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                    <text>Recent Research in the Southeast Sumatran Region
John N. Miksic

Abstract
Since 2010, a new threat to the maritime heritage of Southeast Asia has arisen in the form of
looting of the bed of the Musi River in Palembang, site of the capital of the maritime kingdom of
Sriwijaya in the ninth century. Port archaeology in Southeast Asia is a gravely underdeveloped
field. This river has been a major artery of commerce for 2,000 years. The local adaptation to the
area’s swampy, flood-prone environment has been to live on stilt houses over water, on ships,
and on rafts. This pattern of settlement presents special problems for archaeologists. It is likely
that a major proportion of the area’s archaeological heritage lies on the riverbed. Recent items on
the antiquities market include a wide range of items, including Chinese porcelain of the ninth and
subsequent centuries, local pottery, and a wide range of metal items including statuary, coins,
and jewelry. This source of archaeological data has never been systematically explored, and
unless something is done urgently, it will be lost forever. This paper explores the nature of the
problem, demonstrates the importance of the subject for maritime archaeology, and proposes a
potential methodology for exploring the area.

Riverbeds and Harbors as Sites of Underwater Cultural Heritage
The study of underwater cultural heritage in this panel focuses mainly on cargoes
of shipwrecks beneath salt water. Shipwreck archaeology in Southeast Asia has
experienced major advances in the last 15 years, but the archaeology of ports
and other sites at the place where land and sea meet, such as shipyards, lags far
behind. In Sumatra, seaports can be located over 100 kilometers (km) from the
mouths of rivers and estuaries. The east coast of Sumatra is largely tidal
swampland, and the influence of the tides extends to these ports. Palembang,
ancient capital of Sriwijaya, one of Southeast Asia’s greatest maritime kingdoms,
lies 90 km up the Musi River. At this point the river is one km wide. Muara Jambi
might be considered its sister; it was the capital of the kingdom of Malayu which
flourished between the 9th to 13th centuries. This site lies 120 km up the
Batanghari. The coastal plain narrows progressively as one moves north, but
other ancient ports such as Kota Cina in northeast Sumatra are still 10 km inland.
On the eastern side of the Straits of Melaka, in the state of Kedah, Malaysia, the
port sites of Pengkalan Bujang, Sungai Mas, and Sungai Batu, are 10-15 km up
the Muda River. The same phenomenon can be observed for sites such as Bago
(formerly known as Pegu), Syriam, and Mrauk U in Myanmar.
Very little archaeological research has been carried out in Southeast
Asian ports. Such sites pose special challenges to archaeology. Stratigraphy of
such sites is rarely well-preserved. Environmental factors include floods, tides,
tsunamis, rapid sedimentation interspersed with erosion, river course change,
and human activity such as construction of piers and warehouses, which are
often built of temporary materials subject to rapid weathering, constant repairs,
expansion, and other alterations. The most common artifacts found at ports are
pottery fragments and organic materials. Large quantities of such remains are
needed in order to draw accurate statistical inferences about the past.

�Figure 1. Early Southeast Asian Ports (drawn by Dr. G.Y. Goh)

Archaeology of Ports in Southeast Asia
Bali
There are a few exceptions to this generalization. Excavations at Sembiran in
north coastal Bali have yielded important remnants of port activity on a sandy
beach which is now being rapidly eroded. Discoveries include fragments of
Romano-Indian rouletted ware made in south India during the period 200 Before
Christ - Anno Domini (BC-AD)1 200. Diribonucleic acid (DNA) of a 2,000-year-old
skeleton found at Sembiran has been identified as possibly Indian, although this
conclusion has been disputed (I Wayan Ardika, et al. 1997; Lansing, et al. 2004;
Lansing, et al. 2006; McLaughlin and Thomas 2006). In southern Thailand the
site of Khao Sam Kaeo has yielded evidence of port activity as early as the 3rd
century BC (Bellina-Pryce and Silapanth 2006). The site of Oc-èo in south
Vietnam, Southeast Asia’s largest port of the early historic period (3rd- early 7th
centuries AD) was investigated in the 1940s, and again in the 1990s (Manguin
1998). This site lies 15 km from the ocean, to which it may have been connected
by a canal. It lies in a swampy flood-prone area, where some organic remains
were fortunately preserved.
1

Georgian Calendar designation with the year one starting at the birth of Jesus Christ of
Nazareth, years in BC are -1 with a negative year added for every year before the birth of Jesus;
years in AD are added progressively one by one for each year after his birth.

�Malaysia
The oldest dated boat found in Southeast Asia was discovered in peninsular
Malaysia, at the site of Pontian, Pahang, where it seems to have been preserved
by a sudden slumping of soil of a riverbank in a river about a mile from the coast
(Evans 1927:94). The timbers of the Pontian ship belong to varieties found from
Cambodia to the Malay Peninsula and Indonesia (Gibson-Hill 1952).
Radiocarbon analysis found that the trees for building the ship were felled
between 260 and 430 AD (1657±60) (Manguin 1993:256). In Malaysia the Kuala
Selinsing site has been under investigation since the 1920s. Recent excavations
at this site, which consists of mounds surrounded by mangrove swamp, have
shown that the area was inhabited approximately 2,000 years ago, and continued
in use for a millennium (Nik Hassan Shuhaimi bin Nik Abdul Rahman in press).
The Pengkalan Bujang site near the foot of Kedah Peak was investigated in the
1950s; this was apparently an important port in the 12th century, but only a
preliminary report was ever published (Lamb 1961). In 2010 the Malaysian
government allocated a sizeable quantity of funds for research in south Kedah.
The site of Sungai Batu has yielded major new discoveries, including large brick
structures which Malaysian archaeologists believe were used as landing stages
for boats. These seem to date from the early to mid-first millennium AD. The
Bujang Valley Museum displays a number of well-preserved hulls from sites in
south Kedah. No radiocarbon dates on them have yet been published; this data
would be of great potential significance. The boats are of the lashed-lug design
characteristic of early Austronesian boat-building.

Java
In the coastal plain of west Java, the site of Batujaya is another waterlogged site
which has yielded significant evidence of Buddhist activity in the early first
millennium AD (Manguin and Agustijanto 2006). No evidence of a port or nonreligious activity has however yet been located there.

Singapore

In Singapore, numerous sites of 14th-century activity have been studied. One of
these sites, named Empress Place after the colonial-period building which stands
there and which is now the Asian Civilisations Museum, lay on the ancient bank
of the Singapore River. The area excavated in 1998 consisted of the intertidal
zone. Artifacts recovered included a wide range of ceramics, metal objects, and
some organic materials including poles which had perhaps been used for tying
up boats.

Kota Batu, Brunei
The former capital of the Sultanate of Brunei was a trading site and capital from
around 1400 to 1580, when a Spanish attack destroyed it (Harrisson 1970).
Further study of the site could yield important new understanding of the economy
of one of the most important Southeast Asian trading kingdoms of the fifteenth
century.

�Sumatra
Malayu/Jambi
Somewhere in the Batanghari valley, possibly at a location now called Muara
Jambi, the site of the capital of this very rich and cosmopolitan kingdom must
exist. Archaeological research in the province has been focused on the site of
Muara Jambi, about 25 kilometers down the Batanghari from the modern capital
of Jambi Province, where 39 candi or brick temples have been recorded (M.
Nazir 1980/81:23). Archaeological evidence of trade in Jambi consists of Chinese
porcelain ranging from the Five Dynasties through the Yuan period (9th through
13th centuries), scattered over a number of sites between Muara Jambi and the
sea (Edwards McKinnon 1982a; Edwards McKinnon 1982b; Edwards McKinnon
1992; Abu Ridho 1992; Abu Ridho 1995). A survey project in 2006 concentrated
on looking at exposures in the banks of the river at low tide, and identified
numerous sites of the 11th and 12th centuries (Miksic N.D.).
Kota Cina
This site lies near the mouth of the Deli River in northeast Sumatra. Abundant
remains of entrepot activity of the late 11th through mid-13th century were
recovered, including Buddhist and Hindu brick structures, stone statuary,
Chinese coins and pottery, and local ceramics. Preserved house posts and many
post molds were recorded. Unfortunately the probable location of the port itself, a
silted-in harbor, was destroyed through excavation of soil for a modern
construction project. Remains of ceramics of the 11th-13th centuries, and
associated ship timbers were observed (Edwards McKinnon 1984; Miksic 1979).
Barus
This is the only known early port yet excavated on the west coast of Sumatra.
The center of activity seems to have shifted between several locales within this
general area. Artifacts found here date from the 10th through 14th centuries, and
include many imports from the Persian Gulf and India (Guillot 1998; Guillot
2003).
Karangagung
In the lowlands of southeast Sumatra, the oldest site which may have been that
of a port of the period between AD 1 and AD 500 has been located at
Karangagung, between the Musi and Batanghari rivers (Endang 2002; Erwan, et
al. 2008). Excavations there since 2001 have provided important new data for the
study of pre-Srivijayan commercial activity. Many artifacts such as beads and
gold had been looted from the site, but jewellery, bronze and glass bangles,
pendants, and preserved house pillars found in excavations indicate that a large
settlement or series of settlements existed here, dated by radiocarbon to 220-440
CE (Manguin 2004:287-288). Artifacts recorded include beads of carnelian, rock
crystal, a shiny black stone which may be onyx, and glass beads of several
styles.
The discovery of this site has had the salutary effect of inspiring the head
of the archaeological office for South Sumatra, Mr. Nurhadi Rangkuti, to establish
a website devoted to the development of Wetland Archaeology

�(http://nurhadirangkuti.blogspot.com/ 2009_05_10_archive.html; accessed 30
August 2011). This website and its reports of archaeological research gives
important recognition to the identification of wetlands in Indonesia as a specific
focus of archaeological research; the website reads in part:
Lahan basah yang mencakup rawa pasang surat, rawa gambut, rawa bekalang
sungai, hutan bakau, danau, lagun, dataran banjir sungai dan lainnya pernah
menjadi tempat bermukim manusia masa lalu. Pusat peradaban kuna jug muncul
dari lahan basah. Penelitian, pelestarian dan pemanfaatan situs-situs arkeologi di
lahan basah sudah waktunya diprioritaskan untuk mengungkap kejayaan
maritime bangsa Indonesia” (Wetlands which comprise tidal swamps, swamps
with acid soil, back swamps, mangrove forests, lakes, lagoons, flood plains etc.
in the past were locales of human habitation. Ancient centers of civilization also
arose from wetlands. It is time that research, conservation, and exploitation of
archaeological sites in wetlands be given priority to expose the success of
Indonesian maritime people.)

This proclamation surely deserves commendation and support where
possible.

Palembang and the Musi Riverbed
Much of Srivijaya's material culture may be permanently lost due to the use of
perishable materials and habit of living on rafts or stilt houses above flowing
water (Manguin 1987). Enough archaeological remains have now been
discovered in and around Palembang to confirm the earlier assumption that
Palembang was Srivijaya’s capital (Manguin 1992; Manguin 1993) from the
seventh to eleventh centuries. Between 682 CE and 686 CE, several large
inscriptions were set up in Palembang and vicinity (Manguin 1987). The wetlands
around Palembang have yielded remains of two boats of the first millennium AD:
one dated to 610-775 CE, with a length estimated to have been 26 meters, and
one dated 434-631 CE. Another ship found at Butuan, Mindanao, south
Philippines, dating from 1270-1410 CE, is estimated to have been 20 meters long
(Manguin 1993:256-258).
Archaeology on dry land has yielded rather unprepossessing results,
which do not seem commensurate with the glowing descriptions found in Indian
and Chinese sources of a wealthy port kingdom here (Bronson and Wisseman
1976; Wolters 1979). Much settlement of the left bank (termed the hilir area in
Palembang nomenclature) next to Pulau Kemaro is now occupied by a huge urea
fertilizer plant owned by PT Pupuk Sriwijaya (Pusri), the state fertilizer company.
Indonesian archaeologists are convinced that the site of the factory was formerly
a major area of Sriwijayan activity (Dr. Mundardjito pers. comm.).
Much of the remaining archaeological potential of Palembang probably
lies beneath the Musi River. History and ethnography show that whereas the
nobility of Sriwijaya lived on dry land, much of Sriwijaya’s population lived on
water, either on stilt houses or on rafts (van Sevenhoven 1825; Wallace 1869).
Evidence of their existence as well as port activity such as warehousing and
transshipping of cargo therefore is likely to be in the mud beneath the river.

�Figure 2. Musi River, Palembang (Phot by author, June 1, 2011)
In recent years a large quantity of artifacts is reported to have been
recovered by local fishermen from the riverbed. A reconnaissance trip to
Palembang in May 2011 indicated that a wide range of artifacts is still within easy
reach on the riverbed, but that the supply is diminishing. Local men dive in the
Musi River, using primitive equipment, when tidal flow is slack, to obtain ancient
artifacts. During this trip we were shown a wide assortment of ceramics, beads,
bronze articles, coins, old wooden implements, and gold objects. As news of the
presence of foreign visitors spread through the neighborhood, groups of divers
came to visit to offer wares that they had obtained through diving in the river. It
seems that the number of men who pursue this occupation as a regular activity is
significant, using only goggles and a hose by which they are fed compressed air.
They probe the muddy bottom with iron rods which often cause serious damage
by fracturing Chinese porcelain.
We also visited two sites – Candi Gede Ing Suro and Candi Penembahan
-- where brick structures dating from the 14th century have been converted into
graves for Islamic-period rulers and their consorts. These sites are located next
to the fertilizer plant noted above. During our visit, laborers were busily erecting a
brick wall next to Candi Gede Ing Suro which will form a barrier between the site
and the fertilizer plant. We were able however to walk through a gap in the wall
and view a complex of earthen ramparts of substantial extent, bounded by a
stream which leads directly to the Musi River. This may have been part of an
ancient site. As far as we could discern, no research has been directed at this
feature.

�Archaeological Remains
It is probable that we were only shown the least valuable items, including broken
ceramics. The more salable items were no doubt quickly disposed of through
networks leading to Jakarta, where the majority of Indonesian antique collectors
and people of means live. Yet even among what are probably the dregs of the
treasures lying under 20 meters of water and a meter of river mud are many
objects which hold the potential to clarify many details of our knowledge of early
shipping activity in Southeast Asia.
The divers had acquired a range of small gold items. Sumatra was known
as Suvarnadvipa (“Golden Island”) in ancient India (Wolters 1979), and
numerous sources of gold are known to exist in the hinterland of Palembang.
These items, including locally-made coins and pieces of jewelry, belong to types
found in central Java and dated to the late first millennium AD. Their collections
also contained large quantities of beads of glass and stone in addition to gold
examples.

Illustration 3. Gold ear ornament, 2 cm high
(Palembang,Sumatra; no catalogue number)
Religious objects included numerous items associated with Buddhism. In
addition to bronze statues of Buddha, there were examples of what appear to be
stamps used to print Buddhist texts on clay. More research on these is needed to
clarify their significance.

�Illustration 4. Head of Buddhist deity, stone. Height approximately 13 cm
(Palembang,Sumatra; no catalogue number)
Decorative bronze items were also present, among them several faces of
Kala, mirrors, and bells with vajra handles for use in esoteric Buddhist rituals.
Cylindrical amulet containers meant to be suspended from strings hung around
the neck were made of gold. Other rolled-up pieces of heavier metal may have
been tin or lead votive objects inscribed with sacred formulae. Utilitarian objects
included scale weights. Large quantities of Chinese coins were also collected.
Porcelains spanned a wide range of types of Chinese export wares, from
Tang Yue bowls through cobalt blue decorated wares of the middle Ming period.
Some examples of fine-paste earthenware, probably from southern Thailand,
were also in the assemblage. Quite probably many more examples could be
found on the riverbed, but since these are not generally salable, they were
probably left there.

