4 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/f0fc64ddc4060318fd30b06bc6a58ef2.pdf 1ba4650c58fcd675a897fd9b12be9613 PDF Text Text Native navigation traditions in Mexico Central Plateau: a study between archaeology and ethnology Alexandra Biar University of Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne Paris, 75005 France E-mail: alexbiar@hotmail.com Abstract In the Americas, long before the Conquest, existed various native navigation techniques (coastal, lacustrine and fluvial), aboard numerous and diversified wooden boats. Among these, stands one that was made by carving a tree trunk: the dugout canoe. As an evidence of human ingenuity, it acquired its importance by being the bridge between land and water, representing the bond between the human and the aquatic world. Similarly, this means of transportation played a primordial part in the native civilizations as it was involved in daily activities at different levels: transportation (people, goods, raw material), natural resource exploitation (hunting, gathering and fishing), rituals and war. These activities implied the organization of the lacustrine areas, thanks to adapted facilities such as channels, piers, bridges and warehouses. In Mexico’s Central Plateau, in the endoreic basins of Mexico and Pátzcuaro, flourished two of the most powerful contemporaneous and rival empires in all Mesoamerica: the Mexica and the Tarascan (Fig.1). Based on their respective lacustrine surroundings and specific methods, they accomplished the edification of their capitals, Tenochtitlan and Tzintzuntzan, through the use of navigation. Nowadays, some remains of these antique and powerful civilizations naval technology still exists, allowing us, thanks to a multidisciplinary method, to approach a broad vision of their history and transformation. Key words: cross-cultural, navigation, Americas, Mexico, dugout, naval, technology Introduction Contrasting with other civilizations of the ancient world such as those of the Mediterranean or South-East Asia, Mesoamerican cultures are not particularly renowned for their maritime history or naval architecture. We owe the first in-depth studies of Mesoamerican navigation in the 1980s to the British archaeologist Norman Hammond, who focused largely on the transportation of goods 1 �and traffic along the entire coastline of the Gulf of Mexico and the Yucatán Peninsula. Historical sources show us that, along this maritime navigation studied by Hammond, another very important form of navigation existed, on rivers and lakes. Unfortunately, few researchers bore attention to these freshwater examples, even though, according to the cultural ecology theory, numerous writers, such as Sanders and Price (1968), Fig.1-Endoreic Basin of the Mexico’s Central have confirmed that they favored the Plateau (lakes of Mexico and Patzcuaroand) development of highly complex and the Post-classic Empires (Mexica social Tarscan) and structures. It is indeed in the center of the closed-water basins of Mexico’s central plateau that we see the flourishing of successive great civilizations such as Teotihuacan, the Mexica s and the Tarascans, and a key correlation between their development and lake navigation has been systemically asserted. Nevertheless, scientific investigation about the dugout canoe as an indispensable tool in a navigation system, specifically in the Basin of Mexico, is only due to Margaret Leshikar as late as 1982. She wrote her PHD Thesis about a dugout canoe discovered in 1959 during a preventive excavation in the heart of Mexico City, using this artifact as an important source to collect new data about the Mexica Empire’s organization. Unfortunately, concerning the Tarascan Empire, there exist no scientific investigation about the navigation system or the dugout canoes, even if nowadays, some of the Lake Pátzcuaro fishermen still use this traditional craft to work. The only evidence we have comes from the CREFAL, an international organism founded in1951 by the UNESCO to approach and educate isolated community about sanitary, social and educative problems. This is why all the available investigations bear on the fishermen’s skills and way of life, rather than on navigation techniques. Due to the perishable raw materiel used to build the canoes and most lacustrine installations, wood, archaeological remains are scarce. The only examples of prehispanic boats from the Basin of Mexico found to date are a wooden one-man canoe 2 �on display in the Mexica Hall of the National Anthropology Museum (Fig.2a) and a miniature model found in Offering 41 of the Templo Mayor (Fig.2b), though we know other similar examples have been found in other parts of Mesoamerica, in Belize for instance. The single-person canoe of the Anthropology Museum was discovered in the 1960s along the actual Calzada de Tlalpan. Judging from its dimensions and carrying capacity, we can estimate it was able to carry about a ton of weight – by our reckoning, after studying similar examples, a vessel able to transport large monoliths, such as several Mexica monuments. Tying together several canoes could of course allow for larger and heavier charges. But this implies sufficient breadth, both of the canoe and of the canals along which it travelled. This is why ethnology and history are the best way to compensate the shortcomings of archaeological research, because native navigation in Xochimilco canals and in Lake Pátzcuaro (Michoacán) is always practiced. Fig.2a-Dugout canoeof Tlalpan causeway in the Mexica Hall of the National Anthropology Museum, Meico City - A.BIAR Fig.2b-Miniatures models founds in Offering 41 of the Templo Mayor, Templo Mayor Museum General environment adaptation Establishment Around 1325, two of the main Mesoamerican empires founded their capital in direct connexion with a lacustrine environment. Tenochtitlan, capital of the Mexica Empire, was built on a small island within Lake Texcoco. Tzintzuntzan, capital of the Tarascan Empire, was established on the northeast shore of Lake Patzcuaro. In order to assert themselves as the centers of the two powerful empires later confronted by the Conquistadors, both cities’ inhabitants had to learn to dominate their environment – to exploit it to economic, political and religious ends. Not only did they took maximum 3 �advantage, like their contemporaries and others before them, of one-man canoes carved from a single log of wood, but they developed complex technological systems in order to control their lakeside world, the supply of goods and the growth of towns and cities. But each one, due to their distinct location, used the lake with different goals. Mexica space engineering The Mexica s soon shaped their environment to suit their needs and to consolidate their power. The major hydraulic works that they and their neighbors on the lakes of the Valley of Mexico engineered fulfilled different objectives. The first and best documented of these was clearly to reclaim land from the lakes using the ingenious system of ‘Chinampas ’ and canals, artificial physical extensions of preexisting islands. As is well known, the invention of Chinampas is probably due to the inhabitants of Lakes Xochimilco and Chalco, in the south of the Mexico Basin, and was intended originally as a means of developing intensive agriculture. It is worth remembering here something clearly illustrated in the Plano en Papel de Maguey, which is that the Chinampas of Tenochtitlan served not only as plots of cultivated land, but also as a residential zone, implying control over the soil dampness. The second objective of Mexica engineering was to control the disastrous fluctuations in lake water levels, by constructing canals, dykes and even aqueducts - public works that also helped reduce the (previously high) water saline levels. The benefits these environmental changes brought complemented each other, but needed daily maintenance, with the use of lake crafts and a large, well organized labor force. The canals of the island of Tenochtitlan, which earned the city the nickname of Venice of the New World, crisscrossed the entire metropolis, creating a grid-like landscape structure and allowing fast communication both within and outside the city. Thanks to the historian Edward Calnek (1972) and the architect Jorge González Aragón, we know that two kinds of canals existed: regular ones that followed labyrinthine [maze-like] routes and which measured up to two meters width, and main canals, facing East-West and measuring 3-5 meters in width. When we consider that the largest Aztec monoliths – such as the goddess Tlaltecuhtli weighing 12 tons and measuring 4.19 x 3.62 m – 4 �were transported on the lake and to the city’s heart, it stands to reason that some of the principal canals must have been at least 6 meters wide. The main canals, epitomized by the famous Acequia Real (Royal Channel) that ran along the length of today’s Corregidora Avenue in Mexico City Historic Centre, were ideal for carrying large boats - used as much for transporting tribute items to Moctezuma’s palace as for bearing religious monuments and processional celebrants. By contrast, the regular canals carried a still larger volume of smaller boats with their daily loads of passengers and goods. Of course, we shouldn’t forget that a significant part of urban traffic took place on land, suggesting the existence of fixed and moveable bridges – a fact confirmed in the accounts of the Spanish defeat during the Sad Night. The broad and lengthy causeways connecting the island of Tenochtitlan with the mainland served several purposes: first, as a means of communication by land; secondly, they acted as dykes to hold the water at bay, and complemented the great stone levee-bridge constructed under the leadership of Nezahualcóyotl, the wise king of Texcoco. The three main causeways were those from Tepeyac (to the north), Tlacopan (to the west) and Iztapalapan (to the south). It’s worth noting that this last one was built by the Xochimilcas, clear proof of the political power of the Mexica s and of their influence over neighboring peoples. A fourth, smaller, causeway was that of Chapultepec. This uniquely supported the aqueduct constructed in the decade following 1420 and re-built on the orders of Nezahualcóyotl two decades later, supplying fresh water to the island city of Tenochtitlan, surrounded by salty water. In the construction and maintenance of these great public works, it’s obvious that single-man canoes played a key role, helping to ferry materials and every-day goods. It’s impossible to imagine life in Tenochtitlan and the coastal communities of the Basin of Mexico without navigation. While navigation is hardly mentioned in the historical accounts of great hydraulic works, its crucial role is evident from the descriptions of daily life and commerce, first and foremost in the southern lakes of Chalco and Xochimilco. As a matter of fact, the pictographic and historical documents describe the movement of products along lacustrine routes that remained in use even into the first half of the 20th century, as in the case of the Canal de la Viga. These routes were 5 �privileged with installations such as harbors and jetties to control the flow of people and goods. Cortés (1983) wrote: ‘At each entrance to the city, where the canoes unload [...] there are houses where live officials in charge of supervising and taxing every product […]’ This organization level demanded the construction and fitting-out of facilities and buildings tailor-made for the moving, storing and monitoring of goods and people by government authorities. These installations included (Fig.3):  Harbors: natural or artificial havens suitable for the (un) loading of cargo and (dis) embarkation of passengers by boat, and for carrying out maintenance.  Quays: places suitable for loading goods and people. Port installations are in effect groupings of architectural several structures complementary that roles: combine custom points for the receipt and control of goods; warehouses and storage facilities; stalls Fig.3-Location of nautical installations in the lake of and posts for buying and selling; jetties for Mexico that contributed to the control and the transfer of goods from dry land to lake regulation of canoe traffic in the Post-classic transportation, etc. The construction of period. these facilities requires both manpower and materials (wood, stone, lime, etc.). Unfortunately, to date, few archaeological remains exist of such facilities, making it harder to draw firm conclusions regarding their construction and purpose. Given their importance to the Mexica economy and government, more archaeological work is badly needed in the search for port installations, several of which should be located at the periphery of Tenochtitlan and the surrounding lake shores. A quay is generally an impermanent construction requiring considerable space, with a jetty whose size would be relative to the breadth of the canal serving it and to the volume of goods passing through. The archaeologist Francisco González Rul (1998) 6 �identified two types of quay: stone and wood. Remains of these have been found under the present Palacio Nacional of Mexico. We also have a few descriptions of them in historical records from the 16th and 17th centuries, and litho-/photographs from the 19th and 20th centuries. On the site of the famous prehispanic and colonial quay (pic 10) at the corner of Alhóndiga Street and Corregidora Avenue stands today a stone bridge, evocative of Mexico City’s bygone lakeside past. Dockyards: military or private establishments dedicated to boat building, repair, maintenance and equipment. These facilities had to be located near large bodies of water and must have resembled hangars, capable of housing several small canoes as well as larger, more important vessels. Fray Bernardino de Sahagún (1978) refers to these last items in his description of the ceremonies and sacrifices at the disposal site of Pantitlán, in the center of Lake Texcoco: ‘When all were sacrificed, we took all the offerings... and we carried them to the place where the lake is called Pantitlán, which is found not far from the dockyards.’ And later (Book 2, Florentine Codex) he indicates: ‘and when [the fire priest] had cast away [papers in an incense ladle], then they turned the boat about [...] And when they had come to reach Tetamacolco, where there had been embarking at the place of embarkation, thereupon there was bathing; then there was [returning] on the part of each [boat].’ What’s interesting in these passages is the specific reference to places for the keeping and return of craft, and in particular those for ritual or military use, suggesting the existence of different types of lakeside storage facilities around the Basin of Mexico – for trade, for military purposes and for religious ceremonies. It would also imply different types of boats, for specific uses. We know, for example, that some vessels were of large dimensions, used in festivals to carry the priests with their offerings, or the emperor and his court. According to historical sources, these boats were kitted out with benches and awnings to offer protection from the sun and the rain. We may then contemplate the existence of larger canoes, or even of rafts. Finally, we should also recall the probable existence of large vessels for military use, as mentioned in the accounts of the Noche Triste (Sad Night) and of the victorious sally of 7 �the Mexica against the Spanish at the beginning of the siege of the city. The simple fact that the Conquistadors had to build brigantines proves the critical role these were to play in achieving eventual control of the lakes. Tarascan space organization The Tarascans used the lacustrine world as an economic space, to provide them part of their basic alimentation, and as a center of distribution, but not to protect and centralize their power. Their capital, Tzintzuntzan, according to its location on the lakeshore, didn’t face the same environmental problems as the Mexica ’s, even if navigation was also used for religious and sometimes political matters. The most important historical data is the Relation of Michoacán and the Lienzo de Jucutacato, studied by Hans Roskamp (1998). Their economic and politic organization turned around three axes: the lake, the shore and the surrounding mountains. Each one provided the capital with basics needs: food, clothes, building materials. The islands of Janitzio, Jaracuaro, Yunuen y La Pacanda have their Fig.4-Spatial organization and principal proper fishing areas, which permit them to communication ways in the lake of Patzcuaro control all the pisicultural resources. Thanks to in the Post-Classic period. this monopole, they were able of supply the more important shore side markets: Tzintzuntzan, Pátzcuaro, Asajo and Erongaricuaro, which allowed distributing local and regional goods. Pollard (1993) considers that the site of Ihuatzio played an important part in storage activities (Fig.4). The only way to transport all merchandise and passengers to these places was by using dugout canoes. Boarding canoes was made from both lake and island natural beaches, today transformed as harbors. From the post conquest period to nowadays, canoes were used during religious ceremonies to transport saints from a village to another one. The canoe transporting the saint’s effigy was decorated with flowers and conducted by the chief of the community, followed by other embarkations with musicians, incense, and singers. This ethnological 8 �evidence allows us to imagine the native ceremonies, including matrimonial ceremony where the pretender had to navigate to the island to receive blessings from his family in law before marrying his wife. This sacred bond between religion and navigation is the same, even if more important in the Tarascan life and ritual than among the Mexica s. But as exemplified in the Mexica ritual calendar, numerous ceremonies involved lacustrine rituals or navigation. Finally, we just have a testimony of a naval battle between the lords of the lakeshore city against the island lords: “Las embarcaciones se dividen en tres grandes flotas mandadas cada una por uno de los principes […] Hirépan dirige sus proas rumbo a Jaracuaro. Hiquingari lleva la dirección de Janitzio. Tangaxhuan hace deslizar sus ágiles piraguas […] en las playas de Pacanda. […] El aire cubrió de flechas, el silencio del lago fue interrumpido por una estruendosa gritería, y cuando las embarcaciones llegaron al abordaje, se oía el duro choque de las macanas […] y bien pronto, el agua cristalina se tiño con la sangre de los heridos y de los moribundos” (Ruiz, 1891, Chapter XVIII) This event, as the “Noche Triste” (Sad Night) in Mexico, reveals the naval military power of these empires. Both of them used their aquatic environment as an economical, political, religious and military way to build, assert and maintain their power. The arrival of the Spaniards in the 1520’s ruined for good the equilibrium created by these two empires. Vessel typology The 16th century sources tell us much about the vessels used by the Mexica s and their neighbors, from the construction materials they used, through their shape and trim, to details such as their form of propulsion, carrying capacity and uses. A careful analysis of the data suggests that, as in the case of the boats spotted by Columbus on the open Caribbean Sea, those of the Basin of Mexico were mainly one-man canoes. 