to insuring that the protection and management of cultural property is
sustained for future generations.
•

Respond to the protection and conservation of tangible and intangible cultural
heritage sustainable, Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts, and are taking a step
forward by getting remarkable results including:
 The creation of various legal and regulatory documents.
 Strategic planning and implementation of legal measures in the management of
cultural heritage.
 Identifying archaeological sites and ruins to protect.
 Management, conservation and renovation of archaeological ruins and
artifacts.
 The inventory of archaeological sites and temples.
 The inventory of museum collections and public and private cultural property
outside museum.
 Preparation of technical documentation of tangible and intangible cultural
heritage, World Heritage.
 Improve the existing museum building and the establishment of a new museum
in the provinces and city to process.
 The opening of training and human resources building.
 Public awareness and mobilizing the participation of communities and citizens.
 To strengthen cooperation within the framework of national, regional and
international.
•

Article 5 of the Convention on the means of prohibiting and prevent exports
and exchange of ownership of cultural property illegally (the Convention
entered into force on 24 April 1972, and Cambodia adopted on 26 September
1972) was written to ensure the protection of properties subscription
asteroid prevent the export, import and ownership of cultural property
illegally countries as a member of the Convention agreed to create an
institution or organization for the protection of cultural property by
equipped with staff qualified to carry out effectively its role as follows:
 And contribute to the draft regulations for the protection of cultural property
management.
 Inventory of key public and private cultural property export of cultural property
is a clause that involve extinction of national cultural heritage.
 Boost the development or the establishment of scientific and technical
institutions (museums, libraries, archives conservation lab workshops ...) that are
necessary for ensuring the maintenance and display of cultural property.

� Assigned to oversee the archaeological excavation to ensure
protection (in
place) because any cultural property income and
protect any areas for future
research.
 Take measures to promote media education and promote respect for cultural
heritage for all bribe.
 Be deemed to preach to the masses in a way appropriate to do to show the
lost cultural property.
 The launch of an appropriate certificate in which the country exports any
cultural properties is obtained permits and cards. Coupons should send all legally
exported cultural property.
 Prohibits the export of cultural property from its territory unless export letter as
stated above.
 Preach to the masses about the ban by using appropriate means, especially
among those who can be exported or imported cultural property.
•

In the international arena, we also get great results should be proud:
 Actual recent "archives of the Museum Tuol Sleng Genocide" has been
included in the list of UNESCO of the Memory of the World (MoW) in late July
2009 after heritage tangible Two UNESCO included in the World Heritage List is
the archaeological site of Angkor in 1992, and the resort national culture of Preas
Vihear Temple in 2008 and Intangible Heritage of four other UNESCO inserted as
masterpieces of intangible heritage of humanity of which comprises the Royal
Ballet in Nov 2003, the Large Shadow Puppetry in Nov 2005, Tugging Rituals and
Games in Dec 2015 and Chapei Dang Veng in Nov 2016.

Memory of the World (MoW)

The Archives of the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum in late July 2009

The Heritage Tangible Two UNESCO included in the World Heritage List are:

Archaeological site of Angkor in 1992

�Resort National Culture of Preas Vihear Temple,
in late July, 2008

Intangible Heritage of four other UNESCO inserted as masterpieces
of intangible heritage of humanity of which comprises:

Large Shadow
Puppetry
in Nov 2005

Royal Ballet
in Nov 2003
Tugging Rituals and Games in Dec 2015

Chapei Dang Veng
in Nov 2016

�Legal Measures and Regulations
 National Level
 Law on the Protection of Cultural Heritage (01/1996).
 Sub Decree on the implementation of the Protection of Cultural Heritage
(09/2002).
 Law on the Rights and Related Rights system (03/2003).
 Royal decrees Sub Decree and other notice regarding the artistic and cultural
sector, especially related to cultural heritage.

 Regional and International Level
 Cambodia has signed a memorandum of
Convention relating to the protection and
particular.

understand
ding
and
the
preservation of cultural heritage, in

 Bilateral Agreement between the Government of the Kingdom of Cambodia and
the Government of the Kingdom of Thailand on anti-border smuggling and illegal
traffic of cultural property which is movable and the transmission of cultural
property (06/2000).
 Memorandum of Understanding between the Royal Government of Cambodia
and the United States on the limits to ban the import of Khmer artifacts (09/2003).