Prospects for Future Research
The form of salvage archaeology project involving the local branch of the
Indonesian archaeology department in a controlled dredging operation may be
the best way to proceed. The field of underwater excavations in rivers is
uncharted territory in Southeast Asian archaeology. Such research would face
considerable technical and financial challenges. The conventional approach used
by marine archaeologists would be to lay out a grid on the riverbed and excavate
using an airlift. Whether this would be feasible in the Musi River would need to be
investigated. An alternative which could be considered would be to adopt
methods analogous to those used in salvage archaeology, where time is an
important factor. Looting of the Musi riverbed in Palembang is rampant, as we
observed, and it may be more efficient to use mechanical excavation employing
dredging equipment to expedite the recovery of artifacts.

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Van Sevenhoven,
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Wallace, A.R.,
1869
Wolters, O.W.,
1979

rediscovered.” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the
Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 66,No. 1, pp. 23-46.
"Trading ships of the South China Sea: Shipbuilding
techniques and their role in the history of the development
of Asian trade networks," in Journal of the Economic and
Social History of the Orient, Vol. 36, pp. 253-280.
Mission Archéologie du Delta du Mékong. Rapport sur la
Campagne 1998. EFEO, Paris.
“The early maritime polities,” in I. Glover and P. Bellwood,
eds., Southeast Asia from Prehistory to History,
RoutledgeCurzon, London, pp. 282-313.
“The archaeology of Batujaya (West Java, Indonesia): an
interim report,” in E. A. Bacus, I. C. Glover and V. C.
Piggott Uncovering Southeast Asia’s Past. Selected
Papers from the 10th International Conference of the
European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists,
NUS Press, Singapore, Vol. 2, pp. 45-257.
“Indian traders in ancient Bali: a reconsideration of the
evidence,” in Antiquity, Vol. 80, pp. 307.
Archaeology, Trade, and Society in Northeast Sumatra,.
Cornell University, Ph.D. Dissertation. Ithaca.
Report on the Survey of the Lower Batanghari River,
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“The archaeology of later prehistoric ports and preMelakan entrepots and evidence of inter-regional trade in
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(http://nurhadirangkuti.blogspot.com/
2009_05_10_archive.html)
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Verhandelingan van het Bataviaasch Genootschap voor
Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Vol. 9, pp. 41-126.
The Malay Archipelago, Macmillan, London.
“Studying Srivijaya,” in Journal of the Malaysian Branch
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The archaeological study of shipsâ€™ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure</text>
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                <text>Since 2010, a new threat to the maritime heritage of Southeast Asia has arisen in the form of looting of the bed of the Musi River in Palembang, site of the capital of the maritime kingdom of Sriwijaya in the ninth century. Port archaeology in Southeast Asia is a gravely underdeveloped field. This river has been a major artery of commerce for 2,000 years. The local adaptation to the areaâ€™s swampy, flood-prone environment has been to live on stilt houses over water, on ships, and on rafts. This pattern of settlement presents special problems for archaeologists. It is likely that a major proportion of the areaâ€™s archaeological heritage lies on the riverbed. Recent items on the antiquities market include a wide range of items, including Chinese porcelain of the ninth and subsequent centuries, local pottery, and a wide range of metal items including statuary, coins, and jewelry. This source of archaeological data has never been systematically explored, and unless something is done urgently, it will be lost forever.  This paper explores the nature of the problem, demonstrates the importance of the subject for maritime archaeology, and proposes a potential methodology for exploring the area.</text>
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                    <text>‘Stapled’ boatbuilding tradition of Bengal: a case study on chhot boat
Mr. Swarup Bhattacharyya (Visiting Fellow, Anthropological Survey of India, Ministry of
Culture, Government of India) swarup.bhattacharyya@gmail.com
Prof (Dr) John P Cooper (Associate Professor, Institute of Arab &amp; Islamic Studies, University
of Exeter, UK) J.P.Cooper@exeter.ac.uk
Dr. Zeeshan A Shaikh (Independent Scholar, UK) zee40103@gmail.com

ABSTRACT
We have documented a boat-building procedure that is unique in Bengal (India). The typological name of the
boat is chhot. A smooth-skinned, rabbeted, and stapled boat of Bengal with a 'v'-shaped cross section and
prominent keel. The project took place in Dihimondalghat of Haora district on the bank of river Rupnarayan.
Digitization of the entire process of boat building was undertaken on this EMKP, UK project. Panchanan
Mandal and his four sons created a full-scale boat measuring 35 feet in length and 9.5 feet in the cross beam.
Documentation of chhot is important as the boat type is no longer used on the river. The crafting skill of chhot
boat building will disappear shortly. It is the first project on the digitization of a boat in India. The presentation
is through still photography and videography along with narratives.
Keywords: stapled, chhot, Namasudra, jolui, shell built

UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE AND MARITIME MUSEUMS
This part of the world (Bengal, India) is not landlocked but rather riverine. Though we have a rich
maritime culture, underwater cultural heritage was not documented. Riverine culture has been
documented through various ethnographic studies but maritime and riverine culture has not been
studied in depth. Maritime ethnography has been a key tool to document Underwater Cultural
Heritage through the study of present boats. Hence this study is an exemplary study on the
documentation of Underwater Cultural Heritage.
Documentation of a boat and the way of making that boat is the prime focus of the present study. The
technology, which it follows, is meticulously documented. A boat has been commissioned for the
entire research work. Traditional boat builders built that boat using their traditional tools.
Minute-to-minute documentation through photography, videography, and interview of the entire
process of boat building has been recorded for posterity.
It was felt that immediate documentation of the watercraft is highly important because all traditional
boats as well as skills of boat building are in grave danger. The reasons of course are simple. It is one
of the many cumulative effects of the development of the world we live in. Heavy siltation on the
riverbed is caused by many anthropogenic as well as geographical conditions, of which obstacle in the
natural flow of water is the most important. It is high time to document the watercraft and the process
of the building because already some are lost and some are at stake and thus one of the oldest
technologies is going to be lost altogether, shortly.
The most important source of information other than major finds of the ancient boat is that provided
by the boats of the ancient building traditions, which still exist today. In this context, an important
aspect put forward by McKim Marriott (1955) in the form of the concept of 'Over Developed
Technology' is highly acceptable. According to him, a particular technology forms a cobweb with the
various aspects of the social-cultural domain like belief, ritual, custom, etc., of that particular society
both in time and space. This integral interactional pattern of society carries in it, the traditional
concept of civilization. Therefore, following McKim Marriott's arguments, it can be stated that the
1

�study of a particular traditional technology enfolds the historical background of the community that
practises it and also the ecological conditions and economic requirements of that area at a particular
time. It will, thus, enable the researcher to understand the complex interactional pattern of traditional
material culture and social customs as well as the patterns of belief in a single study.

CASE STUDY
The chhot-builders of West Bengal Project: Documenting the vanishing craft knowledge of a unique
boat-building tradition' is the title of the initiative of a team, in a collaborative project between the
University of Exeter, UK, and Central University of Haryana, India.
Material knowledge— understanding of the resources, skills, technologies, and social values
necessary to create and maintain the material world around us- is endangered. In this precarious
world, the diversity of material knowledge is being lost at an unprecedented rate as mass-produced
goods and industrial technologies subsume or replace local practices. Changes to the environment and
habitat loss—through industrialisation, deforestation, green grabbing, and other factors—jeopardize
local ecologies and raw material sustainability. Meanwhile, shifting socio-political dynamics, such as
large-scale urbanisation and rural depopulation, imperil long-practiced forms of learning,
apprenticeship, and knowledge transfer.
The Endangered Material Knowledge Programme (EMKP) supports knowledge holders, practitioners,
and scholars to conduct new research on critically threatened material knowledge globally, especially
in understudied areas and where local funding opportunities are limited.
About the boat
The chhot, a typological variety of lower Bengal boats, is unique as it can venture into the open sea.
Probably this is the only boat of Bengal (presently State of West Bengal in India) which was used for
maritime activity in the Bay of Bengal. The chhot is a rarity in that its planking is joined using metal
staples, a technique unknown elsewhere in India that echoes sewn-boat construction, while its
keel-less construction echoes traditional watercraft in southeast Asia.
About the boat builders
Panchanan Mondal, a 70 years old boat maker who was a master boat builder at his young age is the
resource person and advisor to his team. The guild of boatmakers comprises his four sons Amol
Mondal, Monimohan Mondal, Dilip Mondal, and Deepak Mondal. Except for Mohimohan all other
sons reside in the same hamlet but they all maintain separate kilns for food. Panchanan Mondal
received his knowledge of boat building from his father at the early age of 14. All four sons of
Panchanan also received training in boat building from their father Panchanan. It has been noticed that
the last five generations are with boat building activity. And they are experts on chhot boats.
Panchanan belongs to the Namasudra community, a caste under the Hindu caste system. As per
Risley, Nama Sudra, a non-Aryan caste of Eastern Bengal termed as Chandal, “engaged for the most
part in boating and cultivation… They are the only Hindus employed in the boats (bajra) hired by
Europeans; they form a large portion of the peasantry." In lower Bengal Namasudra is a predominant
caste group engaged with cultivation as well as fishing.
Area of the project
Dihimondalghat is a village situated on the left bank of River Rupnarayan in the district of Haora,
West Bengal, India. Rupnarayan is the name of a river that confluence with river Ganga a few

2

�kilometres downstream of Dihimondalghat. The origin of the river is in the Chhotonagpur plateau.
Damodar, Silabati, Dwarakeswar, and Mundeswari are the sources of river Rupnarayan.
Boat building technology
Chhot boat, a shell-built boat with a keel, followed a tradition of Bengal to fasten two planks with a
kind of metal pin (staple-like) called jolui. This process of fastening is termed as stapled technique
here which is unique and perhaps only visible in some parts of Odisha, some parts of Bihar and Uttar
Pradesh, and the entire West Bengal, Assam, and Bangladesh.
The process of boatbuilding is described herewith in sequence:
1. Shaping of wood: Selected timbers are sawed under the supervision of the chief boat builder.
The quality of wood and its length is one of the important criteria for this selection procedure.
Planks of different dimensions are sawed in sawmills but hand saws are also occasionally
used. The wood used in the boat construction are Krirish (Samanea saman), Sai Bilati
(Pithecellobium dulce), Arjun (Terminalia arjuna), Babla (Vachellia nilotica). In earlier days
boats were used to build with Sal (Shorea robusta) and Segun (Tectona grandis) timbers.
2. Firing and Bending: A trench of requisite length is used to heat specific planks. Saw dust is
used as fuel. After requisite heat treatment planks are placed on a raised device to bend planks
as per requirement. For twisting certain planks generally, planks are placed on the ground and
paved with pegs.
3. Erection of keel (Figure 1): With the help of support structures keel is laid on the ground with
a proper contour. A string is tied in between two terminal ends of the keel. The string is used
to test the perfection of the alignment of the keel in the same plane.

Figure 1. Entire keel after erection. Various support systems are used to hold the keel in its position.

4. The support structure: A series of coconut logs two feet in length is placed on the ground at
regular intervals and fixed with wooden pegs to act as the support structure of the bottom of
the hull and specially the keel plank. Curved keel planks are joined with the central keel plank
with a complex scarf and wooden pieces are used to support the structure. At the two terminal
ends of the keel plank tripod or diagonal supports are used. Galvanized wires are used to hold
the central plank with the ground.

3

�5. Planking (Figure 2): Planking starts from the mid-ship portion of the boat on either side.
Planks if needed to be bent are heated first and bent accordingly and then placed on the
position and temporarily clamped. Finer adjustments are marked with a traditional device
called karan (fixed divider) and boa karan (expandable divider). Clamps are removed and
marked portions are chiseled out. Again planks are placed in their actual position and with the
help of karan a scratch line was marked along the seam line on the central keel plank and also
on the outer surface of the garboard plank that will be fitted later. Now the garboard plank is
removed again. A medial line is marked with kursud, a marking device, along the thickness of
the garboard plank as well as on the keel. Based on the marked scratch on the central keel
plank half lap portion of both connecting surfaces is removed. That is termed as ban kata the
rabbet. After doing rabbet on both connecting surfaces planks are now ready to fit in the
marked portion. Various types of clamps are used to keep the plank in position. Then a slot is
made at regular intervals with the help of a chisel. This slot is generally done at a distance of
char angul (four-finger width) (roughly 3 inches).

Figure 2. Hull planking. Planks used in the hull planking are run parallel to the keel.
Smaller planks are used in the stem and stern region.

6. Rabbeting: Rabbet is the half lap. On the thickness of the plank, half of each side is removed
to fit it with the other side. All planks of the hull are attached to this type of joint.
7. Stapling (Figure 3): When the planks are aligned, shallow slots, about one-eighth of an inch
in width, are cut across the seams on the inner side of the boat at intervals of 4 inches. These
intervals depend upon specific positioning in different sections of the boat as also on the
expense to be incurred on the boat. The length of these slots on either side of the seam is of
varying ratios. The jolui are never equally positioned across two planks. Three-quarters of the
length of the slot lies in the plank that has the tongue of the rabbet on the inside. This is
usually the newly added upper plank. The remaining quarter length of the slot lies in the plank
that is already fitted. Jolui, a flat double-pointed staple of galvanized iron, is first driven at an
acute angle into the plank, which is already in position. The pointed end of the jolui is then
driven into the newly added plank in an angular fashion.

4

�Figure 3. Entire hull structure. Hull planks are run parallel to the keel but the
sheer strake connects stem head to stern head.

8. Clamping: Various types of clamps are used to hold planks in a fixed place. The use of ropes
and bamboo poles is the most important device for clamping called jat bari.
9. Joining: Garboard strake at the mid-ship portion is fitted first then to lengthen the garboard
strake vertical scarf joints are used. All hull planks use scarf joints whereas the topmost
planks and next to sheer strake use a complex scarf like that of the central keel plank.
10. Framing: Before putting sheer strake cross beams are added. The number of crossbeams
depends on the length of the boat. Generally, the distance between two cross beams is three
feet. For fishing boats, cross beams are aligned with the outer surface of the boat but for
cargo, those are protruded out. Cross Beams are joined with the strake with a kind of groove
that is complex. After putting crossbeams, futtocks are added at a regular interval. These
futtocks are curved pieces of logs holding each side planks with the help of specially made
iron nails. After placing all futtocks (baras), floor timbers are also added corresponding to
each pair of futtocks.
11. Hull planking and accessories: After completion of framing now boat builders used to put
some additional support structure like outer stringer, temporary deck, steering oar and paddle.
After doing all those activities the outer surface of the boat needs to be made smooth on all
joints of the plank.
12. Caulking: After completion of all carpentry work caulking takes place on every horizontal as
well as vertical joint of planks. A type of cotton is used to plug on the entire outer surface of
the boat. After that, extract sap from the Gaub fruit (Diospyros malabarica) is painted on the
outer hull as well as on the plugged cotton.
13. Sail: Rectangular sail made of cotton cloth is used on a single mast placed centrally. Sail is
hung on the yard not medially rather than in a 60:40 ratio.
14. Trial run (Figure 4): After completion of the entire boat chhot boat was launched on the river
Rupnarayan after a brief ritual performance and then sailed.