9 �Based on detailed study of the different depictions of canoes represented in the codices – some of which show a wide variety of shapes and styles even on a single page - we are today in a position to draw up a typology of canoes in use in the basins of Mexico and Patzcuaro in the 15th and 16th centuries, including a list of sources consulted for this study, amounting to 63 identified boats (Fig.5). Fig.5-Table of the 16th century sources used to establish the vessels typology Our own research shows that all vessels sported a flat bottom, perfectly adapted to lake use, allowing their crews to maneuver them easily and speedily. To this canoe typology (Fig.6), we need to add another for the vital propulsion tools. In the codices, two different types of paddle are shown: one in the form of a long, broad spade, the other a heart-shaped spade. We should of course add the pole, mentioned in the texts, though not shown graphically. Conclusion This paper is a summary of my PhD research to promote the importance of archaeological and ethnological studies of native navigation in Mesoamerican lakes. The relation between these civilizations and the use of wood as an indispensable material to adapt their customs to a lacustrine environment proves that their engineering capacity and organization were far more complex and elaborate than we imagine. Both material and techniques are underestimated by the scientific world because of the few 10 �archaeological remains. This is why a multidisciplinary approach is necessary. These native navigation traditions are about to disappear because the world is changing too fast for these communities, to be able to adapt every aspect of their culture and traditions. I hope to be able to organize, with the help of the Mexica n archaeologist, Mariana Favila, to create a symposium around the theme of Native’s navigation tradition in the Americas to. It will be interesting to join specialists of navigation in one place to highlight this underestimate aspect of our investigations. Fig.6-Typology of Mexico’s Central Plateau canoes: a first attempt to identify and classify canoe styles shown in the historical sources. Pictures map and table: A.BIAR Bibliography BIAR, A., 2011, La navigation Mexica dans la lagune de Mexico : navigation et prise du pouvoir, master thesis, Université Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris CALNEK, E., 1972, Settlement patterns and chinampa agriculture at Tenochtitlan. American Antiquity, vol. 37, nùm. 1 CORTES, H., 1983, Cartas de Relación, Porrúa, Sepan Cuantos, México 11 �FAVILA VAZQUEZ, M., 2011, La navegación en la Cuenca de México durante el Postclásico tardío: la presencia de la canoa en el entramado social Mexica , license thesis, ENAH, México GONZALEZ RUL, F., 1998, Urbanismo y arquitectura en Tlatelolco, colección científica, seria antropología social, INAH, México D.F. HAMMOND, N.,1981, Classic Maya Canoes. The International Journal of Nautical Archeology and underwater exploration, nùm. 10 (3), pp.173-185 LESHIKAR, M., 1982, The Mexica canoe: an archeologicaland historical study of its design, uses, and significance, PhD thesis, University of Texas, Austin POLLARD, H., 1993, Tariacuri’s legacy, the prehispanic Tarascan State, University of Oklahoma Press, Ed Norman and London ROSKAMP, H., 1998, La historiográfica indígena de Michoacán: el lienzo de Jucutacato y los títulos de Carapan, Research School CNWS publication, Vol.72, School of Asian, African and American Studies, Leiden University, Holland RUIZ, E., 1891, Michoacán: Paisajes, tradiciones y leyendas, Oficina Tip. De la Secretaria de Fomento, Mexico, D.F. SANDERS, W. T. and Barbara J. PRICE,1968, Mesoamerica: the evolution of a civilisation, Random House, New York SAHAGUN, B. de, 1978, Florentine Codex, Dibble et Anderson, The school of American research and the University of Utah, Etats-Unis Biography Alexandra Biar started her studies in archaeology in 2005 at the University of Bordeaux3 to obtain, three years later, a Bachelor in Art History & Archaeology. She started a Master in the University oh Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne in 2008, her thesis was supervised by Eric Taladoire, Leonardo Lopez Lujan y Eric Rieth, and titled Navigation in the Basin of Mexico in the Post-classic period. She graduated in 2011 with honours. After beginning her investigations on this theme, she decided to extend her research on the Basin of Pátzcuaro for her PhD, which is supervised by Brigitte Faugère. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 14: Pre-Hispanic Navigation Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 14 Chair Carlos Ausejo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Navigation was not unknown in the Americas, at the Spaniards arrival different kind of vessel were in use both in the Pacific and the Atlantic shores, as well as in lakes or rivers. Canoe, reed rafts, balsa log raft and others skin based watercraft have been described mainly on historical records and gave us an idea of this technologies. Although it is clear that long and short distance maritime trade routes were in use and watercraft were also involve in war activities and other maritime activities, archaeological evidence related with actual boats has been elusive to find. Still some of these traditions have survived time and in use with some changes and others were incorporated to European navigation traditions. During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent. The aim of this session is to show research advances on this topic mainly in the Pacific shores and inland waters through different perspectives up to the Spanish arrival. It will focus primarily in the Andean and Mesoamerican region, however other regions would be accepted. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carlos Ausejo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Native navigation traditions in Mexico Central Plateau: a study between archaeology and ethnology Description An account of the resource In the Americas, long before the Conquest, existed various native navigation techniques (coastal, lacustrine and fluvial), aboard numerous and diversified wooden boats. Among these, stands one that was made by carving a tree trunk: the dugout canoe. As an evidence of human ingenuity, it acquired its importance by being the bridge between land and water, representing the bond between the human and the aquatic world. Similarly, this means of transportation played a primordial part in the native civilizations as it was involved in daily activities at different levels: transportation (people, goods, raw material), natural resource exploitation (hunting, gathering and fishing), rituals and war. These activities implied the organization of the lacustrine areas, thanks to adapted facilities such as channels, piers, bridges and warehouses. In Mexico’s Central Plateau, in the endoreic basins of Mexico and Pátzcuaro, flourished two of the most powerful contemporaneous and rival empires in all Mesoamerica: the Mexica and the Tarascan (Fig.1). Based on their respective lacustrine surroundings and specific methods, they accomplished the edification of their capitals, Tenochtitlan and Tzintzuntzan, through the use of navigation. Nowadays, some remains of these antique and powerful civilizations naval technology still exists, allowing us, thanks to a multidisciplinary method, to approach a broad vision of their history and transformation. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alexandra Biar, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/16/2014 Asia-Pac Session 14 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/985784694be97847b3193fe9e35472b2.pdf a03b5891136c4deb2d2215b0af13b756 PDF Text Text Pre-Hispanic Navigation in the Andean Region Carlos Ausejo Centro Peruano de Arqueología Marítima y Subacuática (CPAMS) Lima18 Perú Email: causejo@cpams.org.pe Abstract Offshore and inland waters in the Andean region were crossed by boats of various types made of different materials. These were related mainly to fishing activities, but also were involvedin long-distance trade of luxury goods, rituals, passengers and even war.Construction technologies and development of these vessels varied depending on available resources and the capacity of societies to solve navigational problems. In that sense a variety of types and forms of vessels have been identified, and although not all boats are "complex" as the Europeans, it is clear that they evolve and had changes over time that perfected them.Despite this plentiful of technologies, the archaeological record of actual watercraft is almost nonexistent. As a result the approach to these technologies is through other evidence as the iconography fund on pottery, textiles and wall friezes, as well as sculptural referencesnot to mentionreferences recorded by Spanish chroniclers and ultimatelypost- Conquest survivals.The aim of this paper is to recount these technologies through indirect evidence and elaborate some hypotheses about the use and success of the same in the pre -Hispanic Andean world and its survival after the conquest. Keywords: Prehispanic, Navigation, raft, boat, andean Introduction The Peruvian coastal environment consists of two related ecological zones, the Pacific Ocean with its adjacent shoreline and the river valleys that wind through the coastal desert creating linear oases. The coast of Peru, due to its complex natural environment generates a constantly renewed of marine food supply. The source of this large supply is the Peruvian Coast Current, also known as Humboldt Current, which is the easternmost segment of the counter clockwise circulation of the Pacific Ocean (Bawden, 1996). The archaeological evidence for the Middle Archaic (6000-3000 BC1) in the Andean area allows us to think that sedentary groups develop in the Andean valleys and the slopes each with their own neolithisation process. These societies 1 �depended on mixed economies however the coastal ones placed greater emphasis on the extraction of marine products (Shady, 2003b). The particular richness of the Peruvian coast allows the subsistence of larger groups of people and early complex coastal societies in pre-ceramic times as suggested by Moseley. Evidences of these can be found in Caral, Supe, and other sites, from the same period such as Huaynuna, Las Haldas, Ancon and La Paloma (Bearez and Miranda, 2003).Ever since the large marine resources could support the development of early complex societies, an increasing amount and more efficient marine exploitation was critical causing the development of new technologies to go further into the sea and complement the shoreline exploitation. Shellfish, Sea Mammals, Fish, and later the guano from off shore islands and long distance trade of sumptuary items, require a constant evolution and specialization on, fishing hooks, fishing nets and ultimately marine vessels (Rostworowski, 1989). Evidences for navigation The invention of floating devices in pre-Hispanic times is not a matter of discussion even though the lack of direct archaeological evidence of such devices. All evidences related with ancient navigation are based on historic and etnohistorical references, experimental archaeology and indirectarchaeological evidences such as iconography, models and artifacts. All of these sources face their own validation problems and subsequent debate. From all these sources it is clear that along the Andean region rafts of different complexity were the principal navigation tool, with the exception of the reed boat for Moche2times in the northern coast and Titicaca Lake3 (Ausejo, 2011). Archaeological evidence Actual rafts or boats have been elusive for archeologists, however the best evidence for them can be seenin a collection of wooden raft models found in southern Peru and northern Chile dated to the Late Intermediated Period (1000 – 1350 AD), belonging to the Chiribaya culture. The models are found on individual burials as burial offerings among others (Ortiz,2003). 2 �Other evidences are depictions of seafarers on mud friezes and sculpture or painted pottery. Depictions of seafarers on friezes are very rare, however Huaca Las Balsas, part of the Tucume complex in La Leche valley, dated prior to the arrival of the Chimu rule over the area shows a frieze (2.20m x 1.60 m) with two reed boats or rafts, each with two figures holding oars or paddles(Heyerdahl, 1995).Another wall frieze shows a similar depiction with four figures, two over a balsa log raft and two divers collecting spondyllus shell (Vicente Cortez, personal communication). The balsa raft appears to have sails. Likewise Mochefineline paintings on pottery show navigation depictions with complex reed boats (Ausejo, 2011). Besides the Moche other societies also represented navigation related representations such as the Sican, Chimu and Chancay (Cordy-Collins, 1990). The final archaeological evidence, which implies navigation, is the presence of archaeological remains in the off shore islands during the extraction of guano4 on the second half of the XIX century. The most interesting finds are wooden figures representing nude seated prisoners associated with Moche pottery (Kubler 1948). For San Lorenzo Island in the central coast, extensive cemeteries with complex burials have been reported, as well as hunting and fishing stations (Hudtwalcker and Pinilla, 2006). Historical Records The body of these records is composed by the chroniclers’ accounts, administrative and judicial documents and travellers’ accounts from the XVIII and XIX century. Despite the variety of information available from them, these records must be used with care and analysed critically; the chronicles, -texts written by Spanish observers- where written at a time when the indigenous people were seen as idolaters or sub-humans, therefore the preconceptions preclude any reasonable understanding of the Andean culture (Bawden, 1996). The earliest report come from Fray Bartolome de las Casas, around 1512, provided by the son of a Kuna5 chief telling about people from a rich kingdom, other than the Spaniards navigating with ships or vessels a little smaller using sails and paddles (Heyerdahl, 1995). The second and more famous report is from 1527, by Bartolome Ruiz, Pizarro’s pilot, aboutthe encounter with a little vessel tacking northward against 3 �the Northern current. The vessel was already passing the Ecuador when the Spaniards following the current southward into unknown waters intercepted it (Heyerdahl, 1995). Evidently the balsas were still in use and even of importance at the arrival of the Spaniards and during the rule of the Incas (Heyerdahl, 1995). Therefore some chroniclers and administrative documents refer to times before and during the Inca’s rule. An account classified as historical, but without references, is the naval battle fought by Atahualpa, who allied with the Curaca of Tumbes to declare war against the Puná Island. Having been defeated and wounded, Atahualpa withdrew to Quito and Tumbes was conquered and burned by the Curaca of Puná. That is why Pizarro changed the name of Tumbes to Puerto Quemado (Burned Harbour) (Rostworowski, 1999).Another account is related with a brief conversation between Pizarro and Atahualpa he asked the Inca ruler why the Curaca of Chincha was carried on a stretcher, and he responded that it was a very good friend and great man of the coast, and he had available a hundred thousand rafts at sea (Hocquenguem, 1999; Rostworowski, 1989) The most interesting and controversial document is a manuscript file, called “Aviso”, from the Royal Palace of Madrid; the document mention that before the Inca expansion, the Chincha lordship had thirty thousand farmers divided in twelve thousand farmers, ten thousand fishermen and six thousand "traders in the Indian way", each with reasonable wealth (Rostworowski, 1999). They used two routes, a land to highland, from Chincha to Cusco and Collao and another maritime, on rafts to Mantas and Puerto Viejo in Ecuador (Rostworowski, 1989).The controversy is because Rostworowski interpret the “traders in the Indian way” as merchants engage in maritime long distance trade and therefore the use of boats capable of long distance travel, such as described byBartolome Ruiz of the raft and the specificity of the contentssimilar to those referred in the “Aviso”(Rostworowski, 1989). Etnohistorical Evidence The Incas, as well as other previous societies, didn’t have a writing system, so they rely in oral tradition to keep records of their history. The Spaniards later recorded these Story’s or legends during the earlier years of the conquest or later. Therefore just like the historical records, and because they refer to events several years before the arrival 4 �of the Spaniards, legends recorded by the chroniclers must be use with discretion and critically. The northern coast of Peru before the Inca rule in the area have two foundations myths about the Chimu, very similar with each other but with different port of arrival, Naylamp arrives to Lambayeque and Tacaynamo to Trujillo (Rostworowski 1999). On either case the myth refers to a group capable of navigation systems and probably long distance traffic. Miguel Cabello de Balboa describes Naylamp arrival to the Lambayeque valley (Ravines, 1980):"The natives of Lambayeque say, that in ancient times who cannot number them, came from the northern part of this Piru with large fleet of rafts with a father of campaigns, a man of great value and quality called Naylamp and brought many concubines, but the principal wife was called Ceterni, brought within his company many people who as captain and leader were following him, but what was the most valuable among them were officers who were forty ... " (Cabello Balboa, [1576] 1951: 327-330). Another myth, in this case referred to the God Viracocha, is of particular interest. The God after finishing the creation of the world leaves to Ecuador, apparently Manta or Puerto Viejo, and embarks with his servants into a sea voyage without return (Hocquenguem, 1999). In the case of the Inca’s we found only two specific stories specifically related with Tupac Yupanqui, an Inca ruler several years before the arrival of the Spaniards.The first story is related with the use of balsa log rafts in the tributaries of the Amazons River transporting large number of soldiers and people with success. The second, and the famous, is his journey into the Pacific Ocean to the legendary islands of Auachumbi and Nina Chumbi. Apparently by the experimental use of balsas it seems that the islands referring in the Tupac Yupanqui story are Easter Island (for Ninachumbi) and Kava (for Avachumbi) according with the information of distance and direction provided by Sarmiento (Heyerdahl 1995). What’s more interesting is the references in Polynesian manuscripts noted by Sir Peter Buck, about a visitor in Mangareva called Tupa, and also tells that Tupa before going back to his country told them it was a vast land full of people and ruled by powerful kings (Heyerdahl, 1995). 