As a member state of UNESCO exhibition on July 3, 1951, Cambodia has
been involved in many international activities related to the protection of
tangible and intangible cultural heritage. Since 1960s, Cambodia has signed
excuse Castle Convention and Protocol such as:
 Conventions and the first Protocols for the Protection of Cultural Property in the
Event of Armed Conflict. The Hague on May 14, 1954 (adopted on April 4, 1962
and the Second Optional Protocol is on May 17, 1999).
 The Convention on the Means of Prohibition and Control of Imports and
Exports, Change of ownership of Cultural Property Illegally called “1972
Convention”, adopted on September 26, 1972.
 The Convention on the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, called “World
Heritage Convention” adopted on November 28,
1991.
 UNITE DROTE Convention on Cultural Property was Stolen or Illegally held
Integra -ted “adopted on February 21, 2002”.
 The Convention on the Protection of Intangible Cultural
January 18, 2006”.

Heritage “adopted on

 The Convention on the Protection and Promotion of Diversity of Cultural
Diversity “adopted on July 20, 2007”.
 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage
July 20, 2007”.

“adopted

on

Cultural Property at Risk
 Although the Government has taken a number of measures, and in the
Protection of Cultural Heritage, art looting and destruction of archaeological sites
continue. Example: A recent is the destruction in a new format appears with
prehistoric site was burglarized.

� Finding artifacts caused demand on the international market. Traffic of all types
of illegal artifacts and materials that date from prehistory to the 19th century is a
country rich in cultural heritage can lead to disaster.

RED LIST OF CAMBODIAN ANTIQUITIES AT RISK
With the agreement on the Memorandum of Understanding between the Royal
Government of Cambodia and the US government on the limits ban the imports of
artifacts Khmer, US State Department has been providing assistance to the Council for
the International Museum in collaboration between the Ministry Culture and Fine Arts and
experts of national and international, to study and document the "Red List of
archaeological Cambodia be at risk" for the purpose of protection and prevent the
circulation of illegal Heritage Khmer. The work began in June 2008 and was completed in
early 2009, printed in Khmer, English, French, German, Spanish and Thai.

Cultural property is divided into:
The type of feedstock
 Stones (including precious first slap).
 Metal (bronze, copper, iron, gold and silver).
 Objects made of organic material (wood, paper, leaves).
 Ceramics and glass objects.
 Periodic:
 Prehistory (5th century BC. to 5th AD.)
 Pre-Angkorian (6th to 8th AD.)
 Angkor period (9th to 13rd AD.)
 Post-Angkorian (14th to 20th AD.)

�Measures to protect artifacts
I- UNESCO Convention of 1972 states that the members of the Convention agreed to
take all necessary are:
A- To prevent any museum in the country of its acceptance of cultural property
that was illegally exported.
B- Prohibit the import of cultural property that had been stolen from museums or
any public institution after the Convention entered into force.
C- At the request of an owner to pay back their cultural heritage, which was piled
stolen and exported to other countries.
Article 2- Countries are members of the Convention recognizes that imports export and
transfer of ownership of possessions measure protection culture illegally is a major
cause of one of the causes, those causes extinction cultural heritage of the country,
which is the original owner of the properties of those, and that international cooperation
is the one of the measures are measures efficiency those in protecting the cultural
heritage of each country against the threat of exports, imported illegally.
• For many years, the competent authorities involved in joint cultural property
seats in the temples and archaeological objects found by the people to save the
museum and a safe place to preserve.

• Some cultural property to the competent authorities of Cambodia take from
merchants who attempt to export abroad.

Cambodian armed forces in the province take the dishonest traders.

�• Cultural heritage, some have returned to Cambodia from other countries through
the international cooperation based on the international law and agreements,
bilateral or multilateral between each other and to overcome any problems that
need to resist, especially the export of illegal cultural property from the territory of
any payments and properties, then returned to the original owners.

• Sculpture Lokeshvara, there is a lot of hand on the temple wall 2 and
inscriptions and other objects was captured by Thai authorities in 1999, when
transported into Thailand. Based on bilateral agreements on anti-border
smuggling and illegal traffic of cultural property, movable and transmission of
cultural property were returned to the country of origin. Royal Thai government
awarded to Cambodia in 2000.