5

�Figure 4. Trial run with square sail on river Rupnarayan

TEAM
Boat Builders: Panchanan Mondal, Amol Mondal, Manimohan Mondal, Dilip Mondal and Deepak
Mondal.
Prof (Dr) John P Cooper and Dr Zeeshan A Shaikh are the collaborators of the project and were
involved in the field investigation along with Mr. Swarup Bhattacharyya, as Research Associate.
OUTCOME
The commissioned boat has been kept on the bank to handover to the authority of the National
Maritime Museum, Gujarat, India. The entire digitised document will be kept in the archives of the
British Museum.

Acknowledgments
Villagers of Dihimondalghat, Panchanan Mondal and his wife, Amol Mondal and his family, Monimohan Mondal, and his
family, Dilip Mondal and his family, Deepak Mondal, and his family for providing all possible support to commission the
chhot boat at Dihimondalghat. All administrations like SDO, BDO, Police Stations, Electricity Authority University of
Exeter, UK, and Central University of Haryana, India. And lastly, EMKP for their financial support to conduct the research
work.

6

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bhattacharyya, S. &amp; Abhijit Das. A Contemporary Survey of 'Country' River Boats in West Bengal in Shipbuilding
Navigation and the South-West Silk Road: North Odisha Bengal and Arakan, edited by Samuel Berthet 201-221. Delhi:
Primus Books, 2021
Bolstad Trygve and Eirik G Jansen. Sailing Against the Wind: Boats and Boatmen of Bangladesh. Dhaka Bangladesh:
University Press, 1992
Greenhill B. Boats and Boatmen of Pakistan. David and Charles, 1971
Hornell J. Water Transport: Origins and Early Evolution. University Press, 1946
Marriott McKim and Alan R Beals. Village India: Studies in the Little Community. Chicago Ill: University of Chicago Press,
1955
McGrail S. Boats of the World: From the Stone Age to Medieval times. Oxford University Press, 2001
Risley Herbert Hope. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal. Calcutta: Bengal secretariat Press. 1892
Varadarajan, L. Bhattacharyya S. &amp; National Institute of Ocean Technology (Madras India). Bengal WaterCraft:
Boat-building and Fishing Communities. National Institute of Ocean Technology; Manohar. 2016

7

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                    <text>Conservation in Archaeology – an awareness training
programme
Jon Carpenter1 and Vicki Richards

Abstract
Since the inception of tertiary maritime archaeological courses in Australia in the early 1980s, the
Materials Conservation Department (MCD) of the Western Australian Museum (WAM) has
presented a conservation awareness and training component to archaeology students. Creating
awareness and an appropriate understanding of principals was the aim, because the intention
was not to teach archaeologists how to apply conservation techniques or to conserve artefacts,
but for them to appreciate the need for conservation, to encourage consultation with conservators
and to stress the importance for conservator participation in archaeological projects. As integral
participants in expeditions on-site conservators provide the archaeologist with a degree of
assurance that recently exposed and subsequently recovered artefacts will be effectively
managed i.e. have optimal prospects for their stabilization and be afforded the best postexcavation care. Appropriately trained conservators may also be engaged to determine the
environmental conditions prevailing at, and within, an archaeological site in order to ascertain the
condition of anticipated artefact materials and identify any potential problems prior to excavation.
This information, including any risk factors determined, can guide the archaeologist when the
investigation of sites is being prioritized and importantly indicate if urgent action is required.
Conservators qualified to use Self-Contained Breathing Apparatus (SCUBA) diving equipment are
an additional asset to the investigation of underwater sites as they are able to directly apply the
above procedures to this aspect of archaeology. Considering their knowledge of waterlogged and
corroded materials the archaeologist may also prefer the diving conservator to recover badly
deteriorated artefacts.
The Conservation in Archaeology training programme can be tailored to suit particular
aspects of the subject and target different levels of education. It provides straightforward
explanation and demonstration to school children, provides a chemistry emphasis for exceptional
science students, presents Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) courses for the public and
avocational practitioners and most recently a Conservation Field School incorporating higher level
tutorials and practicals for post- graduate maritime and terrestrial archaeology university students.
The WAM Conservation in Archaeology courses are presented intra-state, nationally and
internationally. Awareness of the conservation considerations and requirements during
archaeological investigations of cultural heritage sites is now more widely accepted by
archaeologists and through school education programmes appreciated by young students who
are the potential conservators and archaeologists of the future.

Introduction
Over the past 30 years the MCD has developed a well-established international
reputation in archaeological conservation education and more recently, in the area
of in situ monitoring and on-site preservation of shipwreck sites in particular. The
Department is regarded as Australia’s primary source of expertise in this field. The

1

Department of Materials Conservation, Western Australian Museum, Shipwreck Galleries, 4547 Cliff St, Fremantle, WA 6160, Australia; TEL: +61 8 9431 8431: FAX: +61 8 9431 8489: email:
jon.carpenter@museum.wa.gov.au

�greater interest in and promotion of in situ management rather than more intensive
excavation has meant this aspect of the training programme is timely.

Early Learning and the Wider Community
Educating people about maritime archaeology and materials conservation begins
at an early age at the WAM. At the Shipwreck Galleries, in Fremantle, more than
10,500 students ranging in age from primary to tertiary level visited the museum
in the 2010/11 financial year. Education programs are focussed on the historical
aspects, the story of the exploration and charting of the WA coast, the story of
shipwrecks and what archaeology tells us about them. The legislation concerning
protection of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) sites is also introduced as the
students become older. Primary and secondary students are also introduced to
the simpler concepts of materials conservation.
In these Maritime Archaeology and Shipwreck Scientists programmes the
teachers and education staff explain that the objects and artefacts require
conservation intervention to ensure their survival and future stability and they are
not simply recovered from the sea and put into display cases. In consultation with
conservators, and referring to specific artefacts as examples, they also explain
what happens to the artefact materials during long-term immersion in the sea and
the steps that need to be taken to treat metals or impregnate organic materials
with consolidants. Older students, year 12 (aged 17-18) studying Maritime
Heritage and Archaeology units as part of their school curriculum, have the
opportunity to engage with conservators who can explain more complex
processes and demonstrate procedures utilising artefacts at various stages
of treatment. Schools can also enrol Marine and Maritime Technology Studies
students in the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology/Nautical
Archaeological Society (AIMA/NAS) Level 1 course which includes an
introduction to maritime archaeological conservation practices.
Conservation research scientists, as well as conservators, annually
engage with groups of exceptionally bright science students (at a level equivalent
to 2nd year university) as part of the National Youth Science Forum (NYSF).
These students come from all parts of Australia to visit our conservation
laboratories for a more extensive introduction to conservation and the associated
chemistry (Figure 1).
On request our conservation staff will also visit schools, often during
specific weeks, such as National Science Week and National Archaeology Week
to present illustrated talks and in some instances, facilitate teachers to establish
conservation treatments (using expendable objects) that make the demonstration
of chemical principles and processes to young science students more interesting
and show that they are actually applicable outside the classroom.
Lectures are also presented at Summer Vacation Schools and are aimed
at interested persons in the general community. Specific NAS courses are also
run for the wider community usually attracting scuba divers, persons interested in
maritime heritage and those working for maritime service organisations, etc.
Education in materials conservation is presented on many levels and is

�considered one of the MCD’s primary roles. This is also reflected in the number
of national and international conservation interns the department attracts every
year.

Figure 1. Conservator Jon Carpenter with school students in the MCD, WAM.
Image M. Brevenholt.

Teaching and Training Conducted by the MCD, WAM
Another main teaching and training role for the MCD is its contribution to the Post
Graduate Maritime Archaeology courses. The programme was originally
conceived in conjunction with Curtin University, then in collaboration with Flinders
University and James Cook University and more recently undertaken with the
University of Western Australia. Many of these post-graduates have
subsequently guided the establishment of, and head the maritime archaeological
units established in the other states and territories of Australia.
The most intensive and long-term programme of teaching and training was
undertaken in Sri Lanka when the WAM was approached to provide its expertise
to guide the formal establishment of maritime archaeology and conservation in
the island republic. Importantly the MCD was involved from the outset, not only to
support initial archaeological investigations of sites and shipwrecks in Galle
Harbour (Carpenter and Richards 1993; Richards and Carpenter 1998) but to
train new and practicing Sri Lankan maritime archaeologists and conservators
(Figure 2). Sri Lanka has a long history of terrestrial archaeology and
conservators dealing with land finds had to become more versatile by extending
their work practices to waterlogged and corroded artefacts recovered principally
from marine sites (Carpenter and Godfrey 2005). Conservation lectures, tutorials

�and practicals were presented and importantly, guidelines provided to establish a
conservation laboratory (Carpenter 1997). In 2006 the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) sponsored a "Train
the Trainers’’ Maritime Archaeological Field School in Galle incorporating a
conservation awareness component provided by the WAM. The workshop
involved local conservators and archaeologists as well as inviting archaeological
students from countries in the extended region to participate.

Figure 2. Training Sri Lankan conservators (early 1990s). Image P.E. Baker.
The MCD, WAM has also supported the capacity building programmes, in
Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) established by Robert
Parthesius and Bill Jeffery in developing countries. Jeffery strongly endorsed the
involvement of conservators and conservation scientists in a project he initiated
in Micronesia and this led to the WAM working in Chuuk. Including a group of
Earthwatch volunteers, the aim was to compile an archaeological record of the
World War Two (WWII) wreck sites and assess their condition and corrosion
status which has a direct bearing on the tourism livelihood of the Chuukese
people (Richards et al 2007). NAS based courses in maritime archaeology and
conservation have been the subsequent focus, conducted both at the University
of Guam (University of Guam 2010) and most recently in South Africa (Richards
and Carpenter 2011a; 2011b). The latter course was run with the support of the
Centre for International Heritage Activities (CIE - Centrum Internationale
Erfgoeda) and the organization’s Director Parthesius.
In 2008 Jennifer McKinnon, Lecturer in Maritime Archaeology at Flinders
University, in South Australia, instigated a conservation awareness training
programme for maritime and terrestrial archaeology post-graduate students. The

�Conservation Field School is a one week intensive course including lectures,
tutorials and practical sessions presented by WAM conservation staff (Figure 3).
As is stated in the Flinders University Conservation Field School handbook
(McKinnon 2011: 2) the topic aims, "to expose students to the range and variety
of field projects, methodologies and practical skills necessary for implementing
conservation strategies and give further meaning and relevance to their
classroom learning experiences".

Figure 3. Conservation Scientist Vicki Richards at Flinders University
demonstrating the use of meters etc for recording environmental data and
corrosion activity. Image J. Carpenter.
The first three days of the programme introduce the archaeology students
to the basic principles of deterioration, identification, recovery, initial storage,
stabilization and transportation of the major artefact material types (typically
found on archaeological sites), conservation surveys (principles, techniques and
data interpretation) and in situ preservation and monitoring techniques for
archaeological sites. The lectures and tutorials presented are listed below.

• Marine Environment
•
•
•
•
•
•

Shipwreck Artefacts, Conservation In situ to Display
Deterioration and Conservation of Ceramics, Glass and Stone
Organic Materials – Deterioration and First Aid for Finds
Corrosion and Conservation of Ferrous Metals
Corrosion and First Aid for Non-Ferrous Metals
On-Site Conservation Surveys – Principles and Techniques

�•
•
•
•

On-site Conservation for Terrestrial Archaeological Sites
Techniques for In situ Preservation – Reburial
Techniques for In situ Preservation – Cathodic Protection
Tutorial - Preparation and Calibration of On-Site Conservation Survey
Equipment

Fieldwork is conducted on the fourth day. The lectures and tutorials
provide students with the necessary background information and skills to perform
a basic conservation survey (Richards and Carpenter 2008) on an easily
accessible, historic jetty located on a local beach. For training purposes actual
field practicals are best conducted above water depending on availability and
access to suitable sites. The land-based situation allows the trainers to easily
demonstrate procedures, it facilitates normal communication and the general
ability to perform the tasks involved. It also reduces the preparation required with
respect to equipment, minimizes risk and some potential safety concerns. If
however, data and information from an actual wreck site(s) is to be a specific
outcome from the training programme then appropriately qualified diving students
can be supervised underwater.
On day five, the students are assisted in the interpretation of the data
collected during the practical fieldwork session with the primary aim to produce
an individual preliminary conservation survey report including brief
recommendations for a conservation management programme for the jetty site.
The students are assessed based on their level of participation both in the
classroom and in the field (50%) and the final conservation survey report (50%).
Depending on the specific requirements of a conservation awareness and
training programme, existing lectures may be deleted if they are not considered
applicable and additional lectures can be incorporated into the course. The
programme is specifically designed to be flexible and can thereby be custommade for any prerequisite requirement or situation.

NAS Courses
NAS courses usually form the basis of the conservation awareness training
programme. As stated the level and extent of materials and in situ conservation
taught is dependant on the specific requirement for a particular course. Generally,
in the NAS I Course, a one hour lecture is presented and provides an overview of
the marine environment and the factors that have implications for UCH sites, the
emphasis generally being on shipwreck sites and the artefact materials
commonly encountered. The NAS II (2-3 days) and NAS III courses (5 days)
expand on this theme and also include lectures on conservation surveys and insitu preservation and monitoring techniques. These courses also include a
practical component. The level at which the information is presented is tailored to
suit the level of maturity and considers prior knowledge of the student audience.
One of the introductory lectures presented in both the NAS II and NAS III
courses concerns shipwreck artefacts and the conservation procedures involved
from the time of their in situ discovery through to their storage or display. This

�presentation illustrates what maritime archaeological conservators do, why, and
how the procedures are carried out. The presentation includes a reasonable
amount of text so that foreign students with perhaps a better understanding of
written English will also be appropriately informed. An interpreter can also be
employed as was the case in Taiwan (Carpenter 2007). It provides general
information about subject matter that is dealt with in more detail in the
presentations and practical sessions that follow.
Lectures concerning actual treatment of the different types of artefact
materials, both organic and inorganic, are usually not presented in great detail
but only briefly introduced in order to inform archaeologists of the general
conservation processes involved and what is the usual outcome for the artefacts
they recover. However, the lectures do emphasise that at the first available
opportunity, after artefacts arrive at the conservation laboratory, the conservator
and archaeologist responsible for artefacts need to determine treatment priorities
and these are usually based on a compromise between the conservator’s advice
on the urgency of treatment for specific artefact materials and the archaeologist’s
research requirements. Importantly the main emphasis and focus of the practical
aspects of these NAS II and III courses is the pre-disturbance conservation
assessment of sites, usually shipwrecks, and their in situ management (Figure 4).