5 �Type of Vessels In this section we’d like to discuss and define the type of navigation vessels use at the time and before the arrival of the Spaniards. The main problem we face typifying and defining marine, as well as lake or river, vessels is that some writers, weather is a reed or balsa log boat, use the term “Balsa” “Boat” or “Raft” indifferently to any kind of marine or water vessel they encountered and reported (Cordy-Collins personal communication). So to keep clear the terms we will use the definition of raft as a nonwatertight made of individual floating elements (McGrail, 1985). Although all pre – Hispanic vessels can be describe into this definition, we’ll make one exemption with a specific reed craft, called Tule Boat (Cordy Collins, 1972), or Reed Boat (Donnan and McClelland, 1979), found only in iconography depictions. The differences between a raft and a boat are base in comparisons with similar complex reed crafts use nowadays in the Titicaca Lake. After reviewing the available resources of information we can identify at least five types of vessels define by their building materials. Gourd Rafts The simplest vessel is made of gourds tied to each other, although it isn’t mentioned it should have some kind of simple deck; apparently it was used to cross rivers in flood seasons or particular coastal rivers with a constant and high flow the whole year (Rostworowski, 1981). Such is the case of the Santa River, south of Chao, the longest and mightiest of coastal rivers. Since the sixteenth century, is mentioned as “the greatest river, the toughest of these valleys and plains, it is cross using ugly rafts of gourds called mates ... " (JudioPortugués, 1958: 27 in Ravines, 1980) Skin Raft Another simply vessel is made with sea lions skins inflated as floating devices, they are reported between Ica, in Peru, and San Antonio, Chile (Paez 1986). This practice has been lost in the whole area, however in 1958 Hans Niemeyer reported one last man who remembered the construction technique of these vessels. The construction was simple, made of two inflated sea lion skins tied together with leather straps. A set of beams connected the skins, and over them wooden planks formed a simple deck (Rostworowski, 1981). A single person seated or kneeing with a double bladed paddle 6 �manned it. These raft were use for fishing, carrying goods and passengers, as well as Niter Paez, 1986). Balsa Log Raft The balsa logs vessels are the most common type of deep - sea vessel found by the Spaniards (Fig. 1 - 4). These traditions cover an area that includes Ecuador, Peru and northern Chile (Valdivia 1974). They are made of thick long logs of balsa wood (Genus Ochroma) tie together with ropes. Figure 1:Wall frieze of balsa log raft at Huaca Las Figure 2: Wall frieze of balsa log raft with sail and Balsas, northern coast of Perú. (Photo by: Vicente divers at Huaca Las Balsas, northern coast of Perú. Cortez) (Photo by: Vicente Cortez) Figure 3: Modern balsa log raft at mancora, Figure 4: Modern balsa log raft at mancora, northern coast of Perú. (Photo by: Ericka Cicchini) northern coast of Perú. (Photo by: Carlos Ausejo) The logs are always in odd numbers, being the middle log the longest, and over them other logs as crosspieces to tight the construction. Over the logs a framework of canes was laid and provisions and cargo were kept in an elevated cabin to protect it from the 7 �sea washouts (Heyerdahl, 1995).The balsa logs vessels size seem to be variable, but most accounts reveal that could carry a considerable cargo in men and horses and also carried stone anchors resembling millstones on the deck (Heyerdahl, 1995). Two different kinds of sails were use with the balsa log vessel: First, the lateen or triangular sail, as reported by Fernandez de Oviedo; and second, the square sail on a double mast, both types survived until modern times. The square sail on a bipod mast is also found in reed vessels on the Titicaca Lake (Heyerdahl, 1995). One last technology to note on the balsa logs vessels, and perhaps the more interesting is described first by the Dutch admiral Spilbergen about the use of broad boards inserted vertically in the cracks of the logs. The “Guaras” was system use called by the Figure 5:Totora Raft known as “Caballito de Totota” o “Totora indigenous people for deep Reed Horse”. (Photo by: Vicente Cortez) sea navigation. But it was in 1736 when two Spanish naval officers, G. Juan and A de Ulloa, describe in a better way the guara system and their advantages (Heyerdahl, 1995): “Hitherto we have only mentioned the construction and the uses they are applied; but the greatest singularity if this floating vehicle is that it sails, tacks, and works as well in contrary wind as ships with keel, and makes very little leeway. This 8 �advantages derives from another method of steering than by a rudder; namely, by some boards, three or four yards in length, and half a yard in breadth, called guaras, which are placed vertically, both at the head and stern between the main beams, and by thrusting some of them deep in the water, and raising others, they bear away, lift up, tack, lay to, and perform all the other motions of a regular ship.” Reed Raft The raft is a single or double manned vessel made of a reed fiber called Totora (ScirpusCalifornicus), it grew in abundance in marshes and lakes, natural or artificial, along the coast (Rostworowski, 1981) and It is also known in modern days as “Caballito de Totora” or Reed Horse (Fig. 5). They seem to had different characteristics according to the area, for example Huanchaco, north coast, have only the bow pointed upward and turn up; in Lurin, central coast, three bundles were made with the central bundle being slightly longer than the others. In the case of Moche and Chimu ceramics representation they seem to have both pointed ends upwards (Rostworowski, 1981). Strong continuities of this tradition exist, as shown by the survival of the “Caballito de Totora” in the north coast, and have been convincingly shown through ethnographic research into modern and recent societies of the north coast region (Bawden, 1996). Reed Boat This type of boat can only be seen at the Titicaca Lake nowadays (Fig. 6). This particular reed craft, although by definition might be considered as a raft, will be considered a boat in this paper. It consists of massive bundles of Totora forming a high floating hull (although it’s not empty and not watertight), over the “hull” the surface is dry and protected contrary to the washed surfaces of rafts. Depending on the size it could carry several people as mentioned by Cobo which described that major balsas were made over gathering reeds bundles on which they could sail up to twelve people and when they were joined two it was able to carrying cattle and beasts (Rostworowski, 1981). Larger boats can be made by sewing two of these and have a second deck made of lighter cane as well as sails. This is the type of craft being represented in Moche pottery as double deck reed boats capable of transporting cargo and in some cases passengers (Cordy-Collins, 1999; Ausejo 2011). This boat building tradition didn’t 9 �survive in the coast like it did in the Titicaca Lake probably replaced by the balsa log vessel tradition (Ortiz, 2006) However, it is unclear yet the origin of this construction technique in the Titicaca lake. Nevertheless complex reed crafts have proven to be worthless for long distance sea travels during the voyage made by Gene Savoy in 1969 from the Salaverry port in Peru to (Rostworowski, 1981). Figure 6:Totora read boat in Lake Titicaca, southern highlands, between Perú and Bolivia. (Photo by: Vicente Cortez) Conclusion As we can see societies in the Andean region successfully developed different types of watercraft using available resources for construction and adapted for different activities. Although archaeological evidence has been hard to find or identify most of these traditions are still alive as proof of their efficiency and success. This paper is a summary of most watercraft known for the Andean region and as such it’s an invitation for further research in the topic. We still have the great question of where can we find these vessels in the archaeological record, and then for every type of vessel we still have unanswered questions like when and where the sail appeared. Or why the reed boats disappeared in the northern coast, etc. The topic is broad and we haven’t even looked at the watercraft traditions in the Amazon basin. Acknowledgements 10 �I’d like to thank the organizing committee of the 2014 APCONF, especially to Hans Van Tilburg and Veronica Walker, and the session presenters, for making possible this session. Endnotes 1. Georgian Calendar designation that starts at year one, from the birth of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, with every year since added by one. 2. Between 400 B.C. and 600 A.C. (Rowe, 1945) 3. The Titicaca Lake is located in the border of Peru and Bolivia in the Altiplanic region. 4. Guano is the excrement of seabirds and seals found in the offshore islands of the Peruvian coast. It is an effective fertilizer due to its high levels of phosphorus and nitrogen (Shimada, 1994) 5. The Kuna lived in northern Colombia and the Darien region of Panama at the arrival of the Spaniards (Bartolomé and Barabas,2004). References Ausejo, C., 2011.Pre-Hispanic Navigation: Iconographic Evidence in Moche Fine Line PaintingIn. In M. Staniforth, Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific regional conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage. 8-12 Nov 2011, Manila: 969-979. Bartolomé, A and A. Barabas. 2004. Recursos culturales y autonomía étnica. La democracia participativa de los Kuna de Panamá. En Amérique Latine Histoire et Mémoire 10. Bearez, P., Miranda, L., 2003. Análisis arqueo ictiológico del sector residencial del sitio arqueológico de Caral – Supe, Costa Central del Perú. In R. Shady, and C. Leyva (Eds.),La Ciudad Sagrada de Caral – Supe: Los orígenes y la formación del Estado Prístino en el Antiguo Perú. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura – Proyecto Especial ArqueológicoCaral – Supe: 123-132. Bourguet, S., 1994. El mar y la muerte en la iconografía Moche. In: Uceda, S., Mujica, E. (eds). Moche: propuestas y perspectivas: Actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la cultura Moche, Trujillo, 12 al 16 de abril 1993. Lima: Universidad Nacional de La Libertad – Trujillo. Bawden, G., 1996. The Moche. Cambridge: Mass, Oxford: Blackwell. Cabello de Balboa, Miguel. 1951 [1576] MisceláneaAntártica: unahistoria del Perúantiguo:Seminario de Historia del Perú – Incas Instituto de Etnología. 11 �Cordy – Collins, A. 1990.FongaSigde, Shell Purveyor to the Chimu Kings. In: Moseley, ME, Cordy - Collins, A. (eds)., Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M, Moseley, ME. (organizers). The Northern dynasties: kingship and statecraft in Chimor: a symposium at Dumbarton Oaks, 12th and 13th October 1985. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Cordy – Collins, A., 1999.La sacerdotisa y la Ostra: Queda resuelto el enigma del Spondylus?. In: Cordy-Collins, A. et. al. 1999. Spondylus: ofrenda sagrada y símbolo de paz. Lima: Fundación Telefónica, Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera. Donnan, CB., Castillo, L., 1994. Excavaciones de tumbas de sacerdotisas Moche en San José de Moro, Jequetepeque. In: Uceda, S., Mujica, E. (eds). Moche: propuestas y perspectivas. Lima: Universidad Nacional de La Libertad – Trujillo. Donnan, CB., McClelland, D., 1979. The burial theme in Moche iconography. Washington: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University. Casas, B. de las.1956 [1512].Historia de lasIndias/ Fray Bartolome de las Casas.Ediciónpreparadapor la Fundación “InstitutoBartolomé de las Casas” de los Dominicios de Andalucía. Heyerdahl, T., 1995.Chapter 1.In: Heyerdahl, T., Sandweiss, D., Narváez, A. (eds). Pyramids of Túcume: The quest for Peru's forgotten city. London: Thames and Hudson. Hocquenghem, AM., 1999. En torno al Mullu, Manjar Predilecto de los Poderosos Inmortales. In: Cordy-Collins, A., Rostworowski, A., Hocquenghem, A., Pillsbury, J.1999. Spondylus : ofrenda sagrada y símbolo de paz. Lima: Fundación Telefónica, Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera. Hudtwalcker, J., Pinilla, J., 2006. La historia cultural de la Isla San Lorenzo.Gaceta Cultural del Perú 22, 20-21. Kubler, G., 1948. Towards Absolute Time: Guano Archaeology. American Antiquity XIII/4, 29-50. McClelland, D. 1990.A maritime passage from Moche to Chimu. In: Moseley, ME, Cordy - Collins, A. (eds)., Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M, Moseley, ME. (organizers). The Northern dynasties: kingship and statecraft in Chimor: a symposium at Dumbarton 12 �Oaks, 12th and 13th October 1985. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. McGrail, S., 1985. Towards a classification of water transport: World Archaeology,Vol 16. Issue 3: 298-303 Ortiz, J., 2003. Navegación en la Zona Sur Andina:Derroteros de la Mar del Sur.N˚11: 123-135. Ortiz, J., 2006. Tecnología de exportación. Gaceta Cultural del Perú 22, 12-13. Paez, R., 1986. Balsas de cuero de lobo en la segunda mitad del Siglo XIX: Antecedentes cuantitativos para el norte de Chile.RevistaChungara N˚ 16-17:412-418. Ravines, R., 1980. Chanchán: metrópoli Chimú. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos: Instituto de Investigación Tecnológica Industrial y de Normas Técnicas. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M., 1981. Recursos naturales renovables y pesca, siglos XVI y XVII. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M., 1989. Costa peruana prehispánica. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Rostworowski, M., 1999. Intercambio Prehispánico del Spondylus. In: Cordy-Collins, A., Rostworowski, A., Hocquenghem, A., Pillsbury, J. 1999. Spondylus: ofrenda sagrada y símbolo de paz. Lima: Fundación Telefónica, Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera. Rowe. J.,1946. Absolute Chronology in the Andean Area.American Antiquity. Vol 10: 265-284 Shady, R., et al. 2003a. Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú: el áreaNorcentral y el Valle de Supe durante el Arcaico Tardio. In: Shady, R., Leyva, C. (eds). La Ciudad Sagrada de Caral – Supe: Los orígenes y la formación del Estado Prístino en el Antiguo Perú. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura – Proyecto Especial ArqueológicoCaral – Supe: 93-100 Shady, R., 2003b. El sustento económico del surgimiento de la civilización en el Perú. In: Shady, R. and Leyva, C. (eds). La Ciudad Sagrada de Caral – Supe: Los orígenes y la formación del Estado Prístino en el Antiguo Perú. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura – Proyecto Especial ArqueológicoCaral – Supe:101-106 13 �Shimada, I.,1994. Pampa Grande and the MochicaCulture.Austin: University of Texas Press Valdivia, L., 1974. Pesca de arrastre con balsas en playa de Arica. RevistaChungara N˚ 4:55-60. Biography Carlos Ausejo is an archaeologist specialized in underwater archaeology, since 2006 he has taken part on several underwater Archaeology Projects in Peru. In 2009 he finished his degree in Maritime Archaeology at University College London, and in 2010, with other colleagues he founded the “Centro Peruano de ArqueologíaMarítima y Subacuática” (CPAMS). He is currently working as general manager at Hatunqucha, a CRM company that specializes in underwater and public archaeology, and also as Director at the (CPAMS), and part time professor in archaeology at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 14: Pre-Hispanic Navigation Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 14 Chair Carlos Ausejo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Navigation was not unknown in the Americas, at the Spaniards arrival different kind of vessel were in use both in the Pacific and the Atlantic shores, as well as in lakes or rivers. Canoe, reed rafts, balsa log raft and others skin based watercraft have been described mainly on historical records and gave us an idea of this technologies. Although it is clear that long and short distance maritime trade routes were in use and watercraft were also involve in war activities and other maritime activities, archaeological evidence related with actual boats has been elusive to find. Still some of these traditions have survived time and in use with some changes and others were incorporated to European navigation traditions. During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent. The aim of this session is to show research advances on this topic mainly in the Pacific shores and inland waters through different perspectives up to the Spanish arrival. It will focus primarily in the Andean and Mesoamerican region, however other regions would be accepted. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carlos Ausejo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Pre-Hispanic Navigation in the Andean Region Description An account of the resource Offshore and inland waters in the Andean region were crossed by boats of various types made of different materials. These were related mainly to fishing activities, but also were involvedin long-distance trade of luxury goods, rituals, passengers and even war.Construction technologies and development of these vessels varied depending on available resources and the capacity of societies to solve navigational problems. In that sense a variety of types and forms of vessels have been identified, and although not all boats are "complex" as the Europeans, it is clear that they evolve and had changes over time that perfected them.Despite this plentiful of technologies, the archaeological record of actual watercraft is almost nonexistent. As a result the approach to these technologies is through other evidence as the iconography fund on pottery, textiles and wall friezes, as well as sculptural referencesnot to mentionreferences recorded by Spanish chroniclers and ultimatelypost- Conquest survivals.The aim of this paper is to recount these technologies through indirect evidence and elaborate some hypotheses about the use and success of the same in the pre -Hispanic Andean world and its survival after the conquest. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carlos Ausejo, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/16/2014 Asia-Pac Session 14 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/44abd9bec55afaf5e134ef9359ed07bd.pdf bf31fc4fd48d2431b640015a65a8b483 PDF Text Text Stone anchors of India: Findings, Classification and Significance Sila Tripati CSIR-National Institute of Oceanography, Dona Paula, Goa 403 004, India Email: sila@nio.org Abstract Various types of stone anchors have been observed during inshore and offshore explorations along the east and west coasts of India. The earliest stone anchors of India have been recorded from the Harappan sites (3rd millennium BC), but their shape and size do not resemble the anchors found during maritime archaeological explorations since 1986. The stone anchors until now recovered from many sites of India can broadly be classified into four types: namely composite, Indo-Arabian, ring stone (mushroom) and single hole. Among all these types of anchors the Indo-Arabian are largest in number and were associated with the Arab traders who were also involved in the horse trade. Moreover, Indo-Arabian stone anchors have been found in a datable context as well reused as lintels, mooring bits, pavements, etc. Composite and single-hole stone anchors are the oldest ones. Composite stone anchors have been reported from Gujarat and Maharashtra coast; ring stone anchors from Gujarat and Goa coast and single hole and Indo-Arabian anchors from both east and west coasts of India. Evidences suggest that stone anchors were used in Indian waters from the 3rd millennium BC to the mid 20th century along with iron anchors which were introduced by the Europeans. Stone anchors resembling Indian have also been reported from the Persian Gulf, African countries, Sri Lanka and Maldives, which suggest maritime contacts and transfer of knowledge and technology. This paper details the finding of stone anchors, their role and significance in the maritime history of India. Key words: Stone anchor, Horse trade, Maritime contacts, Technology, transfer of knowledge Introduction It has been stated that man attained the knowledge of nautical skills from the time when he crossed the oceans with the help of crafts made of logs and dugouts during the Stone Age. He must have used stones of some size as anchors. After several centuries, different types and shapes of stone anchors were developed and used for various purposes including inland and overseas trade. In Indian contexts, a great extent of new evidence relating to stone anchors has come to light during inland, coastal and offshore explorations and excavations (Fig. 1). Gujarat is the lone state of India where stone anchors have been recorded during land excavations but those differ in shape and size 1 �from the anchors which were found during maritime archaeological explorations. A study of stone anchors of India is the key to understanding maritime trade, overseas contacts and shipping activities of the region. In this paper an attempt has been made to describe the stone anchors of India, their role and significance in the maritime history of India. Anchor finding sites of India In India, stone anchors have been observed during land excavations and onshore as well offshore explorations. Lothal and Kuntasi, Fig. 1 Map showing the stone anchor sites in India. both inland sites in Gujarat, off the west coast of India, have yielded (Sila Tripati) stone anchors during land excavations that vary in shape and size from other anchors. Seven stone anchors from Lothal (Fig. 2a) (Rao, 1979) and two from Kuntasi (Fig. 2b) (Dhavalikar et al., 1996) have been recorded. Lothal anchors appear like the composite and single hole types whereas Kuntasi anchors seem like the ring stone type. Since the commencement of maritime archaeological research in Indian waters in 1983 by the CSIR-National Institute of Oceanography (NIO), Goa, (http://www.nio.org) their goals are to discover submerged habitation, port sites and shipwrecks in order to understand the relationships between man and sea. Explorations have been