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                    <text>The methods of experimental archaeology apply in the
reconstuctions of ship remains, the Ganzeng Warship Case
Xu Lu1 and Jia Hao2

Abstract
As one of the most important instruments of production in ancient time, ships are a complicated and systematic
carrier. To study their uses one could broach the subjects of naval architecture, art of seamanship, fishing
production, social function of trade and navy, and its anthropological meaning as a special settlement3. With
respect to naval architecture our study divided it into the following: shipform, structure and principle of design.
The method of experimental archaeology ship-reconstructions first in the late half of the last century in
Europe. Initial endowment by the Danish National Research Foundation reconstructed a Viking ship. This
methodology involves archeology, ancient documentation, and ethno-archaeological investigation of the same
culture-tradition of shipbuilding. In this way, ancient ships can be restituted, rebuilt, and understood.

—A.D.220). This

Chinese junks had adopted the bamboo strip sail in the Western Han dynasty (B.C.206

tool was still in use in the Early Qing Dynasty (1644-1799) as evidenced by the Ganzeng warship. However,
archaeologists have not found tangible evidence and are unclear on its structure and manufacturing methods.
Nautical archaeology had never carried out an experiment on replica and reconstruction according to
ancient navigation environment perspectives. The reconstruction of Ganzeng warship from the Early Qing
Dynasty was based on the study of historic documents, integrated with methods of ship design and building
traditions acquired from the ethnographical field work in Fujian province. This was the first full scale
experimental anthropology reconstruction project in China. the design principle and method began with the
preliminary sorting of the modular system of construction that was largely based on the study of the transverse
watertight bulkhead, mast base structure, and the axis helm that can lift and swing bamboo strip sail.
From this project we concluded that experimental reconstruction of ship remains is the only effective
means to preserve the Chinese junk heritage. Furthermore, in this paper we introduce the use of modern
technology and research tools used in experimental archaeology of ship remains.

Key words: experimental archaeology, reconstruction sailing ship, ship remain, Ganzeng,
naval architecture.

1

Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society, Xiamen, P.R.China 361005

2

School of History, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, P.R.China 100875

3

Eric Rieth, 2006. Epaves, Archeologie Sous-Marine Et Histoire De L’architecture Navale. Histoire,
Archeologie Et Societe Confererces Academiques Franco-Chinoises, Ecole francaise d’Extreme-Orient
Centre, Beijing, Cabier No 13, pp. 1-20.
1

�1. Preface
The encyclopaedia Heavenly Creation 4 (1637) has a chapter on naval architecture. The
author Songyingxing divided the vessels into sea-going, river and other craft according to
their environment. These classifications have been followed until now. In the book he
elaborated parts on usage and navigation environments of ship, shipform and building
procedure, design principle and modular proportion, design and manipulation of sail and
helm, form and usage of anchor, sealant, rigging, log material and so on. Those have made
the book the most systematic work of naval architecture of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)
and the decoding norms for traditional sailing junks till now.
This study only focuses on sea-going junks. By the 21st century ancient Chinese sailing
junks had disappeared, their memory only retained through studies in nautical archaeology,
historic documents, the craftsmen traditions of shipbuilding, models and the odd
recently-built traditional ships. The surmise of only four kinds of shipforms (ie. Shachuan,
Niaochuan, Fuchuan, and Guangchuan) is incomplete and further study is required.

Figure 1. Ganzeng style warship recorded in the middle of 18th century (Anonymous).
4

Song Yingxing, 2002. Heavenly Creations(Tian-Gong-Kai-Wu) in Sequel to Si-Ku-Quan-Shu, Zi radical, 1637,
reprint Shanghai Ancient Books Press, Shanghai.
2

�2. Experimental archaeology
2.1 Conception and origins
"Experimental Archaeology: The systematic approach used to test, evaluate and explicate
method, technique, assumption, hypothesis and theories at any and all levels of
archaeological research" (Ingersoll 1977).
The field of experimental archaeology can generally be divided into four categories:
controlled replication of recovered artifacts or known activities; testing the validity of
methodological assumptions by applying them to known data or results; "contextual"; and
ethnographic data. Experimental archaeology can also be described by using these
questions: What was ancient man doing? Why? How? These questions can be answered in
many different ways.
“Experimental

archaeology employs a number of different methods, techniques, analyses,

and approaches in order to generate and test hypotheses, based upon archaeological source
material, like ancientstructure or artifacts” (Mathieu 2002).
One of the main forms of experimental archaeology is the creation of copies of historical
structures using only historically accurate technologies. This is sometimes known as
reconstruction archaeology.
2.2 Reconstruction experiment of ship remains
The reconstruction experiment of ship remains chooses an original prototype from the
historical documents, sets proper design and procedure application of the original tools and
materials, copies the similar environment, reconstructs the replica, manipulates the replica
under the similar navigation circumstances, and finally verifies and explains the set prototype.
Followed the technical logic during all the procedures of building and voyage, previous
conclusions need to be retested and re-evaluated, and sometimes previous hypothesis could
be re-written. Or at least some possibilities of the unsettled questions could be expelled at
the same time.
Although experimental methods are not yet fully approved as scientific method in the
European archaeology discipline be cause of the absence of common standards and
untenable evidence. In nautical archaeology this method could be the most effective way to
assemble all the information from shipwrecks, documents, interviews, models and operating
ships, while also being the most effective in verification and preservation of the historical
prototype.
There are distinct differences between the experiments and other replicas. Firstly, the
former are strictly document studies. Secondly, choosing the appropriate historical objects as
prototype. The experiment replica could be ships with the ability to sail, proportionate models,
specific sections or tools, or the clarify shipwrecks.

3. Reconstruction experiment of Ganzeng warship of early Qing dynasty
Our team chose to conduct the experimental project on the Ganzeng warship of the Early
Qing Dynasty based on evidence available in nautical and historical archaeology. The inital
3

�study of historical documents revealed multiple examples of European depictions of Fujian
boats, these included:
• The two large-scale trader in Zhujiang River printed by Netherlandish armada
commanded by Cornelis Matelief de Jonghes5. The illustrations of side plate, gangway,
deck castle, bamboo matting sail were particular for studies.
• A middle 17th century, collection of Berlin Etnologisches Museum was the earliest
meticulous color image of Fujian style junks6.
• William Alexander’s colour images are the earliest and the best realistic portrayals of
Fujian style junks available to us today7.
We also studied Chinese historical documents and drawings from which we gained
examples of shipforms during the reigns of Emperors Kangxi (1662-1722), Yongzheng
(1723-1735) and Qilong (1736-1795). They were shrunk into medium(length over all under
30 meters) or small scales (length over all under 20 meters). The drawings largely consisted
of double mast forms of warships and traders, with the majority of drawings being of single
masted fishing boats. In and after the Jiaqing reign shipforms expanded. Examples include
the Tongan Suochuan8 and Guangting warships of three masts. During the reign of Emperor
Daoguang (1821-1850) large numbers of traders emerged with three masts. We believe the
Ganzeng warship originated from the fishing junk of the Fujian and Zhejiang coast of the late
Ming Dynasty (1600-1644). At the time it may have had a secondary use in trade.
The first record of Ganzeng mentioned in Conquest Memoir9 by an official historian of
Zheng Chenggong armed force named Yangyin in 1658, he mentioned that Zheng’s Navy
dispatched a Ganzeng to salvage an European heavy cannon from a wrecked warship in
Jieyang port (South-east of Guangdong Province). The first record found describing it as a
warship is the 1664 August entry of East China Memoir10, written by Jiang Liangqi. In 1688
the ship served in the Fujian Navy to quard the coast of China. The final historical record is of
an equipment list of the national navy, from the time of Emperor Guangxi's reign (1881).
The first illustration of Ganzeng warship could be found in The Navy Abstract11 written by
the east Guangdong regional commander Chen Liangshi during the reign of Emperor Kangxi.
In the book, 14 kinds of seaman position, numbers of each kind, and the post requirements
were firstly founded. It was the first document that explained the design principle and main
modular system based on the length of main beam.
The Taiwan Conversation by Writing12 was written by Huang Shujing between the years
5

6

7

This printing was cited by Isaac Commelin,1646. Beginning and Ending of the Dutch-East Company,
Amsterdam.
Anonymous, middle 17th century. The Island of Formosa, painted on parchment, collection of Berlin
Ethnologisches Museum.
William Alexander and George Henry Mason, 1988. Views of 18th Century China Costumes,History, Custom.

1796, reprint Portland House, New York.
Jiang Youxian, 1817. Memorial to the throne with picture, 38cm×35cm, collection of The National Palace
Museum, Taibei.
9
Yangyin, 1958. Conquest Memoir(Cong-Zheng-Shi-Lu), 1658, reprint Economic Academe of Taiwan Business
Bank, Taibei.
10
Jiang Liangqi, 2000. East China Memoir (Dong-Hua-Lu), 1664 reprint Xueyuan Press, Beijing.
11
Chen Liangshi, 2002. The Navy Abstract (Shui Shi Ji Yao), later 17th century, reprint Shanghai Ancient
8

12

Books Publishing House, Shanghai.
Huang Shujing, 1957. The Taiwan Conversation by Writing (Chi Kan Bi Tan), early 18th century, reprint
4

�of the Emperors Kangxi to Yongzheng. Shujing was the first imperial senior government
official in Taiwan during the Qing Dynasty. He used mandarin tongue to record and explain
the dialect of about 100 details of the ship construction, recording materials, quantities and
specifications needed to build the Ganzeng warship.
In 1731 a Guangdong general named Cai Tianlue stated to the emperor the Ganzeng’s
details of dimensions and materials. In the statement he included the depth of the hulk, the
upper width and the lower width of watertight hulk measured by a Luban ruler13.
All the evidence from the three documents mentioned above provided us with a practical
base to conduct our reconstruction experiment. We had detailed information including
principle of design, modulus system, main unit data, material data, and measures.
The five historical documents that recorded units dimensions, two of them with detailed
illustrations, are: The Illustrated Manual Of Instruction In Shipbuilding For The Navy Of Fujian
Province (Figure 1)14, Cai Tianlue’ memorial to the throne, The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea
Going Warships15, The Regius Formula of Jiangsu River and Sea Going Warships 16, and
The Illustrated of Shandong Dengzhou Naval Ganzeng warjunk17. Among the documents,
The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships had the most complete records of 17
Ganzeng’s specifications and a detailed list of the amounts and costs of materials used for
the construction (Table 1). In our experiment, we used this document as the main base data,
and considered the others as complements.
Table.1 The key dimensions of all sizes of Fujian Ganzeng warships
Number Qty Length of deck
Beam
Deep of hold Cabin

13

Liminary

3

22.2 m

5.61 m

21

Chap.1

5

13.8 m

3.96 m

1.29 m

15

Chap.2

2

16.2 m

4.71 m

1.60 m

16

Chap.3

4

15.0 m

4.38 m

1.46 m

16

Chap.4

9

16.5 m

4.71 m

1.60 m

16

Chap.5

14

17.1 m

4.86 m

1.60 m

16

Chap.6

8

18.6 m

5.01 m

1.66 m

17

Chap.7

3

19.5 m

5.52 m

1.84 m

18

Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taibei.
Cai Tianlue,1989. Memorial to the throne about Zhejiang province’s Ganzeng warships, 1731, reprint Jiangsu
Ancient Book Press, Nanjing. Luban ruler is a Chinese yardstick to length named with the fonder of capenter

in ancient legend and widely used by traditional Fujian shipwright till now, 1 Luban’s foot is about 0.3 metres.
Anonymous, middle 18th century. The Illustrated Manual Of Instruction In Shipbuilding For The Navy of
Fujian Province (Min Sheng Shui Shi Ge Biao Zhen Xie Ying Zhan Shao Chuan Zhi Tu Ji) , manuscript.
15
Anonymous, 2002. The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships (Qin Ding Fu Jian Sheng Wai Hai
14

Zhan Chuan Ze Li), 1768, woodblock edition. reprint Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, Shanghai.
16

Anonymous, 1719. The Regius Formula of Jiangsu River and Sea Going Warships (Qin Ding Jiang Su Sheng
Wai Hai Zhan Chuan Ze Li), collected by The National Science library, Beijing.