Figure 4. Recording data after demonstrating the use of corrosion meters.
Image R. Chan.
The courses are usually conducted over a period of two to five days and
permits the tutorials and practicals to be incorporated as well as illustrated

�lectures. If diving is involved, with the intention of acquiring specific information
from a number of underwater sites then depending on the primary focus of the
course a longer time frame may be required.
As an example, a recent 5 day NAS III course, conducted in South Africa
for university students and maritime services personnel in conjunction with staff
from the MUCH unit of the South African Heritage Resources Agency (SAHRA),
provided an introduction to the deterioration processes of the main types of
materials found on shipwreck sites in the marine environment, on-site
conservation survey methodology including corrosion data acquisition and the
information that can be gained through the scientific process. The in situ methods
used for site stabilisation in order to ameliorate further degradation of terrestrial
and UCH sites was also explained. For the practical component, the diving
participants performed an on-site conservation survey on a local shipwreck and
the non-diving participants assessed the condition of a number of vessel remains
wrecked on the shoreline of Robben Island. One collaborative report for each
team (diving and non-diving) had to be produced including an assessment on the
stability of the sites using the acquired survey data and based on these
conclusions, suggest recommendations for their future management.
The NAS III course emphasises the need for accurate interpretation of
conservation survey results and the information this can provide regarding the
stability or otherwise of a site with respect to different physico-chemical,
geological, biological and archaeological variables. It also demonstrates how to
evaluate the potential effectiveness of various in situ preservation techniques
based on the interpretation of the conservation survey results and the necessity
for continued on-site monitoring of sites, especially those to be preserved in situ.
Importantly it also instils awareness that conservators and conservation
scientists, with their specific training, knowledge, skills and experience need to
be consulted and engaged for the effective management of cultural heritage sites.
The course is suitable for individuals undertaking the NAS Training syllabus and
professional archaeologists and conservators wanting to increase their
knowledge and skills in on-site conservation survey and in situ preservation
management techniques. Most importantly, SCUBA diving qualifications are not
necessary for participation.
It has been found that a number of marine services organisations, such as
the Water Police and Fisheries are keen for their personnel to have an
awareness of maritime archaeology and conservation practices, especially since
they may encounter these activities during the course of their duties. In countries
with legislation protecting UCH sites Water Police can enforce the laws and
Fisheries personnel report inappropriate activities.

Conclusion
The presentation of conservation awareness workshops and courses to national
and international participants will ensure the dissemination of this knowledge to a
wide range of people, especially post graduate archaeologists, the future
practitioners, and other cultural resource managers who may be involved in or be

�confronted with heritage conservation issues. By consulting and involving
conservators, the archaeologists and heritage managers will have a degree of
assurance that recently exposed, and subsequently recovered artefacts will be
effectively managed i.e. have optimal prospects for stabilization and be afforded
the best post-excavation care. Appropriately trained conservators may also be
engaged to determine the environmental conditions prevailing at, and within, an
archaeological site in order to ascertain the condition of anticipated artefact
materials and identify any potential problems prior to excavation. This information,
including any risk factors determined, can guide the archaeologist when the
investigation of sites is being prioritized and importantly indicate if urgent action
is required. In the past this action may have meant urgent recovery but with the
establishment of in situ stabilization methods and the development of improved
environmental monitoring techniques, the in situ management of UCH is a viable
option.

Bibliography
Carpenter, J.,
1997

Carpenter, J.,
2007

Carpenter, J.,
Godfrey, I.M.,
2005
Carpenter, J.,
Richards, V.L.,
1993
McKinnon, J.,
2011
Richards, V.L.,
Carpenter, J.,
1998

Richards, V.,

A Maritime Archaeological Conservation Laboratory in Galle,
Sri Lanka - A guide to establishing the laboratory,
unpublished report, Materials Conservation Department,
Western Australian Museum, Fremantle.
Shipwreck Artefacts – Conservation Procedures In situ to
Display, Procedural Guide for Conservators Working with
Maritime Archaeologists, prepared for the Institute of History
and Philology of Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan,
Underwater Archaeology Training Program, 26 February - 10
March 2007, Materials Conservation Department, Western
Australian Museum, Fremantle.
Galle Maritime Archaeological Unit – Conservation,
Procedures for the Treatment of Marine Archaeological
Materials, unpublished report, Materials Conservation
Department, Western Australian Museum, Fremantle.
Conservation in Galle, Sri Lanka, unpublished report,
Materials Conservation Department, Western Australian
Museum, Fremantle, pp. 1-86.
Department of Archaeology, Flinders University. ARCH 8802,
Conservation Field School (4.5 Units) Semester 2, 2011
Handbook, Flinders University, Adelaide.
“Conservation Management. Report. Site L”, in Sri Lanka
Department of Archaeology Report on the Joint Sri-LankaAustralia-Netherlands Galle Harbour Project 1996-1997.
Archaeology, History, Conservation and Training, eds,
Jeremy Green, Somasiri Devendra and Robert Parthesius,
Special Publication No. 4, The Australian National Centre of
Excellence for Maritime Archaeology, Fremantle, pp. 50-60.
On-Site Conservation Survey Data Sheet, unpublished

�Carpenter, J.,
2008
Richards, V.,
Carpenter, J.,
2011a

Richards, V.,
Carpenter, J.,
2011b

Richards, V.L.,
MacLeod, I.D.,
Carpenter, J.,
2007

University of
Guam,
2010

internal
information
sheet,
Materials
Conservation
Department, Western Australian Museum, Fremantle.
In situ Preservation Programme – Barrel Wreck, prepared for
the Marine Underwater Cultural Heritage Unit, South African
Heritage Resources Agency, Cape Town, South Africa,
Materials Conservation Department, Western Australian
Museum, Fremantle, pp. 1-15.
Report on the Nautical Archaeology Society (NASIII) In situ
Conservation Course held at Robben Island, Cape Town,
South Africa, 7-11 February 2011, unpublished report,
Materials Conservation Department, Western Australian
Museum, Fremantle, pp. 1-3.
Practical Guidelines in Documenting and Monitoring the
Natural and Cultural Attributes of Submerged Historic Sites in
the Federated States of Micronesia, prepared for the Historic
Preservation Office, Chuuk, FSM, Materials Conservation
Department, Western Australian Museum, Fremantle, pp. 116.
AN393 Maritime Archaeology Course AIMA/NAS Training
Program Summer Session. College of Liberal Arts and Social
Sciences, Mangilao, Guam.

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                <text>Since the inception of tertiary maritime archaeological courses in Australia in the early 1980s, the Materials Conservation Department (MCD) of the Western Australian Museum (WAM) has presented a conservation awareness and training component to archaeology students. Creating awareness and an appropriate understanding of principals was the aim, because the intention was not to teach archaeologists how to apply conservation techniques or to conserve artefacts, but for them to appreciate the need for conservation, to encourage consultation with conservators and to stress the importance for conservator participation in archaeological projects. As integral participants in expeditions on-site conservators provide the archaeologist with a degree of assurance that recently exposed and subsequently recovered artefacts will be effectively managed i.e. have optimal prospects for their stabilization and be afforded the best post-excavation care. Appropriately trained conservators may also be engaged to determine the environmental conditions prevailing at, and within, an archaeological site in order to ascertain the condition of anticipated artefact materials and identify any potential problems prior to excavation. This information, including any risk factors determined, can guide the archaeologist when the investigation of sites is being prioritized and importantly indicate if urgent action is required. Conservators qualified to use Self-Contained Breathing Apparatus (SCUBA) diving equipment are an additional asset to the investigation of underwater sites as they are able to directly apply the above procedures to this aspect of archaeology. Considering their knowledge of waterlogged and corroded materials the archaeologist may also prefer the diving conservator to recover badly deteriorated artefacts. &#13;
&#13;
The Conservation in Archaeology training programme can be tailored to suit particular aspects of the subject and target different levels of education. It provides straightforward explanation and demonstration to school children, provides a chemistry emphasis for exceptional science students, presents Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) courses for the public and avocational practitioners and most recently a Conservation Field School incorporating higher level tutorials and practicals for post- graduate maritime and terrestrial archaeology university students. &#13;
&#13;
The WAM Conservation in Archaeology courses are presented intra-state, nationally and internationally. Awareness of the conservation considerations and requirements during archaeological investigations of cultural heritage sites is now more widely accepted by archaeologists and through school education programmes appreciated by young students who are the potential conservators and archaeologists of the future.&#13;
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                  <text>2017 Session 8: Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage Sites and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials</text>
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                  <text>This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from underwater cultural heritage sites. The main purpose of this session is to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as to encourage the development of conservation networks throughout the Asia-Pacific region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&#13;
&lt;ul&gt;&#13;
&lt;li&gt;In situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage sites, including reburial practices&lt;/li&gt;&#13;
&lt;li&gt;Conservation management of underwater cultural heritage sites, including on-site monitoring&lt;/li&gt;&#13;
&lt;li&gt;Conservation treatment case studies&lt;/li&gt;&#13;
&lt;li&gt;Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials&lt;/li&gt;&#13;
&lt;li&gt;Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region&lt;/li&gt;&#13;
&lt;li&gt;Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs&lt;/li&gt;&#13;
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                  <text>Vicki Richards&#13;
PhD candidate, University of WA</text>
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                  <text>Jon Carpenter&#13;
Western Australian Museum, Australia</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="105">
                  <text>Mi Young Cha&#13;
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage&#13;
Republic of Korea</text>
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                <text>Conservation of Artefacts from the Pearl Shell Fleet Mothership - Sanyo Maru 1937 </text>
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                <text>During November 2016 an expedition to the Arafura Sea, led by Maritime Archaeologist David Steinberg (Heritage Branch, Department of Tourism and Culture, Northern Territory, Australia) recovered a number of artefacts from the wreck of the Sanyo Maru a mothership for the Japanese pearl shell fleet. After 78 years underwater the steel-built vessel, resting upright, still retained substantial structural integrity. The dive team investigated the stern-half of the ship penetrating the main deck house via original accessways. The steel-framed structure still enclosed the space but the intervening plating was mostly absent due to corrosion. Cabin walls were also missing. Despite the relatively open environment a surprising number and type of artefacts remained in a good state of preservation, particularly ceramic items and glass bottles (two sealed with original contents). In terms of organic materials two perfectly intact lacquerware bowls and a quantity of chopsticks were recovered. Metal objects recovered vary in condition the extent of corrosion mainly a consequence of galvanic reactions. This paper explains the preparations to manage the artefact materials from the conservation perspective, photographic recording, cleaning and packing in the field situation and laboratory conservation treatments. </text>
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                <text>Jon Carpenter</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>11/24/2017</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="5677">
                <text>Jon Carpenter</text>
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        <name>Asia-Pac Session 8 2017</name>
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        <src>https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/5ebf5fc4d413b82e1d781f5f9beed659.pdf</src>
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                    <text>The 12th to 13th century Cargo Ships of Korea:
Proof of Medieval Maritime Transportation Found in Taean waters, Korea
Jong-guk Shin
530-839 136 Namnongro, Mokpo, Jeonnam, Korea
Email: sjk1203@ocp.go.kr
Abstract
This paper is about the wrecked ships found in Tae-an, Korea, and the ongoing
investigation. Four cargo ships of the Middle Ages were excavated from Taean, Korea
during 2007 - 2011. Three of these four ships were found in a 1 km radius, as such, this
sea area is famous for sinking ships since ancient times. Among the found relics were
wooden tablets describing the origin of the cargoes, the receiver, types of cargoes and
quantity was found. These wooden tablets were the first of its kind found in a Korean
wrecked ship, which provide specific historical facts. The four wrecked ships found in
adjacent place, were wrecked during the transportation of products from a production
area in the mid-southern part of Korea, where a capital city was located at one time.
One ship was transporting tens of thousands of porcelain, while the other three were
transporting a small quantity of porcelain and foodstuffs.
Key words: Tae-an waters, Medieval maritime, Transportation, Taean Shipwreck,
Yellow Sea coast
Introduction
The Taean Peninsula is a prominent area of the Yellow Sea coast. It is known for its
rough seas; in the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910 AD) they tried to build a canal to change
the seaway, since many cargo vessels transporting taxed grains had wrecked. In
particular, they had to pass through between Gauido and Gwansugak across the route
between Sinjindo and Anheungseong to transport tax grain from the south of
Yangkwang Province. This is where marine accidents happened frequently, so uring the
Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392 AD) this place was known as “Nanhangnyang”, a waterway
dangerous to pass( Anheungnyang since Joseon) and considered it as one of the most
dangerous sea areas including Uldolmok in Jindo, Sondolmok in Kanghwa Island, and
Indangsu in Seohae Province. For this reason, from the Goryeo Dynasty the excavation
work for canals was conducted to keep cargo vessels safer. The following shows the
situation of marine accidents in the early Joseon. Although all of these accidents did not
occur in the Taean waters, most of them are considered involved in this area.
1

�

Ship Accident Statistics during 1395 to
1455 (for 60 years) (a total of 200 ships;
loss of grain-15,800 bags of rice)

As a part of an effort to overcome these frequent
sinking accidents of cargo vessels, they had
attempted the excavation of canals since the
Goryeo period, to develop new routes in order
not to pass through Anheungnyang. The first
attempt was in 1134, which was at the Gulpo
Canal passing between Cheonsu Bay and
Garorim Bay. This canal was planned as a total
of

7km

sluiceway.

They

succeeded

in

excavating 4 km, but failed because of the
bedrock in the way. It was resumed in 1391, but
was

ultimately

uncompleted.

The

second Fig. 1 Shipping places and destination of
attempt made was the Uihang Canal, between medieval Korea. (NRIMCH)
Uihang-ri and Mohang-ri, Sowon-myeon, Taean-gun in 1521 during the Joseon Era.
They mobilized 3,000 people to excavate but eventually the project was abandoned.
The region of Anheungnyang, Taean, was the standard ship course that they had to
pass through to transport tax grain of Jeolla and Gyeongsang Provinces, the
breadbasket of Korea; by ship, but as there were many barriers to sailing the region
such as strong tides, rocks, winds and thick fog. About 80 anchor stones were
discovered in 200 x 100 m area between Mado and Geunheung where tidal currents
were relatively weak and the winds were manageable while exploring the Mado waters
from 2009 to 2012. These anchor stones were used for anchoring premodern ships and
tied to wooden anchors. With nearly 100 anchor stones found in that part of the Mado
Sea area implies that this place used as an anchorage over a long period.
The 12th to 13th Century Shipwrecks Found in the Taean Waters
The Taean Shipwreck, a porcelain carrier, was investigated between 2007 and 2008,
and the Mado 1, 2 and 3 Shipwrecks were excavated consecutively between 2009 and
2011 in the Taean waters, this place became where most of the underwater
2

�archeological surveys were actively conducted in Korea recently. These shipwrecks are
located within a radius of 4km, dating to the early 12th century to the end of the 13th
century and dating within the Goryeo Dynasty Period.
The Taean Shipwreck
The Taean Shipwreck had sunk while transporting porcelain made in the famous
ceramic producing area in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, from the then
capital city at that time. In a space of 12 m east to west and 8 m south to north,
approximately 25,000 pieces of porcelains loaded in five stories were recovered, and
external boards of the ship framed in 4 levels appeared in the bottom. It is inferred that
the reason there is no bottom plank, compared to both bottom plank and external plank
are identified usually in the other vessels, is that at the time of sinking the vessel was
completely tilted a port or a starboard and settled on the seabed. It was likely that the
other prow, stern and bottom parts disappeared, except for a part of the external plank
in one side pressed by the heavy porcelain after sinking.
The excavated relics from the Taean Shipwreck
include 34 wooden tablets, 23,760 porcelains, 9
pieces of earthenware, 2 iron pots, including
bamboo baskets, bronze bowls and anchor
stones. Porcelain was the major cargo of the ship.
On the wooden tablets were a list of recipients,
and the other things were items that the crew
used. Most important among these artifacts are
the wooden tablets. Even though wooden tablets
Fig. 2 Canals and shipwrecks in Taean were also identified in the Sinan Ship (the first
peninsula. (NRIMCH)
Korean ship excavated underwater ship) the ship

was of the Yuan Dynasty, China, and it was the first time that wooden tablets were
discovered from a sunken ship operating in Korea. Since the wooden tablets recorded
the kinds of cargo, quantity, shipping places, destinations, recipients and shipment
times, they offers critical clues to specifically figure out the historical features of the ship.
Brief examples of the tablets are as follows:

3

�○ wooden tablet 1: (the front side) “I send 80 pieces/packs of pottery to the house of a
government official (隊正 仁守) in Gaegyeong from Tamjin (place name).” “We load the
same amount as mentioned above. Captain’s signature/ Tamjin-hyeon as the shipping
place (Kangjin, located in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula at present), a
recipient called Daejeong Insu in the Goryeo’s capital, Gaegyeong (present Gaeseong),
pottery as a kind of cargo, and 80 pieces or packs as the amount of cargo were
inscribed there.
○ wooden tablet 2: (the front) “I offer this to Daegyeong Choi”/a Daegyeong (a highranking title of the official of jeong 3 pum to jong 3 pum) having his last name of Choi
○ wooden tablet 3: (the front) “I offer pottery to Jangmyeong Yu /a Jangmyeong (title of
the office) having his last name of Yu.
○ wooden tablet 4: As the result of wiggle match, combining dendrochronology and
radiocarbon dating of wooden tablet/the body of the ship where year marked, if we
consider the ship was made of wood cut down between 1126 and 1150 and the
porcelain was made between the early and mid-12th century in terms of pottery
chronology, the Year of the Swine was ascertained to be 1131, and eventually the
Taean Shipwreck was assumed to be wrecked while transporting cargo in 1131. Thus,
we could specifically grasp historical facts of the sunken ship through the wooden
tablets discovered from the Taean Shipwreck. However, as only 4 levels of the external
planks remain out of the hull, it is hard to comprehend the structure of the ship.