�• Khmer artifacts 7 (01 angels on the head and a strong head 06 out of 43) that
authorities take the Thai government was returned to the Cambodian government
awarded on June12, 2009.

• Based on the agreement bilateral on the memorandum of understanding
between the Royal Government of Cambodia and the Government of the United
States on a restricted ban the imports of artifacts Khmer (19 September 2003 and
renewed in August 2008 and the Convention of UNESCO on the statues head
APSARA was US authorities take in the state of California relatives in 2005 and
returned to hand over to the Royal Cambodia on 30 July 2007.

• Khmer cultural heritage and someone has returned to Cambodia from various
countries through the generous donation.

Jewelry, gold crown Angkor period between
th

th

the 12 to the 13 century that foreign
generous charities awarded on 04 January
2008.

Statue of ancient Khmer
th
(hunchback), sandstone 10
century originate from the Koh
Ker site foreign generous
awarded on 17 October 2002.

�Khmer silver Ceramic ancient with inscription
th
around the 13 century, foreign generous
charities, awarded on 16 July 2004.

Towing precious ancient
script written, Bayon
th
style 13 century, foreign
generous charities
presented on 12 June
2009.

Cooperation projects in the framework of international
International Organization of Museums (ICOM) in
collaboration with EFEO, published this book in 1993 and the
second edition in 1997. This book has become an effective
tool in providing information about the Khmer artifacts stolen
from Cambodia to seek and to get it back. Actual result from
print books, with good cooperation and greater efforts by
national and international institutions so far 9 artifacts
returned to Cambodia and some are researching.

Brahma head (DCA.3489, Ka.2337) was cut
off from the statue of Brahma from Temple of
Rolous Group, Angkor area. This object was
discovered in Britain in November 1994, which
was sold in London by Sothebys's on 21
October 1993. British sent returned to
Cambodia on 4 December 1996.

Torso female statue (DCA.1429, ka.2472). was stolen in the early
1980s and has been spotted in France. Frenchman in Paris,
awarded to Cambodia on 19 February 1997.

�The inventory of museum collections, public and private cultural
heritage outside the museum:
The inventory is data recorded for public or private cultural properties which
are very necessary into science, history arts or religions, although they are
not required to classify a hurry.
 Assistance to the management and conservation of cultural heritage.
 Supporting research and education programs.
 Confirmation of ownership of cultural property in case of losses.
 Confirm the reality of the case of fraud.

………………………………

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                  <text>2017 Session 7: Underwater Cultural Heritage Politics, Laws, Ethics and Values</text>
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                  <text>All cultural materials are potentially cultural resources. However, because not all of them can be preserved or studied, choices must be made based on evaluation and re-evaluation. Values are learned and depend on cultural, intellectual, historical, and psychological frames of reference. Consequently, valuation is made individually, but is shared by communities. Valuation of underwater cultural heritage has, then, a broad range of determining value depending on the community to which it belongs.&#13;
&#13;
A clear example of this is the protection of human remains. The 2001 UNESCO Convention includes, in its definition of underwater cultural heritage, human remains which have been underwater for more than 100 years. However, the Christian philosophy on the treatment of human remains is different to that of Asian philosophy that teaches that human remains will never become underwater cultural heritage since, if they are seen by someone in an underwater site, it is imperative to rescue the human remains and bury them on land according to their beliefs. &#13;
&#13;
This session aims to create a forum for policymakers, managers, and archaeologists devoted to underwater cultural heritage where they can share their experiences of and research on the valuation of underwater cultural heritage. We aim to accept papers that help us to understand the definition of â€˜underwater cultural heritageâ€™ in the Asia-Pacific regions, comparing those definitions with the definition of the 2001 UNESCO Convention and trying to find a common interpretation. We will also be looking to examine the meaning of the underwater cultural heritage sites and objects for different communities. Finally, we will be expecting papers exploring the different possibilities of the use and/or conservation of this underwater cultural heritage according to the values and needs of the different communities. &#13;
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                  <text>Elena Perez-Alvaro&#13;
Licit Cultural Heritage Ltd., UK</text>
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                <text>Kamsan Heng </text>
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                    <text>Rock art of Phrayanaga (Viking) Cave, southern Thailand: the
illustration of ancient vessels
Atthasit Sukkham1, Paul S.C. Taçon2, and Noel Hidalgo Tan3