17

Anonymous, middle Qing Dynasty. The Illustrated of Shandong Dengzhou Naval Ganzeng warjunk,
66cm×55cm, collected by The National Science library, Beijing.
5

�……
Chap.16

3

25.8 m

6.39 m

2.37 m

22

Chap.17

9

24 m

6.24 m

2.18 m

22

3.1 Reconstruction design
Stage 1
Based on above studies of historical documents, and considering the difficulty of experiment
and financials, we chose Qing 8 of Taiwan Navy recorded in Chapter 1 of The Regius
Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships, the length of deck 13.8 metre Ganzeng warjunk as
the original ship, and applied the reconstruction design steps as follows:
• Step 1: Listed all the units of 17 sizes according to The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea
Going Warships, and compared the list of Chapter 1 Ganzeng to other sizes. We got a
supplement list of Chapter 1 Ganzeng from the compare (Table 2), which was hold to
testify or modify used above mention other historical documents later.
Table.2 The specification of Chapter 1 Fujian Ganzeng warship
Main measurement

•

•

•

•

Length of deck

13.80 m Beam of middle bottom

3.06 m

High sheer forward

1.20 m

Length of tail

3.60 m

High sheer tail

0.9 m

Beam of tail deck

3.78 m

Length of fore ship

5.40 m

Beam of tail bottom

2.82 m

Beam of forship deck

2.64 m

Length of top-side plank

15.78 m

Beam of forship bottom 2.40 m

Height of top-sideplank

1.20m

Length of middle

4.80 m

Cabin

15

Beam of middle deck

3.96 m

Deep of hold

1.29 m

Step 2: Distinguished and sorted every component of the list according to the
illustrations of The Illustrated Manual Of Instruction In Shipbuilding For The Navy Of
Fujian Province and the explanations of The Navy Abstract and The Taiwan
Conversation.
Step 3: The uncertain components and units were questioned in interviews conducted
in the field investigation of traditional shipbuilding sites in Fujian, and the explanations
were compared. The accordant explanations were accepted and the inconsistent ones
were held for further tests.
Step 4: The main technical parameters like thickness of bottom plates were sent to the
master of craftsmen, and confirmed that the parameters were almost the same as the
tradition of the master. The traditional Luban ruler was used as the measurement tool,
whose 1 Luban’s foot (chi) was equal to 0.3 metres.
Step 5: The complex list was sorted to five systems including configuration system,
drive system, directional system, anchor system, decoration system. Then converted
6

�to a new List of The Specifications Of Components &amp; Materials, including 977 wood
parts and 27 metal parts, nailed with 17886 nails, and sealed with a mixture of 686
kilograms of shell ash, 276.5 kilograms of tung oil, 223.5 kilograms of net, 223.5
kilograms of bamboo fibers.
• Step 6: The new list was handed to four teams for reconstruction detail design. The
four teams were Fangshijian from Fuzhou, Hongzhigang from Hui’an, Chenfangcai
and Chenrongliang from Jinjiang, Kongbinghuan and Xuxihui from Dongshan. All the
teams are traditional shipbuilding specialists in Fujian.
The design principle was to match all the units of the new list neatly to the traditional way
and without any pieces remaining. The construction was based on the functions of main units
and systems and was in the accordance with the documents and field investigations.
stage 2
Compared four of the above mentioned ancient documents with three newly found
documents: the Cai Tianlue’ memorial to the throne, The Regius Formula of Jiangsu River
and Sea Going Warships, and The Illustrated of Shandong Dengzhou Naval Ganzeng
warjunk. For prototypes we chose the length of deck at 22.2 m, based on the primary chapter
of The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships, and 21.9 m deck length, from chapter
11. Then organized List of The Specifications of Components &amp; Materials and designed
models.
3.2 Full scale reconstruction
In 2007 the building of a full scale reconstruction began. The team from Jinjiang
reconstructed the ship based on chapter 1 Ganzeng warship, length of deck 13.8 m, which
followed the traditional shipbuilding. The teams of Fuzhou, Hui’an and Dongshan were
technical support, the Longhai team painted, and the Zhaoan team finailized adjustments
after the trial voyage.
The reason of this prototype chosen was that it was the smallest one in the 17 sizes.
Thus the expense was relatively small, and the dangerous factor of the voyage was relatively
small too. The reconstruction ship was named Princess Taiping.
The procedure of building ancient sea-going sailing junks is rarely found in the historical
documents. And there have been many discussions between shell-first and frame-first
design. The transverse watertight bulkhead, the most characteristic structure of Chinese
sailing junk，is a frame-first system. The reconstruction’s procedure was carried out as
illustrated (Figure 2):

Figure 2. The sequence of construction.

7

�3.3 Testing and improvement
The trial voyage from Shenhu to Xiamen was carried out during January to April of 2008
(Figure 3). The results of the voyage showed the Princess Taiping sailed at an average
speed of 6 knots without wind with good stability but it had visible transverse drift, an issue in
most Chinese sailing junks.
The Princess Taiping entailed bamboo matting sails. The fabrication of bamboo matting
was still mastered by several craftsmen along the Fujian coast18. We had no study of the
manipulation technique of bamboo mattging sail so we used the cloth sail dyed by Dioscorea
cirrhosa Lour. This was not in accordance with the historical prototype.

Figure 3. Princess Taiping (Photo by Qiao Yang).

4. Modeling technology
4.1 Classification and cognition
A three-dimensional reference frame could be set to classify the complex Chinese sailing
18

Xu Lu, 2006. The investigation on the traditions of naval architecture along Fujian coast.
8

�junks, which set time as the first coordinate axis, use space as the second one, and apply
usage as the third axis. In this reference frame, every one of the warships, traders, fishers
and ambassador ships from different time and space will find their own place. For certain
ship forms the classification system of the Ming Dynasty’s encyclopedia of Heavenly
Creations may be feasible. Every ship part and components in the classification should be
tested in the field investigations and compared with the study of antique ships. The shapes,
the positions, the functions and the behaviors of these parts should be observed on the spot,
and recorded on the voyage.
4.2 Suppositional three-dimensional model
Photoshop software and Illustration software are applied to produce the joint picture and
vectorgraph of the shipmodel. Then 3dmax software was applied to create models of the ship
units and whole ship. We first used this method of a three-dimensional model on the last
traditional sailing junk built in Jinhuaxing in 2004, followed by the Ganzeng warship build in
2006 (Figure 4).

Figure 4. 3D Components of Fujian Ganzeng warship.

9

�5. Conclusions and discussions
5.1 Conclusions
Although shipwreck archaeology has very few cases of Chinese sea-going junks, many clues
can be found in historical documents. Furthermore, the majority of sailing junks still voyaged
in the middle of 20th century so the last traditional shipbuilding craftsmen are still alive. When
we applied experimental archaeology methods to ship remains study, a distinctive prototype
could be selected and craftsmen found to build the traditional design. The Ganzeng
reconstruction therefore applied traditional technology with steps that trace back to the old
building procedures.
The structure of transverse watertight bulkhead was the most important character of all
Chinese sailing junks, and watertight bulkhead was the soul structure in this project. The
mixture sealant of tung oil and ashes, Chinese rugging sails, the axis ruddle that can swing
and lift, the leeboard, and scull were inventions of ancient Chinese sailing junks19.
As far as the choice of wood is concerned, a kind of natural fir tree Cunninghamia lanceolata
(Lamb.)Hook from Fujian a mountainous area was normally used for the parts of a ship’s
shell that have direct contact with the sea, such as the keel (longgu), bottom, shuishe
(literally water snake), and zouma (literally running horse), the deck and transverses
(gecangban, literally cabin-separating boards), and natural small-leaf camphor for other parts
of the body such as cangliang zhuo (base of cabin beams) liangtou (beam-end) and gecang
fuqiang (cabin-separating strengtheners). For the rudder and anchor which required harder
material, kundian wood, which was grown in Guangdong and Southeast Asia was used.
Wood for the mast was the most carefully selected, natural fir trees from Fujian aged 80 or
more were generally used. The craftsmen constructed the ships with the traditional
techniques and tools. The aim of the reconstruction experiment is to reveal the technical logic
of historical prototypes with similar techniques and environments.
Reconstruction experimental archaeology is an effective method to study history. The
replica will be on the trial voyage in same circumstance as it would have historically. Any
baseless conjecture must be expelled, quantitative investigations and tangible evidences
must be applied, as ship form essentially was the reflection of its wooden structure. This kind
of historical study should be based on concrete practice rather than soely on documentation
studies, and should avoid in interfusion by knowledge of modern naval architecture as a
result like previous Zhenghe treasure ship study20.
Modular systems are an important and traditional method in naval architecture. Modular
system use the length of the keel or deck beam as the base structure. The Ganzeng
reconstruction applied this system. This kind of traditional design uses lengths instead of
angles as the measurement, which embodies the character of Chinese old math. The
principle and method of design can not be understood until all the modulus are grasped. This
is the essence of the technical logic in Chinese shipbuilding.
The only way to preserve traditional technique is to conduct it. Reconstruction of ship
remains is the rescue solution of heritage preservation. The rise of tourism at the sea may
19

Xu Lu, 2006. The Naval Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sailing Junks, an Overview.

20

Chen Yanhang, Yang Qiuping, Chen Xiao, 1986. A Study For The Peplica Of Zheng He’s Treasure Ship. Ship
History Studies, Vol. 1986 (2).
10

�open a new space for the need of Chinese traditional sailboat. At the same time the resource
of craftsmen continues.
5.2 Discussions
Reconstruction of ship remains must be based on archaeological and historical evidences,
integrated with methods of ship design and building acquired from ethnographic field work in
traditional shipbuilding centres. The organization of all the resultant studies is the important
part of reconstruction experiments. Some academic studies collect and sort domestic
navigation documents of Chinese history, however the documents scattered in libraries and
museums aboard have been neglected. To improve the effectiveness of retrievers and
studies a visual database of documents organized by database including images and
available on the internet need to be created. Classification could be according to use, time,
region and type.
Unlike shipbuilding of other indigenous areas, Chinese shipbuilding traditions changed
little through time, and the last capable traditional shipbuilders are still alive. Western
classifying studies of Chinese sailboats in the early of 20th century are just based on field
investigations and interviews with the successors of traditional naval architecture. Projects
need promptly undertake field investigation, with the case of the Manchuria railway being a
precise and standard model of these studies.
The terminology of traditional shipbuilding and navigation is usually passed on orally, and so
are not always recorded in documents, and now some of have no equivalent word.
Furthermore, the meanings of the words have changed through time and place. This
continues to puzzel both Chinese and Western scholars21. Through the interviews we can
distinguish the dialect, this must be the first step to syncronizing traditional andmodern-day
terms. And the glossary of Chinese terms relevant to traditional Fujian junk should be
authorized and translated to English and other languages for better communication.
Besides the basic works mentioned above, the index of drawings, photos and models of
traditional Chinese sailing junks need to be done, with the documents stored aboard copied
and sorted. For example, the neglected series drawings made in Guangzhou in 19th century
collected by Victoria and Albert Museum are the best illustrations of Western scholar’s
classification. The scripts of François-Edmond Pâris22, Louis Audemard23, Etienne Sigaut24,
Barbosa Carmona25 still have no Chinese versions, and some of them even have no English
versions. These translation works are urgently needed.
21

There is an old adage in Fujian province that “Master of a particular shipyard builds ships exclusive to that
shipyard.” Even in southern Fujian and speak idiographic Minnan dialect, different township have their own
glossary system.

22
23

Musee de la Marine, 1992. Le voyage de la Favorite. Paris.
L.Audemard, 1957,1959,1960,1962,1963,1965,1969,1970a,1970b. Les Jonques Chinoises, (10 volumes),

Museum voor Land- en Volkenkund en Maritiem Museum Prins Hendrik, Rptterdam.
Etienne Sigaut (1887-1983) spent more than thirty years in China to investigate South Chinese junks since
1911, his manuscript and sketch however, have never been published and remain in National Maritime
Museum of France.
25
Artur Leonel Barbosa Carmona, 1990. Lorchas,Juncos E outros Barcos no sul da China, repaint Museu e
24

Centro de Estudos Maritimos de Macau.
11

�The current experimental reconstruction project is the replica of a 10 meter length, later
19th century to early 20th century, Fujian style sea-going sailing junk. The original ship came
from the manuscript on Junk-building of the Zheng Family of Haicheng in Zhangzhou in early
Republican Period (1937). The detailed redesign was made by an 88 year-old master
shipbuilder named Zheng Liangzhao. We aim to reconstruct this double-masted sailing junk
for a trial voyage so as to grasp the sail manipulation methods and the navigation techniques
which unavailable in any documents.

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Anonymous.,
middle 18th
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Anonymous.,
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Views of 18th Century China Costumes,History, Custom.
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Xie Ying Zhan Shao Chuan Zhi Tu Ji) , manuscript.
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edition. reprint Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House,
Shanghai.
Anonymous.,
The Regius Formula of Jiangsu River and Sea Going
1719
Warships (Qin Ding Jiang Su Sheng Wai Hai Zhan Chuan Ze
Li), collected by The National Science library, Beijing.
Audemard, L.,
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13