4

�The Mado Shipwreck No.1
The Mado Shipwreck No.1 was found in 2009,
and was investigated in the same year. The
sea area where the ship was wrecked is about
15 to 20 m deep and is affected by the
strongest tides in the harbor. The remaining
conditions of the hull were relatively fine; 7
rows of bottoms, 2 levels of port, 3 levels of
starboard, and stem, although not framed,
were identified. The port and starboard Fig. 3 Wooden tablets of shipwrecks.
remains, in term of cross section of the bottom (NRIMCH)
of the ship almost maintains level, and in terms of longitudinal section the ship has
raked forward. Artifacts found comprised of nearly 300 pieces of porcelain, 49 pieces of
earthenware, 69 wooden tablets, 9 bamboo trays, 6 wooden combs, 2 bamboo baskets,
13 bronze spoons, 3 iron pots. This shipwreck was a cargo ship having transported
mainly grains such as rice seed, buckwheat and bean. Other foodstuffs such as fish
bones and Korean sauces inside earthenware jars were found as well. Unlike the
porcelain carrier Taean shipwreck, the Mado Shipwreck No.1 was mostly a grain carrier.
The shipments of the Mado No. 2 and 3 shipwrecks seem to have transported grains
such as rice in the remainder but the center of hull, and earthenware jars containing
food such as Korean sauces, porcelain for merchandise, and craftworks such as
bamboo trays in the central part. A lot of wooden tablets were also excavated in these
ships. Major items are as follows:
○ wooden tablet 1 : “I offer these produce to Choi Gwang in February 19, the Year of
the Dragon (1208): 10 bags of millet and 3 bags of buckwheat harvested in the field,
and 2 bags of fermented soybean lumps; 10 mals (approximately 34L) of produce are
put in each bag.”
○ wooden tablet 2 : “I offer this produce to Honorary Army Commander Yun Gi-hwa in
Capital from Juksan-hyeon in December 28, the Year of the Hare (1207): 3 bags of
millet harvested in the field. 20 mals (approximately 68L) a bag”

5

�○ wooden tablet 3: “I offer this to Nangjung Choi (a government official in jeong 5 pum
post having his last name Choi): a jar of salted fish”.
○ wooden tablet 4: “I offer 24 bags of white rice harvested in a new field in Hoejin-hyeon
(now Naju city)”.
○ wooden tablet 5: “I offer these to Army Commander Kim Sun-yeong. 6 bags of rice
harvested in the field”.
We can understand concretely about the Mado shipwreck No.1 through the contents of
the wooden tablets. First, regarding freight shipping and departure date, as a result of
comparing with Kim Sun-yeong, a figure appearing in “History of the Goryeo Dynasty
Period”, a historical book on Goryeo, we can find out that the period of shipping was
around October 1207 to February 19th, 1208, and the departure date was not later than
February 19th. The places of shipping identified in wooden tablets are at present
Haenam-gun, Naju-si, Jangheung-gun and Yeongam-gun in South Jeolla Province, and
the recipients were persons of high position, including Army Commander Kim Sunyeong, Nangjung Choi, Kwon Geuk-pyeong and Yun Bang-jun. In the kinds of cargo,
well-polished rice, unpolished rice seed, millet, buckwheat, bean, fermented soybean
lump, salted fish, salted mackerel, salted crabs, bamboo tray and comb are verified in
the wooden tablets. In particular, as all recipients of the grains were individuals, the
freight was almost for rent. Therefore, the Mado 1 doesn’t seem to be a state cargo ship
but a private one transporting grains, food and craftworks of South Jeolla region where
there were private lands of the then influential persons residing in capital.
The Mado Shipwreck No. 2
The Mado shipwreck No.2 was discovered in 2009 in process of trial excavation and
fully excavated in 2010. 2 levels of external planks of the port, 7 rows of bottoms and 5
levels of external planks of the starboard remain; it listed 25 degrees to starboard in
terms of cross section yet it was almost level between stem and stern. We removed soil
layers by checking exposed relics. There are 5 layers into the Mado Shipwreck No.2.
The first layer was the surface of the mud; the second is the state that base blocks
expose stacks of grain; the third is the side where bridging, vessels for living, and
earthenware and porcelain for cargo in the central part are exposed after removing the

6

�base blocks; the fourth is the side where the hull is completely exposed; and the fifth is
the state after salvaging the hull.

Fig. 4 Plans of Mado shipwreck No. 2. (left: Fig. 5 Plans of Mado shipwreck No. 3. (left: 3-1
second layer plan, right: third layer plan). layer plan, right : 3-2 layer plan). (NRIMCH)
(NRIMCH)

The area where the Mado No. 2 sank is not an area that has active sedimentation, since
there were not many collapsed timbers of the upper part. Relics from the upper part, the
external planks of port and starboard, stem and stern seem to have been all washed
away. We see the entrance of the vessel as the second section and the central part as
the third section, the bridging and base blocks for loading grain were found in the
second, fourth and fifth spaces, and grains such as rice seed were identified in the
exposed upper side of base block, so grains probably was loaded in the second, fourth
and fifth sections. A mast was installed in the central part of the end of the third section,
and there is an area to make a fire comprised of fragments of roof tiles, stones and clay
to port. Iron pots that sailors used, big jars containing water, dinnerware, spoons and
bamboo baskets were excavated around the “fireplace”, and there were jars for salted
fish, 2 mae-byeong (a type of jar), a pack of cups and overlapped iron pots assumed as
freight were recovered in the second section. In the last (sixth) section a millstone was
recovered.
The excavated relics from the Mado No. 2 are: 157 pieces of porcelain, 28 pieces of
earthenware, 58 wooden tablets, 8 bronze spoons, 4 bronze bowls, 8 iron pots, bamboo
baskets, and grains such as rice seed, millet, buckwheat, wild sesame, and bean.
7

�Similarly, we can find out the places of shipment, recipients and date of the wreck
through the contents of the wooden tablets. The places of shipment were Gochang-gun
and Jeongeup of North Jeolla, Korea, and the recipients were government officials
residing in capital, whose names are Lee Geuk-seo, Yu Ja-ryang and Oh Mun-bu. The
sailing time is not correct, but it can be assumed to be approximately 1200 to 1213 CE
in the light of records on the persons above. Freight carried included polished rice,
beans, malt, fermented soybean lumps, salted fish, honey, sesame oil, and some iron
pots. Like the Mado No.1 shipwreck, we can see this shipwreck as a cargo ship that
mainly carried grains, including food and other craftworks of the North Jeolla region,
where there was private lands of influential people living in the capital.
The Mado Shipwreck No. 3
The Mado Shipwreck No. 3 was investigated in 2011 and holds the best state of its hull
among the regions’ shipwrecks discovered. The maximum height of the ship is 2.8 m;
10 levels of port, 9 levels of starboard, and 5 rows of bottoms remain; body of the ship
tilted 8 to 12 degrees to port and about 5 degrees to bow. The reason that the Mado No.
3 remains are well preserved is in the position of sinking. The area where the Mado
No.3 was discovered was about 200m from shore, and as it is surrounded by land and
islands like the Mado No.2. There is almost no tide and it is a place used for a refuge
area in storms even today. It is also an area where there is active sedimentation. We
can guess why the Mado No. 2 and 3 sank although they already arrived at refuge.
The Mado No. 3 was excavated in four sections. The first section is a state that clay is
removed up to around – 60cm, with lumbers for loading grain and wooden relics were
recovered from this side. The second section is the exposed side where the ship
framework collapsed, where fragments assumed to be a deck board of the upper part
and the upper external boards collapsed. The third section is comprised of shipped or
used relics at –180 to 250 cm depth. The upper area in the section is classified as 3-1
and the lower part as 3-2.The inside of the hull is divided into six sections; from the bow,
the first space was too steep to ship goods. In the second, fourth and fifth sections, a
bridging and base block for loading grain was recovered, as well as some grains. The
sixth section of the stern part is the narrowest space, where bamboo boxes containing
shark jerky, baskets and earthenware jars were loaded. Grains are found in the port and
8

�southern areas along with earthenware in the third section the central part (where a
mast is installed), yet these grains seem to have flowed into this section from the
second and fourth sections while the ship wrecked. Particularly, there is a space only for
earthenware jars in about 70 cm section of the central part from the second section,
from which about 20 pieces of earthenware were excavated. A fire place for cooking
was installed in the southwest corner in the 3-2 side of the third section; earthenware
goods are loaded in two rows north; iron pots and earthen goods in the central part; and
about 50 bronze containers such as bowls, plates and spoons (9) were identified around
the starboard side and right lower side corner. From the bow, the first section was the
space unfit for use due to the inclination of the bottom part, a large amount of grains
were onboard in the second, fourth and fifth section, and additional cargoes were
loaded in the sixth section. And in the center of the third section, there was a fireplace
and a living space for crew dinnerware and cooking containers. Earthenware jars
containing salted fish for freight were also loaded.
In the Mado No. 3 various relics were recovered, including 50 pieces of earthenware, 41
pieces of porcelain, 35 wooden tablets, 2 iron pots, 43 bronze tableware, 9 bronze
spoons, 7 wooden combs, fabrics, janggi (Korean chess) pieces, 12 antlers, and grains
such as rice, buckwheat, millet and barley. The facts that we can know through the
wooden tablets are that the shipping place of the Mado No. 3 was Yeosu-city of
southeast area of South Jeolla Province, and individual recipients were Shin Yun-hwa,
Yu Cheon-u and Kim Jun, among whom especially Kim Jun was a man of supreme
power who seized power of the Goryeo at that time. Unlike the other ships, individuals
as well as state institutions appear as the recipients; Jeonmin in charge of the reforming
land system, Jungbang-ubeon and U-sambeon-byeolcho were military departments in
nature, and Dogwan, in charge of documents on slaves and lawsuit. Barley, salted
abalone viscera, salted mussel, abalone, shark jerky, peasant, fish oil, and dog meat
jerky are verified as the kind of freight in the wooden tablets. We can find out that the
Mado No. 3 sunk between 1265 and 1268 through the comparison of persons’ names
on the wooden tablets and historical records.

9

�Conclusions
The number of the sunken ships excavated in the sea of Korea by now is 12, and all of
them fall under the Goryeo Period (10th to 14th centuries). Thus, it can be said that in
the Goryeo maritime transportation at home and abroad was the most active. These
four cargo vessels of the Goryeo period were discovered in Taean waters, over recent
years, and they give more abundant proof of maritime transportation in the region than
anything else among the sunken ships of the time e.g. the data of the ship structure, the
pottery, grains, food and articles of the crew. The most significant finds are the wooden
tablets inscribed with specific information of the cargo. As these wooden tablets
sometimes have records on the shipping time as well as the shipping places, recipients,
kinds and quantity, we can figure out historical facts of the shipwrecks. Cargo ships of
Goryeo investigated by now are classified into two kinds according to the kinds of freight.
One is a porcelain carrier, which was a vessel transporting porcelain made in the
southern part of the Korean Peninsula, the then major porcelain-producing area, mostly
to the central region where the capital was located. The Taean Ship represents one of
these types, as well as the Wando Ship and the Sibidongpado Ship. These pottery
carriers seem to have shipped only porcelain and earthenware usually, not other freight.
The other type of ship is identified as a grain carrier, represented by the wrecks Mado
No.1, 2 and 3. For convenience sake, we can call it a grain carrier, but in these vessels
various goods were shipped, not only grains but also various foods such as salted fish,
fermented soybean lumps, Korean sauces, jars of honey and sesame oil, craftworks
such as bamboo trays, combs, bronze vessels, iron pots, porcelain and fabrics, and raw
material for handcrafts such as antlers. In the light of Mado No. 2 and 3, it is thought
that the method of shipping cargo such as food and craftwork was in the central part of
the ship, or in the central part and in the stern part, and grains were commonly shipped
in the other sections. These sunken ships were generally estimated to be between 13 to
20 m long and more than 2.5 m high, but it is not certain; a mast was installed in the
central part in terms of ship structure; and the floor was flat. A simple cooking facility
was located in the central part where the mast was installed, and articles for the sailors,
food and craftworks seem to have been packed there as well. It is not certain yet

10

�whether these ships were operated officially by the state, by influential persons or by a
merchant group.
Acknowledgements
I am thankful to everyone who participated in the underwater excavation on Taean
Shipwreck and Mado Shipwreck No. 1, 2, 3 projects. Also, I appreciate to Mr. Sung-Tae
Lim and Gwang-Hee Hong who were supposed to join in 2014 APCONF. I have deep
gratitude to Mr. Seojin Kim who helped me a lot and all of my colleagues of the
NRIMCH.
References
NRIMCH., 2009. Taean Treasure ship, Report of the Research of Antiquities of the
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 17.
NRIMCH., 2010. Taean Mado Shipwreck No.1, Report of the Research of Antiquities of
the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 20.
NRIMCH., 2011. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 2, Report of the Research of Antiquities of
the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 22.
NRIMCH., 2012, Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 3, Report of the Research of Antiquities of
the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage No. 27.
Shin Jong-guk is senior curator (40 years old) serving at National Research Institute of
Maritime Cultural Heritage, the Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea. He has
excavated 3 shipwrecks of the Goryeo Dynasty as a team leader of the underwater
excavation and investigated from 2010 to 2013 and participated in the marine
exploration in various places of Korea.