carried out along both the east and west coasts of India. During this maritime archaeological research, in addition to habitational and port remains and shipwrecks, numerous stone anchors of composite, Indo-Arabian, ring stone and single hole type have been recovered during both onshore and underwater explorations off Gujarat (Gulf of Kachchh, Bet Dwarka, Aramda, Dwarka, Miyani, Visawada, Somnath, Mithi Virdi, Kodinar); Maharashtra (Dabhol, Vijaydurg, Sindhudurg); Goa (Baga, Grande Island, Sunchi Reef); Kerala (Kannur); 2 �Lakshadweep (Minicoy Island); Tamil Nadu (Gulf of Mannar, Tuticorin and Manapad); Andhra Pradesh (Kottapatnam); Odisha (Kanas, Chilika Lake); West Bengal (Harinarayanpur). Fig. 2 (a-e) Types of stone anchors found Fig. 2 (f-k) Types of stone anchors found along the Gujarat coast of India. (Sila Tripati) along the Gujarat coast of India. (Sila Tripati) Gujarat In order to locate remains of submerged habitation and port sites of Gujarat, onshore and offshore explorations at Dwarka (Fig. 2c i, ii, iii), Bet Dwarka (Fig. 2d i, ii,), Aramda 3 �(Fig. 2e), Somnath (Fig. 2f i, ii, iii), Miyani (Fig. 2g i, ii), Viaswada (Fig. 2h i, ii), Kodinar (Fig. 2i), Mithi Virdi (Fig. 2j), Gopnath, Hatab, Ghogha, Navi Bunder (Fig. 2k) were carried out. During these excavations, composite, Indo-Arabian, ring stone and single hole types of stone anchors were found from different water depths (Gaur et al., 2013, 2008, 2005). Those were documented and some of them were retrieved for study and analysis. These anchors resemble those found in the Mediterranean Sea, Persian Gulf and Red Sea Coast. Petrographic analysis shows that mariners of India used different rocks for making anchors irrespective of their size and variety and sourced the rock from nearby and sometimes from the hinterland (Sila Tripati, et al., 2010) Maharashtra During maritime archaeological explorations along Maharashtra coast, composite and Indo-Arabian types of stone anchors were discovered at Sindhudurg (Fig. 3a i, ii) and Vijaydurg (Fig. 3b i, ii). These stone anchors have been used as mooring bits and laid on the pavement, whereas Indo-Arabian type of stone anchors have been utilised as lintels (Fig. 3b iii) in the second fortification of the Vijaydurg Fort and mooring bit at the dockyard, which is 3 km away from Vijaydurg Fort (Sila Tripati et al., 1998). Similarly, one Indo-Arabian type of stone anchor was noticed which has been used as a lintel at Padmagad Fort (Fig. 3c), which is near Sindhudurg Fort (Sila and Gaur, 1997). In 2003, dredging for construction of a passenger jetty at Dhabol port, revealed four Indo-Arabian stone anchors (Fig. 3d) along with wooden flukes Radiocarbon dates of the flukes suggest that the anchors were 590 + 90 and 600 + 70 years old (Gaur et al., 2009). In India this is the first instance where stone anchors found along with wooden flukes. Goa During shipwreck explorations in Goa waters stone anchors are also recorded: one each of Indo-Arabian and ring stone (Fig. 3e) type of stone anchor from Sunchi Reef, two Indo-Arabian type from Grande Island (Fig. 3f) and a pyramidal type of stone anchor from Baga waters (Sila Tripati et al., 2013). At first glance, the Baga stone anchor appears like an Indo-Arabian type (Fig. 3g). All these anchors of Goa are chance finds. 4 �Kerala During exploration an Indo-Arabian type of stone anchor was recorded on the southeast corner of Hydross Palli Mosque near the beach of Kannur. The stone anchor is half buried in the ground (Fig. 3h). It has two lower square holes meant for wooden flukes. No marks are visible on its surface; however, a thick coat of grey varnish colour has been applied on its surface. The length and width of the visible portion of the anchor is 0.89 x 0.30 m, but the original length is more than what has been recorded. The anchor has been trimmed neatly leaving prominent straight lines all around on its surface (Sila Tripati et al., 2005). Lakshadweep An Indo-Arabian type of stone anchor was found Fig. 3 (a-d) Types of stone anchors lying in the compound of Jama Mosque of Funhilol found along the Maharashtra, Goa, of Minicoy, which was built in 1344 year of the Hijri. Kerala and Lakshadweep coast of Originally the anchor was used as a lintel at the entrance of the mosque. During renovation of India. (Sila Tripati) mosque the anchor was removed from the lintel and kept aside (Fig. 3i). Chisel marks are visible on the surface of the anchor. Its upper hole is round and lower holes are square. The anchor is made of sandstone and its maximum length is 292 cm (Sila Tripati, 2009). Coral growth, noticed on its surface, signifies that the anchor was underwater for some time. Tamil Nadu Onshore and offshore explorations off Rameswaram (Fig. 4a), the Gulf of Mannar and Tuticorin region of Tamil Nadu have yielded one trapezoidal and five Indo-Arabian types 5 �of stone anchor. These anchors are made of greywacke sandstone, granite and sandstone. The biggest anchor, found off Kursadi Island, measures 2.97 m, has fluke holes at lower end and the upper hole for rope. The anchor is not used extensively and its estimated weight is 1522 kg. The other Indo-Arabian anchor has lower holes and rope hole is missing. It is made of greywacke sandstone and the estimated weight is 178 kg. The Indo-Arabian type stone anchor which was found near the mosque of Fig. 3 (e-i) Types of stone anchors Vedalai (Fig. 4b) is made of granite. The fluke found along the Maharashtra, Goa, holes of the anchor are present whereas the rope Kerala and Lakshadweep coast of hole is missing. Marine growth and chisel marks are visible on the anchor. Its maximum length is India. (Sila Tripati) 181 cm and weight is 520 kg. The trapezoidal type of stone anchor found in the backwaters of Periapattinam, is made of sandstone and its rope hole is present. Its total length and weight is 52 cm and 72 kg respectively and it is highly weathered (Athiyaman and Jayakumar, 2004). During underwater exploration five single hole stone anchors (Fig. 4c) were found off Manapad, Tamil Nadu coast. Among the five anchors four were found in shallow water and one from inland. All these anchors serve as mooring for small fishing boats. These anchors are made of sandstone and chisel marks were visible on some anchors. The quarrying site of these anchors is also noticed close to the church of Manapad. This is the first evidence of a quarry site for stone anchors in the Indian context. Local craftsmen were engaged in making these square shaped single hole stone anchors which they sold to fishermen. Similar types of anchors have been retrieved from Visawada in Gujarat. Moreover, these anchors resemble the Uluburun stone anchors which are recovered from the late 14th century BC shipwreck (Pulak, 2005). 6 �Andhra Pradesh Recently, onshore explorations were carried out at Kottapatnam in Andhra Pradesh to ascertain the antiquity of the site and possibilities of undertaking underwater explorations. In the course of the exploration various types of pottery and a coin belonging to the Vijaynagar period were collected amidst the sand dunes. In addition to these finds, a single hole stone anchor was found lying in an agricultural field close to the navigational canal (Fig. 4d). A major portion of the Fig. 4 Types of stone anchors found along the anchor is buried and only a little portion is east coast of India. (Sila Tripati and N. visible on the surface. Soil on one side of the anchor was removed to study its Athiyaman) shape, size, presence of marks if any, etc., before it was documented. Prominent chisel marks are visible on its surface as well in the hole. The anchor tapers upwards and its overall thickness is not uniform. A big piece of rock has been chopped off from the lower side. The maximum length, width and thickness of the anchor are 76x77x27 cm and weight could be about 250 kg. From the archaeological finds of Kottapatnam and a comparative study of stone anchors recorded from other sites of India, the stone anchor of Kottapatnam can be tentatively dated to the medieval period (Sila Tripati et al., 2014). Odisha Onshore explorations at Kanas on the bank of River Luna in the surrounding region of Chilika Lake, brought to light stone anchors and hero stones. The stone anchors of Kanas are made of sand stone, trapezoidal in shape, having one, two and three holes, an uneven surface and were weathered (Fig. 4e). Moreover, they differ in shape and size from the anchors reported from other sites of India. These stone anchors were 7 �made for marshy and muddy river mouths and lakes. Wooden pegs were inserted in the holes and rope was tied at the upper hole. The stone anchors with one hole were probably used for small boats. The wear and tear marks are distinct and breakage is more because these anchors are made of sandstone. Some of the stone anchors have been converted into hero stones. These stone anchors were found lying with a number of hero stones. However the shape and effectiveness of the anchors can be taken into account in relation to the environment and nature of the lakebed. The possible reason for finding a number of hero stones could be that there might have been some naval battles fought in the region and hero stones were erected in their memory. The making of anchors from the hero stones indicates their alternative use (Sila Tripati and Patnaik, 2008). Classification Stone anchors are classified according to character, shape and region. In general stone anchors have been classified as composite, Indo-Arabian, Ring stone and single hole stone anchor. Frost (1991) indicates that a composite stone anchor used to have more than one hole. Wooden flukes were provided in the additional holes which protrude on both sides of the anchor so that whichever manner the anchor falls on the seabed the flukes will hold the seabed firmly. Triangular anchors are known as composite anchors, these are often made of a flat thin stone block, giving them a triangular shape with a circular upper hole at the apex and two holes at the lower side. These lower holes may be either rectangular or square. Occasionally, some of the composite anchors used to have one, two and four holes. The common feature of Indo-Arabian type stone anchor is that they are trapezoidal or rectangular in shape, used to have two square or rectangular holes at the lower end opposite facing each other for securing wooden flukes and a round hole at the apex meant for cable. The other feature of Indo-Arabian type of stone anchor is that its lower side is thicker than the upper side because it tapers upwards. As the lower side is broader and heavier it provides sturdier, better grip and chances of drifting become less. The distinctive feature of ring stone type of anchor is that they are circular in shape, have a flat base, taper upward to a certain height and have a wide hole. In shape they appear like mushrooms. Single hole stone anchors are made of thick flat blocks of different sizes. The hole is found either at the centre or 8 �upper portion of the block. The size of the hole used to be smaller than that of the stone block. Significance Stone anchors are mostly recovered along ports and harbour sites, sheltered bays and shipwrecks. A study of anchors provides evidence of maritime contacts between countries and finding of varieties of anchors suggests visits of ships of various countries. It also helps in understanding the nature of maritime trade and the period. It shows that a larger number of stone anchors have been discovered than shipwrecks have been explored all around the world. In case of composite stone anchors which have been profusely reported from the Mediterranean Sea, they are distinct in their dimensions, typology, period and similar anchors have been found in underwater and in-land regions of the west coast of India. So far there is no direct evidence to conclude that composite stone anchors which were reported from Indian waters were introduced by the Mediterranean mariners in this part of the world. Whereas Arab mariners had sailed in the Red Sea, Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean with varied climatic and physical conditions hence, technically, they had designed their (Indo-Arabian) type of anchors differently to be able to withstand rocky, coral or sandy seabed. From the 8th-9th centuries onwards the Arabs and Persians had sailed to the Indian Ocean region and used Indo-Arabian type of stone anchors for anchoring their ships. Similar types of stone anchors have been reported from Iran, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Kenya and Sri Lanka suggesting maritime contacts between these countries (Sila Tripati et al., 2013). Unless some new evidence for dating Indo-Arabian stone anchor comes from any other source, the earliest date of Indo-Arabian stone anchors would remain between 8th and 11th centuries AD. With regard to ring stone anchors those are recorded in Gujarat, Goa, and Minicoy and found along with Indo-Arabian stone, composite and single holes (Sila Tripati et al., 2013). In India reuse of Indo-Arabian stone anchors has been noticed at the Jama Mosque of Funhilol of Minicoy. Earlier such instance has come to light at Vijaydurg fort where Indo-Arabian stone anchors have been used as lintel in the fortification wall of the fort. Composite, Indo-Arabian anchors have also been used as mooring bits, pavement 9 �and doorsill of Sindhudurg fort. In India a larger number of Indo-Arabian and ring stone (mushroom) stone anchors have been reported than composite and single hole stone anchors. All these types of stone anchors were concurrently in use in Indian waters. Probably composite type of stone anchors were used in Indian waters for a limited period, because, these stone anchors are nowhere reported other than in Gujarat and only one from Vijaydurg along the west coast of India. Indo-Arabian, ring stone, single hole type stone anchors have been reported with and without composite type of stone anchors in Indian context. Date of anchors Most of the stone anchors of India have been discovered without any archaeological context and associated findings are too minimal to date them. In the absence of direct evidence, findings such as pottery, coins, inscription, etc in close proximity of the stone anchors have been taken into account to date the stone anchors. In India, there are very few sites where the dating of stone anchors has been correlated with archaeological evidence. For instance in Bet Dwarka stone anchors were found along with amphorae datable to the 4th and 5th centuries AD (Gaur et al., 2005), glazed ware of medieval period were recovered along with stone anchors in Ghogha, stone anchors have been used in the lintel of Vijaydurg Fort of medieval period (Sila Tripati et al., 1998), the Arabic inscription of the Mosque of the 13th and 14th centuries can be associated with the stone anchor in Kannur (Sila Tripati et al., 2005), in Chilika Lake the hero stones of the 7th to 9th centuries AD are related to stone anchors (Sila Tripati., and Patnaik, 2008). In Dabhol, Maharashtra, stone anchors found along with wooden flukes and their Radiocarbon dates show that the flukes are 500 to 600 years old which confirms that Indo-Arabian type of stone anchors were used in Indian waters 500 to 600 years Before Present (Gaur et al., 2009). Such dating of stone anchors confirms that stone anchors were used during those periods, but it is not known exactly when the particular type of stone anchors was introduced and how long those were in use. However, from the shape, size and weight, the evolutionary development of stone anchors can be traced. Although the stone anchors of Lothal and Kuntasi were found during land excavations and dated in archaeological context, there is some ambiguity about their use, identification and context. 10 �Conclusions It is well recorded that India had along maritime history starting from the Bronze Age civilization onwards if not earlier and the discovery of large number of anchors both from east and west coast confirm the statement. So far there is no clear evidence to suggest that the varieties of anchors recorded were evolved in India or these were introduced by outside mariners in Indian waters. As different types of stone anchors have been found in different parts of the world therefore scholars are keen to study their evolution to development. The type of stone anchors reported from other parts of world is also recorded in Indian waters. It has been observed that all varieties of stone anchors were used simultaneously for long period and continued till the introduction of iron anchors by the European in Indian waters. The recovery of types of stone in Indian water suggests that the mariners adopted all varieties of stone anchors for the safety of their vessels. Once mariners found a type of anchor suitable for anchoring the boats they adopted it for centuries. In many parts of the world fishermen still use their primitive type of stone anchors even today in spite of advancement made in every field and this makes interest to the maritime archaeologist to study the stone anchors. Acknowledgement The author is thankful to the Director, CSIR-National Institute of Oceanography for his encouragement. The author is highly obliged to the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) for financial grants for attending the conference. Thanks are also due to colleagues for their co-operation in the field and while completing the paper and Shri S. B. Chitari, R. Uchil, and Sham Akerkar for computer tracing of figures, Shri S. N. Bandodker and Shri Sheikh Ali for the photographs. References Athiyaman, N., and Jayakumar, P., 2004. Ancient anchors off Tamil Nadu coast and ship tonnage analysis. Current Science, Vol. 86 (9): 1261-1267. Dhavalikar, M. K., Raval, M. R., and Chitalwala, Y. M., 1996. Kuntasi - A Harappan Emporium on the West Coast. Post Graduate Research Institute, Deccan College, Pune. 11 �Frost, H., 1991. Anchors sacred and profane; Ugarit-Ras Shamra, 1986; the stone anchors revised and compared. In Yon, M. (Ed.), Ras Shamra-Ougarit, VI: Arts et Industries de la pierre: 355-410. ERC Paris. Gaur, A. S., Sundaresh., 2013. Maritime Archaeology around Porbandar. Aryan Books International, New Delhi. Gaur, A. S., Sundaresh., Sila Tripati., and Vora, K. H., 2009. Radiocarbon dates of the medieval period stone anchors from Dabhol, west coast of India. Current Science, Vol. 96 (2): 299-302. Gaur, A. S., Sundaresh., Vora, K. H., 2008. Underwater Archaeology of Dwarka and Somnath. Aryan Books International, New Delhi. Gaur, A. S., Sundaresh., Vora, K. H., 2005. Archaeology of Bet Dwarka Island: An excavation Report. Aryan Books International, New Delhi. Pulak, C., 2005. Discovering a Royal Ship from the Age of King Tut: Uluburun, Turkey. In G. F. Bass (Ed.), Beneath the Seven Seas, Thames and Hudson, London: 34-47. Rao, S. R., 1979. Lothal – A Harappan Port Town, Part I, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. Sila Tripati., Rao, K. P., Kumari, S., Imsong, O., and Vanlalhruaitluangi, V., 2014. A Single-hole Stone Anchor from Kottapatnam: early historic port site of Andhra Pradesh, India. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 43 (1): 188-191. Sila Tripati., Gaur, A. S., Sundaresh., 2013. Maritime Archaeology and Shipwrecks off Goa. Kaveri Books, New Delhi. Sila Tripati, Mudholkar, A., Vora, K. H., Rao, B. R., Gaur, A. S., Sundaresh., 2010. Geochemical and mineralogical analysis of stone anchors from west coast of India: provenance study using thin sections, XRF and SEM-EDS. Journal of Archaeological Science, Vol. 37 (8): 1999-2009. Sila Tripati., 2009. Stone anchors from Minicoy Island, Lakshadweep, India. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 38 (2): 406-412. Sila Tripati., and Patnaik, A. P., 2008. Stone anchors along the coast of Chilika Lake: New light on the maritime activities of Orissa, India. Current Science, Vol. 94 (3): 386390. 12 �Sila Tripati., Manikfan, A., and Mohamed, M., 2005. An Indo-Arabian type of stone anchor from Kannur, Kerala, west coast of India. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 34 (1): 131-137. Sila Tripati., Gaur, A. S., Sundaresh., and Bandodker, S. N., 1998. Historical period Stone anchors from Vijaydurg on the west coast of India. Bulletin of the Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Vol. 22: 1-8. Sila Tripati., and Gaur, A. S., 1997. Stone anchors from Sindhudurg Fort on the west coast of India. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 26 (1): 51-57. Based in Goa, Sila Tripati is a Maritime Archaeologist at the CSIR-National Institute of Oceanography (NIO). Tripati is the author and co-editor of books on Maritime Archaeology and Archaeology and has published his works in peer-reviewed national and international journals. He has excavated shipwrecks in Goa and Tamil Nadu waters and studied stone anchors discovered along the Indian coast. He has participated in a number of maritime archaeological explorations in the waters on the west and east of the Indian subcontinent and overseas. He also specialises in the research and study of maritime trade and submerged ports of India. 13 �Table 1. Various types of stone anchors observed along the Indian coast (North to South) 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 13: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 13 chair Dr. Sila Tripati and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports. Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations. Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Sila Tripati Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Stone anchors of India: Findings, Classification and Significance Description An account of the resource Various types of stone anchors have been observed during inshore and offshore explorations along the east and west coasts of India. The earliest stone anchors of India have been recorded from the Harappan sites (3rd millennium BC), but their shape and size do not resemble the anchors found during maritime archaeological explorations since 1986. The stone anchors until now recovered from many sites of India can broadly be classified into four types: namely composite, Indo-Arabian, ring stone (mushroom) and single hole. Among all these types of anchors the Indo-Arabian are largest in number and were associated with the Arab traders who were also involved in the horse trade. Moreover, Indo-Arabian stone anchors have been found in a datable context as well reused as lintels, mooring bits, pavements, etc. Composite and single-hole stone anchors are the oldest ones. Composite stone anchors have been reported from Gujarat and Maharashtra coast; ring stone anchors from Gujarat and Goa coast and single hole and Indo-Arabian anchors from both east and west coasts of India. Evidences suggest that stone anchors were used in Indian waters from the 3rd millennium BC to the mid 20th century along with iron anchors which were introduced by the Europeans. Stone anchors resembling Indian have also been reported from the Persian Gulf, African countries, Sri Lanka and Maldives, which suggest maritime contacts and transfer of knowledge and technology. This paper details the finding of stone anchors, their role and significance in the maritime history of India. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sila Tripati, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/16/2014 Asia-Pac Session 13 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/3556397f7797c4dc1f7fe8c39379a639.pdf 56213e4ad423f754f6062e47dc9801b6 PDF Text Text Medieval Ports and Maritime Activities on the North Malabar Coast of India V. Selvakumar Department of Epigraphy and Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur 613010, India Email: selvakumarodi@gmail.com Abstract The Malabar Coast of India (Lat. 8° and 13° N, and Long. 74° 50’ and 77° 50’E) is strategically positioned in the navigational network of the Indian Ocean region. From Early Historic times, this region witnessed intense maritime activities. While there exist many studies on the Early Historic (300 BCE to 600 CE) and Modern period (1500 to 1950 CE), medieval maritime activities of Kerala have not received due attention. The Arab and Chinese sources and the Geniza documents help us to understand the maritime history of this region. Indian, Chinese, Arab and Jewish merchants were active, with Kozhikode and Pantalayini Kollam emerging as important ports on the North Malabar Coast. This paper discusses the maritime activities on north Malabar Coast (from ca. 600 CE to 1500 CE) in general, and the dynamic around the above-mentioned ports in particular, based on textual and archaeological sources. Key words: Maritime Archaeology, Ibn Batutta, Malabar, Ports, Indian Ocean Trade Introduction India is strategically positioned in the navigational networks of the Indian Ocean region that connect the eastern and western worlds. The landscape of India is like a honeycomb that hangs in the “Indian Ocean-scape,” fanned by the southwest and northeast monsoons, which facilitate cultural exchanges and cross-fertilization across the ocean. India has been a source of ideologies which have influenced, and natural resources that have attracted people from different regions of Asia, Europe and Africa. Because of proximity, variation in the internal and external cultural factors and the 1 �available natural resources, the Indian coastal landscapes have had different microregions. The North Malabar Coast of India (Fig. 1) is one such micro-region that witnessed the rise of many maritime centres, and it has occupied a significant place in the maritime history of India. An overview of the maritime history of this region from ca. 600 to 1500 CE is presented in this paper. The Region North Malabar lies (Lat. 11° and 13° N, and Long. 74° 50’ and 77° 50’E) in the southwestern corner of India. This region, bounded by the Arabian Sea in the west and by the Western Ghats in the east, is drained by several rivers, and along the sea coast, bays and backwater lakes occur. The river mouths serve as landing points for ships and the rivers support inland Fig. 1 Location map of Kerala. (Selvakumar, 2014) navigation. Important loci on the coast have been the promontory- like features with bays near Koyilandy, Kannur and Ezhilmala, which offer secure contexts for the ships. The region is favored by the Southwest Monsoon and it has an annual rainfall of around 3000 mm. Kerala has forests with resources such as wood and spices, including pepper. Presence in the terminal zone of the Indian subcontinent gives Kerala an advantageous position in the Indian Ocean maritime networks. Previous Research A few studies are available on the maritime history of North Malabar Coast. History of the port towns of Kozhikkode (Narayanan, 2006) and Pantalayini Kollam (Raghava Varier, 2003) has received scholarly attention. The medieval commercial activities of this region are discussed by Karashima (2002), Chakravarti (2008, 2012) and Habib (2011) as part of developments in the Indian Ocean region. Sila Tripati et al., (2005) discuss about a stone anchor found near Hydross Palli Mosque. None of the medieval 2 �ports have been excavated. A surface survey of the ports of this region was undertaken by the author from 2005 to 2007. Sources Historical texts assist in understanding the maritime history of the Malabar Coast. The inscriptions from southern India published under South Indian Inscriptions and Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy are useful for studying the commercial activities. The Mushika Vamsa Kavyam, considered to the earliest known historical text of India, is Fig. 2 Ports of the Malabar Coast. (Selvakumar, useful for understanding the history 2014) of North Malabar. For reconstructing maritime history, external sources are very crucial, as they provide an Oceanic perspective, which is absent in the local sources. Foreign accounts of Macro Polo (Murray, 1845) and the Moroccan traveler Ibn Battuta give details on the ports of Malabar (Gibb et al., 1971). The Chinese sources (Raghava Varier, 2003) and the Geniza documents are very important for understanding the trade dynamics of the Malabar Coast (Goitein and Friedman, 2008). In this paper, the maritime activities are visualized in terms of: A) ports/settlements and landscape features, B) communities and the agencies, C) commodities, D) maritime corridors and E) navigation and shipbuilding. A. Medieval Ports/Maritime centers and the Landscape of the North Malabar Coast The landscape of Kerala is very rich in natural resources, especially pepper, cardamom, timber and iron. In addition, Malabar Coast is strategically located facing the ports of West Asia and North Africa. Besides, its congenial climate was a factor that attracted migrants and maritime agencies. Calicut (Kozhikkode), Pantalayini Kollam and Mangalore were the major medieval ports of the North Malabar Coast (Fig. 2), besides the smaller ports such as Cumbala, Kasaragod, Nileshwar, Eli, Baliapatnam, 3 �Dharmapatam, Chombaye, Badagara, Pantalayini Kollam, Parappanangadi and Ponnani (Kurup, 1997). A few specialized centers, e.g. Beypore, which served as a major shipbuilding centre in the late historical period, also perhaps existed in the medieval period. The smaller ports and the hinterland settlements also had an important role in the economic system and they supported the larger ports. The larger ports-cumpolitical-commercial centers developed due to the resource concentration, external demand for commodities, and the nature of organization of local polities. Mangalore Mangalore (12°51'35"N, 74°49'57"E) was an important port catering to the hinterlands of Karnataka region and northern Malabar, and it was a major commercial centre, as it figures in many travelers’ accounts. It is identified with Ibn Battuta’s Manjarun, a major estuary of Malabar. It is said to have had 4000 Mohammedan merchants including the greatest merchants from Yemen and Persia and was rich in spices and ginger. It was here that the Jewish merchant, whose letters have been preserved in the Cairo Geniza, was involved in commercial activities in the twelfth century (Goitein and Friedman, 2008). Ezhilmala Ezhilmala or Mount Eli (12°2'39"N, 75°11'51"E) was another important centre along the Malabar Coast. The hill here served as an important landmark, as it is prominently visible from the sea. This hill is considered to be part of Early Historic chief Nannan’s territory. Ezhilmala is identified as the northern most limits where the ships of China reach, according to Ibn Battuta. The mount Hili was considered sacred to Mohammedans and Hindus. The existence of a mosque is also mentioned by Ibn Batutta (Gibb et al., ‎1971). It is no surprise, since in the Indian tradition that such prominent landscape features (e.g. hills) are considered sacred. Venetian traveler Marco Polo, who visited India at the end of the thirteenth century mentions mount Eli, i.e. Ezhimala. The nearby settlement of Madayi is also important and in the compound of a mosque (considered to be medieval in age), West Asian glazed ceramics were found in 2008. Vallabha II, The king of Mushika (Mushika=rat in Sanskrit and Eli in Malayalam, and hence the Mount Eli) dynasty founded the ports of Madayi and Valapattinam (Vallabha Pattanam=Valapattanam). Narayankannur inscription found 4 �near Ezhilmala gives details about the trade guild of Manigramattars, who were the protectors of the temple land (Raghava Varier, 2003: 160). After Ezhilmala, the port of Jurkannan is mentioned as the next destination by Ibn Battuta, and its king was held in high regard. The exact location of this place is unknown. Dadkannan is the next town mentioned and it could be identified with Dharmadam. Fattan is mentioned as the place before Pantalayini Kollam and it had Brahmin population. Mention is made of a mosque, which was used by strangers, by Ibn Battuta. Pantalayini Kollam Ibn Battuta mentions Fandarina as the town next to Fattan. Pantalayini Kollam (different from the port of Kurakkenikollam (Quilon) of South Malabar) was an important port on the Malabar Coast, located a little north of Koyilandy. This port figures in the accounts of Ibn Battuta as Fandarina and it is identified with “Shaojunan” of Daoyi Zgilue (Aoyagi and Ogawa, 2004: 51). Its location is close to a bay, which is considered an Ideal location for wintering of the Chinese ships (Raghava Varier, 2003). Name of a merchant called Kantancantirayya Chetti from Pantalayini Kollam occurs in an inscription (ca. 1234-35) from Vizagapattinam, a medieval port on the Andhra Coast (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, Ins. 98 of 1909). Mostly ceramics of thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were unearthed from Pantalayini Kollam (Aoyagi and Ogawa, 2004: 52). This town also had Jewish and Arab merchants. Calicut Calicut or Kozhikkode was a major port in the northern part of Kerala. The reason for the development of Calicut was perhaps the Samuthiri (Zamorins) kingdom. In addition, its location in north Malabar directly opposite to the Gulf is very significant. Calicut seems to have emerged as a major trade centre mainly from the thirteenth century (Narayanan, 2006). According to Das Gupta, before the13th century the Persian Gulf was an important commercial region which had direct connection with Chinese ports via Kollam in southern Kerala. It has to be noted that in 2014 a large hoard of Chinese coins were unearthed from Southern Kollam. This trade route was disrupted with the fall of Abbasid Caliphite in 1258 CE, due to the Mongol invasion. As a result, the Persian Gulf lost its importance and the Egyptian Karimi merchants gained prominence and Calicut gained importance (Das Gupta, 1967: 5). Marco polo who visited Calicut in 5 �1293-94, mentions that Calicut was an important port and was famous for spice trade (Raghava Varier, 2003). Ibn Batutta also gives a detailed account of Calicut port (Gibb et al., ‎1971). The Samuthiris were the leading political powers here from the thirteenth century. They could raise a strong army; build an alliance with the Muslim traders to develop commercial activities in this town. Kamal-ud-Din Abdur Razzaq ibn Ishaq, a Persian ambassador to the court of Samuthiris (Zamorin of Calicut), gives details on Calicut, which seems to have emerged after the decline of southern Kollam. The Chinese admiral Zheng He touched Calicut eight times (Chakravarti, 2012: 85), which suggests that Calicut had a settlement of Chinese merchants. The Samuthiris also had maintained good relations with the Chinese empire. Calicut also figures in the accounts of Marco Polo and Niccolò de' Conti. Obviously Calicut was a large cosmopolitan centre with Arab, Jewish, Chinese and local merchants, and well known for pepper and other spices and the famous textiles called Calico. The dominance of the Arabs could have reduced the significance of the Chinese merchants at a later date. B. Communities and Agencies Apart from the local people, who were mainly suppliers and consumers of goods, the merchant communities played an active role in the maritime activities, which cannot develop merely with the presence of one group; they are the result of interactions and exchange involving multiple partners. This is very much evidenced by the Jewish, Indian, Arab and Chinese communities who were involved in the mercantile transactions of the Malabar Coast. After the 12th century the Arab traders were dominant on the coastal landscape. However, numerous merchant guild inscriptions in the interior regions suggest that local traders were also dominant in many parts of South India (Karashima, 2002.) Geniza documents and the Jewish Trader of the Malabar Coast Geniza documents are an important source of medieval merchants of the western Indian Ocean (Goitein and Friedman, 2008). These documents have been compiled and edited by Goitein, and Amitav Gosh has published on the contexts of the letters (Ghosh, 2012). Abraham Bin Yiju was a Tunisian Jewish merchant who had set up a brass factory on the Malabar Coast perhaps near Mangalore and was sending commodities from Malabar region. He had married a girl from Malabar and lived on the Malabar 6 �Coast for about 17 years. The correspondence between him and his agents is preserved in the Cairo Geniza documents. These documents help us understand the connections and the importance of the trade. The letters mention about a Nambiyar who was a Nakhuda, a ship captain. Geniza documents also prove that pepper was the dominant commodity in the trade, and it adds that iron was also exported from the Malabar coast. The fact that the Jewish trader set up a brass factory here reveals the entrepreneurial activities of the merchants across the oceans. The luxury commodities that the Jewish merchant demanded from his contacts in West Asia, give a glimpse on the personal preference of the merchants. Medieval Merchant Guilds From the early medieval period, trade guilds were active in South India, including the Malabar Coast. The Terisapally copper plates of ninth century mention about the Anjuvannam and Manigramattar (Abraham, 1988). Mercantile activities of medieval South India were very dynamic from about 13th century CE. Inscriptions mention the activities of Nanadesis and Tisaiyayirattu Ainurrvar. Merchant guild inscriptions occur in several places of Kerala: Pantalayini Kollam, Ramantali, Talakad, and Wayanad (Shanmugam, 2002: 297-307). C. Commodities Commodities are important ingredients of maritime trade. As social complexities increased, communities required prestige goods from long distance for various reasons including social hierarchy and warfare. Pepper Pepper was an important exported commodity in the maritime trade of the Malabar Coast. Pepper grows naturally and it was also cultivated extensively in medieval Kerala. The bulk of the pepper production gave Malabar Coast an advantage in the spice trade of the Indian Ocean. Horses Horse, an important animal of prestige (Fig. 3), transport and warfare was in great demand in the medieval period, Fig. 3 The Chera King of Kerala depicted on a 7horse in the 11th century paintings of Brihadhiswara (Selvakumar, 2014) Temple, Thanjavur. �when feudalism and warfare were on the rise. The Sangam Tamil texts of the early period indicated that horse and chariots were symbols of the chiefs and royalty. To maintain political supremacy, the local rulers acquired horses very extensively and as result the horse traders, from northern part of Kerala, amassed a lot of wealth and numerous inscriptions mention their activities in various parts of South India. Kudirai Chettis (horse traders) of Malaimandalam figure frequently in the inscriptions and because of their access to the western coast, these traders could dominate horse trade in South India. Other Commodities In addition to prestige goods, subsistence goods such as rice and wheat, and fine clothes, semi precious stones, metal and camphor were also traded. The Geniza documents indicate the preference of the Jewish trader for good quality paper and other personal items. D. Maritime Corridors The Malabar Coast represents one of the historically important maritime stretches in the Indian Ocean world. The Malabar Coast was part of four important corridors of trade. Corridor (A) covered from Gujarat to the Malabar Coast; the second corridor (B) linked the east coast of India. The international corridors that connected with the ports of West Asia (C) and with China and the East (D) are the other two. The ships from Malabar came to Gujarat with spices, timber and areca nut and returned with clothes, pepper and horses (Habib, 2011). The merchants from the Malabar Coast were active in the medieval Andhra coast. It is also clear that Bengal supplied rice to Maldives Island and in turn shells were exported from the Maldives (Chakravarti, 2012: 86). It is considered that the Chinese Junks sailed up to the Malabar Coast and the goods were transported into the ships of the western world from Malabar Coast (Aoyagi and Ogawa, 2004: 53). It was convenient for the Chinese sailors to navigate up to the Malabar Coast, and similarly the Arab sailors could continue to operate from the West Coast of India. The Malabar Coast interlinked these eastern and western Indian Ocean realms, beautifully and acted as an intermediary (transit) space in the “Indian Ocean scape”. 