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History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia</text>
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                <text>As one of the most important instruments of production in ancient time, ships are a complicated and systematic carrier. To study their uses one could broach the subjects of naval architecture, art of seamanship, fishing production, social function of trade and navy, and its anthropological meaning as a special settlement . With respect to naval architecture our study divided it into the following: shipform, structure and principle of design.&#13;
&#13;
The method of experimental archaeology ship-reconstructions first in the late half of the last century in Europe. Initial endowment by the Danish National Research Foundation reconstructed a Viking ship. This methodology involves archeology, ancient documentation, and ethno-archaeological investigation of the same culture-tradition of shipbuilding. In this way, ancient ships can be restituted, rebuilt, and understood. &#13;
&#13;
Chinese junks had adopted the bamboo strip sail in the Western Han dynasty (B.C.206â€”A.D.220). This tool was still in use in the Early Qing Dynasty (1644-1799) as evidenced by the Ganzeng warship. However, archaeologists have not found tangible evidence and are unclear on its structure and manufacturing methods.&#13;
&#13;
Nautical archaeology had never carried out an experiment on replica and reconstruction according to ancient navigation environment perspectives. The reconstruction of Ganzeng warship from the Early Qing Dynasty was based on the study of historic documents, integrated with methods of ship design and building traditions acquired from the ethnographical field work in Fujian province. This was the first full scale experimental anthropology reconstruction project in China. the design principle and method began with the preliminary sorting of the modular system of construction that was largely based on the study of the transverse watertight bulkhead, mast base structure, and the axis helm that can lift and swing bamboo strip sail. &#13;
&#13;
From this project we concluded that experimental reconstruction of ship remains is the only effective means to preserve the Chinese junk heritage. Furthermore, in this paper we introduce the use of modern technology and research tools used in experimental archaeology of ship remains.&#13;
&#13;
Key words: experimental archaeology, reconstruction sailing ship, ship remain, Ganzeng, naval architecture. Xu Lu&#13;
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                    <text>Monitoring Technology during the Consolidation of Waterlogged wood Cultural Relics
Jiajun Wang (National Center for Archaeology, Ph.D.)
Naisheng Li* (National Center for Archaeology, Ph.D.)
Jing Du (National Center for Archaeology, Miss.)
Xuanwei Zhang (Maritime Silk Road Museum of Guangdong, Mr.)
ABSTRACT
Waterlogged wood cultural relics often need consolidation before drying to prevent shrinkage and cracking of
the object. Polyethylene glycol (PEG), as one of the commonly used consolidating agents, is widely used in
archaeological wood consolidation. The moderately degraded archaeological wood samples from the Nanhai
No.1 shipwreck, were treated with PEG solution in equipment with the simultaneous incorporation of
consolidant spray and immersion. In order to monitor the effect of consolidation, this study analysed the
morphological structure, chemical structure, water states, and water content of untreated and PEG-treated
archaeological wood. Herein, non-destructive methods involved an ultra-depth-of-field three-dimensional video
microscope, attenuated total refraction Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (ATR-FTIR), and low-field
nuclear magnetic resonance (LF-NMR). Results showed that the band at 3400 cmâˆ’1 reduced notably after PEG
spray and immersion and the content of free water utilizing LF-NMR analysis was related to the amount of PEG
impregnation. These values had the potential to monitor and assess the consolidation of waterlogged wood
cultural relics, which suggested the PEG 2000 solution is better than either immersion or spray treatment, while
the PEG 4000 solution is more suitable for immersion treatment. During the conservation process, the
consolidation condition can be preliminarily assessed by using non-destructive testing methods, which helps to
adjust the protection method in time.
Keywords: waterlogged archaeological wood, spray, immersion, PEG
List of figures
Figure 1 Diagrammatic drawing of PEG 2000 and PEG 4000 spray and immersion on archaeological wood
samples.
Figure 2 Morphological structure of untreated and PEG-treated archaeological wood samples under an
ultra-depth-of-field three-dimensional video microscope. (a) untreated, (b) PEG 4000s, (c) PEG 4000i.
Figure 3 The ATR-FTIR spectra of untreated and PEG-treated archaeological wood samples.
Figure 4 Transverse relaxation time of untreated and PEG-treated archaeological wood samples. (a) untreated,
(b) PEG 2000s, (c) PEG 2000i, (d) PEG 4000s, (e) PEG 4000i.

INTRODUCTION
In recent years, ancient shipwrecks such as the Nanhai No.1 shipwreck and Changjiangkou No.2
shipwreck have been salvaged one after another. Waterlogged archaeological wood will degrade to
different degrees in a burial environment, resulting in increased pores in the wood tissue and decreased
mechanical strength (Broda and Hill 2021; Huang et al. 2019). After excavation, dehydration is
necessary for the preservation of waterlogged archaeological wood because the presence of water will
accelerate the deterioration of the wood and affect its dimensional stability In this process,
waterlogged archaeological wood from different preservation conditions is prone to shrinkage
deformation, warping and cracking, and even collapse and damage. Thus, consolidants have been
developed to avoid shrinkage deformation of wood relics, such as polyethylene glycol (PEG),
polyethylene glycols, grease, polymeric reagents, halloysite nanotubes, natural compounds, and sugars
(Han et al. 2022; Lisuzzo et al. 2020; Broda 2020; Walsh-Korb and AvÃ©rous 2019). PEG, due to being
cheap, nontoxic, easy-to-use, and with relatively better dimensional stability enhancement than some
other options, has been widely used in the cases of the Vasa, Mary Rose, Batavia and Bremen Cog and
as consolidant for countless other waterlogged wood relics (SandstrÃ¶m et al. 2005; Hocker, Almkvist,
and Sahlstedt 2012; Hoffmann et al. 2004).
There are two main ways to conserve waterlogged shipwrecks, one is to disassemble and soak wood
items individually, and the other is to protect the shipwreck as a whole. Disassembly immersion is the
1

�most widely used protection method at present. However, the conservation of a complete shipwreck
without disassembly can avoid damaging the hull structure and reduce the damage to individual
artefacts during protection or reassembly. In China, ancient wood shipwrecks usually are excavated
archaeologically with artefacts recovered item by item. In 2007, the Nanhai No.1 shipwreck was
recovered as a whole (Yongjie 2008), it is the preferred choice to undertake conservation without
disassembly for display. While smaller shipwrecks can potentially be protected by immersion, for
larger shipwrecks it is difficult to adopt the same method. For larger shipwrecks such as Vasa and
Mary Rose, spray protection was chosen. To adjust the conservation treatment for optimal outcomes,
methods need to be used to monitor the effects of consolidation during the conservation of
archaeological wood.
Wood is a kind of natural hygroscopic material, and its environmental regulation ability, dimensional
stability, and physical and mechanical properties are closely related to the water in wood cells. During
the consolidation and dehydration processes, the research of chemical structure and water states is of
great significance to elucidate the physical and mechanical properties of archaeological wood and
guide the processing and utilization of wood products. Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR)
with attenuated total reflection mode (ATR) is frequently used to assess the condition of wood decay
and evaluate PEG amount in consolidated waterlogged archaeological wood due to its speediness and
sensitivity, it is also non-destructive. The lateral relaxation characteristics of water in the wood drying
process were investigated based on the low-field nuclear magnetic resonance (LF-NMR) technique,
for the purpose of explaining the change mechanism of the water states in archaeological wood
dehydration and to provide a theoretical basis and data support for wood drying and water treatment.
The study of the transverse relaxation of water in wood by LF-NMR provides a new idea for studying
the interaction between wood and water. There were three water states in wood, namely free water,
adsorbed water, and capillary water (Ma et al. 2017). As the water in waterlogged archaeological wood
is replaced by consolidating agents, the water states in archaeological wood vary.
In summary, it is necessary to monitor the structure and performance of archaeological wood in the
consolidation process, to evaluate the efficacy of consolidation. In this study, samples from Nanhai
No.1 shipwreck were sprayed and immersed using an aqueous PEG 2000 and PEG 4000 solution, and
then the morphological structure, chemical structure, water states, and water content were tested and
analysed, to propose a pathway for the evaluation of consolidation effect of wood cultural relics.
CASE STUDIES
The case studies under consideration are determining the indicators to monitor and evaluate the effect
of consolidation by data analysis, including the morphological structure, chemical structure, water
states, and water content.
RESOURCES
PEG treatment
The resources available to conduct the work include the data on structure and properties collected from
waterlogged wood cultural relics of the Nanhai No.1 Shipwreck. In this study, the moderately
degraded waterlogged archaeological wood of the same species was selected. Equipment with the
simultaneous incorporation of consolidant spray and immersion was designed, as shown in Figure 1.
The device guarantees that the archaeological wood was treated with the consolidation solution which
had the same viscosity and density. The consecutive dilutions method prepared a series of PEG 2000
and PEG 4000 solutions with increasing concentrations from 30 wt% to 35 wt%. The wood relics were
sprayed and immersed using an aqueous PEG 2000 and PEG 4000 solution, respectively.

2

�Figure 1 Diagrammatic drawing of PEG 2000 and PEG 4000 spray and immersion on archaeological wood samples.

Ultra-depth-of-field three-dimensional video microscope
The surfaces of untreated and PEG-treated archaeological wood samples were cut by a rotary
microtome assisted with a tungsten steel blade. The cross-section pictures of samples were obtained by
the ultra-depth-of-field three-dimensional video microscope, VHX-2000 (Keyence Co., Ltd., Japan).
ATR-FTIR spectroscopy analysis
To illustrate the changes in the chemical structure of untreated and PEG-treated archaeological wood,
samples were collected by direct transmittance using ATR-FTIR (Perkin Elmer Inc., USA) through 32
scans at a resolution of 4 cmâˆ’1 ranging from 700 to 4000 cmâˆ’1. Each sample was tested with at least 3
replicates. The ATR-FTIR spectra of the samples were baseline corrected.
Water content calculation
All samples' water content was measured using a drying oven under 103Â°C. An electronic-analytical
balance (A&amp;D Co., Ltd., Guangzhou, China) with a precision of 0.001 g was used for the
measurement. The mass of samples was recorded before and after drying, and then the water content
of untreated and PEG-treated archaeological wood samples was calculated via the following equation.
ð‘Šð‘Žð‘¡ð‘’ð‘Ÿ ð‘ð‘œð‘›ð‘¡ð‘’ð‘›ð‘¡ =

ð‘Šâˆ’ð‘Š0
ð‘Š0

Ã—100%

where W (g) is the specimen weight before drying, and W0 (g) is the specimen weight after drying.
LF-NMR analysis
LF-NMR parameters were tested using an NMI20 spectrometer (Niumag Co., Ltd., Suzhou, China).
By measuring the archaeological wood of the LF-NMR signal and deconvoluting it, the distribution of
transverse relaxation time (T2) is determined using the Carr-Purcell-Meiboom-Gill decays.
RESULTS
The results reveal that the morphological structure, chemical structure, water content, and water states
had the potential for evaluating the consolidation effect of waterlogged archaeological wood.
Morphological structure
The softwood, Pinus spp. was predominant in the Nanhai No.1 shipwreck (Li et al. 2022). Tracheids in
cross-sections were mostly long-sided, square, and polygonal. Some cell walls had been deformed,
3

�indicating that there was a slight shrinkage of the waterlogged archaeological wood selected in this
study, with deterioration likely caused by humidity change. PEG was physically filled into the cell
lumens of archeological wood. The morphological structure of archeological wood samples was
characterized by an ultra-depth-of-field three-dimensional video microscope. Figure 2 shows the
cross-sections of untreated and PEG-treated archeological wood samples in the same magnification.
There was a great difference in penetration between spray (PEG 4000s) and immersion treatment
(PEG 4000i) using the same concentration of the consolidant solution. For waterlogged wood samples
treated with consolidant solution spray, PEG 4000 had only filled in some tracheids. When the
archeological wood was soaking in PEG 4000, it was evident that thick PEG 4000 had attached to the
tracheid walls of the specimens. Compared with spray treatment, PEG4000 consolidant is penetrated
into the wood more easily by immersion treatment. In order to improve the spray filling and
reinforcement effect of large-size wood relics, the treatment time should be extended and the number
of sprinklers should be increased to ensure the uniformity of spray. Further experiments are needed for
the spray-filling reinforcement technology of waterlogged wood relics which have different sizes and
shapes, especially for large shipwrecks.

Figure 2 Morphological structure of untreated and PEG-treated archaeological wood samples under an
ultra-depth-of-field three-dimensional video microscope. (a) untreated, (b) PEG 4000s, (c) PEG 4000i.

Chemical structure
Figure 3 shows the FTIR spectra of untreated, PEG2000-treated archaeological wood samples through
spray (PEG 2000s and PEG 4000s) and immersion (PEG 2000i and PEG 4000i), to assess changes in
the chemical structure. In all archaeological wood samples, the ratios between lignin and holocellulose
(1374 cmâˆ’1 and 1158 cmâˆ’1) were often selected to determine its preservation status, while this study
mainly analysed the influence of PEG treatment (Fejfer et al. 2022). The spectrum of PEG-treated
wood samples was different from that of untreated wood samples. The region of 3800 cmâˆ’1~3200 cmâˆ’1
belongs to the Oâˆ’H stretching vibration peak, and the free hydroxyl group affects the dimensional
stability. After PEG spray and immersion, the band at 3400 cmâˆ’1 related to the stretching vibration of
hydroxyl reduced notably in archaeological wood, contributing to improving the dimensional stability
of archaeological wood, which was consistent with previous research results (Liu et al. 2022).

4

�Figure 3 The ATR-FTIR spectra of untreated and PEG-treated archaeological wood samples.

Water states
LF-NMR was performed on the samples to further analyse the water states in the untreated and
PEG-treated archaeological wood. Multiple components of water molecules and PEGs in PEG/water
mixtures can be quantified, and also the mobility of each component can be characterized through a
multiexponential inversion algorithm of the T2 of PEG/water mixtures (Wu et al. 2012). As shown in
Figure 4a, four proton components are found in untreated archaeological wood, assigned to T21, T22,
T23, and T24, respectively, which are considered to be the water in and on the cell wall, and the water in
the vessel lumens. In addition, the area of the first peak at about 0.1 ms, which accounted for about
0.02%, represents the total amount of adsorbed water. The second and third fractions are capillary
water in the wood cell cavity. Free water T24 with a relaxation time higher than 100 ms is attributed to
flowing water, accounting for about 27.98% of the total signal. The waterlogged wood is similar to
modern wood. The closer the binding of water to wood, the shorter the transverse relaxation time.
Conversely, the less adsorbed water is, the longer the transverse relaxation time will be (Li and Ma
2021). Thus, the existence and variation of water in wood can be revealed by measuring its lateral
relaxation peak.
As to archaeological wood treated by PEG spray or immersion, five transverse relaxation peaks can be
seen in Figure 4b to Figure 4e. After PEG treatment, a new fraction at around 1 ms occurs in PEG
2000s, PEG 2000i, PEG 4000s, and PEG 4000i. This is due to PEG filling in the wood tracheids. By
calculating the respective relaxation peak area in the decay curves of the relaxation signal, the content
of water in different states of archaeological wood can be qualitatively analysed. The adsorbed water
content of PEG-treated samples was slightly higher than that of waterlogged archaeological wood
because PEG displaced some of the water in the archaeological wood. However, the content of
capillary water in the samples is the most dominant, and the second is free water. Compared with the
samples treated by spray and immersion, more PEG was filled in the archaeological wood treated by
immersion (PEG 2000i and PEG 4000i). To increase the molecular weight of PEG from 2000 to 4000,
the capillary water content was decreased while the free water content was increased when using the
same treatment, as shown in Figure 4b to Figure 4e. A likely reason for the result lies in the viscosity
of the PEG solution. PEG 2000 diffuses into wood voids more easily than PEG 4000. Therefore, it is
necessary to improve the impregnation rate of PEG 4000 by increasing the ambient temperature or
processing time. The content of bulk content in PEG 4000i achieved the highest value, accounting for
5

�about 70% (Figure 4d). Water content can also confirm the amount of PEG filling (Figure 4f), showing
that more water in the wood is replaced by PEG by immersion.