Abstract
Tham Phrayanaga is one of Southeast Asia’s most well-preserved but little understood rock art sites. This
cave site in southern Thailand has at least 76 depictions of watercraft. Many of the images are accurate
portrayals of vessels used by a number of different cultural groups. The nature of the imagery is
described and the ways in which the site informs us about the region’s recent cross-cultural contact
history is explored. Based on relative dating and comparative study, this rock art site has been given the
approximately date of from about the late 1500s to the early 1900s. This study will highlight our results
that have indicated that some figures are ancient vessels including Thai, Chinese, European, Indonesian,
and Arabian. Moreover, it related to the Maritime Silk Route and the spice trade in Southeast Asia and the
Andaman Sea, which is a part of the Indian Ocean.

Keywords: Rock art, ships, Viking Cave, southern Thailand

Introduction

Tham Phrayanaga (or "Big Snake Cave" because of a large snake-like stalactite4) is
one of 23 rock art sites found in southern Thailand (Sukkham 2010). It is located in the
northeast corner of Phi Phi Le Island in the Andaman Sea, Krabi Province,
southwestern Thailand, near the popular tourist destinations of Maya Beach and Phi Phi
Don Island (Figure 1). This limestone cave is a large, oval-shaped dome with a high
ceiling. The 90 metre wide entrance faces due east. The floor varies from 3-6 metres
above sea level while the cave measures 132 metres wide, 95 metres deep and has a
maximum ceiling height of more than 20 metres. The cave is home to hundreds of barn
swallows that nest on the cave walls, including overtop of the rock art. Nests are
harvested year-round and sold as a local delicacy. The site is now managed by a
private commercial enterprise so entry is no longer allowed for tourists for risk of
disturbing the swallows.
Despite long being known by locals, the earliest mention of the site was in 1972,
during a visit by the reigning King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama XI) of the Chakri Dynasty
(1946-present). In 1988, the Fine Arts Department (FAD) of Thailand embarked on a
systematic recording of the cave’s rock art (Chaimongkon and Pigpien 1990). In
October 2009 this data was updated as part of a Master of Arts thesis field work
1

Southeast Asian Ceramics Museum, Bangkok University, Rangsit Campus, Pathum Thani 12120,
Thailand (E-mail: uzzyarch061@gmail.com).
2
PERAHU, School of Humanities, Gold Coast campus, Griffith University, Queensland 4222, Australia
(E-mail: p.tacon@griffith.edu.au).
3
Department of Archaeology and Natural History, The Australian National University, Canberra, ACT
0200 Australia (E-mail: seaarch@gmail.com).
4
Stalactite: a type of speleothem (secondary mineral) that hangs from the ceiling of limestone caves. It is
a type of dripstone.

1

�(Sukkham 2010), with follow-up research conducted on site in May 2010 by Griffith
University’s Picturing Change research program.

Tham Phrayanaga rock art
The surviving rock art of Tham Phrayanaga consists mostly of monochrome paintings in
black, red-brown and brownish-black. There also are bichromes5 in brown-black and
yellow-brown, some red-brown paintings highlighted or partially repainted with black, a
small number of charcoal drawings and a few engravings. Few paintings overlap but
those that do suggest most red-brown paintings are early in the sequence, followed by
the brown-black/yellow-brown bichromes, brown-black and black paintings, charcoal
drawings and engravings. During the 1988 study 73 figures were recorded in three
panels – on the east wall, south wall and a small chamber in the southwestern corner of
the cave (Chaimongkon and Pigpien 1990).
During the 2010 field-survey we recorded 80 figures, 76 of which are depictions
of watercraft, even though three of the paintings in the small chamber have been lost to
erosion and algal growth. Some of the additional figures we recorded appear to have
been made since 1988, possibly by tourists or bird nest harvesters, as they do not
appear in the FAD report. Most of the art is concentrated in the main panel, to the left of
the entrance if one is looking out to sea. There is a small amount of engraved graffiti
and an undecipherable older design in black suggestive of Arabic script.