11

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                  <text>East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCOâ€™s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia.&#13;
This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. </text>
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                <text>The 12th to 13th century Cargo Ships of Korea:  Proof of Medieval Maritime Transportation Found in Taean waters, Korea</text>
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                <text>This paper is about the wrecked ships found in Tae-an, Korea, and the ongoing investigation. Four cargo ships of the Middle Ages were excavated from Taean, Korea during 2007 - 2011. Three of these four ships were found in a 1 km radius, as such, this sea area is famous for sinking ships since ancient times. Among the found relics were wooden tablets describing the origin of the cargoes, the receiver, types of cargoes and quantity was found. These wooden tablets were the first of its kind found in a Korean wrecked ship, which provide specific historical facts. The four wrecked ships found in adjacent place, were wrecked during the transportation of products from a production area in the mid-southern part of Korea, where a capital city was located at one time. One ship was transporting tens of thousands of porcelain, while the other three were transporting a small quantity of porcelain and foodstuffs. </text>
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                    <text>A Study on the Production Sites of Potteries Excavated from Twelfth to Thirteenth
Century Korean Shipwrecks
Dr. Jong-Kuk Shin (Exhibition &amp; Education Division Section Head, NRIMCH)

ABSTRACT
On the south-western coast of Korea lie 12 shipwrecks of the Goryeo Dynasty (tenth to fourteenth centuries). So
far, among recovered artifacts from shipwrecks, less attention was given to pottery, than wooden tablets. Our
research on pottery shows that different production techniques and features are distinctive by region. We expect
this to indicate ports of departure, call, and shipment. The production site was assumed by patterns of dark-brown
glazed pottery, which has distinctive techniques and features among the Goryeo pottery recovered from
shipwrecks. Possible imports from various regions were analysed, considering their provenience.
Ports of call have been usually presumed by production sites like celadon cargo indicated on wooden
tablets. Among five shipwrecks, three namely the Wando, Taean, and Mado no.1, suggest the same ports of
departure from previous analysis on celadons and wooden tablets. Port of departure for Mado no. 2 shipwreck is
argued to be Haenam, which is located roughly 100 kilometres to the south from the port of shipment stated on the
wooden tablets. Also, dark-brown glazed pottery, only one of which was discovered from Mado no.3, is assumed
to have been loaded when it was transferring and navigating near Haenam.
Keywords: shipwreck, pottery, production site, port of departure
List of Tables and Figures
Table 1 Excavation status of pottery recovered from Goryeo shipwrecks in Korea
Table 2 Dark-brown colored glazed pottery recovered from shipwrecks.
Figure 1 Underwater excavation sites of Korea.
Figure 2 Restoration of Mado no. 3 cargo
Figure 3 Various forms, sizes and decoration of storage jars from the Wando and Mado no. 3 shipwrecks
Figure 4 Kiln sites of dark-brown glazed pottery in the Goryeo Dynasty

INTRODUCTION
So far, roughly 100,000 artifacts and 16 shipwrecks have been discovered. Ninety-five per cent of the
former are potteries. After the mid-2000s, at Taean waters of Yellow Sea in Korea, were excavated four
shipwrecks of the Medieval period (Goryeo Dynasty; twelfth to thirteenth centuries). In these more than
100 potteries in good condition were discovered, which raised the necessity of their research. In the case
of cargo vessels from the twelfth to thirteenth centuries in Korea, pottery was used either in daily-life
activities on shipboard, containers for transporting foods in cargos, or carrying other products. Also, the
possibility that pottery from various regions were loaded by their usage and how to operate vessels was
raised. For example, one shipwreck contains a variety of pottery with diverse production techniques and
shapes. Thus, information relevant to the navigation of the vessels, such as port of departure, shipment,
and call, can be assumed. Usage of pottery can be divided by excavation contexts. Incoming routes of
pottery can be traced based on production sites of pottery with similar techniques and shapes.
The methods used to identify pottery production sites from shipwreck cargo:
1. After classifying pottery by production techniques and shapes, potteries are divided by
distinctive features
2. Excavation patterns of pottery from land sites (production and consumption sites) and its
production sites are entered into a database of Goryeo pottery of NRIMCH
3. When compared to previous studies on wooden tablets, porcelain, etc., new suggestions can be
deduced from ports of departure or shipment by the result of cargo pottery production sites.

1

�Figure 1 Underwater excavation sites of Korea.

2

F
i
g
u

�STATUS OF EXCAVATION AND SHIPMENT OF GORYEO POTTERY
A total of 189 pottery pieces were excavated from the shipwrecks. With the exception of Daebudo and
Talido shipwrecks, which contain none. The quantity varies by shipwreck, from five to 54 pieces; for
those with less than 10 pieces we consider the possibility of loss. Also, kitchenware is not included in
the context, as it should be considered with metalware. While jar types, used as a storage, are focused
with distribution and loading categories. The following table summarizes cargo pottery quantity and
type (Table 1).
Table 1 Excavation status of pottery recovered from Goryeo shipwrecks in Korea
Storage Ware (jar)
Shipwreck
Sibidongpado

Small
(&lt;6 L)
1

Medium
(7–25 L)
2

Wando

15

6

Taean

2

6

Daebudo no. 2

1

5

Mado no. 1

9

24

1

Mado no. 2

7

13

2

Mado no. 3

4

37

Anjwa
subtotal
Total

Large
(30-60 L)

Tableware
XLarge
(&gt;100 L)
1

Plate

Bowl

Cookware
Bottle

Steamer

1

1

1

3
15

4

2

1

etc.

Total

6

1

Pot; 6

29

1

Water
jar; 1

10

1

1

11

2

1

54

1

1

24

4

50

5
39

5

98

7

5

16

149 (78.8%)

2
27 (14.2%)

9

6

7

6 (3.1%)

7
(3.7%
)

189

The Sibidongpado and Anjwado shipwrecks, which contain less than five pottery jars, indicate artifacts
loss. Aside, the Taean, Daebudo no. 2, and the Mado no. 4 contain approximately 10 pieces. The
Daebudo no. 2 has eight pieces of 200 litres jars, very large jars for a small craft, it has enough room for
loading foods for shipboard. However, the facts that only four external planks of the Taean were
identified showing severe losses, with eight pieces of 100 litres jars, we argue most were lost.

Figure 2. Restoration of Mado no. 3 cargo

The Wando and the Mado nos. 1, 2, and 3 have more than 20 jars, which raises the possibility of food
cargo storage transport. On the one hand, Wando cargo had 15 small jars, of those only six were used
to transport ingredients so, 9 are considered shipboard use. On the other hand, Mado nos. 1, 2, and 3 had
jars for transport and shipboard. Ten medium-sized jars were found, which is too much only for foods.
On the Mado no. 3 the cargo wooden tablets indicate 26 jars were for food storage transport. In summary,
based on the number of jars, their capacity, and provenience: (1) pottery from the Wando, Taean, and
3

�the Daebudo no. 2 were for shipboard life, (2) pottery from the Mado nos. 1, 2, and 3 were for both
shipboard life and food transport.
How potteries were loaded can be seen on the Taean and the Mado no. 3. It is well-preserved and has
50 pieces of pottery. Figure 2 loaded hypothesis based on restoration of Mado no. 3 cargo provenience.
In the Mado no. 3, which has the largest number of pottery ~ 30 pieces for food storage transport, at the
third room of stem was space for stacking up cargos pottery. We do not see this example elsewhere.
Where they are loaded is 60 centimetre wide, partitioned by Garyongmok (planks used for supporting
side planks and dividing partitions scarfed with one external plank) on the bottom part, which connects
external planks and bridging planks. In Figure 2 we see the 19 jars. In the sixth room were found five
wooden tablets, two bamboo boxes and four pieces of pottery, which indicates cargo for food storage
transport. We also noted a double-sided jar in the second room, which has likely moved from its original
stack. This adds up to 24 cargo potteries. Near the stone hearth in the third room are 13 jars: three bottles,
and one plate. Twenty pieces of celadon and the bronze tableware, along with an iron pot indicates the
likelihood that shipboard goods were stacked near the hearth. We remain unsure of the use for a jar
found between loading areas and shipboard goods. Potteries assumed to be used for food storage
transport are sealed strongly with herbaceous materials and alongside bamboo tablets, number 3 out of
7 jars. The jars nos. 47 and 48 have 31 and 34 litres of capacity, respectively. This is quite large for food
storage transport. However, raw abalone or pickled abalone should not have been too heavy to carry for
an adult. Yet, jar no. 49 next to no. 48, has capacity of more than 50 litres, it is comparatively large.
This exception is hypothesized to have stored drinking water. In summary, our records indicate the Mado
no.3 had wooden tablets in close provenience to 31 jars for food storage transport, along with 19 jars for
shipboard life, which included 14 jar types and five bottles, plates and tableware. We hypothesize the
Mado no. 3 stacked shipboard jars near the hearth at the centre room; whereas the third room, and those
jars for storage transport stacked at the stem of centre room and the stern, while the sixth room indicates
similar features.

FEATURES AND PRODUCTION SITES OF DARK-BROWN GLAZED POTTERY
One-hundred eighty-nine tableware and cookware artifacts were recovered from the Goryeo shipwrecks
of Korea, of which 149 are jar. This 80 per cent jar indicates their likely use for food storage transport
for the crew members. The forms and decorations of pottery recovered from shipwrecks, especially the
jar characteristics are glaze/no glaze, various in sizes from small to large, round- and tall-shaped, and
several forms of the mouth, mouth rim and the neck. Thus, production techniques are diverse. Many
different styles can be loaded along different routes, despite being recovered from the same shipwreck.
We suspect pottery used for shipboard life were generally produced near the port of origin, while those
for food storage transport stayed local to the port of departure. If pottery for storage and shipboard were
loaded from the port of call then jar forms and decoration can indicate strong hypotheses for the port of
departure or call.

4

�Figure 3 Various forms, sizes and decoration of storage jars from the Wando and Mado no. 3 shipwrecks

Pottery form and decoration are used to identify the pottery production sites. Pottery with dark-brown
glaze recovered from the Wando, Taean, and the Mado nos. 1, 2, and 3, which includes ~ 100 show the
complete condition of form and glaze and are identified according to unique glazing method and
characteristics. Most consist of everted mount and a sharp ridge at the neck that made the mouth look
like a tray. It is also a heavier jar. Table 2 shows that 60 per cent of dark-brown glazed jars excavated
from five shipwrecks.
Table 2 Dark-brown glazed potteries able to identify the production sites.
Shipwreck
(date)

Jar

Plate

Wando (early 12th c.)

Tall
jar
5

Hemisphere
jar
15

Taean (mid-12th c.)

1

3

Mado no. 1 (early 13th c.)

1

28

3

Mado no. 2 (early 13th c.)

2

10

2

th

Mado no. 3 (mid-13 c.)
Total

Bowl

Bottle

Sphere
jar

Large
Bowl

Total
(total pieces)

6

26(29)
4(10)

15

2

1

50(54)
14(22)

1
9

57

1(50)
5

15

2

1

6

9 5 (16 5 )

In order to identify the production sites of dark-brown glazed pottery we compared pottery excavated
from the shipwrecks and pottery excavation from terrestrial production and consumption sites.
According to most recent 930 terrestrial excavation sites dated in the Goryeo Dynasty, we conclude
eight sites produced dark-brown glazed pottery comparable with the potteries recovered from the
shipwrecks (Fig. 4).
i. Kiln Jinsan-ri, Haenam (excavated in 1991, 2018, 2021): In 1991 excavation dark-brown glazed
pottery found in large number in the kiln’s waste layer no. 17. This was confirmed again in the 2021
excavation.

5

�Figure 4 Kiln sites of dark-brown glazed pottery in the Goryeo Dynasty

ii. Wolchul Mountain, Yeongam (1994): Located 30 kilometres from Jinsan-ri, Haenam kiln site. The
summit of Wolchul Mountain was used for ritual ceremonies. Dark-brown glazed hemisphere jars were
used for consumption and imported from Haenam.
iii. Yongjang Fortress, Jindo (2012): In the 2012 excavation a medium-sized hemisphere jar was
discovered near the cornerstone of the centre of a fortress. It is a typical dark-brown glazed pottery
similar to a hemisphere jar found in the Mado nos. 1 and 2. A fortress is assumed to be built in the
middle of thirteenth century. Except for this case, two or three pieces of mouth rim on the dark-brown
glazed potteries were discovered during the survey on the fortress in 1989. According to the distance, it
6

�can be interpreted that they were possibly imported through the maritime routes to Yongjang Fortress,
Jindo as one of the consumption sites of pottery in Haenam.
iv. Gwangju Town Wall (2006-2007): A hemisphere jar was found at the foundation for the pillar of
Goryeo town wall. The jar was originated from Haenam. This jar with dark-brown glaze was the first
discovery had ever been excavated on this site. This jar and its context suggest that the jar was possibly
used in some ritual practises after importing through land or maritime routes during food transportation
from Haenam.
v. Osik Island, Gunsan (2016): The site is discovered near the mouth of Geum River on the Osik Island
surrounded by dwellings with ondol1. Based on its location, there was the strategic point of maritime
routes and also assumed to be used as a temporary residence for sailors. A dark-brown glazed
hemisphere jar was discovered inside the fourth dwelling hypothesized to have been imported from the
mouth of Yeongsan River in Haenam.
vi. Stone Chamber Tomb in Neungnae-ri, Ganghwa (2006-2007): The site was a tomb for the first half
of the thirteenth century queen. A jar was placed on the northern side of the tomb. The jar is a darkbrown glazed hemisphere similar to the jars found from the Mado nos. 1 and 2. Other three jars buried
in the tomb were unglazed hemisphere jars. These jars were used as food storage at the castle, imported
through maritime routes to the temporary capital of Ganghwa Island and later recycled as tomb offerings.
vii. Yongjeong-ri, Ganghwa Island (2013-2017): During the construction of national highway through
east-west on northern Ganghwa Island, there are 37 features of Goryeo Dynasty, for example two
buildings and three wells were found at Yongjeong-ri. There are two dark-brown glazed hemisphere jars
in wells nos. 1 and 2. As they are only two jars of a hundred potteries, they are believed to be imported
jars from Haenam as food storage from maritime routes, similarly to the Stone Chamber Tomb in
Neungnae-ri.
viii. Bonghwang-dong, Gimhae: At Geumju near Bonghwang-dong during the Goryeo Dynasty, there
was a port city in continued use since the Three Kingdoms period (220 to 280 CE). Gimhae is where the
Goryeo Dynasty’s castle was located, it consisted of one dwelling and four buildings. At the dwelling
was discovered a dark-brown glazed hemisphere 25-litre jar (large-sized capacity). These two
hemisphere jars were similar to the jars recovered from the Mado nos. 1 and 2. More pottery were found
near the two castle jars but they were all unglazed. Based on this context, these two jars were considered
a special craft of the site and were imported for food storage transport through the maritime routes,
similarly to the Stone Chamber Tomb in Neungnae-ri.
So far, only kiln sites in Jinsan-ri, Sani-myeon, and Haenam-gun in the southwestern region of Korean
peninsula, among other 77 pottery kilns of Goryeo Dynasty in South Korea, were identified to be the
kilns for producing the dark-brown glazed potteries. In the waste layer near celadon producing kilns in
Jinsan-ri, there was discovered a number of those within this layer. Dark-brown jars were produced to
supply the Wando and the Mado no. 1 shipwrecks via Haenam. The production site of potteries for the
Wando shipwreck is the Jinsan-ri kilns. Mado no. 1 shipwreck potteries were associated with nine of 15
wooden tablets from Juksan-hyeon, near Jinsan-ri kiln.
Other archaeological evidence of dark-brown glazed jars indicates they were produced and supplied
from Haenam and imported for goods transportation. At the ritual sites on the Wolchul Mountain,
located 30 kilometres from Jinsan-ri kiln and Yongjang Fortress in Jindo, there were +10 glazed jars
and sherds. It can be deduced that both sites are possibly the consumption sites of potteries produced in
Jinsan-ri and imported via land and maritime routes. Additionally, one or two pieces of glazed
hemisphere jars were found from Osik Island of Gunsan, Stone Chamber Tomb in Neungnae-ri of
1

Underfloor heating system

7

�Ganghwa, Yongjeong-ri, Bonghwang-dong of Gimhae, and Gwangju Town Wall. All similar in size,
forms and decoration to jars found on the Mado no. 1 shipwreck. Moreover, we hypothesize the jars
were loaded on Mado no.1 as seafood transport from Haenam via maritime routes to each destination,
the jars were later reused in ritual practise or daily-life.