Figure 4 Transverse relaxation time of untreated and PEG-treated archaeological wood samples. (a)
untreated, (b) PEG 2000s, (c) PEG 2000i, (d) PEG 4000s, (e) PEG 4000i, (f) Water content.

As filling proceeded, the positions of the relaxation peak for free water shifted right continuously,
indicating the average transverse relaxation time for free water was gradually shorter. The PEG 2000
solution is better as either an immersion or spray treatment because of its lower molecular weight and
solution viscosity. However, the PEG 4000 solution is more suitable for immersion treatment. This
suggests that the filling reinforcement method needs to be selected according to the type of
impregnation solution. In addition, LF-NMR, as a nondestructive testing analysis technique, can be
used to qualitatively monitor the water state in saturated archaeological wood, especially the
transverse relaxation time, T24, which represents the free water in archaeological wood. In addition, the
consolidation condition can be assessed by using the above non-destructive testing methods during the
conservation process.
CONCLUSION
In this study, sample preparation methods of PEG 2000 and PEG 4000 solution spray and immersion
for moderately degraded archaeological wood were explored. According to the results, the relative
intensity of the band at 3400 cmâˆ’1 obtained from ATR-FTIR spectra and the content of free water
utilizing LF-NMR analysis had the potential to monitor and assess the consolidation of waterlogged
wood cultural relics. The results themselves, suggested PEG 2000 solution is a better consolidant for
using either immersion or spray treatment, while the PEG 4000 solution is more suitable for
immersion treatment. During the conservation process, the consolidation condition can be assessed by
using non-destructive testing methods, i.e., ATR-FTIR and LF-NMR, which helps to adjust the
protection method in time.
Acknowledgments
We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Juan Guo, Xin Gao, and Yang Lu from Chinese Academy of Forestry.

6

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7

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archaeological wood consolidation. The moderately degraded archaeological wood samples from the Nanhai&#13;
No.1 shipwreck, were treated with PEG solution in equipment with the simultaneous incorporation of&#13;
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                    <text>Medieval Ships of East Asia Illustrated in Goryeo Dogyeong
Jin Ho-shin (National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
The paper focuses on the ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia. Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong1 illustrates
the early period of Goryeo, a time that lacks of historical records. The book contains information of official ships
that envoys took and private ships in Song dynasty. It details their shape, weight, length, passenger capacity, and
ship accessories. Illustrations include a patrol vessel, official vessel, Songbang 2 , Makseon 3 , hhaeseon 4 , etc.,
according to the regions and usages of Korean shipping. The study is carried out by analyzing features of official
and private ships represented in Goryeo Dogyeong, comparing them to features of hhinese ships and their
accessories recovered from underwater, and figuring out their scantling lists. Also, usages and measurements of
ships in the Goreyo period represented in the historical records, such as Songbang and Makseon, were compared
with shipwrecks discovered underwater.
The research on ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia is expected to flourish information of vessels in
the early Goryeo period (918–1392 hE) as well as vessels in Song dynasty (960-1279 hE). Similarities and
differences are in the vessels of the Middle Ages discovered from underwater of East Asia. The research is focused
on analyzing types and features of vessels used at that period, according to the countries and regions, based on
Goryeo Dogyeong.
Keywords: Gwanseon, Songbang, Goryeo Dogyeong, Sunseon

INTRODUCTION
This paper is about ships of East Asia in the twelfth century. Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong
contains abundant data on ships of the time when historical data on early Goryeo period is scarce.
Therefore, the ships of the Song Dynasty in Goryeo Dogyeong correspond to Shenzhou ships and
Kezhous ships that the envoys took and it contains lots of information on Chinese ships in the twelfth
century. In addition, the Goryeo ships that appeared at the reception ceremony for the delegation on
June 6, 1123 CE, when Seogeung and a party of envoys from Song arrived at Gunsan Island, were
Sunseon, Gwanseon, Songbang, and Makseon. It would have basically taken the form of a Hanseon5.
So far, researches on sunken ships such as Wando shipwreck, Dalido shipwreck, Anjwa shipwreck,
Taean shipwreck and Mado shipwreck excavated from the seas of Korean Peninsula were conducted
mainly in terms of the information on Korean ships during Goryeo period; but it seems that various
kinds of ships existed given the Korean ships mobilized for the welcoming ceremony at Gunsando in
Goryeo Dogyeong. Therefore, this paper examines various kinds of ships utilized on the Korean
Peninsula in the early Goryeo period (918–1392 CE) through the records of Goryeo Dogyeong in
addition to Kezhous ships that the envoys took from Song Dynasty in 1123 CE.

1
2
3
4
5

Full name of Goryeo Dogyeong
Big vessel made up of bamboos
Vessel closed by curtains
Vessel used for the performance
Korean ship
1

�SHIPS OF GORYEO ILLUSTRATED IN GORYEO DOGYEONG
Sunseon (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Sunseon is a flat-bottomed ship, which has very simple structure as it is said that a mast was erected in
the middle, there was no boathouse on the deck, and only oars and rudder. Ten Sunseon were at the
gateway to the northern island of Seonyoodo from Namhaemun gate between southern island of
Seonyoodo and Munyeodo. It seems that Sunseon was a ship that local officials near Gunsando used to
welcome envoys and for regular tours of the jurisdiction. Judging from the fact that there is only one
mast on the deck and no pavilion, it is presumed to be a Goryeo ship used as a ship for sailing with the
size of Chonmaseon or small flat-bottomed ship. It seems that the ships were mobilized from the nearby
area for welcoming and escorting envoys.
Gwanseon (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Gwanseon has a pavilion covered with a roof on the deck and there were doors and windows below
them. There were handrails around the deck and the place prepared by connecting the crossbar (yoke)
to the plate to stretch it to the outside and deck is wider than lower plate. The hull did not have plate6
and it is considered that the bent log was fixed like a wedge by straightening it (to the left and right
plates).
On the bow is a wheel for winding the anchor line and a large mast was on the deck. One-fifth of the
uppermost sail was laid out (punched) without stitching and it is for the preparation of the sailing against
the wind. When envoys enter the territory of Goryeo, more than ten ships called Jeopban, Seoneon,
Gwangu, and Gongju come from the east. The size is the same, but the tent was installed only on
Jeopbanseon.
Ships in the records of the Goryeo Dynasty included the Nuseon and the Gwaseon as Gunseon and the
Chomaseon and the Pyeongjeoseon as Jowoonseon. There are no detailed records about the size,
structure, and decoration of the ship including the mast. However, the following records provide some
relevant detail:
1. There is a record of ‘增治舟舸百餘艘, 大船十數, 各方十六步, 上起樓櫓, 可以馳馬’ in the
Goryeosa. In History of Ships by Kim Jae-geun, the size of Nuseon was measured about 30 meters in
length.
2.
In
the
record
of
Goryeosa,
‘定十二倉,
漕船之數,
石頭·通陽·河陽·永豐·鎭城·芙蓉·長興·海龍·海陵·安興, 各船六艘, 並哨馬船, 一船載一千石.
德興二十艘, 興元二十一艘, 並平底船, 一船載二百石.’ is mentioned, which means 160,000 kg can
be loaded on one Chomaseon and 32,000 kg can be on one Pyeongjeoseon.
3. In the Japanese historical record of Shoyuki (1019 CE), the tenth year of King Hyeongjong that a
Japanese woman captured by pirates was rescued by Goryeo naval forces and returned to Japan: ‘Goryeo
ships had four oars on left and right sides respectively and there were seven to eight oars on one side
and various tools and weapons were stored in the middle of the ship. It was said that there were five to
six boatmen and 20 soldiers on the ship. In addition, it was recorded that a horn made of iron was
attached to the front of the battle ship. Some information was described incorrectly from the perspective
of a woman who does not have professional knowledge on ship and some characters are hard to interpret,
limiting correct understanding of the information but what is clear is that it refers to Gwaseon of Goryeo.
‘上爲茅蓋, 下施戶牖’ in Goryeo Dogyeong mentions Gwanseon refers to post of Panokseon in Joseon
period, which refers to Nuseon in the Goryeo historical record. As mentioned in the first reference above,
6

Bulkhead, in the case of hhinese ships, attached outer plates by making a number of watertight compartments
2

�the full length is about 30 meters. However, it is considered to be Nuseon with simple post structure on
the deck as there was no description on the structure of upper deck of Panokseon in Joseon period.
In Goryeo Dogyeong, it is said that ‘six ships carrying soldiers escort envoy ships’ so Gwanseon recorded
by Seogeung is Gwaseon of Goreyo.
Songbang (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Songbang is a ship of Gunsando. It has straight bow and stern and there are five cabins covered with a
belt and there were small rooms on the front and back sides. A table and shade were placed. At the center
was silk mat situated, which is the most splendid. Only high-ranking officials could be on that place.
In the record of history of Korean ships, there was no information on Songbang and it is shown only in
Goryeo Dogyeong. While Segeung used ‘船’ to describe Suncheon, Gwanseon and Markseon, he used
‘舫’ which is very unfamiliar for Songbang. Given the type of record in Goryeo Dogyeong, given the
fact that ‘船’ was used to consider functions and operation of the ship, ‘松’ and ‘舫’ should be considered
separately.
First of all, ‘舫’ is called a double-hulled ship in the Chinese dictionary and it is described as
‘舫就是一種將兩船併爲一體的單體船’ in the ancient shipbuilding section of the Fujian Provincial
Agency for Cultural Affairs. It is interpreted to be a single ship that combines two ships. And in the
painting of Nakshinbudo drawn by Gao Ji in the Song Dynasty, a picture of a painting in the Eastern Jin
Dynasty, and it is a ‘double-body ship’.
Then, it is a question of what meaning the ‘松’ character has. The connection between the pine tree ‘松’
and the pear is not immediately connected. If so, Seogeung called Songbang ‘a ship from Gunsando’
and it is reasonable to assume that this word was made for a one-time event to suit the purpose of the
event.
Therefore, Songbang can be considered as a ship specially designed for welcoming ceremony in
Gunsando for high-ranking officials from Song Dynasty. Likely a double body ship, where two flatbottomed ships are connected with broad deck for the convenience of the highest-ranking officials. In
addition, Chaebang shown in the drawings of Gunsando are a kind of Songbang, which is more specially
decorated. There is a painting called Feast for Pyeongyang Governor in Joseon period and it shows the
feast for Pyeongyang governor together with citizens on the background of Daedonggang River and
Pyeongyangseong. At that time many ships and people on the ship were drawn in the order of the social
ranking and ranking of government officials. On the back of the largest ship a main character is located
at the center, there is a ship where three ships are connected and three people rowing. This ship can be
recorded with the Chinese character ‘舫’.
Makseon (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Makseons are placed on all three islands, and middle and lower ranking envoys are carried on them. The
roof was made of blue cloth at the top, and poles were used as pillars at the bottom, and the four corners
were each tied with colored strings. It is a ship decorated with a design with four pillars erected on the
deck of the ship and covered with a blue cloth roof. The three islands refer to Gunsando, Mado, and
Jayeondo, which were anchored during the course from the time Seogeung and his party entered the
Goryeo Sea to the Yeseonggang River.