Panel A (Figure 2) contains most of the art, possibly both because it has a long flat
surface amenable to painting and because it is located near the cave entrance, which
commands an excellent view of the sea. It stretches across the east wall of the cave,
the paintings facing west and southwest. The panel is 39.5 metres long. Most of the
rock art is located along this length between 0.2-2.0 metres above the floor, with the
highest painting about 3 meters above ground level. There are 63 paintings, six
drawings and three engravings of ships and boats, as well as three drawn human
figures and a horse. Some paintings have recently added engraved features or
highlights. The depictions of watercraft show various styles of bowsprit, head, hull, rail,
mast, sail, stern, cabin and rudder; a few also have oars and there is one depiction with
a paddle wheel. Forty ships can be classified into at least seven types – square-rigged,
square and triangle-rigged, triangle-rigged, rigged and rowed, rowed, paddle-wheeled,
rectangular sail on tripod mast – with the rest unclassifiable.
There are four depictions of large square-rigged ships, two monochrome6 and
two bichrome (Figure 3), in linear outline7 or as partial silhouettes8. The bichrome
square-rigged ships appear to have been purposely made this way and did not result
from re-painting later. All four have clearly illustrated and decorated bows, hulls and
railings. Three masts for mainsails are usually depicted, supported with braces and
sheets. Three (Figures 3) are shaped like Thai junks, with their distinctive curved bows
and sterns and layered rectangular sail structures. Thai junks would have been
5

Bichromes: having two colors.
Monochrome: single color.
7
Linear outline: a single line forms the figure by way of an outline.
8
Silhouette: solid infill shape.
6

2

�considered exotic in this part of the world a few hundred years ago as they would have
had a sea journey of at least 1600 km behind them. The fourth is single-rigged but
superimposed with many mainsail yards, has a cabin and rudder. Square-rigged ships
like this, and decorated with an eye-like design on the head of the hull, are
characteristic of Chinese junks from the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1644-1911)
Dynasties, known to have traded around what is now Thailand (Blomfield and Tam
2005:6-7). Chinese visitors came to Thailand to establish direct diplomatic relations and
to set up trade agreements, with a Chinese trade in ceramics extending through various
dynasties and periods since the Song Dynasty (960-1279) (Blomfield and Tam 2005;
Breazeale 1999; Garnier 2004; Virapol 2005).
Five ships with square and triangle-rigged sails are depicted in monochrome as
linear outline or silhouette figures. The front part and hull of these types of ship differ
from the first type because they are undecorated but usually show a bowsprit transfixed
with one or two triangle-foresails. These ships typically have two or three masts that are
rarely connected at the top and are supported by many braces and sheets for mainsails.
The back of some ships also show a cabin and rudder. They are similar to European tall
ships but do not appear identical to any particular vessel. European ships of the 16th to
19th centuries typically were square and triangle-rigged. They had a bowsprit transfixed
with one or two triangle foresails and usually had a cabin and rudder in the stern. There
are at least two similar ships depicted in Panel A but it is not possible to identify country
of origin. European contact with Thailand began with the Portuguese in the early 1500s,
followed soon after by the Dutch (Garnier 2004). The arrival of the French expanded
and assisted the construction of a new palace at Lopburi for King Narai (1656-1688) of
the Prasat Thong Dynasty in the Ayutthaya Period (Garnier 2004). The English were the
last to establish relations across the region, especially with Ayutthaya (Wongthes 2003;
Garnier 2004).
There are 24 monochrome triangle-rigged ships, in either linear outline or as
silhouettes, and three shown as bichrome silhouettes. One of the latter has a human
figure standing on the rear of the deck. All three of the bichrome ships appear to have
been originally red-brown with black added later, and two subsequently were highlighted
with engraved lines. The front part of triangle-rigged ships has a bowsprit that uses only
one triangle-foresail which, in some figures, is connected with braces. Along the sides of
some of these ships are depictions of square holes that look like rails or shutter
windows; depictions of cabins and rudders are rare. Some resemble Arabian dhows but
most are more likely depictions of large wooden multi-sailed Malay/Indonesian perahus
that have gaff rigging used since the 17th century for fishing and transport (e.g. see
Gibson-Hill 1949 for many different examples). These include 17th to early 20th century
Indonesian perahu pinisiq (a specific type of wooden sailing ship partly modeled on
European wooden ships; Figure 4) and an Indonesian kapal layer mesin (motor sailer).
Two ships in black with a single rectangular sail and tripod mast are typical of
Bugi/Macassan perahus sailed throughout the larger region from what is now Sulawesi,
Indonesia (e.g. see Taçon, et al. 2010).
Three rigged oared ships and one oared watercraft were depicted in
monochrome with linear outline. Braces support the masts but not every mast displayed
has a sail and the bow of the ship does not contain a bowsprit. Further differentiating
them from the types described above are oars. One oared ship has three human figures
3