8 �E. Navigation and Shipbuilding Navigation is the key factor that facilitated maritime The enterprise. texts give a detailed picture of the navigation during this period. The tradition of shipbuilding was well established in this region in the medieval period (Kurup, 1997; Greeshmalatha and Fig. 4 Beypore Boatbuilding yard. (Selvakumar, 2014) Rajamanickam, 1997). Beypore still has a tradition of building large ships called Uru, which are now manufactured for the Gulf market (Fig. 4). The watercraft of Uru is mentioned in the medieval inscription of Mottupalli of Andhra Pradesh. The reason for the emergence of large shipbuilding industries in the north Malabar seems to be theavailability of good quality timber in the Nilambur forests (Kurup, 1997). A stone anchor reported by Sila Tripati et al., (2005) near Kannur belonged to a large ship. The Indians also owned large ships as evidenced by the Geniza documents and Ibn Batutta indirectly mentions that he sailed in a ship that was produced in India. The abundance of teak wood and Anjili (Artocarpus hirsutus) here made the building of large ships easier. Ibn Batutta mentions about three types of Chinese ships that plied on the Malabar Coast. The medieval sailboat excavated at Thaikkal in southern Kerala displays Southeast Asian and Chinese features (Tomalin et al., 2004; Selvakumar, 2006). The maritime contacts obviously brought new elements into local shipbuilding traditions. Discussions Maritime activities are the result of a number of factors, both internal and external. Efflorescence of culture, elite consumers and organized state are essential factors for long distance trade. The emergence of empires in West Asia, India and China boosted 9 �the maritime activities in the Indian Ocean. Fluctuations were also seen in the intensity of the trade due to changes in the political and economic factors in the Indian Ocean region. The historical developments in medieval India reveal that maritime dynamics of this region is partly due to the core cultural developments in the interior and partly due to external factors. The coasts are regions where external and internal factors fuse. The coastal landscapes at times remain entirely distinct cultural regions from the interiors, because of the external dynamic. From the developments it is clear that the fortunes of ports fluctuated according to the political scenario. We notice the rise of Calicut and the decline of Kollam in the medieval period. From the fifteenth century, the long distance voyage declined and the different sectors of the trade routes from West Asia to China were navigated in separate lags and were dominated by different navigators; the route from west Asia to India was dominated by Arab navigators, while those from India to Malacca were dominated by Indian navigators and the Chinese navigators dominated the stretch between Malacca and South China (Das Gupta, 1967). Calicut, Pantalayini Kollam and Mangalore were the major ports of the North Malabar Coast. The reasons for the rise of major ports in North Malabar could be attributed to the strong political power, especially the Samuthiris. They did realize the importance of the maritime trade and the dynamics that could bring wealth and prestige goods for the territory, and supported the activities of the merchants. With regard to the goods of trade, pepper was an important commodity exported from this region, while horse was one of the important items of import. In addition timber was also exported and reference is also made to the construction of ships on the Malabar Coast. Camphor was imported from Southeast Asia and carnelian, from Gujarat. The Jewish traders seem to have been active in the trade activities from about ninth century in Kerala. From the analysis of evidence, one could see the predominance of Arab traders from the 13th century in South India. Similar pattern is also seen on the east coast. This could be attributed to the dominant role of West Asian kingdoms in medieval Asian history. The development of strong states, state policies and consumerist elites and materialistic, enterprising merchants were essential for the maritime commercial activities. Urbanization and commercial activities, including the proliferation of merchant guilds, took stronger roots in South India from the thirteenth century, which could be attributed to the “medieval 10 �globalization” (a world system) that was sweeping across the Indian Ocean Regions. The historical sources clearly indicate that external factors were as dominant as internal factors in the development of long distance maritime trade. Acknowledgements My thanks are due to Sila Tripati, Veronica Walker and Brian Fahy for their suggestions on the paper. I am grateful to the Nehru Trust for the Indian Collections at the Victoria and Albert Museum for providing travel grant in 2013, which supported data collection for my research. References Abraham, M., 1988. Two Medieval Merchant Guilds of South India. Manohar, New Delhi. Aoyagi, Y., and Ogawa, H., 2004. Chinese Trade Ceramics of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries in the Malabar Coast. In N. Karashima (Ed.), Search of Ceramic Sherds in Southern India and Sri Lanka, Taisho University Press, Tokyo: 47-54. Chakravarti, R., 2008. Visiting Far Away Ports: India’s trade with Western Indian Ocean 800-1500. In Rajat Datta (Ed.), Rethinking a Millennium: Perspectives on Indian History from the Eighth to Eighteenth century, Essays in honor of Harbans Mukhia, Aakar Books, Delhi: 249-274. Chakravarti, R., 2012. Merchants, Merchandise and Merchantmen: The Western Seaboard of India and the Indian Ocean (500-1500 CE). In Om Prakash (Ed.), History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol. VIII (1), Centre for Studies in Civilization, Delhi: 59-116. Das Gupta, A., 1967. Malabar in Asian Trade: 1740-1800. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Ghosh, A., 2012. In An Antique Land. Ravi Dayal Publisher, New Delhi. Gibb, H. A. R., Defremery, C., and Sanguinetti, B. R., ‎1971. The Travels of Ibn Battuta AD 1325-1354. The Syndicate of Cambridge University Press, Hakluyt Society, London. Goitein, S. D. F., and Friedman, M. A., 2008. India Traders of the Middle Ages: Documents from the Cairo Geniza “India Book”. Part I. Brill, The Netherlands. Greeshmalatha, A. P., and Rajamanickam, G. V., 1997. The Shipbuilding Technology as practiced in Beypore, Kerala. In K. S. Mathew (Ed.), Shipbuilding and Navigation in the Indian Ocean Region AD 1400-1800, Munishiram Manoharlal Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi: 44-54. 11 �Habib, I., 2011. Economic History of Medieval India, 1200-1500. History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol. VIII (1), Centre for Studies in Civilization, Delhi. Karashima, N., (Ed.), 2002. Ancient and Medieval Commercial Activities in the Indian Ocean: Testimony of Inscriptions and Ceramic-sherds. Taisho University, Tokyo. Kurup, K. K. N., 1997. Indigenous Navigation and Shipbuilding on the Malabar Coast. In K. S. Mathew (Ed.), Shipbuilding and Navigation in the Indian Ocean Region AD 14001800, Munishiram Manoharlal Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi: 20-25. Murray, H., 1845. The Travels of Marco Polo. Oliver and Boyd, Edinburg. Narayanan, M. G. S., 2006. Calicut: The City of Truth. University of Calicut, Calicut. Raghava Varier, M. R., 2003. Patalayani Kollam: A Medieval Port Town on the Malabar Coast. In Kesavan Veluthat and P. P. Sudhakaran (Eds.), Advances in History, Essays in Memory of Professor M. P. Sridharan, Professor M. P. Sridharan Memorial Trust, Calicut: 154-179. Selvakumar, 2006. Nature and Characteristics of the sailboat excavated at TaikkalKadakkarappally, Alappuzha District, Kerala. In A. S. Gaur and K. H. Vora (Eds.), Glimpses of Marine Archaeology in India, Society for Marine Archaeology, Goa: 4-14. Shanmugam, P., 2002. Topographical List of the Merchant guild Inscriptions. In N. Karashima (Ed.), Ancient and Medieval Commercial Activities in the Indian Ocean: Testimony of Inscriptions and Ceramic-sherds. Taisho University, Tokyo: 297-307 Sila Tripati., Manikfan, A., and Mohamed, M., 2005. An Indo-Arabian type of stone anchor from Kannur, Kerala, West coast of India. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 34 (1): 131-137. Tomalin, V., Selvakumar, V., Nair, M. V., and Gopi, P. K., 2004. The ThaikkalKadakkarapally Boat: An Archaeological Example of Medieval Shipbuilding in the Western Indian Ocean. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 33 (2): 253263. Biography V. Selvakumar is a faculty member of the Department of Epigraphy and Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur, India. His research interests are Indian Ocean Exchanges, Archaeological theory, Archaeology of South India and Heritage Management. He has published one book, Tamil Cultural Connections across the World, 2010, and co-edited a book, namely, History of Thiruvathikunnam (in Tamil, 2013). 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 13: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 13 chair Dr. Sila Tripati and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports. Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations. Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Sila Tripati Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Medieval Ports and Maritime Activities on the North Malabar Coast of India Description An account of the resource The Malabar Coast of India (Lat. 8° and 13° N, and Long. 74° 50’ and 77° 50’E) is strategically positioned in the navigational network of the Indian Ocean region. From Early Historic times, this region witnessed intense maritime activities. While there exist many studies on the Early Historic (300 BCE to 600 CE) and Modern period (1500 to 1950 CE), medieval maritime activities of Kerala have not received due attention. The Arab and Chinese sources and the Geniza documents help us to understand the maritime history of this region. Indian, Chinese, Arab and Jewish merchants were active, with Kozhikode and Pantalayini Kollam emerging as important ports on the North Malabar Coast. This paper discusses the maritime activities on north Malabar Coast (from ca. 600 CE to 1500 CE) in general, and the dynamic around the above-mentioned ports in particular, based on textual and archaeological sources. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource V. Selvakumar, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/16/2014 Asia-Pac Session 13 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/e2aab0de88cebe447b8c489c2cd48e0c.pdf 73386499175b6a1b9b5dc8585b9f6c9f PDF Text Text Nagappattinam – A medieval port of South India S. Rajavelu Department of Maritime History and Marine Archaeology Tamil University Thanjavur, 613010 India Email: rajavelasi@gmail.com Abstract Nagappattinam, a famous sea port of the imperial Cholas, is presently the headquarters of a District in Tamil Nadu, India. During the medieval Period, under the imperial Cholas, this port city played a vital role politically, commercially and culturally. From the time of the Pallavas of Kanchipuram around 8th century CE, the port city was referred to as Nagai. Though we do not get any direct reference from the records of the Pallavas, there is an inscription on a stone slab in the Naganathar temple at Nagappattinam that refers to donation of gold to the temple of Naganathar by a big smith probably a goldsmith of the town Nagai. The sacred saivite literature Teevaram refers to the port city as being fortified by big walls and the ships like vangam anchored in the harbor of Ten Nagai. In the succeeding period this city flourished as a main port of the imperial Cholas where the Chola Navy was stationed. During the time of Rajendra Chola I (1012-1018 CE) the son and successor of Rajaraja Chola I (985-1014 CE) crossed the Bay of Bengal with his Navy from seaport of Nagappattinam and conquered Kedah in the year 1017 CE. During the times of Vijayanagar, Nayaks and Dutch East India Company, the port was busy with foreign trade. This paper traces the emergence of the port city and Maritime contacts to Southeast Asian Countries in the medieval period in the light of available inscriptional and literary evidences in detail. 1 �Key words: Dutch East India Company, Nagappattinam, Teevaram, Rajaraja, Rajendra, Naganathar temple Introduction Nagappattinam (10° 79’06” N, 79° 84’28” E) was a major port city of the imperial Cholas of the medieval period. At present the city Nagappattinam is the headquarters of the District of the same name in the State of Tamil Nadu, India. The origin of the port city is quite obscure in the beginning of the early Common Era, since Tamil literature of the Sangam period never mentions this city although it provides more information on the other port cities on the Coromandel Coast. The early name of the city Nagappattinam is referred to in the sacred literature Teevaaram of 7th century CE., and an inscription of 8th century CE, was found engraved on a stone slab which is now preserved in the complex of Naaganaathar temple at Nagappattinam. Colonel Henry Yule (1873) identified the city with Ptolemy’s metropolis Nigama. referring to a mercantile group or community. Nigama is a common term The term nigama is found in the inscriptions of 1st century CE on stone and pottery engravings (Subbarayalu, 2008). In the later period, the settlement of merchants was known as Niyamam which is the corrupt form of nigama. The identification of Ptolemy’s nigama with the place name Nagai needs further collaborative evidence. Teevaram is the sacred literature of the Tamils sung by the Saiva saints (Naayanmaars) of 7th century CE in praise of the lord Siva of various temples in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Sri Lanka. They personally visited these temples and made vivid descriptions of the places and their significance. Nagappattinam is mentioned in this literature as Naagai or kaTal Naagai (Naagai along the Sea). The city Naagai was situated in a coastal area and it had many huge multi storied buildings (neTu maaTam, MaaTa neTu viiti) and long streets (neTu viiti) with huge fortification walls (maamatail) surrounding it alluded by saiva saints Tirunavukkarasar and Sundaramurthi of 8th century CE, (Devaram, 1961). All these descriptions clearly suggest that the city was a harbor in which the merchant community lived. The traders who lived in this city engaged in maritime trade. Further, it is gleaned from the above literature that the city was busy with anchoring of 2 �many kinds of ships and vessels (kalam and vangam vangamali kadal nagai). Thus the port of Nagai became one of the major sea ports of Tamil Nadu around 6th-7th centuries CE. The port was located between the two outlets of Kaveri, namely, the Kudavaiyar and the Uppanar to anchor ships safely (kazi suuz kaTal naagai). Origin of the name Naagai The above sacred literature teevaram and the inscription of the 8th century refer to the city as Naagai not as Nagappattinam. Thus Nagai is the early name of the place. When the city became a major sea port of the Cholas around 9th century CE, it became Nagappattinam. (Nagai+Pattinam) The place name Nagai in all probability derived its origin from Naagu, a Tamil word meaning Conch, (i.e., Chank- Xancas pyrum (Linnaeus). It shows that the city Naagai in all probability was once famous for its chank fishing centre. Chank fishing Chank is considered as an auspicious object in the Hindu pantheon. The manufacture of chank bangles is one of the major industries in India from time immemorial. Manimegalai, a Tamil epic of 6th century CE, refers to the Naga nadu which was ruled over by Valai vanan. The queen of the Naga nadu was vaasamayil. They had a daughter known as pili valai (Nattar and Duraisamy, 2007). Pili valai married a Chola prince and had a son named Tondaiman Ilantiraiyan. Later Tondaiman Ilantiraiyan became the king of Tondaimandalam, a northern part of Tamil Nadu, with a capital city, Kanchipuram, around 2nd century CE. The name Piili valai has two components. The first part piili means chank and Valai refers to a bangle (bangle made of Chank). The area in and around Nagai in the early common era was known as Naga nadu. All these suggest that the naga nadu or nagai was famous for chank fishing as well as manufacturing of chank bangles and it was ruled over by the Naga clan in the early period of the Common Era. Kaveripumpattinam and Nagappattinam Before the emergence as a port city on the eastern coast, the city Nagai as narrated above, served as a small port for chank fishing. Kaveripumpattinam or Pumpuhar, the 3 �celebrated port city of the early Cholas on the East coast, was famous as a maritime trade centre in the early Common Era. The Sangam literatures, especially the post Sangam work Pattinappalai of second century CE, describes the city Kaveripumpattinam in detail. Accordingly, Kaveripumpattinam was famous for sea trade from where, the articles like horses, gems, gold, sandal, pearls, food stuffs from Sri Lanka and other articles from Kalagam (Burma) were imported and exported. According to this work many traders from this city spoke different kind of languages (Tamilannal and Annamalai, 2003). The twin Epics Silappadigaram and Manimekhalai of 4th-5th centuries CE, give vivid pictures of the port city Kaveripumpattinam and according to the Manimekhalai the city was destroyed by the sea (aninagarantannai alaikadal kolga) (Nattar and Duraisamy, 2007). The port city Kaveripumpattinam was also famous for Buddhism. Further, the epic Manimekhalai and the excavations carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India attested to the fact that this city was a flourishing centre for Buddhism prior to 5th century CE (Soundararajan, 1994). The destruction of the port city Kaveripumpattinam by the sea paved the way for the emergence of Nagappattinam, which is located on the south of Kaveripumpattinam, as an important port city during the time of the Pallavas around the 6th-7th centuries CE. Naagai as a busy port and an international centre for Buddhist religion The port city Naagai became a prominent port city around 7th century CE during the rule of the Pallavas. When the Saiva saints Appar and Sambandar visited a temple Naagai Kaaronam they witnessed many big ships anchored in the harbor of Naagai. The ships were big in size: the vangam, a type of big ship, is vividly compared with mountains by these two saints. The fortified city port was spacious enough to accommodate many big vangam and kalam vessels. Gold (kanakam), camphor (kaRpuram), and elephants were important goods for trade in this port. The ships or vangam carried elephants along with shores and the taxes (sungam) were levied for the goods which were stored in the port (Teevaram No.7.101.5, 8). Pallava Period During the rule of Rajasimha II, the Pallava King of Kanchipuram (CE 691-729) sent an embassy to China. Due to this cordial relationship with China the traders and Buddhist 4 �monks visited South India and influenced the king to construct a china pagoda at Nagappattinam. In the year 720 CE, the 9th month, the king of South India Che-li-na-loseng-kia-pas-to-pa (Sri Narashimha Varman i.e, Rajasimha II) constructed a temple to honour the China Empire: he addressed to the emperor a request asking from him an inscription giving a name to this temple; by decree it was decided that the name should be “which caused return to virtue” and the emperor sent Narashimha a placard or tablet with the inscription “Koci hoa se,” so that it might be placed on the front of the temple erected in India by Narashimha for the benefit of China (Minakshi, 1977). From the above remarks, it is known that the King Narashimha Varman alias Rajasimha II constructed a Buddhist vihara at Nagappattinam for the benefit of merchants and pilgrims arriving from China and elsewhere in his kingdom. The existence of a Buddhist vihara of the Pallava period, which was popularly known as China-pagoda, at Nagappattinam is referred to by Yule in his ‘Marco Polo’ (Yule and Cordier, 1993). The Chinese pagoda or Jaina pagoda was noticed by Walter Elliot (1878) until its demolition in 1867 by the local Jesuit mission. This edifice was known as the Chinese or Jaina Pagoda at Nagappattinam. A large number of bronze images were discovered before and after the demolition of the above said vihara in 1867 by Jesuit mission of Nagappattinam. These were catalogued by