3

�CHINESE SHIP ILLUSTRATED IN GORYEO DOGYEONG
Specifications and structure of Kezhou
Transportation with the Korean Peninsula was blocked by Liao and Jin during the Northern Song
Dynasty (960–1279 CE), so the transportation to Goryeo mainly used the sea route. In the fifth year of
Seonhwa (1123 CE), senior envoy No Yun-jeok and assistant envoy Bu Muk-gyeong rented and
remodeled Gaekseon to carry the government officials and attendants among the double boats built as
civilian ships in Fujian Province. Seogeung said, ‘Shenhou Ships and Kezhou Ships were similar in
terms of shape’, and recorded Kezhou as Gaekju. Gaekju is said to be ‘其長十餘丈, 深三丈,
闊二丈五尺’, and if you look at the specifications, it is about 31 m in length, about 9.3 m in height and
7.7 m in width. The depth of the ship is recorded at 9.3 m, which is a big difference compared to other
double ships of the same time.
1. Nanhai ship 1 of Song Dynasty was 30 m in length, 3.5 m in depth and 9.8 m in width
2. Shipwreck excavated from Cheonju in Song Dynasty (960–1279 CE) was 34 m in length, 4 m in
depth and 11 m in width
3. Sinan shipwreck from Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368 CE) was 34 m in length, 3.7 m in depth and 11 m
in width
4. Hai fanchuan (the escort ship for Ryukyu Kingdom) from Qing Dynasty (1644–1911 CE) was 30 m
in length, 3.5 m in depth and 7.4 m in width.
Kezhou of Seogueng, Nanhai shipwreck no. 1, Sinan shipwreck and Cheonju are double ships from the
same time with similar length and width but Gaekju has twice higher depth than other ships. That is
considered that Seogeung referred to the eight areas of stern.
Segeung used the word ‘division’ while explaining the internal structure of Kezhou. The word division
is used for dividing plane structure and lateral structure. Therefore, it is necessary to look at the spatial
division first. First of all, plane structure is divided as follows. From the bow are pointed area, square
area, mast place, area for tools for ships, area for food and area for water as well as crew room and room
for living goods, firing and weapons and wheelhouse. Side structure is divided at the lowest bottom,
stones, coins and windows were placed to put load for utilizing the space as ships’s blast. The second
floor was for crew activity space and the third floor had cooking room and place for storing mast, sail
and other items. The fourth floor was place for high-ranking officials such as senior envoy and assistant
envoy. According to the division mentioned in Goryeo Dogyeong, fire pit and water pot were placed in
the outer window on plane side and the first floor on the lateral perspective. The rooms for soldiers are
located on the second floor. There are four rooms on the second floor. It has double deck structure on
the third and fourth floor.
Accessory of Kezhou
At the center of the side pillars of the bow is a wheel and a rattan rope on top of it and its length is 500
cheok7. At the bottom is an anchor stone and both sides of the anchor stone had wooden anchor support.
If there is a big wave, Yujeong was added and the method of use is similar to that of Daejeong. It is
placed on the both sides of the anchor. While sailing, it is withheld by wheeling. At the stern of Kezhou
are small and large two wooden structures and they are changed depending on the depth of sea route.
Upon sailing in open ocean, two oars are lowered to the sea and this is called the third control. In addition,
large bamboo baskets were placed at the sides of the ship to block waves and water flowing into the

7

Measuring unit for length (1 cheock is similar to 30.3 cm)
4

�ship. Each ship has 10 oars. The main mast is about 10 jang8 in height and bow mast is about 8 jang in
length. When the wind is not strong, 50 pieces are spread and when there is a side wind Yibong sail is
used. The wind strength is controlled by adjusting the sail from left and right. When there is a mild wind,
Pobeom added to the top of the main mast is used. However, if there is a reverse wind from the front
side, the ship cannot move forward. After placing post, the wind direction is identified with bird’s feather,
which is called Oryang.
CONCLUSIONS
As explained above, there were various shapes and kinds of ships in East Asia in the twelfth century
based on Goryeo Dogyeong. Senzhou is Gwanseon made into big and splendid ship by Song Dynasty
(960-1279 CE) for diplomatic purpose and Kezhou was improvement of private vessel used in Zhesiang
and Fujian regions and used for envoy ships. The way of making Shenzhou and Kezhou seemed to
continue in the tradition of making Jeonghwaboseon in Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 CE) and Bongju
when envoy from Ming Dynasty went to other countries. The escort ship used when envoys from Song
Dynasty arrived included Gwaseon, Nuseon, Chomaseon and Pyeongjeosun which succeeded the
traditional Goryeo ship pattern. Seogeung expressed the shape of Nuseon and Gwaseon, utilized in
Gunsando as Gwanseon and expressed Chomaseon and Pyeongjeoseon as Sunseon. What is noteworthy
is Songbang and Chaebang. As explained earlier, Songbang is a special purpose ship for escort by
connecting two ships for spacious area. All Goryeo ships shown in Goryeo Dogyeong were Korean ships
that succeeded the tradition of Goryeo Ship and its style continued to Panokseon and Jowoonseon in
Joseon period (1392-1897 CE).
Bibliography
Primary sources
Goryeosa
The Goddess of the Luo River
Xuānhwafengshi Gaolitujing
Shoyuki
Celebrations for the Governor of Pyeong-an

Secondary sources
Kim, Jaegeun. A Study on History of Korean Vessels. Seoul: SNUPress, 1998 (In Korean).
Kim, Jaegeun. History of Korean Vessels. Seoul: SNUPress, 1999 (In Korean).
Kim, Jaegeun. Korean Vessels. Seoul: SNUPress, 2002 (In Korean).
Heo, Il., Kim, Seongjun., and Choi, Unbong. Chinese Vessels. Busan: Jeonmang (2005).
Jang, Seok., and Ban, Seokho. Comprehension of Ships. Ansan: Korea Ocean Research &amp; Development Institute (2002).
Mun, Gyung-Ho. Gunsando Island and Gunsanjeong Pavilion, As Seen in Goryeodogyeong, Journal of Local History and
Culture 18, no. 2 (2015): 1-73 (In Korean).
Mun, Gyung-Ho. The International Situation throughout the East-Asian Region in the 12th hentury and the Shenzhou’s Seaway
to Goryeo, Journal of Korean Medieval History 55, no. 55 (2018): 11-46 (In Korean).

8

Measuring unit for length (1 jang is similar to 3.03m)
5

�</text>
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                <text>Medieval Ships of East Asia Illustrated in Goryeo Dogyeong&#13;
</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>The paper focuses on the ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia. Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong1&#13;
illustrates&#13;
the early period of Goryeo, a time that lacks of historical records. The book contains information of official ships&#13;
that envoys took and private ships in Song dynasty. It details their shape, weight, length, passenger capacity, and&#13;
ship accessories. Illustrations include a patrol vessel, official vessel, Songbang2&#13;
 , Makseon3&#13;
 , hhaeseon4&#13;
 , etc.,&#13;
according to the regions and usages of Korean shipping. The study is carried out by analyzing features of official&#13;
and private ships represented in Goryeo Dogyeong, comparing them to features of hhinese ships and their&#13;
accessories recovered from underwater, and figuring out their scantling lists. Also, usages and measurements of&#13;
ships in the Goreyo period represented in the historical records, such as Songbang and Makseon, were compared&#13;
with shipwrecks discovered underwater.&#13;
The research on ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia is expected to flourish information of vessels in&#13;
the early Goryeo period (918–1392 hE) as well as vessels in Song dynasty (960-1279 hE). Similarities and&#13;
differences are in the vessels of the Middle Ages discovered from underwater of East Asia. The research is focused&#13;
on analyzing types and features of vessels used at that period, according to the countries and regions, based on&#13;
Goryeo Dogyeong.&#13;
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              <elementText elementTextId="6436">
                <text>Jin Ho-shin </text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>2023</text>
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                <text> Shin, Jin Ho. 2023. “Medieval Ships of East Asia Illustrated in Goryeo Dogyeong.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1956 </text>
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                    <text>Trading with an Agent: Shippers, Carriers and Investors involved in the trade of Shinan
ship
JINWOOK JO
Curator, Cultural Heritage Administration
ABSTRACT
In this paper, the archaeological materials salvaged from the Shinan shipwreck, a fourteenth century Chinese
mercantile ship that sank near Shinan islands of South Korea, will be analyzed through correlating the materials
found on the Shinan ship to the ancient export routes and manufacturing place of origins. In particular, the
locations of which the ship was found, as well as the potential trade routes it undertook, will be studied alongside
the items related to the export practices on the Shinan ship. The paper will start by referencing present recordings
related to the export location of Shinan archaeological relics recorded in various ways over the past 10 years,
such as the Shinan ship excavation report and the site drawings and catalogues of excavated archaeological
items. After aligning the reports, excavated items with relevant historical facts, the paper will proceed to the
analysis of the structure of the ship, of which the hull will be studied through three divided areas, spanning
through the structure of the hull and to the wooden log. Based on these standards, the paper argues that the
export points (i.e. locations of exporting of which the Sinan ship had passed by) can be studied by correlating the
quantity of various excavated materials found that are manufactured in those regions. The paper will also explore
the correlation between the results of such alignment and focus specifically on the export status and shipping
practices by analyzing the status of the wooden logs.
In terms of the overview of the Shinan ship area and its salvaged items, it is noted that many ceramic
relics were lifted from the site area in large quantities in all areas of the Sinan islands. Most salvaged artifacts
were mainly found in the center and stern of the hull. In addition, food items that appeared to be trade items were
being stored within brown glazed ware and earthenware. Meanwhile, many coins (A.D. 1~A.D. 14) and metal
tablets were found in the stern.
The paper recognized the above artifacts and is going to match these finds with the condition of the
wooden logs. For instance, almost all of the large-scale lifting of 'Gangsa (강사)' and 'Dongboksa (동복사)'
wooden logs were found in the stern. In the center of the hull, only the shipper's wooden log, which is generally
believed to have shipped small cargo, was found. Therefore, it is thought that large-scale shippers mainly
shipped coins and medicinal materials that were often stored at the stern, and small-scale shippers mainly
shipped ceramics and coins, of which the items were found at the center of the hull.
The paper will also mention that the trading export practice involved on the Shinan ship cargo would
have consisted of a person (captain and agent for shippers) on board at the Shinan ship, and a number of
investors who requested the purchase spaces offered in the cargo. The passengers would have been in charge of
purchasing and transporting the goods on behalf of a large number of investors. In addition, unlike Japan, which
consists of a large number of passengers and a large number of investors, the Yuan Dynasty side seems to have
been in charge of the purchase and transportation of products by a single subject called Gangsa. Therefore, it
seems that the instructor did not lease the ship for a price or simply take charge of navigation, but actively
participated in international trade with Kamakura.
Keywords: Agent trade, Shinan ship, Underwater archaeology, Gangsa, trade
List of Figures and Tables:
Table 1. Excavation areas by hull section of Shinan ship
Table 2. The status of the lifting of ceramics in each area
Table 3. Comparison of the current status of the lifting of ceramics in each area and the lifting of ceramics in
cargo compartment V
Table 4. Shipper classification by volume of wooden logs
Table 5. Shipper classification by volume of wooden logs
Table 6. Names and quantities of wooden logs found in the stern
Table 7. Contents and quantity of wooden logs found in the front.
Figure 1. Shinan ship hull sectional map
Figure 2. Major type of brown glazed pottery – large arcs
Figure 3. Major type of earthenware - four-eared arcs
Figure 4. Drawing of water tank of Shinan ship

1

�Ⅰ. INTRODUCTION
After the excavation of the Shinan ship, research conducted on the excavated materials has enabled us
to understand more about the shipping information of the ship. These information include departure
sites, shippers, shipping destinations and related trade points. However, the archaeological review of
the excavation itself remains incomplete. The main factor is that the excavation took place over a
decade and the results were not organized in a single form.
To continue with a more holistic approach to the infrastructure which supports trading activities via the
Shinan ship, the excavation location and quantity of Shinan ship's artifacts by location were
archaeologically reviewed. First, the excavated location of artifacts recorded in various ways over the
past 10 years. The records and drawings were integrated. After that, the hull was divided into three
areas through the structure of the hull and the wooden log. By area, the export points and quantity of
various relics were reviewed. Finally, the correlation between the results and the export status of
wooden logs was analyzed.
Ⅱ. REVIEW OF LOCATION OF THE SHINAN SHIP RELICS AND THE SECTION OF THE
EXCAVATION
1. Marking the location of Shinan ship 's artifacts and reviewing the remains drawings
The Shinan ship was excavated 12 times (including two confirmation surveys). A total of 22,040
artifacts were lifted, excluding coins, jagdan wood, and hull pieces that were difficult to accurately
identify1. The quantity of artifacts raised varies from report to report depending on the criteria. The
excavation was carried out by installing grids and lifting relics by grid. After some excavation, the grid
was demolished, and the hull under the grid was lifted.
Due to differences in the environment, the excavation of the Shinan ship used a method close to the Pit
method instead of horizontally and almost uniformly removing the entire remains little by little like
land excavation. The soil layer in a specific grid is removed until the hull is confirmed, and then the
next section is excavated. Afterwards, if the hull is confirmed, the soil layer is removed to the floor for
each cargo compartment, and then the exposed hull is lifted. Finally, the area under and around the hull
was searched.
Through this process, two problems occurred as the excavation progressed. The location of the relics
was not recorded with one unified standard. In addition, no drawings have been made that combine all
excavation areas into one.
So the problem of the legend was organized by taking only what can be confirmed and discarding the
rest, and based on this, the location of the export of relics was organized.
Excavation drawings also need to be supplemented. Until now, excavation drawings of Shinan ships
have been drawn without the port side (left side). In addition, as 12 excavations were carried out over
the past 10 years, not only the inside of the remaining hull and grid but also various external areas
were excavated. However, there are no drawings that incorporate them. Therefore, it is necessary to
integrate these external excavation areas into one drawing.
Considering these points, an integrated excavation drawing was prepared, including the restoration of
the hull of the Shinan ship.

1

The quantity of artifacts raised varies within the report according to the criteria.