�standing on the deck with outstretched arms bent at the elbows together with a
rectangular flag at the stern. Another has human figures shown both on deck and in the
hull, along with other aspects of the ship’s interior. The oared watercraft is simple, with
no masts, bowsprits and sails but oars clearly shown. The bow contains a depiction of a
straight line, probably a handrail, and the stern appears to contain a cabin. The rigged
and oared boats are similar to that used by the Chaole or local sea people and
miniature models called Plajak (pia/cak), used in ritual offerings to the sea (Sarikabutara
1987; Wongbusarakum 2007).
There is only one depiction of a paddle-wheeled ship, monochrome and shown
as a silhouette. The paddle wheel consists of a circle and cross-line design in the
middle of the ship and there is a similar wheel on the upper deck. Handrails are found
towards the bow of this ship while the stern contains a silhouette square shape. In the
19th century American-style paddle-steamers similar to one depicted at Tham
Phrayanaga were introduced to southern Thailand, as royal photography from the reign
of King Rama V (1868-1910) documents (FAD 1979; Lim 2009).
Unidentified ships are plain, irregular, or damaged, making classification
difficult. All are monochrome, in outline or silhouette, and many are small, without sails
or oars. Some are simple boats and small vessels typical of various Thai, Malay and
Indonesian peoples.
The surviving non-marine images, located on the ceiling next to the cave
entrance, consist of drawings, three black human-like stick figures and an outline of a
horse with a silhouetted head. Two of the human figures appear to be interacting and
each has a hand on one of its hips. One figure carries a long weapon-like object
directed toward the other. The third figure was depicted facing, and as if running toward,
the horse. It holds something resembling a loop of rope while the horse is shown as if
galloping away.

Panel B a second small panel, containing two paintings of ships that face north, is
located on the south wall of the cave. The first ship is a monochrome light red-brown
silhouette, 95 centimeters (cm) wide by 58 cm high. It has two masts, two square-rigged
mainsails and a bowsprit with one triangle-rigged foresail. The stern includes a square
silhouette that probably depicts the cabin. The second ship is smaller, measuring 55 cm
wide by 42 cm high, and is without sails. It looks similar to the first as it has the two
masts, bowsprit and cabin. Both are likely depictions of some type of large perahu.

Panel C a third panel containing three ships and two elephants, one with a mahout9
seated on its neck, in the southern part of the cave was recorded in 1988.
Unfortunately, the elephants and one of the ships have since been destroyed by algal
growth, which also obscures the two remaining ships, a triangle rigged watercraft and
one that lacks rigging.

9

Mahout: a person who drives an elephant.

4

�Conclusions
Most of the rock paintings of Tham Phrayanaga represent various types of watercraft
that traveled through the Andaman Sea in the past few hundred years, a period of
accelerated maritime contact and trade between various parts of Thailand, Asia and
Europe, fuelled by the lucrative spice trade, diplomacy, evangelism and conquest. By
comparing the rock paintings of Tham Phrayanaga with depictions and descriptions of
ships in historic documents it can be concluded that most of the art was probably made
between the late 1500s and the early 1900s, a period of increased trade and contact
between various European peoples, Thais, Malays, Chinese and indigenous peoples of
the region. This is also the period in which the Chaole occupied the islands around
Tham Phrayanaga. It is this group that most likely made much of the rock art. Two of
the oared ships, typical of the Chaole, at Tham Phrayanaga were painted right next to
the two main polychrome paintings of Thai junks. Their placement appears purposeful,
perhaps to illustrate important stories of close contact. One can also imagine the
Chaole using Tham Phrayanaga as a guide for instructing how to identify common
watercraft of the region or as a way of recording changing shipping during a period of
increased traffic of culturally diverse watercraft.
A second site, Wong Lung Cave, contains a panel about 11 metres long with the
remains of at least 14 red-brown paintings of ships, most of which are perahu pinisiq,
and a mahout riding an elephant that has a bundle on its back (see Valli and Summers
1990:116-117). Some are almost identical to those at Tham Phrayanaga, suggesting
they were made by the same artists. At both Tham Phrayanaga and Wong Lung Cave
there are no Viking ships or other watercraft older than the 15th century depicted,
despite suggestions from tourist companies, and most are not European contra Niti
Sangwan (1987:126).
Tham Phrayanaga is an outstanding example of a site with contact-inspired
imagery, containing more depictions of watercraft in terms of sheer number and
diversity than any other rock art site world-wide. This site gives us a window into both
past pictures and past perceptions of maritime watercraft unavailable from other
aspects of the archaeological record. A larger regional and perhaps global study of rock
art depictions of watercraft would be worthwhile not only to situate Tham Phrayanaga in
larger contexts but also to better inform us of past seafaring generally. But as with rockart sites everywhere, the images are under threat from both natural and human forces,
with nesting birds and the people who harvest them having a big impact at Tham
Phrayanaga. In this regard, it is vital to better document rock art sites like Tham
Phrayanaga before the valuable visual information they contain is lost forever.