the Madras Museum (Ramachandran, 1965). When Marco Polo visited the place he witnessed the ruined Buddhist vihara at Nagappattinam. The Kalyani inscription from Burma records that the Theeras and Chitraduta travelled on foot to Nagappattana and visited the place Padarikaaraama monastery and worshipped the statue of Buddha (Yule, 1873). Chola Period After the decline of the Pallavas around 9th century CE, the imperial Cholas came to power under the founder ruler Vijayalaya. Nagappattinam came under the direct control of the Cholas and they made the port the headquarters of the Chola Navy. It was referred to in the inscriptions of Cholas as Nagappattinam alias Cholakulavallippattinam (in the name of a queen of Chola race) (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1956-57: 157). Rajaraja Chola I inscriptions clearly suggest that the city became both commercial and religious capital of that period. At the request of the Srivijaya king Vijayotunga Varman, Rajaraja I allowed him to build a Buddhist vihara in Nagappattinam in the 5 �name of the latter’s father Chulaamani Varman (Aiyar, 1934). Rajaraja allowed this and also granted a village, Anaimanagalam, as tax free village (pallichandam). The construction of the vihara was started during the time of Rajaraja I and completed during the reign of Rajaraja-I’s son Rajendra I. This vihara also had another name, Rajarajapperumpalli, at Nagappattinam named after the King Rajaraja I. The larger Leiden plate as well as inscription of late 13th century CE from Naganatha temple at Nagappattinam refers to this vihara. Anaimangalam grant was renewed during the time of Kulottunga I for the Buddhist vihara. Besides, we come across in the inscriptions of later period that there were several such viharas of Buddhist pantheon at Nagappattinam, such as Rajendra Perumpalli (in the name of either Rajendra Chola I or Kulottunga Chola I) and Akkasalai Perumpalli. The smaller Leiden grant of Kulottunga I refer to Rajaraja Perumpalli and Rajendra Perumpalli. From this we can presume that Rajendrapperumpalli constructed during the time of Rajendra I or Kulottunga I. The Akkasalaip perumpalli in all probability was yet another Buddhist vihara, contemporaneous to Rajendra Perumpalli. In the collection of Rockefeller’s bronzes, there are some images of Buddha which originally belonged to Nagappattinam Buddhist vihara. Among Rockefeller’s collection, interestingly, a standing image of Buddha yields an inscription engraved on the pedestal referring to the bronze image which belonged to the viharas of Rajendra Perumpalli – Akkasalai Perumpalli of Nagappattinam (Karashima and Subbarayalu, 2002). The image of Buddha was taken for procession from these two Buddhist viharas. Further the name Akkasalai denotes “mint”. Nagappattinam had a mint for coins from the time of the Cholas. This Buddhist vihara might have been an exclusive worship centre for the goldsmiths working in the mint; hence it earned the name Akkasalaipperumpalli. The second line of the above inscription which records the mercantile community known as padinen vishayattar in the pedestal inscription supports our view. During the Chola period there were a number of mercantile communities who engaged in foreign trade. They were called naanadeesi, tisaiayirattu ainnurruvar, senamugam, nagarattaar and padinen(bhumi) vishiayattaar. Many of the above names appear in the inscriptions of Sri Lanka, Malay Peninsula and Sumatra (Karashima and Subbarayalu, 2002). Besides, the port was used by the merchants who came from the western coast of Peninsular 6 �India especially from Kerala to Southeast Asian countries and China, who anchored their ships at Nagappattinam port midway through their voyage. They gave several donations to the temple of Naganatha at Nagaippattinam while they stationed at this port (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1956-57: 155-7). Two inscriptions from the temple of Naganatha mention the merchants Taamandaiyan and Tiruccirrampalam udaiyan from Kollatturai or kurakkeeni Kollam or kollapuram which was identified with the modern Quilon port on the Arabian Sea in Kerala. All these suggest that the port city of Nagappattinam became the international centre for Buddhism for the pilgrims and traders of Buddhist faith of Southeast Asia and China. The mercantile group padinen vishaiyattar had close contacts with Southeast Asian countries through sea voyage from Nagappattinam and some of the inscriptions from Malay Peninsula refer to the above merchant group (Nilakanta Sastri, 1949). During the reign of Rajendra Chola I, the son of Rajaraja I, around 1015 CE, an officer in the court of Srivijaya namely Eran Sadaiyan made a donation of precious stones to Nagai Azhavar temple at Nagappttinam. He was a native of Melthonrippattinam, a place in Ramanathapuram District of Tamil Nadu (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 195657, No 164). It could be possible that he was appointed by the king Rajendra I in the court of Srivijaya after his conquest. The Navy of Cholas went to Southeast Asian countries under the able leadership of Rajendra I and conquered almost all countries in Southeast Asia. Rajendra Chola I inscriptions clearly suggest that he made a naval expedition from the port of Nagappattinam to Southeast Asian countries around 1025 CE. His eulogy of the king (prasasti) in the inscriptions gives the list of places in the Southeast Asian countries that were attacked by the navy of Cholas. The eulogy says “alaikadal naduvil palakalam celutti” meaning having dispatched many ships in the midst of the rolling sea. The inscriptions from Naganatha temple suggest that Nagai was the main seaport for the dispatch of the Chola Navy. The inscription from this place mentions the officers of Srivijaya kingdom who frequently visited Nagappattinam. The agent of the king of Srivijaya namely KaNTan Nimalan Agattiswaran (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1956-57, No 161) donated several gifts to the temple of Srikayarohanaswamin temple at Nagappattinam. As already pointed out, Eran Sadaiyan an officer of Srivijaya king also donated precious stones to the temple. Another 7 �inscription of the same temple in this place records certain Sri Kuruttan Kesuvan alias Akralekai, a royal writer of the King of Kedaram (modern Kedah of Malaysia) installed a siva and Uma image Ardhanariswara in the temple and gave (Chinak kanakam) the gold coins of China (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1956-57, No. 166). Nagappattinam in the late medieval period As discussed earlier, the port of Nagappattinam was frequently visited by many travellers and merchants from Southeast Asian countries who were later followed by Westerners. The Portuguese established their settlement here with the concurrence of the Nayak King Sevappa Nayaka of Thanjavur in AD 1542. They found that the port was well suited for their trade since it was located between two outlets of Kaveri namely the Kudavaiyar and Uppanar. The Nayaks of Tanjore allowed the Portuguese Captain of Nagapattinam to collect a revenue . They built a fort in Nagapattinam in order to prevent a possible attack from the Dutch in 1594. The Vijayaragava Nayak of Tanjore did not allow the Dutch settlement in this region. However, the Dutch took Nagapattinam from the Portuguese in AD 1658 (Kovai, 1996). The Batavia Museum’s Silver plate inscription refers to an agreement made by the Dutch and the Marathas of Tanjore to establish their trade at Nagapattinam in 1676 (Raju, 1988). The Tanjore Maratta king Ekoji accepted their plea after the intervention of the able agent Chinnanna Chetti. Chinnanna Chetti, a Malay merchant, had already established his trade on the Coromandel coast and helped the Dutch in their trade activities. Initially, the Marathas of Thanjavur accepted the Dutch trade at Nagapattinam for a period of three years. However the agreement was renewed in the year 1661 AD. Accordingly, the Dutch received some privileges and villages in and around Nagapattinam and in lieu of that they agreed to give 4200 Pon and 1 tusker elephant. The Dutch continued their trade activities in this port until the British occupied it in the year 1781 AD. An inscription found engraved on a loose stone slab kept in the courtyard of the Naganatha swamy temple (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1990, No 57) is significant, since this is the first stone inscription mentioning the Dutch occupancy of the port city Nagappattinam and their liberal donation to the Hindu temple at Nagapattinam. The inscription starts in praise of the God of Nagappattinam's Nagalingam. It is dated in 8 �the Saka year 1695, Kali era 4875 and the Dutch year 1774 (ulaandesu kumpanir anntu) in the month of Chittirai corresponding to AD 1775. The Dutch year mentioned in the inscription is nothing but the Gregorian year (English calendar system). It records the gift of some land and revenue which were under the control of the Dutch for the renovation of the temple of Naganatha. The Dutch Governor Captain Bilichingan made an oral order (yethalooReyi nirpam) after the local authorities (maniyam) approached (civalentoyini pelattu) him. The Dutch company is referred to as Ulandesu kumpanir. From the above, it is evident that Nagapattinam was functioning as a strong Dutch port city controlled by the Dutch captain Bilichingan, and they were actively involved in the local affairs of Nagapattinam port for a considerable period in 18th century AD. The Dutch East India Company's Governor’s name occurred in the inscription in the tamilized form (Maharaja Bilichingan) of the Nagapattinam Governor Christian Van Teylingen. He was a governor of seventh government of the Dutch which had factories at other ports like Sadras, Bimlipatam, Palkole and Jaganadhapuram with their capital at Nagapattinam itself. Accordingly the following revenue was given for the above renovation and for conducting Sivaratri festival in the temple. 1. Daily kuttagai from the Company. 2. Revenue from the Harbour (pusa mugattuvarattu kuttagaippanam) 30 3. Maganmai revenue from the Mint (kampattattu maganmai) 4. On areca- net (pakku maganmai) 2 in number per day from the Kalasakarar. 4. Tax on betel leaves (verrilai kuttagai) 20 leaves per day. 5. Monthly Rent on the onion shop at Big bazaar belonging to the temple. The inscription also refers to the early maniyam Nagamallu Chinnayya Nayakkar who was a friend of the Company (Kumpani toluggu) and his successors Mayaludai Ganapathi Chettiyar and his son Subhramanya Chettiyar. Subhramanya Chettiyar was alive when the donation was made. Nagamallu Chinnayaa Nayakkar in all probability was the agent Chinnanna who helped the Dutch in the establishment of their maritime trade in Nagappattinam. From the Battavia Museum Silver plate it is known that the Dutch had possessed 10 villages including Nagapattinam in the year 1676. Among 9 �them the lands from the two villages were given for the renovation work as evident from this present inscription. Pudur is identified with Puttur and Anthonipettai is the same as Anthonipettai referred to in the Battavia Museum Silver Plate: the village Neyveli mentioned in our present epigraph is referred to as kumpanir gramam indicating that it was a new occupancy by the company after 1676. From the above silver plate it is also evident that the Naykas allowed the Dutch to Mint Panam and Varagan for circulation at Nagapattinam. The word Kampattam occuring in record also attests to this fact. Conclusions From the above discussion it is evident that the port of Nagai or Nagappattinam played a vital role in maritime contacts with Southeast Asian and Western countries in the late medieval period. It was also one of the international (Buddhist) pilgrimage centres starting from the times of Pallavas to the late 18th century CE. The Chinese Pagoda i.e., the Buddhist vihara in this place received royal patronage from the kings of Southeast Asia, especially the king of Srivijay who constructed the Rajarajapperumpalli alias Rajendra Perumpalli. The merchants of foreign trade made significant contribution and they constructed a buddhist vihara, namely Akkasalai Perumpalli, in this port city. The navy of the Cholas stationed in this port and went to Far East up to Southeast Asian countries under the leadership of able King Rajendra Chola in 11th century CE. The port Nagappattinam had enough facility of anchoring large size of vessels like Kalam and Vangam type of ships. Acknowledgements The author acknowledges Dr. M. Thirumalai, Vice-Chancellor, Tamil University for his constant support, guidance and permitting to present at the Asia Pacific Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Honolulu, Hawaii on 12th - 16th May 2014. I am also thankful to my colleagues Drs. N. Athiyaman and V. Selvakumar of Tamil University for their encouragement suggestions on this paper. References Aiyar, Subrahmanya, K. V., 1934. The Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. 22 (34): 222. 10 �Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy (AREp.) Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. Walter, E., 1878. Jaina Pagoda at Nagappattinam. Indian Antiquary, Vol. 7: 224-27. Karashima, N., and Subbarayalu, Y., 2002. Goldsmiths and Padinen vishayam: A bronze Image of Nagappattinam. In N. Karashima (Ed.), Ancient and Medieval Commercial Activities in the Indian Ocean: Taisho University, Tokyo: 57-61. Kovai Ilancheran, I., 1996. Nagappattinam. Manivasagar publishers, Chennai. Kumara Gurubaran., 1961. Devaram. Kasimadam Publishers, Tiruppanandal. Minakshi, C., 1977. Administration and Social Life under the Pallavas. University of Madras, Madras, p. 85. Nattar, V., and Duraisamy, V., 2007. Manimeghalai, Cantos, 24; line 57, 27 line 179, 29 line 4; Saradha publications, Chennai. Nilakanta Sastri, K. A., 1949. South Indian influence in the Far East. Hind Kitabs Ltd, Bombay. Ramachandran, T. N., 1965. The Nagappattinam and other Buddhist Bronzes in the Madras Museum of the Madras Government Museum. New Series, General Section, Vol. 7 (1): 19-20. Raju, S., 1988. Copper plates of Marathas. Tamil University, Thanjavur. Soundararajan, K. V., 1994. Kaveripumpattinam Excavations 1963-73, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. Subbarayalu, Y., 2008. Mankala Tamil-Brahmi ezuttup porippugal. Avanam, Vol. 19: 189-221. Tamilannal and Annamalai., 2003. Pattinappalai, Kovilur Madalayam, Kovilur, Yule, H., 1873. Nagappattinam. Indian Antiquary, Vol. 13: 332. Yule, H., and Cordier, H., 1993. The book of Ser Marco Polo. Munshiram Manoharlal publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi. Biography S. Rajavelu, presently, heads the Department of Maritime History and Marine Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur, India. He has widely explored over South India and discovered a large number of Palaeolithic, Megalithic, Early Historic sites and 11 �inscriptions in Tamil Nadu. To his credit he has published 8 books and 75 research articles in various national and International journals and participated and presented research papers both national and International conferences. He is the recipient of Tamil Nadu State Award in the year 1990 for his book, Archaeological Excavations in Tamil Nadu in Tamil. Currently, he is the Editor of Avanam, a journal published annually by the Tamil Nadu Archaeological Society. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 13: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 13 chair Dr. Sila Tripati and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports. Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations. Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Sila Tripati Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nagappattinam - A medieval port of South India Description An account of the resource Nagappattinam, a famous sea port of the imperial Cholas, is presently the headquarters of a District in Tamil Nadu, India. During the medieval Period, under the imperial Cholas, this port city played a vital role politically, commercially and culturally. From the time of the Pallavas of Kanchipuram around 8th century CE, the port city was referred to as Nagai. Though we do not get any direct reference from the records of the Pallavas, there is an inscription on a stone slab in the Naganathar temple at Nagappattinam that refers to donation of gold to the temple of Naganathar by a big smith probably a goldsmith of the town Nagai. The sacred saivite literature Teevaram refers to the port city as being fortified by big walls and the ships like vangam anchored in the harbor of Ten Nagai. In the succeeding period this city flourished as a main port of the imperial Cholas where the Chola Navy was stationed. During the time of Rajendra Chola I (1012-1018 CE) the son and successor of Rajaraja Chola I (985-1014 CE) crossed the Bay of Bengal with his Navy from seaport of Nagappattinam and conquered Kedah in the year 1017 CE. During the times of Vijayanagar, Nayaks and Dutch East India Company, the port was busy with foreign trade. This paper traces the emergence of the port city and Maritime contacts to Southeast Asian Countries in the medieval period in the light of available inscriptional and literary evidences in detail. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S. Rajavelu, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 13 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/58e96f3302df29d9d6437f249a190fc4.pdf 719d17aa10db3d4ec16d1752f6d1923b PDF Text Text The discovery SS Indus (1885) with Cargo of the 3rd century BC Bharhut sculptures in Sri Lankan waters S. M. Nandadasa Central Cultural Fund, Maritime Archaeology Unit, Galle, GL80000, Sri Lanka Email: nandadasa@yahoo.com Abstract SS Indus ran aground in 1885 somewhere in the North east coast of Sri Lanka while she was sailing from Calcutta or Kolkata to London via Colombo. At the time she possessed valuable cargo, a fine collection of sculptures from Bharhut, a 3rd century BC Buddhist monastery in India. They were masterpieces of a collection of Sir Alexander Cunningham, the first Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India and they were being transported for exhibition in the London Museum. For the last one century, Indian and Sri Lankan archaeologists and historians were interested in finding this shipwreck, yet no one knew the exact location of the wreck. However the recent Maritime Exploration in the month of August 2013 by the Maritime Archaeology Unit, Sri Lanka has traced the possible remains of the SS Indus off Muliative. Key words: SS Indus, Bharhut sculptures, British India, Mulaitivu, Trincomalie Introduction Interest in Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka has been increasing since the early 1960s. Being an island Nation, our past is intertwined with all aspects of maritime life and its history. The Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) was established in Galle in 1992 with the objective of carrying out maritime research in and around Sri Lanka (Dayananda, 2013). From its inception, MAU has done much to further the work in this field and have lead some major maritime research history projects (Samaraweera, 2013). This work has seen the area of research extended in the North, East and NorthWest coastal regions of Sri Lanka. The end of the Civil War in 2009 enabled us to work in the North and East. Exploration in the North started in 2013. 