2

�2. Hull structure and compartment through wooden table
There are various variables in the excavation of the Shinan ship, such as overlapping sections between
survey areas for each excavation or changing the reference point as the grid was removed during the
excavation. Therefore, it was virtually impossible to organize artifacts from all excavations based on
small areas such as grids and cargo bay numbers. Therefore, it is necessary to group the area where
relics are raised in the following drawings into several large areas. In general, the same criteria were
applied because the ship was divided into the front, stern, and midship of the ship.
The front can be easily partitioned. At the beginning of the excavation of the Shinan ship, it was
known that a total of nine bulkheads were inserted into the hull, and there were 10 cargo
compartments. However, during the excavation and restoration process, the two bulkheads on the
player's side were found to be meandering ribs. Therefore, all cargo compartments, including two
meandering ribs, can be divided into one cargo compartment.
The most suitable criterion for dividing the rest of the area is the wooden log, the waybill of the cargo.
In particular, almost all of the wooden logs found are found in the lower cargo compartment of the
hull, so the location of the lifting can be accurately checked.
There is a distinct tendency of wooden logs with the names of major cargo owners, such as as Gangsa
(강사) and Dongboksa (동복사) temple, were found concentrated in cargo compartments II to IV. In
addition to the two names, a considerable number of wooden tablets with various shippers' names were
also found. No wooden logs were identified in the I and V districts. In addition, wooden logs with
various shippers were found little by little in the section from Ⅵ to Ⅶ. Few wooden logs were found
in the Ⅹ~Ⅷ area. According to this trend, the areas I to IV and the area behind it correspond to the
stern.  The V-Ⅶ area is the center, and the Ⅷ-Ⅹ area and the area in front of it correspond to the front.
The quantity of artifacts lifted was collected for each divided area.
The problem is that even if divided by these criteria, there are grids and excavation areas that span
between each zone. However, the hull of the Shinan ship is tilted toward the front. The grid with more
areas overlapping the front side cargo compartment was included as the front area. Conversely, the
grid where more areas overlap in the cargo compartment on the stern side was included as the rear
area. The results are shown in Table 1 below.
Table 1. Excavation areas by hull section of Shinan ship
Front

Midship

Grid

D2, D3, E1, E2, E3, E5, E6,
F·G·H, F6S

D1, D4, D5, D6, E4, N, N1, N2,
N3, N6, A·B·C전부

N4, 5, M·O·P·Q·R

Cargo
compartmen
t

Ⅷ~Ⅹ, SⅧ外, SⅧ-Ⅸ 左外,
SⅨ, SⅩ, SⅨ-Ⅹ 左外, SⅩ外, A/L Ⅷ, A/L Ⅸ, A/L Ⅹ

Ⅴ~Ⅶ, SⅥ, A/LⅤ, A/L Ⅵ,
A/L Ⅶ

Ⅰ~Ⅳ

5D, 6-1H, 7G, 8E, F外, FX

4B, PNS, 9A, A外, B外, D外,
N外

MS, M6S, 10.0, 10, 1Q, 1-1Q,
2R, 3P, RZ, RZ外, O外, P外, Q
外, R3外, R6外, R外, M外

the outside
of the hull

Stern

According to these criteria, Table 2 above summarizes the overlapping sections on the drawing. Figure 1 summarizes the
results classified so far.

3

�Figure 1. Shinan ship hull sectional map

4

�III. REVIEW OF THE QUANTITY OF ARTIFACTS TO BE LIFTED IN EACH AREA
1.

Ceramics

The quantity raised by front/midship/stern was organized by type of relics. The amount of ceramic
produced among the relics is shown in Table 2 below. A total of 13,484 ceramics could be classified,
except that they were treated as unknown and that the location of the export could not be clarified.
Kind

Table 2. The status of the lifting of ceramics in each area
Front
Midship

Stern

Celadon

4052

1343

2663

Bluewhite porcelain

354

751

637

White porcelain

463

724

971

Black glazed pottery

198

21

42

Brown glazed
pottery

695

180

104

4

9

6

Homogeneous
glazed pottery

23

65

25

White glazed
pottery

-

-

4

Chen-mok

Earthenware

105

36

7

Setonai Plum Bottle

-

-

2

Total

5,894

3,129

4,461

The fact that many brown glazed pottery ware and earthenware, not other types, are exported from the
front is thought to suggest other possibilities, not loss. This can also be confirmed through the types of
brown glazed pottery and earthenware shipped on Shinan ships. Most of the brown glazed pottery
found are small arcs and large arcs. Most of the earthenware is large and medium-sized big four-eared
arcs. Generally, this type is used as a storage container for food. Therefore, it can be said that the upper
part of the front cargo compartment of the Shinan ship is a container that stores food on board or food
to be used for trade, and it can be said that brown glazed pottery and earthenware were mainly
shipped.

Figure 2. Brown glazed pottery – large arcs (left, center); Earthenware - four-eared arcs (right)

However, brown glazed pottery and earthenware were also found in the stern or the midship of the
hull. Therefore, I tried to distinguish where the food to be used in the voyage and the food for sale
were loaded on the hull, respectively. A large water tank was identified in Shinan ship cargo

5

�compartment V. Water is essential to cook food. Therefore, there must have been a cooking facility in
or near the cargo compartment V where the water tank was identified.
To confirm this, the quantity of relics exported from cargo compartment V was separately organized.
The sections that clearly correspond to cargo compartment V are as follows. A4, 5, 6, B4, M1, N2, 3,
6, N外, V, SV, A/L V. Table 3 below summarizes the quantity of ceramics raised in the above area and
those in other areas.
Table 3. Comparison of the current status of the lifting of ceramics in each area and
the lifting of ceramics in cargo compartment V
Kind

Front

Midship

Stern

Cargo compartment
V

Celadon

4052

1343

2663

571

Blue- white
porcelain

354

751

637

53

White porcelain

463

724

971

397

Black glazed
pottery

198

21

42

15

Brown glazed
pottery

695

180

104

105

Chen-mok

4

9

6

9

Homogeneous
glazed system

23

65

25

45

White glazed
pottery

-

-

4

-

Earthenware

105

36

7

13

Setonai Plum
Bottle

-

-

2

-

Total

5,894

3,129

4,461

1,208

In cargo compartment V, brown glazed pottery, homogeneous glazed system, and white porcelain were
found about half of the total amount of water discharged in the midship, and about 1/3 of the
earthenware was found. Therefore, it is believed that cargo compartment V contained some cargo and
food storage containers, and water tanks were installed on the left and right sides.
Water tank was installed left and right in the center of cargo compartment V.2 In fact, only the pedestal,
bottom plate, and part of the lower wall were lifted.

2

In fact, it was found only on the starboard side, but it is presumed that it was installed on both the left and the starboard side
because it was not balanced when installed on only one side, causing problems with resilience.

6

�Figure 4. Drawing of water tank of Shinan ship.

Since no trace of attaching a device such as a faucet to the bottom of the lifted water tank has been
identified, it seems that water was taken from the deck by drawing water from the well for now. If so,
it is highly likely that the cooking facility was also cooked in a structure separately installed on the
central deck above cargo compartment V. Therefore, some of the groceries would have been stored in
cooking facilities.
However, it is unlikely that all the groceries were stored on board. Given the size of the Shinan ship,
the amount and volume must have been significant because at least 50 people3 need food for about a
month4. Therefore, a considerable amount of groceries would have been stored in the cargo
compartment below the deck.
However, it is difficult to move between cargo compartments on the Shinan ship because the cargo
compartment is divided into partition walls. Therefore, sailors must open the deck above the bulkhead
and enter the cargo hold. Therefore, if the cooking facility was installed directly above the water tank,
food would also be stored in cargo compartment V.
3

Although the number of people on board varies from literature to scholar, it generally appears to be between 50 and 200,
and the minimum number of 50 people was selected to increase reliability.
4

When Seo Geung sailed to Goryeo, it took more than two weeks, departing on May 26 and arriving on June 12 by a
tailwind, and it took more than 40 days to return home. Therefore, it is believed that the Shinan ship prepared at least a
month's worth of food.

7

�Therefore, it is estimated that the fact that much more brown glazed pottery and earthenware are found
in the front than in the cargo compartment V where cooking facilities would have been installed means
that the items shipped to the front are likely to have been shipped as containers storing groceries for
trade.
2. Quantity of lifting of wooden logs by area
A large number of wooden logs were found on the Shinan ship, and the main records were the
shipper's name, date, type of cargo, and quantity. First, the lifting volume of wooden logs by hull area
was organized according to the shipper's name, and the types and quantities of cargo recorded in
wooden logs were compared with the situation of lifting relics by area.
As shown in &lt;Table 4&gt; below, the wooden logs of the lifting volume for each shipper's name was
divided into four stages: extra large, large, medium, and small. This is because the amount of lifting of
wooden logs varies significantly by shipper, 綱司(Gangsa), 東福寺(Dongboksa), 一田早米(Icida
Sayame), 八郞(Hachiro), 菊一(Kikuichi), and other shippers.
Volume

Table 4. Shipper classification by volume of wooden logs
Classification criteria (quantities)
Names in wooden logs

extra large

More than 100

綱司私

large

More than 30

東福寺

medium

More than 10

一田早米, 八郞, 菊一

small

Less than 10

others

Table 5 below summarizes the quantity of wooden logs exported from the front/midship/stern by the
size of the shipper.
Volume

Table 5. Shipper classification by volume of wooden logs
Stern
Midship

extra large

1

-

Front
1

large

1

-

-

medium

3

1

1

small

23

5

-

Among them, only the 綱司 and 菊一 wooden logs were found in two regions, stern and front.
However, the amount of lifting varies greatly by area. 綱司 wooden logs were found 106 in the stern
and only 4 in the front. 10 菊一 wooden logs were found in the stern and only one in the front. In the
center of the hull, only wooden logs, which correspond to five small shippers and one medium shipper,
were found.
This seems to mean the fact that the front, stern, and midship of the hull are separate loading spaces. In
particular, the stern and the center are clearly distinguished by the structure of the hull. The cargo
compartment on the stern side is connected to the cabin, and there are relatively few crew members
entering and leaving during the voyage. On the other hand, the central cargo compartment of the hull
is frequently accessed by sailors while sailing, and access is easy. Therefore, the cargo of the shipper
with relatively low status or low capital would have been shipped in the center of the hull.
Second, Table 6 summarizes the types of cargo among wooden logs lifted from the stern.5 Most of the
remaining wooden books not listed in the table had only the date recorded, and some of the others
were damaged or could not be checked.

5

What was found between Ⅷ and Ⅶ was incorporated into the stern because the Shinan ship sank while tilted to front

8

�Name on wooden log

Table 6. Names and quantities of wooden logs found in the stern
contents
volume

綱司私

七十三包六百內

45

綱司私

七十三包內

1

綱司私

二包內(行妙?)

1

綱司私

藥五種八十

1

東福寺

十貫公用

32

東福寺

大錢六貫

1

東福寺公物

大錢五貫

6

釣寂庵

十二文

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

陳皮五十五斤

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

大錢捌貫文(釣寂庵??)

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

~貫文??

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

十二貫子

1

(釣寂庵)至治三年

大捌貫文

1

一田早米

十貫

6

一田早米

大錢

2

一田早米

大錢五貫文

1

一田早米

大錢六貫文

4

一本

八貫五百?

1

八郞

大錢

2

とう二郞

大錢

2

松 菊得

十二貫

4

松 菊得

五貫十二貫文大錢

1

十貫文道阿於分

九十貫內

4

正悟

陳皮二十七斤

1

敎仙

十貫文

1

敎仙

十二貫文

1

敎仙

筥岐奉加십貫

1

(불명)勸進聖

筥岐奉加십貫

1

菊一(이하불명)

自分九百

2

妙行

十貫??

1

子哲

十一貫

1

得法

十貫文

1

福

四斗

11

(敎正??)

北米七斗

2

秀忍

十二貫文

1

敎仙

十貫文筥岐奉加錢

1

戒心

三斗

1

The names and quantity of wooden logs found in the front are shown in Table 7 below.
Table 7. Contents and quantity of wooden logs found in the front.
name
content

volume

綱司私

五月十一日

4

十貫菊一

?月?日

1

Except for one wooden log found in the front, all wooden logs that could identify the cargo were found
in the stern. In particular, no wooden log was found in the midship to identify cargo.

9

�It is quite meaningful that no coin-related wooden log was found in the center of the hull, where 6,783
kg, about 40% of the total coin volume, was found. In particular, considering that the coin is loaded
under the hull, which is not severely lost, not all wooden logs representing the shipper of the coin
would have been lost only in the center of the hull.
It is worth noting that none of the Gangsa's wooden logs indicates the possession of coins. The
contents of the cargo can be checked among the Gangsa's wooden logs, except for one ‘藥五種八十’
wooden log, all of which contain the letter "po (包)." In addition, only the date is recorded in the list of
Gangsa’s names. Therefore, the Gangsa would not have shipped any coins at all, or the entire coins
shipped in a particular cargo hold would have belonged to the Gangsa.
Of course, the coin loaded in the center of the hull may not belong to the Gangsa. It may be a public
cargo in the sense of corresponding to the Gangsa or Gangsa 'sa(means private)' However, most of the
wooden books with Dongboksa, which appear to be public cargo corresponding to the Gangsa6,
recorded the possession of coins. Therefore, the coin shipped in the center is thought to belong to the
Gangsa.
Of course, only the date recorded in the Gangsa's wooden logs may indicate the possession of the coin.
However, most of the wooden logs that are not those of the "Gangsa'' are written to imply that cargoes
such as "gwan (貫)" and "jeon (錢)" are coins. Therefore, it seems that the "Gangsa '' wooden log, in
which only the date is recorded, is intended to indicate that it is the shipper of separately packed cargo
such as wooden boxes, not coins. This is because if the "Gangsa '' wooden logs, which records only the
date, records the possession of the coin, there should be a word related to the coin as seen in other
wooden logs. Therefore, the coin in the center of the hull seems to belong to the "Gangsa''.
This also shows how the cargo shipped by the "Gangsa" was packaged and shipped. The list of
"Gangsa" can be divided into two categories: recording only the date and recording the contents such
as medicine and po (包). Among them, "medicine (藥)" appears to have been packaged in cloth,
boxes, or ceramics, "po (包)" is wrapped in cloth, and only the date recorded seems to have been
attached to the packaging in boxes or ceramics.
IV. CONCLUSION
As a result of classifying the status of the lifting of relics by the Shinan ship area, ceramic relics were
lifted in large quantities in all areas. Living artifacts were mainly found in the center and stern of the
hull. In addition, food items that appeared to be trade items were shipped to the front while being
stored in brown glazed ware and earthenware. On the other hand, many coins and metal tablets were
found in the stern.
In addition, almost all of the large-scale lifting of 'Gangsa' and 'Dongboksa' wooden logs were found
in the stern. Most of the wooden logs found in small quantities for each shipper were found in the
center of the hull. Therefore, it is thought that large-scale shippers mainly shipped coins and medicinal
materials to the stern, and small-scale shippers mainly shipped ceramics and coins to the center of the
hull.
It is unclear how many wooden logs have been lost, but it is possible to guess that at least thousands of
wooden logs have been lost. However, there are about 30 shippers who can be confirmed by letters or
symbols recorded on 320 wooden logs and several wooden boxes. However, it is estimated that more
than 40 times the number of wooden logs have been lost, even considering only the coins loaded on
the stern. Therefore, even considering the number of shippers of coins shipped to the stern, it is
6