PORTS OF DEPATURE, SHIPMENT AND CALL OF DARK-BROWN GLAZED JARS
Among five shipwrecks where the dark-brown glazed jars were discovered, most of jars from the Wando
and the Mado no. 1 shipwreck were originated from the port of Haenam. The Taean, and Mado nos. 2
and 3 shipwrecks show different patterns. Four of eight jars from the Taean and six of 20 jars from the
Mado no. 2 are unglazed. One of 45 jars from the Mado no. 3 is dark-brown glazed jar. The wooden
tablets indicate the Taean carried the potteries of Tamjin-hyeon (currently Gangjin-gun), the Mado no.
2 carried the grains and the foods of Musong, Jangsa, Gochang and Gobu-gun (currently Gochang and
Jeongeup-si), and the Mado no. 3 carried the foods from the northern and eastern regions including
Yeosu-hyeon (Yeosu-si).
According to recovered location and condition, there is a seal made of herbaceous material on the darkbrown glazed jars found on the Mado no. 3. This evidence suggests the jars were used as a container for
food transportation. The jars found on the Mado no. 3 also different in form and production technique
from other jars, features of which represent jars loaded from some ports near Haenam.
Taean jars were likely for shipboard life. The jars on this shipwreck were possibly originated from the
port of Tamjin. In fact, similar jars were discovered at the Samheung-ri kiln, Gangjin. This suggests the
Taean home port was either Gangjin or Haenam. Perhaps it carried typical celadon a regional kiln
production.
Even though the port of departure or shipment of the Mado no. 2 were Gochang and Jeongeup. Around
60 per cent of pottery are glazed-pottery originated from Haenam. As mentioned above, the potteries
found in the shipwrecks can be divided into two different functions: Cargo and shipboard. Based on two
pieces of wooden tablets for foods found on the Mado no. 2, there are at least two jars originated from
the ports of Gochang and Jeongeup. In the Mado no. 2, four medium-sized (7-25 litres) unglazed jars
were presumed for food storage transportation. One of them was recovered near the wooden tablet for
foods. The kilns that produced unglazed potteries in the Goryeo Dynasty, such as Gyoun-ri kiln in
Gochang and Bugok-ri kiln, indicate the localized technology for potteries production. Unlike the
porcelain, the pottery in this period dedicated to short distant distribution and unglazed potteries
probably produced from Gochang Mountain.
In that case, why are potteries for shipboard life usually the dark-brown glazed potteries from Haenam?
Based on the home port of Mado no. 2, Gomso bay in Gochang and unglazed potteries were possibly
used as pottery for shipboard life. The potteries for shipboard life that originated from Haenam suggest
that vessel was assigned to transport cargos or it was possibly originated from the home port in Haenam.
The assumption that home port of the Mado no. 2 was Haenam. Wooden tablets indicate the Mado nos.
1 and 2, both showed almost the same hull structures. Seven of bottom planks were connected in the
almost the same way: trimmed timbers used for bottom part and trimming the planks with curved face
of log as the bottom planks and external planks. However, Daebudo no. 2, constructed from the second
half of the twelfth to the first half of thirteenth centuries, is similar to the Mado nos. 1 and 2 but the
connection methods of trimming timbers were fairly different, such as using L-shaped
Mangogjongtongjae (curved longitudinal knee) on the connected part of bottom and other externals.

8

�CONCLUSION
In Korea the cargo that has received the most attention from archaeologists are the wooden tablets, less
so the pottery. This paper demonstrates that pottery can be analysed and interpreted for information,
such as the identification for the ports of departure, call, and shipment. Based on the context of darkbrown glazed potteries from terrestrial archaeology excavation, the pottery kilns can be identified and
used in comparative analyse with shipwrecks pottery cargo.
Generally, the shipwrecks’ ports of departure were identified by celadon or green glazed pottery kilns,
that usually include wooden tablets. This research further supports these conclusions. In addition, the
Wando, Taean, and the Mado no. 1 were from the same port of departure. The Mado no. 2 port of
departure was likely Haenam, located 100 kilometres south of the shipping address written on the
wooden tablets. Similarly, the Mado no. 3 had single dark-brown glazed jars that indicates the jar was
loaded from some port near Haenam.
These results could likely change in future as more archaeological evidence is available. This study
places emphasis on the interdisciplinary analysis of tandem cargo artifacts as a holistic approach to the
reconstruction of maritime transportation in Medieval Korea.

Bibliography
Bureau of Cultural Property. Wando Underwater Artifacts. Seoul: Samhwa Printing, 1985 (In Korean).
National Maritime Museum. The Underwater Excavation of the Sea off Sibidongpado, Gunsan. Mokpo: National Maritime
Museum, 2005 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Treasure Ship-submarine Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2009 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 1 Underwater Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2010 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 2 Underwater Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2011 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 3 Underwater Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2012 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Ansan Daebudo Shipwreck No. 2 Underwater Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2016 (In Korean).
Shin, Jongkuk. “The Characteristics of Shipwrecks in the Goryeo Period and the Study on Artifacts Recovered from Them”
PhD diss. Kongju National University, 2020. (In Korean)

9

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                <text>On the south-western coast of Korea lie 12 shipwrecks of the Goryeo Dynasty (tenth to fourteenth centuries). So&#13;
far, among recovered artifacts from shipwrecks, less attention was given to pottery, than wooden tablets. Our&#13;
research on pottery shows that different production techniques and features are distinctive by region. We expect&#13;
this to indicate ports of departure, call, and shipment. The production site was assumed by patterns of dark-brown&#13;
glazed pottery, which has distinctive techniques and features among the Goryeo pottery recovered from&#13;
shipwrecks. Possible imports from various regions were analysed, considering their provenience.&#13;
Ports of call have been usually presumed by production sites like celadon cargo indicated on wooden&#13;
tablets. Among five shipwrecks, three namely the Wando, Taean, and Mado no.1, suggest the same ports of&#13;
departure from previous analysis on celadons and wooden tablets. Port of departure for Mado no. 2 shipwreck is&#13;
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                <text>Shin, Jong-Kuk. 2023. “A Study on the Production Sites of Potteries Excavated from Twelfth to Thirteenth Century Korean Shipwrecks.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1937 </text>
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                    <text>The Stolen Memory: The Legal Crisis of the Hispanic Sunken Heritage in America
and its causes
José María Lancho
Legalventure, C/Sagasta nº 24, 6º D, Madrid, Spain
Email: Jml@josemarialancho.com
Abstract
The exam of the legal practice related to the Hispanic underwater heritage in the last 10
years in the United States shows that this has been the main resource of a mature
treasure hunter industry in that country; that this industry has developed a specific
discourse denying intrinsic cultural value to the Hispanic historical remains; and that this
discourse has had an influence over the juridical and administrative authorities in the
United States in such a way that legal, academic and media approaches to this
archaeological legacy show an inadvertent but significant discrimination against the
Hispanic Heritage -instead of Heritage of other cultural origins-, with the result that an
important record of American history has been reduced to a mere industry and a
resource for exploitation without requiring a minimal scientific counterpart, constituting
without doubt one of the most serious and consummate problems within the entire
historical record of the American history. In Hawaii in a recent court case, in which a
Spanish galleon appears to be involved, we face the problem of fitting the Hispanic
legacy in America in its legal and academic form, specifically because it brings into
question the fact that Captain James Cook became the first European to discover the
Hawaiian Islands, and makes manifest the extra historical relevance this assumption
still holds. In this paper we deal with legal, historical and social aspects of this issue.
Key words: Hispanic Heritage, shipwrecks, treasure-hunters, national and international
waters, legal approaches
Introduction
The history of the submerged Hispanic heritage in the United States is the story of a
stolen memory. In fact, it is of a memory that can still be robbed and one that has not
had the effective legal protection that it deserves, given the nature of the destruction
done and the irreversible loss of a common and valuable legacy. The scarcity of
academic and scientific debate that this destructive process has meant for the entire
historical registry of the history of the United States is surprising, especially when it
involves a country that is without a doubt the largest archaeological power in the world.
For every meter of marine depth that technology has conquered for mankind, thousands
of square miles of sea bottom have been made vulnerable and unknown areas opened
1

�up to underwater archaeological ransacking. Nevertheless, in the United States that
destruction has been selective. As a matter of fact, a close look into the legal and
administrative practice involved with commercial access to marine archaeological sites
in the U.S. evidences an unquestionable asymmetry in its treatment by virtue of its
cultural origins.
The above statement does not mean that the heritage stemming from other cultural
origins has not been subject to what we can only define as legal plundering, but that in
particular and foremost, the Hispanic cultural heritage –in spite of its special entity-has
been subjected to quite specific aggression supported by concrete supra-scientific
arguments, that have enjoyed scarce legal and judicial reaction in light of the dimension
of

such

destruction, which
we say has had a
numbing effect on
the

American

cultural

and

scientific
conscience as it
regards

the

disappearance of
said

legacy.

Unfortunately,
Admiralty
perspective

Law

Fig. 1 Abraham Ortelius 1570 map. With Los Bolcanes and La Farfana the first

and names applied to Hawaiian Islands. (Biblioteca Nacional de España)

new internal regulations have not served to discourage treasure-hunters, nor have they
provided homogenous rules to regulate activities directed at the underwater cultural
heritage. In spite of the debates that have existed between the various administrations
involved with marine sanctuaries, the different states and the U.S. National and
Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), and the advances that have
undoubtedly taken place, the situation is such that underwater excavations by treasure-

2

�hunting companies continue to be carried out on shipwreck sites by means of simple
administrative permits that usually end up having no real scientific consequences (Fig.1).
Analysis of the judicial practice in the United States related to the Hispanic
sunken heritage in American waters
My concerns for the weak legal situation of the Hispanic historical heritage in the United
States made me undertake an analysis of the scope of this problem, and part of the
conclusions reached are included herein1. An attempt has been made to explain the
legal situation of the Spanish historical heritage in American waters as a “before and
after” issue after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit, in its sentence dated 21st
July 2000 concerning the remains of the Spanish frigates “La Juno” and “La Galga”,
ruled in favor of the Kingdom of Spain sovereign immunity2. However, these statements
have not stopped additional jurisdictional activity, or even administrative authorizations,
from favoring the treasure hunters’ looting of Hispanic shipwrecks, whether warships or
any other kind. As a result,
the treasure-hunting industry has basically survived the last 20 years by ransacking the
underwater historical Spanish heritage in the United States. The district Courts reflected
a number of guidelines in their rulings, in all matters related to the adjudication of
archaeological sites that correspond to archaeological guarantees in the protocols
regarding access to the sites. Those guidelines are analyzed as follows:
Type of Legal Action Exercised
Action in rem exercising the finder’s rights and subsidiary right of salvage.
Preliminary Archaeological Design
In none of the cases did the treasure-hunting company provide a project design for the
activity on the site, nor contrasted prior information and background studies about the
shipwrecks.
Scientific Intervention Criteria
· Proposed criteria: None at the point of origin. Treasure-hunting companies have never
set forth any archaeological or research objectives. In all the claims and their related
extensions, there are no descriptions or proposals for specifically-determined
archaeological criteria, methodology or techniques. In some cases there have been
references made to matters of ecological, but not archaeological, impact.
3

�· Prior methodology or techniques required by the Courts: None. The Courts have not
identified or made any references to any internationally-accepted archaeological criteria.
· Archaeological monitoring and supervision established by the Courts: Not found in any
case. The Courts do not demand any site management or maintenance plans.
Scientific results of the excavations
As no archaeological project has been submitted, the Courts have never defined or
proposed any appropriate methods and working techniques.
· Dating and identification methods and on-site documentation: Unknown. Treasurehunting companies go out of their way to hide the shipwrecks’ identity-or delay
disclosing as much information as possible-, especially when of Spanish origin. In the
latter cases, there are no obstacles to obtain excavation rights. However, in 30% of the
cases, the companies stated they knew the identity of the wrecks.
As excavation often entails the destruction of the wrecks, on-site documentation needs
to be produced for any subsequent reconstruction.
· Historiographical analysis of the sunken remains: No scientific reporting. Only
occasionally and with a markedly commercial intent, a non-scientific publication is
produced and the name or identity of the sunken vessel furnished. However, no
requests are made to show proof of its identity.
· Other analysis made of the salvaged materials: None. There are no academic postfieldwork activities. No scientific data is obtained or added to site interventions that may
be associated with the application of any internationally-acceptable archaeological and
scientific methods.
· Guarantees of access and dissemination to the scientific community: None.
· Scientific results published: None. There has been no publication of any scientific
results, except for what could be considered commercial literature aimed at facilitating
the sale of the excavated remains.
These conclusions about the facts involved in the context of legal proceedings in the
21st century give us ample indications of what happened in the 20th century and the
enormous destruction that this industry has brought about.