Acknowledgements
Research took place as part of a collaborative Greater Mekong Sub-region and Malay Peninsula
Research Project, led by Colonel Assist. Prof. Surat Lertlum of the Chulachomklao Royal Military
Academy and Assoc. Prof. Stephen Chia from Universiti Sains Malaysia, as well as Griffith University’s
Picturing Change research program led by Prof. Paul S.C. Taçon (ARC Discovery Grant DP0877463).
The Thailand Research Fund, the Universiti Sains Malaysia Short Term Grant, the Fine Arts Department
of Thailand and Silpakorn University also supported field-survey. Pariwat Thammapreechakorn, Surat
Lertlum, Pongdhan Sampaongern, Surapol Natapintu, Rasmi Shoocongdej and Pacharee Sarikabutara
are thanked for information and feedback.

5

�Bibliography
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and Tam, K.-L.,
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Breazeale, K.
(ed),
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Chaimongkon,
S., and Pigpien,
K.,
1990
Fine
Arts
Department,
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Garnier, D.,
2004
Gibson-Hill, C.A.,
1949.
Lim, P.,
2009
Sangwan, N.,
1987
Sarikabutara, P.,
1987

Sukkham, A.,
2010
Taçon, P.S.C.,
May, S.K.,
Fallon, S.J.,
Travers, M.,
Wesley, D., and
Lamilami, R.,
2010
Valli, E. and D.
Summers.,
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Virapol, S.,
2005
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S.,
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Dynasties and destinations. Hong Kong Maritime Museum, Hong
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Siam Society in the King Rama V Period, The Fine Arts Department
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in SPAFA Final Report: Seminar in prehistory of Southeast Asia (TW11), SPAFA, Bangkok, pp. 143-160.
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Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn University, Bangkok, in Thai
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6

�Wongthes, S.,
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Figures

Figure 1: Map of southern Thailand with Tham Phrayananga indicated.
(Atthasit Sukkham)

Figure 2: The most dramatic part of Panel A with numerous paintings of watercraft.
(Atthasit Sukkham)
7

�Figure 3: One of two bichrome Thai junks at Tham Phrayananga (Paul S.C. Taçon).

Figure 4: A painting of an early 20th century perahu pinisiq (Paul S.C. Taçon).

8

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Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>Tham Phrayanaga is one of Southeast Asiaâ€™s most well-preserved but little understood rock art sites. This cave site in southern Thailand has at least 76 depictions of watercraft. Many of the images are accurate portrayals of vessels used by a number of different cultural groups. The nature of the imagery is described and the ways in which the site informs us about the regionâ€™s recent cross-cultural contact history is explored. Based on relative dating and comparative study, this rock art site has been given the approximately date of from about the late 1500s to the early 1900s. This study will highlight our results that have indicated that some figures are ancient vessels including Thai, Chinese, European, Indonesian, and Arabian. Moreover, it related to the Maritime Silk Route and the spice trade in Southeast Asia and the Andaman Sea, which is a part of the Indian Ocean.</text>
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                <text>Atthasit Sukkham </text>
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                <text>Paul S.C. TaÃ§on </text>
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