All but one wooden book have a common character

10

�estimated that the number of shippers who shipped cargo to the Shinan ship far exceeds the maximum
number of people on board7, which is estimated to be about 200. It is therefore certain that the number
of shippers was much larger than the boarding capacity.
Therefore, the shipper of the Shinan ship cargo would have consisted of a person on board the Shinan
ship and a number of investors who requested the purchase of the cargo. The passengers would have
been in charge of purchasing and transporting the goods on behalf of a large number of investors. In
addition, unlike Japan, which consists of a large number of passengers and a large number of
investors, the Yuan Dynasty side seems to have been in charge of the purchase and transportation of
products by a single subject called Gangsa. It seems that the Gangsa 's economic power was that
strong, or that a nearly complete form of joint venture-agent trade was conducted, in which a large
number of investors invested only capital and allocated capital and profits if trade succeeded.
Alternatively, it may be in the form of receiving dividends in kind purchased from Japan after
investing capital.
Among the wooden logs of the Shinan ship, the most frequently found of the Gangsa 's wooden log
was probably due to the largest number of cargoes, but also to the fact that many of the Gangsa 's
cargo, including coins, were shipped at the bottom of the stern cargo compartment.
Therefore, it is certain that the Gangsa's cargo was shipped first and the cargo of another shipper was
shipped. This means that the Gangsa led the trade from the first stage carried out by the Shinan ship.
This is especially true because the amount of cargo shipped by the instructor is about 40% of the total
based on coins. Therefore, it seems that the instructor did not lease the ship for a price or simply take
charge of navigation, but actively participated in international trade with Kamakura.

BIBIOGRAPHY
Cultural Heritage Authority, “Shinanunder water relics”, Information Papers I, 1983
Cultural Heritage Authority, “Shinan under water relics”, Information Papers Ⅱ, 1984
Cultural Heritage Authority, “Shina nunder water relics”, Information Papers Ⅲ, 1985
Cultural Heritage Authority, “Shinan under water relics”, a comprehensive article, 1988
National Institute of Marine Cultural Heritage , “Shinan ship”, 2006
Kim Byung-geun, “Study of East Asian Trade Relations by Underwater Archaeology”, Ph.D. thesis, Konkuk University
Graduate School, 2004.
Jo Jinwook, “The Model and Meaning of Trade of the Sinan Shipwreck: Through the Sinan Shipwreck’s Call in Goryeo and
Its Purpose”, Journal of Northeast Asian History 55, Northeast Asian History Foundation, 2017
Jo Jinwook, “Archeological study of antiquity from Shianan shipwreck”, Journal of Central Institute of Cultural Heritage 24,
Central Institute of Cultural Heritage, 2017
Qin da Shu, ‘Yuan Dynasty maritime trade and issues related to the Shinan ship’, “the 40th anniversary of the excavation of
-the Shinan ship wreck”, the National Museum of Korea and the National Museum of Korea, 2016.
Keith Muckelroy, 『Maritime Archaeology』, Cambridge University Press, 1979.

7

It varies from researcher to researcher, but scholars estimate that more than 200 people were on board.

11

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                <text>Trading with an Agent: Shippers, Carriers and Investors involved in the trade of Shinan ship</text>
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                <text>In this paper, the archaeological materials salvaged from the Shinan shipwreck, a fourteenth century Chinese&#13;
mercantile ship that sank near Shinan islands of South Korea, will be analyzed through correlating the materials&#13;
found on the Shinan ship to the ancient export routes and manufacturing place of origins. In particular, the&#13;
locations of which the ship was found, as well as the potential trade routes it undertook, will be studied alongside&#13;
the items related to the export practices on the Shinan ship. The paper will start by referencing present recordings&#13;
related to the export location of Shinan archaeological relics recorded in various ways over the past 10 years,&#13;
such as the Shinan ship excavation report and the site drawings and catalogues of excavated archaeological&#13;
items. After aligning the reports, excavated items with relevant historical facts, the paper will proceed to the&#13;
analysis of the structure of the ship, of which the hull will be studied through three divided areas, spanning&#13;
through the structure of the hull and to the wooden log. Based on these standards, the paper argues that the&#13;
export points (i.e. locations of exporting of which the Sinan ship had passed by) can be studied by correlating the&#13;
quantity of various excavated materials found that are manufactured in those regions. The paper will also explore&#13;
the correlation between the results of such alignment and focus specifically on the export status and shipping&#13;
practices by analyzing the status of the wooden logs.&#13;
In terms of the overview of the Shinan ship area and its salvaged items, it is noted that many ceramic&#13;
relics were lifted from the site area in large quantities in all areas of the Sinan islands. Most salvaged artifacts&#13;
were mainly found in the center and stern of the hull. In addition, food items that appeared to be trade items were&#13;
being stored within brown glazed ware and earthenware. Meanwhile, many coins (A.D. 1~A.D. 14) and metal&#13;
tablets were found in the stern.&#13;
The paper recognized the above artifacts and is going to match these finds with the condition of the&#13;
wooden logs. For instance, almost all of the large-scale lifting of 'Gangsa (강사)' and 'Dongboksa (동복사)'&#13;
wooden logs were found in the stern. In the center of the hull, only the shipper's wooden log, which is generally&#13;
believed to have shipped small cargo, was found. Therefore, it is thought that large-scale shippers mainly&#13;
shipped coins and medicinal materials that were often stored at the stern, and small-scale shippers mainly&#13;
shipped ceramics and coins, of which the items were found at the center of the hull.&#13;
The paper will also mention that the trading export practice involved on the Shinan ship cargo would&#13;
have consisted of a person (captain and agent for shippers) on board at the Shinan ship, and a number of&#13;
investors who requested the purchase spaces offered in the cargo. The passengers would have been in charge of&#13;
purchasing and transporting the goods on behalf of a large number of investors. In addition, unlike Japan, which&#13;
consists of a large number of passengers and a large number of investors, the Yuan Dynasty side seems to have&#13;
been in charge of the purchase and transportation of products by a single subject called Gangsa. Therefore, it&#13;
seems that the instructor did not lease the ship for a price or simply take charge of navigation, but actively&#13;
participated in international trade with Kamakura.&#13;
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                <text>Jo, Jinwook . 2023. “Trading with an Agent: Shippers, Carriers and Investors involved in the trade of Shinan ship.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1983 </text>
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                    <text>Understanding wreck divers: Case studies from
Australia and Chuuk Lagoon
Joanne Edney

Abstract
A fundamental challenge for managers is how to allow divers access to shipwrecks whilst
ensuring these sites are not harmed. A better understanding of the motivations and attitudes of
divers who visit shipwrecks may allow better informed and more targeted management strategies
to protect these fragile sites. This study sought to gain an insight into the socio-demographic
characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers. It did this by conducting surveys of two
groups of wreck divers: a group of divers at Chuuk Lagoon (Federated States of Micronesia) and
a group of Australian wreck divers.
This study found that wreck divers primarily visit shipwrecks to see historically significant
sites, artefacts and marine life. Fines, permits, special certification and dive guides were the most
acceptable ways to control diver behaviour. There were significant differences in the motivations
and attitudes of divers with different socio-demographic profiles: notably between genders and
between divers from North America and Australia.
The data suggests management strategies should be tailored to the socio-demographic
profile of the divers visiting a shipwreck. Sites which attract divers from different parts of the world
may require a range of approaches to achieve widespread compliance and acceptance of the
need for minimum impact.

Introduction
Recreational scuba diving has become increasingly popular and it is estimated
that there may be as many as 28 million active divers throughout the world today
(Edney 2006:205; Garrod and Gössling 2008:7-8). As divers become more
experienced they seek new experiences and challenges, such as wreck diving
(Cater 2008:59-61). As well as adding challenge, shipwrecks also offer unique
and diverse diving experiences and have become important recreational
resources for divers (Delgado 1988a:8; Edney 2006:205).
Shipwrecks have important cultural heritage values (Delgado 1988a:5-8)
and scuba diving can have adverse impacts on these values. Potential diver
impacts on shipwrecks have been described by Joanne Edney (2006:214-219)
and include boat anchor damage, disturbance to and removal of artefacts and
accidental and deliberate diver contacts with wrecks. Therefore, a fundamental
challenge is allowing divers access to shipwrecks whilst ensuring these fragile
sites are not harmed.
A better understanding of the motivations and attitudes of divers who visit
shipwrecks may allow better informed and more targeted management strategies
to protect these sites (Barker and Roberts 2008:172; Holecek and Lothrop
1980:1). Unfortunately, very little research has been conducted into divers, and
Donald Holecek and Susan Lothrop’s (1980) study of the demographics,
behaviour and expenditure patterns of wreck and non-wreck divers in the Great

�Lakes region of the United States (US) is the only example in the literature of a
study specific to wreck divers (Edney in press).
This study aimed to determine the socio-demographic characteristics,
motivations and attitudes of wreck divers to provide data which could be used to
inform the management of shipwrecks in the Asia-Pacific region. Two groups of
wreck divers were surveyed: 1) a group of divers in Chuuk, in the Federated
States of Micronesia; and 2) a group of divers in Australia.
There are around 50-60 shipwrecks in Chuuk Lagoon, the result of Allied air
attacks during World War II. The wrecks are a tangible reminder of Chuuk’s
recent history, an important part of military history and the graves of many
Japanese servicemen. As world renowned dive sites, they are also Chuuk’s main
tourist attraction and a major source of revenue (Jeffery 2006:137, 2004a:51-52,
55, 62-63, 2004b:107). Due to Chuuk’s popularity with wreck divers, and as only
wreck diving opportunities are offered, Chuuk provided a unique opportunity to
survey wreck divers.
In Australian coastal waters more than 900 of the 7,000 recorded shipwrecks
have been located, and provide popular recreational opportunities for wreck
divers (Kenderdine 1997:8-11). However, whilst diving is popular in Australia, it is
difficult to estimate the size of the industry (Tschapka 2006:7) and little is known
about Australian divers. There is a paucity of accurate data about the industry,
including certification numbers, participation (Cummins 1995:113) and diver
characteristics.
This research addresses four questions:
• What are the characteristics, motivations and attitudes of wreck divers?
• Are there any differences in the socio-demographic characteristics of the
two wreck diver sample groups?
• Are there any differences in the motivations for wreck diving between the
two wreck diver sample groups?
• Are there any differences in the attitudes to management controls that
may be put in place to protect shipwrecks between the two wreck diver
sample groups?

Methods
The data from divers at Chuuk was obtained using a self-completed
questionnaire, in hard copy format, which was distributed to passengers who
stayed on a live aboard dive vessel in Chuuk Lagoon between August 2009 and
January 2010. The first batch of surveys were distributed by the researcher with
the permission of the vessel’s captain, and subsequent surveys were distributed
by the crew. The results of this survey are reported in detail in Edney (in press).

�Between July and October 2010 a sample of Australian wreck divers were
surveyed using a self-completed questionnaire available in an electronic webbased format, using SurveyMonkey™, and hard copy. Participants were recruited
by emailing information about the study to dive operators and clubs across
Australia, who were requested to forward the information to divers on their
mailing lists. Information about the survey was also posted on the Dive-Oz scuba
diving website forum, publicised in the Dive Log Australasia free monthly
newspaper and promoted by word of mouth communication amongst divers.
These methods were chosen because it was not possible to obtain mailing lists
of divers due to privacy laws and proprietary issues. The use of a web-based
survey also enabled cost effective data collection and a large number of
respondents across Australia to be reached in a relatively short period of time.
The survey was divided into three main sections, socio-demographic
characteristics (five items) and dive experience (three items); wreck diving
motivations (fourteen items); and, attitudes to management controls to protect
wrecks (nine items). Closed questions with checklists were used for the sociodemographic and dive experience questions and five point scales were used to
rate the relative importance of motivations for wreck diving and diver attitudes.
The questions concerning diver characteristics and motivations for wreck diving
were derived and adapted from other surveys of divers (Davis 1997:121-136;
Ditton et al. 2002:S187-S189; Holecek and Lothrop 1980:2-11; Jewell 2004:4750; Meisel and Cottrell 2004:394-399; Musa et al. 2006:95-97; Stolk et al.
2005:159-163; Thapa et al. 2005:57-58; Todd et al. 2002:108-109).
The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software was
used to analyse the survey data. Data analysis included descriptive statistics of
diver socio-demographic and dive experience data, Pearson Chi-Square1 test for
the comparison of the two wreck diver groups and the influence of sociodemographic variables on diver motivation and attitudes.