4

�Norms and standards not applied to the sunken Hispanic archaeological heritage
There is a powerful paradox within the scope of archaeological protection. In the
meantime, United States Courts have been able to establish legal requirements, at least
in theory, granting rights over historical shipwreck sites. That has been the case of Klein
v. Unidentified Wrecked and Abandoned Sailing Vessel (11th Circuit, 1985), which
ruling established that the rescue of historical ships could not entail a greater risk than
to leave the remains on the seabed, and that any excavation should follow clear
archaeological criteria. Along those lines was the ruling in Cobb Coin Company, Inc. v.
Unidentified Wrecked, the only one of its kind regarding the Hispanic heritage, dealing
with the property rights over the historical objects obtained from a Spanish wreck. In
that case the court said: […] there can be no suggestion that federal admiralty
procedures sanction salvaging methods, which fail to safeguard items and the
invaluable archaeological information, associated with the artefacts salved”.
Notwithstanding these statements, in their practical application concerning the
underwater Spanish heritage we can arrive at the following conclusions without the
smallest margin of error:
1) The radical lack of application of any archaeological requirements on the part of
American jurisprudence with regards to excavation of historical shipwreck sites.
2) The non-observance of scientific standards, at least those enjoying minimal
recognition by the international community, and in particular the ones included in the
2001 UNESCO Convention.
The divergence in the American judicial practice concerning the submerged historical
patrimony of Hispanic origin has been radically contradictory not only with the
increasingly-consolidated archaeological principles in academic circles, but also of the
UNESCO itself. Despite this contradiction it is surprising that such divergence has not
been dealt with in American academic debates.
It is enough to point out the internationally-consolidated principle of giving preference to
the in situ conservation of the underwater patrimony, the first of the options that must be
considered prior to the intervention of a shipwreck site, according to Article 1
(fundamental principles) of the International Charter on the Protection and Management
of the Underwater Cultural Patrimony, as ratified by the 11th ICOMOS General
5

�Assembly (1996). That very same criteria is also set forth in Article 2.5 of the 2001
UNESCO Convention. That is, any manipulation or removal that has not been given
prior scientific consideration to its adoption in a subsidiary way to the in situ
preservation is in violation of internationally recognized archaeological criteria.
Notwithstanding, the Courts have allowed the archaeological debate over the access of
treasure-hunting companies to historical shipwreck sites. In the 2004 case of Great
Lakes Exploration Group LLC vs. Unidentified Wreck, the Western District Court of
Michigan (1:04-cv-00375), the court denied the treasure-hunting company its request for
excavation due to its lack of furnishing archaeological guarantees in it. In the matter of
Columbus America Discovery Group vs. Atlantic Mutual Insurance Company (974 F.
2nd 450, 468), the court concludes that the efforts made to protect the historical
element and archaeological value is a factor to ponder in determining the compensation
of a salvage operation. In that case the shipwreck was that of the S.S. Central America,
an American steamer sunk by a hurricane in 1857.
In yet another case, Marex International, Inc. v. The Unidentified, Wrecked and
Abandoned Vessel (4:96-cv-00194-JFN), the U.S. District Court for the Southern District
of Georgia in Savannah granted the exclusive rights on the wreck to Marex because the
company included the following elements in their methodology: compilation of a
historical register of the remains; divers involved had been trained in the use of
archaeological methods and employment of thorough excavation techniques; the use of
a laboratory with the capacity of preserving the salvaged artifacts; and the hiring of
experts to help evaluate and preserve the extracted remains. This matter involved the
S.S. North Carolina, an American ship.
However, despite the wisdom and intellectual acumen shown by the U.S. Courts in
establishing these requirements, when the law is applied to underwater sites of Hispanic
origin, for the most part those Courts not only fail to apply those laws directly, but they
do not demand nor verify any aspects concerning archaeological criteria. This
discrimination or “asymmetry” is even noticed nowadays in non-judicial administrations.
Of over a dozen sites that correspond to historical remains designated by the State of
Florida in the National Register of Historic Places, only two belong to Spanish sunken

6

�ships and are located in already-looted sites, even though dozens more are exploited
annually with the knowledge of the Florida authorities3 (Fig. 2).
Causes: The ideological element in carrying out the law
Once the objective element of the problem is exposed, the significant fact remains that
even the most benign aspects of U.S. norms are not applied in the case of sunken
heritage of Hispanic origin. We then examine the direct ideological causes of this
problem, which in a quantitative and qualitative way could be described as a cultural
genocide, as well as one of the greatest cultural disasters in the 20th and 21st centuries.
There is a generalized and highly-effective discourse throughout the treasure-hunting
industry with respect to the historical patrimony of Hispanic origin, which was expressed
as “The curse of the Black Legend” by the American reporter Tony Horwitz (2006) in
The New York Times.

Fig. 2 Joan Martines 1587 map. (Biblioteca Nacional de España)

Treasure-hunters avail themselves of a brief but efficient “ideological capsule” from both
the Courts and the academic world’s silent majority: the idea that the remains of
Hispanic shipwrecks were tainted by a certain moral deficiency that excluded them from
7

�being considered historical legacies. The end result is that treasure-hunters become the
executing arm of a sort of yellow historicism and retrospective pseudo-justice that
makes archaeological sites incompatible with any inherent historical and scientific value.
We all remember that during the negotiations of the Convention on the Protection of the
Underwater Cultural Heritage some illustrious members of the treasure-hunting family
had no qualms about wearing jewels and personal objects that had been plundered
from shipwrecked marine graveyards.
Even the official reports to the shareholders and third parties put out by companies like
Admiralty Holding Co. (published by the Securities and Exchange Commission in its 8-K
form dated 9th October 2006) carry statements of that kind: “The treasure stolen from
the New World was very important to the King of Spain and it actually sustained the
economy of Spain during the period that it was being taken to Spain”. We are dealing
with quite a generalized phenomenon, which uses the black legend to legitimize the
ransacking of historical underwater remains of Hispanic origins, which thereby negate
the true American historical and archaeological character, and even a moral or legal
nexus with the societies to which those archaeological remains belong. Without a doubt,
it is one of the most grievous cultural attacks that a develop society can perpetrate,
while bearing what is necessarily a de facto extinction of an entire historical register of
American history. Such attacks are similar to censure, book-burning or cultural
assimilationist practices of the 19th and 20th centuries.
“There’s a lot of blood on that gold”, someone in charge of Deep Blue told The
Associated Press as he announced the likely finding of “El Salvador”, whose value was
estimated to be $500 million. The scientific level and methodology that guides the
treasure-hunting companies is thus evidenced. This line of reasoning becomes the
redeeming force behind the precious metal that is the object of looting, while also
destroying the cultural element that stigmatizes it. This argument is proper of the Black
Legend and quite a handy one for ensuring the financial and legal survival of the
treasure-hunting industry. It is equally striking that a discourse based on the reality of a
cultural catastrophe could be so foreign to modern American society that has not been
able to come up with a reply, nor seen enough merit to spark an academic debate. But
what is even more striking is that such a level of discourse is allowed to caricaturize the
8

�history of Hispanic culture in North America, an essential part of the United States’ own
history, which has so effectively used the Black Legend to deny any cultural value to the
pillaged archaeological remains that were originally associated with the –mestizo, of
course-- Hispanic culture in America.
It is this same interchange of ideas that supports the criteria of the Sanctuary of the
Florida Keys, as Pat Clyne (a historic treasure-hunter and executive vice-president of
the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage society), expressed when he said in a formal meeting
before the Sanctuary authorities: “It is amazing that the very people who seem so
sensitive of the gravesites of their ancestors, these very conquistadors who have…”.
The invocation of a supposed original illegitimacy in relation to the ships’ cargoes, the
previous contextual reference to the Indians’ suffering as a preliminary debate
surrounding the present ransacking activities is practically universal, co-substantial with
this emerging industry’s search for legitimacy. Likewise, it is a way of substituting any
archaeological, cultural value, or moral rights debate, with a nationalist mechanical
discourse. The urgent need for a new discourse is clear (Fig. 3).

History hunters and golden legends: a legal epilogue in Hawaii
Very recently, Kohala Coast Enterprises (KCE) petitioned the District Court for the
District of Hawaii4, to grant exclusive salvage rights for an archaeological site that the
company claims to have discovered on 23rd November 2011. The site corresponds to a
probable 16th or 17th century shipwreck of a Spanish vessel, within navigable waters
off the coast of the Island of Hawaii. The remains were found in an area which lies
within the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary, jointly
managed by the State of Hawaii and the United States, through the National Oceanic
and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA).
Despite the fact that the company asked the judge to keep the location of the site secret
and has also done its best to keep the cultural origin of the archaeological site under
wraps, after consulting with NOAA, this organization issued a document through Malia
Chow, the Sanctuary Superintendent of the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale
National Marine Sanctuary, that is one of the most singular and referable works that
9

�could open a whole new era when dealing with sunken heritage from Hispanic origins
that have been targeted by treasure hunters. Some of the aspects and principles listed
in that document include: archaeological preservation, the scientific objective of the
intervention, as well as cooperation and information with the country of origin. However,
the future problems faced by this possible discovery are much larger, as the scarce
repercussion this case is having in the media and academic circles demonstrate. No
doubt the history of the Pacific and its societies has suffered from the relentless
succession of Eurocentric historicisms. Here, I must refer to one of the latest: the AngloSaxonism as a golden legend. The origin and development of this ideology does not
come from long ago: Madison Grant (1916), John Robert Seeley (Bell 2005), Frank
Hankins (1926), Joseph Arthur Gobineau (1853)… All of them describe the necessary
nature of any golden legend: antagonism. This ideological element should not be
minimized when we talk about heritage and its preservation.
Conclusions
No doubt a thorough questioning of the image of Captain Cook as the first European to
set foot on the Islands of Hawaii may affect the historicist vision of that great navigator.
This ideological element exists and I think it is easy to prove it. It is not possible to find
in the English historiography the connection between: (1) the capture of the city of
Manila by the English in 1762, (2) the steal by the last British governor of Manila,
Alexander Dalrymple, of all the Spanish cartography in that city, i.e. more than two
centuries of navigation and cartographical documents in the Southern Seas, (3) the
conception, planning and documentation of Cook's voyages, significantly, by Dalrymple.
My modest contribution to this work is that of identifying Alexander Dalrymple as the
character that locates, works on, translates, classifies and summarizes the centuries of
Spanish cartography in Manila and conceives a project for a British Empire5 that is being
reborn from its ashes after the independence of its American colonies, and to single him
out as the person who hands this decisive material to Cook for his later discoveries.
British historians never linked the maps stolen from Manila to Cook's voyages. The lack
of reference to Dalrymple in British historiography is no accident: the theft of the maps,
the conception of an expedition that would allow reorienting the Imperial impulse
towards the Pacific and the replacement by Cook in the climax of that intellectual
10

�adventure. The Admiralty needed a hero, free of suspicion of espionage, a new man not
encumbered by intellectual debts to an enemy power that had to be replaced. The man
chosen to command the missions to the Austral continent and the Pacific islands is
Cook, a discrete, but talented Master of the royal Armada. At that moment he was not
even a lieutenant. Cartography, exploration, discoveries... the narration of history has
been, and still is, a tool for nationalisms, as the black and golden legends like that of
Lord Sandwich’s conceived how the history of Cook's voyages should be told.
Regardless of whether the ultimate goal is economic or political, it is interesting to
observe how both survive. Can an archaeological discovery question the iron-clad
axioms of the golden legend? Despite the communication from NOAA, the reach of the
possible above-mentioned discovery in Hawaii has gone unnoticed by the academic
world. As for the press, it will have to decide if it is willing to question the North
American identity, overrule Anglo-morphism as an ideology and challenge its own
identity. All this, as usually happens around the limits of knowledge, will be limited by
prejudice.
American waters have become a modern-day mythological River Lethe for a people and
a historical record, the common heritage of the North-American and Hispanic peoples.
There is a powerful and prevailing prejudice that affects the North-American scientific
community and keeps American laws and legal practice from guaranteeing that a
submerged archaeological site that corresponds to a shipwreck of Spanish origins may
enjoy the maximum legal guarantees and protection, in line with American laws. Let the
old verses of Homer serve as a warning to an American nation that accepts the sociallytainted fruit of the science of the forgotten: “Whoever tasted the soft sweetness of the
lotus fruit, no longer thought about exploration nor returning home…”.
Acknowledgements
The author takes this opportunity to gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Agustin
Rodriguez Gonzalez and Mrs. María Cruz Berrocal for their invaluable help and
guidance.
Table of cases
· Grumpy v. Unidentified Vessel, United States District Court for the Eastern District of
Louisiana, 93-CV-26210H.
11

�· BDJ Discovery Group v. Shipwrecked Vessel Filed: September 23th, 2005 as
4:2005cv00122.
· Sub Sea Research v. Unidentified Wrecked U.S. District Court Southern District of
Florida 4:04cv10119-KMM.
· Sub Sea Research Vessel, et al. v. Abandoned Vessel, et al. 4:02CV10068.
· Marine Salvage, Inc District Court Southern District of Florida 04-22679
· Cobb Coin Company, Inc v. Unidentified Wrecked and Abandoned Mailing Vessel 525
F. Supp. 186, 208, 1983 AMC 966 (S.D. Fla 1981).
· EURISCO CORP v. The Unidentified, Wrecked and Abandoned Sailing Vessel 9810002 CIV-KING.
· Bradley Williamson v. The unidentified, Wrecked and Abandoned Vessel, 9:07-cv81030-KAM.
· Bradley Williamson v. The Unidentified Wrecked and Abandoned Vessel
9:2008cv80106.
· United States District Court Middle District of Florida (Tampa Division), Odyssey
Marine Exploration, Inc v. Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel/The Kingdom of Spain, The
Republic of Peru, Case n°8:07cv00614-SDM-MAP, doc 270, 3 June 2009.
· United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, Odyssey Marine Exploration,
Inc. v. Kingdom of Spain, Case n°10-10269, document n°8:07cv00614-SDM-MAP, 21
September 2011.
Endnote
1

The conclusions were presented at the Royal Academy of Jurisprudence and Legislation, December
18th 2012.
2
Sea Hunt, In c.v. The Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.3d 634,638, 642 (4th Cir.
2000)
3
It is only right and just to recognize the moral and scientific solvency of the State of Texas authorities in
the “Platoro” matter, and the archaeological efforts made versus the court’s criteria
4
Kohala Coast Enterprises, LLC vs. The Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel, District Court for the District of
Hawaii CV12-00552 SOM-RLP.
5
In his book “An account of the discoveries made in the South Pacific Ocean, previous to 1764”
(Dalrymple, 1767), in page VII and ss, there is an explanation by the author himself. In fact Dalrymple
was elected to membership in the Royal Society (1771) as a result of his translations “of voyages to the
South Seas &amp; other places from Spanish”.

References
Bell, D., 2005. Unity and Difference: John Robert Seeley and the Political Theology of
International Relations. Review of International Studies, Vol. 31 (3): 559-579.
Dalrymple, A., 1767. An account of the discoveries made in the South Pacific Ocean,
previous to 1764. Dalrymple, A, London.
Gobineau, J. A., 1853. Essaisurl´inégalité des races humaines. Librairie de Firmin Didot
Freres, Paris.

12

�Grant, M., 1916.The Passing of the Great Race. Geographical Review, Vol. 2 (5): 354360.
Hankins, F., 1926. The Racial Basis of Civilization; a Critique of the Nordic Doctrine.
Alfred A. Kanopf, New York.
Horwitz, T., 2006. Immigration - and the Curse of the Black Legend. The New York
Times, July 9.
José María Lancho Rodríguez (Madrid, 1970) is a Spanish lawyer expert in historical
heritage and technology law. He has actively intervened in the case Odyssey Marine
Exploration in advising both the Kingdom of Spain and at the Spanish Courts in the
criminal action derived from this case. He has published articles in various magazines,
newspapers, journals and blogs. His research and advocacy interests also include legal
enforcement of environmental laws, intellectual property, antitrust and the patient selfdetermination rights. He has been involved in relevant cases on those fields. He is also
president of Hispalinux, the largest association of users and developers of free software
in Spain.

13

�</text>
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                  <text>Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted.&#13;
Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. </text>
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                <text>The exam of the legal practice related to the Hispanic underwater heritage in the last 10 years in the United States shows that this has been the main resource of a mature treasure hunter industry in that country; that this industry has developed a specific discourse denying intrinsic cultural value to the Hispanic historical remains; and that this discourse has had an influence over the juridical and administrative authorities in the United States in such a way that legal, academic and media approaches to this archaeological legacy show an inadvertent but significant discrimination against the Hispanic Heritage -instead of Heritage of other cultural origins-, with the result that an important record of American history has been reduced to a mere industry and a resource for exploitation without requiring a minimal scientific counterpart, constituting without doubt one of the most serious and consummate problems within the entire historical record of the American history. In Hawaii in a recent court case, in which a Spanish galleon appears to be involved, we face the problem of fitting the Hispanic legacy in America in its legal and academic form, specifically because it brings into question the fact that Captain James Cook became the first European to discover the Hawaiian Islands, and makes manifest the extra historical relevance this assumption still holds. In this paper we deal with legal, historical and social aspects of this issue.</text>
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