Results
Socio-demographic and dive experience profiles

Socio-demographics
The socio-demographic results are presented in Table 1. The majority (88
percent) of survey respondents were wreck divers in Australia (923 respondents)
and the remainder were from Chuuk (123 respondents). Seventy four percent of
wreck divers were male and 26 percent female. The majority (55 percent) of
divers were aged 35-54 years. There was a significant difference between the
1

A statistical test for significance of the relationship between two variables.

�ages of the two groups of divers (χ2=40.7, df=6, p=0.00), with the divers to Chuuk
being older than those in Australia.
Seventy two percent of the divers had completed tertiary education (i.e.
diploma, degree or higher degree) and 58 percent had completed bachelor
degrees or higher degrees. The majority (53 percent) of wreck divers had an
annual income higher than the equivalent of Australian Dollars (AUD) $75,000,
well above the average annual Australian income of $68,000 (ABS 2011). There
were significant differences in levels of income between the two groups (χ2=87.9,
df=5, p=0.00), with wreck divers to Chuuk earning more than those in Australia.
Notably, 42 percent of wreck divers to Chuuk earned more than the equivalent of
AUD $150,000 a year, compared to 11 percent of wreck divers in Australia, while
almost half (47 percent) of wreck divers in Australia earned between AUD
$51,000-$100,000 annually, compared to 28 percent of those in Chuuk.

�Table 1. Socio-demographic profile (*Reported in Edney in press)
All wreck
divers
Frequency
%

Australian
wreck
divers
Frequency
%

Chuuk*
wreck
divers
Frequency
%

Gender
Male
Female

74
26

74
26

73

Age
&lt;25 years
25-34 years
35-44 years
45-54 years
55-64 years
&gt;64 years

8
22
27
28
12
3

9
24
28
25
11
3

1
10
22
43
20
4

Level of education
High school
Trade qualification
Diploma
Degree/higher degree

14
14
14
58

13
15
16
56

17
3
5
75

Annual income $AUD
equivalent
0-25,000
26,000-50,000
51,000-75,000
76,000-100,000
101,000-150,000
&gt;150,000

11
13
23
22
17
14

13
14
24
23
17
11

5
8
14
14
17
42

Region of residence
Asia
Australia
Australia/New Zealand
Europe
Other
United Kingdom
USA/Canada

88
2
1
1
8

Socio-demographic
variable

100

27

2
14
2
7
8
67

The majority of divers to Chuuk originated from US/Canada (67 percent),
followed by Australia/New Zealand (14 percent), the United Kingdom (8 percent),
around 2 percent each from Asia and Europe, and the remainder were from other
regions.

�Dive experience
Dive experience results are presented in Table 2. The majority (60 percent) of
divers had completed more than 250 dives and 40 percent had completed more
than 500 dives. The highest level of certification attained by a large proportion
(41 percent) of the divers were leadership certifications (i.e. Divemaster or
above), and only 9 percent of held basic (open water diver) certification.
Table 2. Dive experience (*Reported in Edney in press)
All wreck
divers
Frequency
%

Australian
wreck
divers
Frequency
%

Chuuk*
wreck
divers
Frequency
%

Number of dives
0-20
21-50
51-100
101-250
251-500
&gt;500

3
8
12
17
20
40

3
9
12
16
20
40

0
3
7
25
21
44

Years diving
0-5
6-10
11-15
16-20
21-25
26-30
31-35
36-40
&gt;40

29
20
14
10
9
7
5
3
3

30
20
15
10
8
7
4
3
3

24
21
12
12
10
7
7
3
4

Highest level of
certification
Open water
Advanced open water
Specialty
Master scuba diver
Divemaster
Instructor
Master instructor

9
12
28
10
19
13
9

10
10
30
10
20
12
8

4
26
13
7
19
16
15

Experience variable

Almost half of the divers (49 percent) had been diving for 10 or less years
and the majority (63 percent) had been diving for 15 or less years.

�Motivations for wreck diving
When the means of all responses were compared (Table 3), ‘seeing marine life’
(mean 4.19), ‘seeing historically significant shipwrecks’ (4.05), the ‘peace and
tranquillity of the underwater environment’ (3.96), ‘seeing artefacts’ (3.90) and
‘the clear water’ (3.81) were found to be the top motivations for wreck diving.
Notably, ‘collecting artefacts and fittings’ (2.06) and ‘fossicking for artefacts and
fittings’ (2.59) were the least important motivations.
Table 3. Motivations for wreck diving: Australia and Chuuk
survey results combined
Motivation

N

Mean

Std
Deviation

Seeing marine life

992

4.19

.790

Seeing historically significant shipwrecks

993

4.05

.843

Peace &amp; tranquillity of the underwater
environment
Seeing artefacts

994

3.96

.862

992

3.90

.878

The clear water

995

3.81

.868

Penetrating a wreck

994

3.60

1.044

Researching or learning more about a wreck

993

3.57

.972

Photography

992

3.53

1.167

Observing the effects of time (decay) on a
wreck
Complexity &amp; size of the wreck

989

3.47

.962

989

3.46

.998

Other

235

3.43

1.113

Exploring &amp; discovering machinery &amp; fittings

990

3.30

1.087

Fossicking for artefacts

983

2.59

1.127

Collecting artefacts &amp; fittings

978

2.06

1.067

Significant differences were found between genders and the location of
survey (i.e. Chuuk or Australia). ‘Penetrating a wreck’ (χ2=23.8, df=5, p=0.00),
‘fossicking for artefacts’ (χ2=25.0, df=5, p=0.00), ‘exploring and discovering
machinery and fittings’ (χ2=90.5, df=5, p=0.00) and the ‘complexity and size of
the wreck’ (χ2=35.1, df=5, p=0.00) were important to male divers (χ2=20.3, df=5,
p=0.00), while ‘seeing marine life’ was more important to females (χ2=23.8, df=5,
p=0.00). ‘Fossicking for artefacts’ was also important to divers to Chuuk (χ2=14.2,
df=5, p=0.01).

Diver attitudes to management controls over shipwrecks
When the means of all responses were compared (Table 4) the statement that
received the highest level of agreement was that ‘harsh penalties should be

�imposed on divers who take things from wrecks’ (mean 4.13), followed by ‘divers
should be required to have special permits to dive some wrecks’ (3.32), ‘only
divers who have special certification should be allowed to dive on a wreck’ (2.79),
‘an underwater guide should control what people do’ (2.66) and ‘some accessible
wrecks should be off-limits to divers’ (2.58). There was least agreement with the
statements ‘wrecks should be protected from all visitation’ (1.44) and ‘there
should be no controls over what divers do on wrecks’ (1.78).
Table 4. Attitudes to management controls over shipwrecks:
Australia and Chuuk survey results combined
Management control

N

Mean

Std
Deviation

Harsh penalties should be imposed on some divers who
take things from wrecks
Divers should be required to have permits to dive some
wrecks
Only divers who have special certification should be
allowed to dive on a wreck
An underwater guide should control what people do

978

4.13

1.053

981

3.32

1.296

981

2.79

1.286

976

2.66

1.172

Some accessible wrecks should be off-limits to divers

960

2.58

1.221

A dive briefing is enough to control diver behaviour

972

2.47

1.048

Moving artefacts around on a wreck is okay so long as the
artefacts remain at the wreck site
There should be no controls over what divers do on
wrecks
Wrecks should be protected from all visitation

981

1.87

.974

982

1.78

1.081

978

1.44

.763

Significant differences were found between genders, location of survey
and the origin of the divers. There was more agreement from females that ‘an
underwater guide should control what people do’ than from males (χ2=47.4,
df=15, p=0.00). Australian divers agreed that ‘only divers with special certification
should be allowed to dive on a wreck’ (χ2=51.8, df=20, p=0.00) and ‘divers
should be required to have permits to dive some wrecks’ (χ2=67.4, df=35,
p=0.00), while wreck divers from US/Canada disagreed with these statements.
Wreck divers in Chuuk agreed that ‘moving artefacts around on a wreck site is
okay so long as the artefacts remain at the wreck site’ (χ2=160.0, df=35, p=0.00),
while wreck divers in Australia disagreed with this statement.

Discussion
The socio-demographic findings from this study are broadly consistent with a
number of other studies of scuba divers. This includes the predominance of

�males, high levels of education (Davis 1997:133-135; Ditton et al. 2002:S188;
Musa 2002:200; Musa et al. 2010:6; Stolk et al. 2005:161-163; Thapa et al.
2005:58; Todd et al. 2001:135; Tschapka 2006:99-102) and above average
incomes (Davis 1997:136; Stolk et al. 2005:161-163; Thapa et al. 2005:58).
However, divers from this study were older than those from other studies,
including more recent studies (Musa et al. 2010:6; Thapa et al. 2005:58;
Tschapka 2006:100-101).
The income and age differences between the two groups of wreck divers
may have been influenced by the sampling strategy. The divers in Chuuk had
travelled from their home location to participate in wreck diving, and in
comparison to other shore-based alternatives in Chuuk and other wreck diving
destinations, the live aboard the survey was conducted on is relatively costly.
Therefore it may be expected that divers on this live aboard would be more
affluent and older, with higher income generally linked to age (Musa et al.
2006:99; Edney in press).
Wreck diving is more demanding and challenging, requiring higher levels
of skill, training and experience for safe participation than regular scuba diving
(Edney in press). Therefore, the finding that wreck divers had higher levels of
dive experience and certification than divers from other more recent studies was
expected (Ditton et al. 2002:S188; Musa et al. 2010:7; Stolk et al. 2005:163;
Tschapka 2006:107-110).
Most divers visit shipwrecks to see historically significant sites, artefacts
and marine life, and to enjoy the peace and tranquillity of the underwater
environment. Few divers visit wrecks to collect artefacts and fittings. These
findings are in contrast to Holecek and Lothrop’s (1980:17-19) study which found
treasure and trophy hunting important to wreck divers. This may reflect changes
in diver and community attitudes towards shipwrecks over the past 30 years. In
the past, the collection of artefacts was often the focus of wreck diving and
considered an acceptable activity by many divers (Todd et al. 2001:139),
whereas today shipwreck protection laws generally prohibit these types of
activities. Diver and the general community attitudes to shipwrecks now better
recognise the cultural heritage values of wrecks and their protection is better
supported (Edney 2006:221; Edney in press).
Differences were found in motivations based on gender and location of the
survey. The more challenging aspects of wreck diving and the technical aspects
of wrecks, such as penetrating wrecks, exploring and discovering machinery and
fittings and the complexity and size of wrecks were more important to males than
they were to females. Fossicking for artefacts was more important to males and
divers in Chuuk than it was to females and divers in Australia. These latter
findings are concerning because the disturbance caused by fossicking can

�diminish the integrity of cultural heritage values of wreck sites (Delgado
1988b:18; Edney 2006:213-214, 217), and shipwreck protection laws have been
in place in Chuuk and Australia for more than three decades (Green 1995:335338; Hezel and Graham 1997:34-35; Jeffery 2004a:58-59, 2004b:110;
Kenderdine 1997:15).
Most wreck divers agreed that there should be management controls to
protect shipwrecks and accepted the use of penalties, special certifications,
permits and underwater guides as management controls. These findings differ
from a study of divers from the Great Lakes region of the US (Todd et al. 2001:
139), which found that experienced divers preferred less invasive management
controls. This difference may indicate differences in attitudes between divers
from Australia and the US, as the majority of divers in this study were from
Australia. Another difference this study found was that divers from North America
considered moving artefacts around on a wreck site acceptable, whereas
Australian wreck divers did not. This may reflect differences in legislation and
levels of knowledge as well as cultural and or ethical differences between divers
from North America and Australia. More study is required to determine the
reasons for these differences.
It is notable that few divers agreed that all wrecks should be protected
from visitation. This suggests that while wreck divers generally support the
protection of shipwrecks they also want access to wrecks. For heritage
managers, greater access to wrecks can present challenges in achieving the
protection of these sites (Edney in press).

Conclusion
This study found that wreck divers are predominantly male, middle aged, well
educated, higher than average income earners, and experienced divers with high
levels of diver certification. Wreck divers visit shipwrecks to see historically
significant sites, artefacts and marine life, and to enjoy the peace and tranquillity
of the underwater environment. Divers can have adverse impacts on shipwrecks
and this study shows that certain management controls, including penalties,
permits, special certification and dive guides can be acceptable to divers. It also
found that some divers participate in activities which disturb sites and they may
not be aware of the consequences of disturbing and moving artefacts around.
Management strategies may therefore need to be tailored to the demographic
profile and origin of the divers visiting these sites because people from different
countries have different attitudes about management. Sites with diverse
demographics may need a range of controls, while sites with one demographic
might have more focused efforts. This also highlights the importance of

�implementing these controls in conjunction with more effectively communicating
to divers the importance of wreck sites and appropriate behaviour when visiting
these sites.

Abbreviations
ABS
ANOVA
AUD
df
p
SPSS
US
χ2

Australian Bureau of Statistics
Analysis of variance
Australian dollars
Degrees of freedom, and is the number of values of the variable
P-value, the probability of obtaining a test statistic
Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
United States
Chi square

Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Lenny Kolczynski, Captain of the Odyssey and the crew of Odyssey, Chuuk
Lagoon, Federated States of Micronesia, for distributing and returning the majority of the Chuuk
surveys to me. Thanks to all the divers in Chuuk and Australia who gave their time to participate
in the survey. I would also like to thank Dr Jonathon Howard for supervising this research, his
support and guidance, and for reviewing and commenting on this manuscript.

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