1 �Archival references of SS Indus The main objective of this exploration was to trace any evidence of ships wrecked in the region during the last two centuries. The information collected from old news paper reports and other documents. Fortunately there is well preserved collection of the19th century daily news papers in the Colombo National Archive. The careful investigation of the document some interesting information on hitherto unknown wrecks including the SS Indus (The P & O Liner SS Indus, 1871) (National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London). Bharhut sculptures The name of the SS Indus is well known among Sri Lankan and Indian historians and archaeologists, and especially those interested in the study of the Bharhut as well as the history of art and the sculptures of ancient India. Over the last one century Fig. 1 Figure showing the probable route of the researchers have worked tirelessly SS Indus from Calcutta to London via Colombo to uncover information about the and wrecked off the north coast of Sri Lanka. Indus’s cargo. They widely believed that the ship was transporting a fine collection of sculptures from the Bharhut (a well known Buddhist Monastery in India founded in the 3rd century BC) and she ran aground in the seas off Sri Lanka (Ceylon) in 1885 when retuning from India via Colombo to London. At this time of “British India” the renowned British scholar Sir Alexander Cunningham was head of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). It is widely thought that his collection of master pieces from the Bharhut was on route to London Museum, in the hold of the ill fated SS Indus. To set the geographical back ground, Bharhut Stupa is located in the present day Satna District of Madhya Pradesh in Central India. It was first identified by General Alexander Cunningham in 1873. On his second visit to Bharhut in February 1874 he collected and recorded scattered pieces of sculptures and tried to understand their 2 �layout and design. He returned there for a third time in November 1874 with some legal right and took several of the sculptures to Kolkata (or Calcutta) and founded a Bharhut Gallery in the National Museum at Kolkata. After a detailed study of Buddhist literature and sculptures from the site, he published a book in 1877 titled “The Stupa of Bharhut”, which remains highly respected study of the Bharhut Stupa. When study the history of the monument and the works of Sir Alexander Cunningham, it is important to focus on the items he collected from the site and especially upon the loss of the SS Indus because it is believed to have been carrying the best pieces. Until now, the story of the SS Indus was confined only to the interest of scholars as it was believed that the ship was wrecked in water so deep that conventional diving equipment could not be used in the exploration. Until now, it seems no one has made any serious effort to reveal the actual facts related to the wreck, no tracing to identify where the wreck is located. In 2013 the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU), Sri Lanka decided to extend research works in the northeast coast which include the search for the S S Indus. As the first step we studied the historical evidence to confirm a possible location. Our research has revealed that there has previously been great interest among scholars in finding this wreck. However, some misunderstanding of the information available to them had thwarted their efforts; most notably, reports of its location being “50 miles north of Trincomalie” have proven to be misleading. Opinions of scholars Rao (1987) mentioned that the “P & O Liner Indus which carried the second century BC Buddhist sculptures of Bharhut sank 50 miles north of Trincomalee (Trincomalie) in Ceylon in 1885. An attempt made to salvage them was not successful”. Gaur informed that this wreck was very popular among the archaeologists as Cunningham was first in charge of Indian Archaeology in 1860 and I 3 Fig. 2 Shipwreck is marked on the Nautical Chart right before the Mullaitive town. �believe records may be in the Kolkata Archives as the ship must have sailed from Kolkata and it is sure that this wreck contains stone sculpture from Bharhut (a Buddhist Stupa) of the 2nd century BC (personal communication). As per tradition it is at about 40 m water depth and lies North of Trincomalie. The Archaeological Commissioner of Sri Lanka, Charles Godakubre, in his Annual Report for the year 1962 – 63 has made the following statement about the SS Indus: “The possibility of doing more undersea archaeology in Ceylon in the near future takes our mind to the invaluable collection of works of art from the Stupa of Bharhut (2nd century BC) lost of 1885 in the wreck of the P & O liner Indus that ship aground on a shoal known as Mulaitivu 50 miles North of Trincomalee. It is known that some salvage operations were attempted at the time, with what results, we do not know. We shall therefore be thankful if anyone with information on this matter would pass on the same to Mr. Arthur C. Clarke or to us”. Arthur C Clarke also asks for any news of the Indus in his book, “The Tresure of the Great Reef” published in 1964. He gives a description of the supposed location of the site of the wreck as “Fifty miles to the North of Trincomalee, on a shoal known as Mullative, lays another important wreck and one which may contain the most valuable cargo lying beneath the waters around Ceylon. On November 9, 1885 the 3,462 ton P & O liner Indus was steaming south from Madras to Colombo when she went aground at full speed owing to a gross error in navigation (She was twenty miles off course, and her captain was lucky to get away with a twelve month suspension of his tickets.) At high tide, the Indus was worked off the shoal, and then had her second piece of bad luck. She came to rest immediately above one of her own anchors, and as she rose and fell in the waves she quickly knocked a hole in her bottom and sank within a few hours. There was no loss of life, but none of the cargo could be saved. Aboard the Indus was the collection of the finest works of art from the Stupa of Bharhut which had been specially selected by the director of the Indian Archaeology, General Cunningham. Today, these statues would be priceless – if they are still on Mulattive shoal. But we are not certain of this; we know that salvage operations were later carried out on the Indus with a view to recovering the indigo and other valuables aboard her. Would the divers also have bothered to bring up what they probably considered to be a few old statues? We rather doubt it, but until our researchers have settled this important point the Indus 4 �will remain on our list of possibilities, not certainties” (Clark, 1964: 239). Arthur C Clark in all the time he spent searching could not find the Indus. He was a pioneer of underwater exploration who introduced scuba diving to Sri Lanka in the early ‘60s, arguably the most eminent maritime archaeologist of his generation. Our investigation of the archival documents confirmed that there have been attempts to excavate cargo from the Indus but there is no evidence of any success. It is therefore highly likely that there has been no historical disturbance of the site which remains untouched since the ship sank. No evidence of disturbance soon after the ship was lost because there were perilous waves in monsoon weather at that time, nor in later years before the development of equipment to recover heavy items from a wreck or to stay underwater at such a depth for sufficient time. There is possibility that the strong waves would have resulted in sand covering the cargo which would add to the difficulty of retrieving it. Only in very recent times have new techniques and equipment become available to allow such excavation. These facts, together with Arthur C Clarks’ statement that he had not found the wreck or cargo, is proof of the Fig. 3 News Paper article The sculptures remaining intact beneath the sand. Times of Ceylon, Sunday Information about the Indus appeared in a news November 15th, 1885. (National paper “Times of Ceylon” on the 12 and 13 of November 1885 and also from the account given Archive, Colombo) by a passenger on the 15th. Final piece of news of the ships’ loss was printed on the 17th, in which one of the passengers gave a dramatic description of what happened when she sank and afterwards. The news printed on the 12th of November states; “The wreck of the P & O SS Indus, Completed brake up off the vessel ... “Information just brought by H.M.S Ranger which has return from the wreck with all passengers, native crew, and stewards, that the caption, chief and fourth 5 �officer, and doctor are standing by the ship in boats. Ranger reports that the ship is settling down. The four compartment has been carried away, and the aftercompartment has started. The ship is full of water. No lives have been lost, and the mails are saved”. On 13th “Times of Ceylon” had mentioned about the cargo of sunken ship........ The Indus had a large consignment some 200 chests-of indigo shipped at Madras, and many thousands of chests of tea. The latter is of course done for, but the indigo may yet be recovered next year, for it suffers little deterioration in water...... the “Indus” being completely under water and heavy seas braking over her. It is being lived that the treasure on board some 40,000 has been saved, as the mails. Undoubtedly have been and the treasure would undoubtedly be the first thing to which attention would be directed”. According to the above list of things there is no any mention about the sculptures, probably it has been there as a personal collection or not much attention was paid on them as important as we consider on this day. Narration by a passenger of the SS Indus The account which appeared on 15th Sunday in “Times of Ceylon” give us a vivid picture begins with “responsible for the opinions of our correspondent”. The dates he gives do not match with the incidents previous dating and thus lead to some confusion however; it does not harm other reliability and authenticity within his account. The reason for the apparent ‘error’ in his account may have been to protect the Captain from future legal action? “We left Madras in the Indus at about a quarter to 2.00 PM on Saturday afternoon, the 8th September bound for London via Colombo. There were but seven first class passengers in all, and all went well until the morning of Sunday, the Indus coming to grief in reality but a few hours after we had the started. I had but just finished my chota hazeri on Sunday morning, and was just entering my cabin, when I felt the ship bump, and I was nearly thrown off my feet. Running on deck at once, as indeed did everybody, we found ourselves about four miles from land, which lay to starboard and grating against the bottom heavily. I believe, but I cannot say with certainty, that the captain was on the bridge with the officers of the watch at this time. I looked at my watch, and found it was just 6.20 AM. But a few minutes previously, I had seen that we were in sight of land, and though I was rather surprised at this, I naturally did not give the matter much thought. The ships did not heel over but kept grating on 6 �the sandy bottom, and after a while the engines went full speed astern, part without any effect, though we moved from our position. The Captain then ordered the boats out with the lead, and sundry observations were taken from the ship and from the boats........” “..... Captain Breeze still made frantic endeavors to get his ship out of the mass she was in, and the engineers were kept hard at it, but we seemed to get struck only the faster. Up to this time, though we had practically been fast for eight or ten hours, absolutely nothing had been done to lighten the ship by jettisoning the cargo, though the passengers suggested it to the Captain more than once. The ship at this time, so far as we were informed, it must be remembered, had made no water. Fig. 4 Photograph of the SS Indus taken in 1881 in Towards the afternoon Southampton. (National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, the anchor was let go, and attempt made to Gould Collection, London) warp her off into deep water, which the boats had found by casting the led. This was the beginning of our worst misfortunes. I am unable to give a consecutive account of what took place during Sunday afternoon and night. Sleep we naturally get little of, and by morning we heard that the main hatch was full of water and the ship was fast. It appears that through some mismanagement we had gone ahead on our anchor and driven the fluke right into our bottom, and not content with this, we had gone on moving backwards and forwards, an had of course worked a great hole in the bottom of the vessel” (The Times of Ceylon, 1885). “....... The ship was filling fast and we naturally desired to be out of danger. Our luggage was piled up on the main deck-to be washed in to the sea. As it eventually proved–but we were not allowed to take it ashore. We took a few wraps with us and 7 �rowed ashore with little or no difficulty. There we found a small fishing village called Mullativu where we went to the Rest house and made ourselves as comfortable as we could....” (The Times of Ceylon, 1885). His detailed description creates a dramatic picture of the incident and portrays its effect on the passengers and crew and the part played by the Captain. Some of his information is most useful to our research as it includes many incidents and the consequences. Interestingly we found evidence of the rest house he mentioned but unfortunately it is no longer standing however I found a photograph of it. Last moments of the Indus The times of Ceylon on Tuesday, November 17, 1885 reported the final stage of what happened to the Indus and the information given is important to our understanding of the cargo she carried “The Indus had not settled down to one side or the other, and her masts stood straight up with the sail caps on, clean and smart. Orders were left that as much as possible should be saved, and all that remained above water dismantled, but, the bad weather coming on, compelled the wreck to be abandoned, and forced the brig to make the best of her way to Trincomalie, as already described” (The Times of Ceylon, 1885). News about Indus in an Australian news paper The loss of the Indus was published in “The Daily News” in Australia. She had previously sailed there a few times “Wreck of the P & O Company’s SS Indus “The Melbourne Superintendent of the peninsular and oriental steam navigation company (Mr. Geo Withers) has received a telegram from the head office in London stating that the company’s’ steamer Indus which left Calcutta on the 1st November for London has been wrecked at Sandra on the Indian coast a few miles north of Ceylon. The message is stated that there were some hopes of her again being successfully floated, and that the steam “Clyde” had gone to her assistance, but beyond that passengers and mails had been all saved. No further particulars were given. The Indus was one of the best known of the P & O Company’s fleet, having many voyages to Australia since the initiation of the fortnight mail service. She was built in 1871 by Messer Denn Brothers, of Glasgow, who designed her for the Indian and China trade, which was then the principle field of the company’s operations”. It was interesting to find couple of internet images of 8 �SS Indus taken at the time of a Census on 20th July 1882, three years prior to her ill fate. These are under the rights of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London, Gould Collection and P & O Heritage Collection it describe the detail as “The P & O liner SS Indus (1871, 3462 GRT) in July 1882. She was in the port of London at the time of the census of April 1881. She had 17 Goan crewmen on board. She was wrecked off Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) in 1885; fortunately, no lives were lost.” Commencing our field work to discover the Indus Utilizing nautical charts is a necessary means to successfully trace and record the position of the wreck. They enabled us to find and record the approximate site of the wreck. . This “pre-survey” was most useful in providing opportunities to meet the local fishing communities. We knew from previous experience how useful it is to develop a good relationship with the local fishing and diving community. Much helpful and reliable information about shipwreck can be obtained from local people. We started our Field Study in August 2013 in Mullaitive in the north of Sri Lanka:Our first task was to meet with local people, boatmen, guides, fishermen, divers and navy personal etc. We then studied all the information available to us. We used local suggestion and knowledge to target our underwater survey methods to locate the shipwreck site. We discovered that the nautical chart was incorrect and after a few days of searching, we decided to stop and find some reliable data. After much persistence, and on our last day on site, we found the exact location of what is likely to be the location of the SS Indus! The site is fully covered in fishing nets and it would be a risk to dive there before clearing the nets. Due to its age, the wreck must be in a fragile condition. We observed that it rests on a sandy bottom in water at a depth of around 810 m. The wreck is some two miles away from the location marked on the nautical chart. The location is matching with data collected from archived in terms of distance from land and seascape. It is resting in less than 10 m of water. There is no other record of a similar ship being lost in this area. The evidence on site confirms that it is unlikely 9 �that the wreck has been previously excavated. The Maritime Archaeology Unit is planning to start a test excavation on the shipwreck towards the end of 2014. Acknowledgements Professor Gamini Adikari, Director General of Central Cultural Fund, the members of Maritime Archaeology Unit, Galle, Sri Lanka for their guidance and support and Valerie Lidiard for her valuable help preparing this paper and all others who assisted in our efforts to find SS Indus. References Clark, A. C., 1956. The Reefs of Taprobane. Hapor and Brothers, Ballantine Books, New York. Clark, A. C., and Wilson, M., 1964. The Treasure of the Great Reef. Harper and Row, New York. Cunningham, Sir Alexander., (1814 - 1893). Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online Ed.), Oxford University Press, Oxford: The Stupa of Bharhut: A Buddhist Monument Ornamented with numerous sculptures Illustrative of Buddhist Legend and History in the Third Century BC (1879). Dayananda, A., 2013. The Begginning and Evolution of the Maritime Archaeology Unit in Sri Lanka (1960-92). "Samudrika"- Maritime Archaeological Symposium, Maritime Archaeology Unit and Maritime Archaeology Museum, Galle: 1-2. Godakumbure, C., 1962-63. Annual Report of the Commissioner of Archaeology, Department of Archaeology, Colombo. Samaraweera, N., 2013. The Reserches of the Two Decades of Maritime Archaeology Unit: 1992-2013. "Samudrika" Maritime Archaeological Symposium, Maritime Archaeology Unit & Maritime Archaeology Museum, Galle: 3-5. Rao, S. R., 1987. Progress and Prospects of Marine Archaeology in India. National Institute of Oceanography, Goa. The Times of Ceylon, November 12, 13, 15 and 17, 1885, National Archive, Colombo. The Daily News (Perth, WA: 1882 – 1950) National Library Australia National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, www.flickr.com/photos/nationalmaritimemuse. 10 London. Gould Collection, �Biography Samaraweera Mudiyanselage Nandadasa, (b. 1966), working as a Research Officer in Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU), Central Cultural Fund (CCF), Ministry of Culture and the Arts, Galle, Sri Lanka. He has obtained special degree in Archaeology, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka (1992) PG diploma in Architectural Conservation of Monuments and Sites from the Department of Architecture, University of Moratuwa, Sri Lanka (1993). He joined the Central Cultural Fund in 1993 as a Excavation Officer and conducted leading excavations in the World heritage Site of Sigiriya (1993-1997) and Lead the Conservation Branch as the Chief Conservation Officer (1997- 2004), Officer in Charge of the World Heritage Site of Galle project and Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) (2004- 2008) and presently working as a Senior Research Officer for MAU. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 13: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 13 chair Dr. Sila Tripati and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports. Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations. Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Sila Tripati Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The discovery SS Indus (1885) with Cargo of the 3rd century BC Bharhut sculptures in Sri Lankan waters Description An account of the resource SS Indus ran aground in 1885 somewhere in the North east coast of Sri Lanka while she was sailing from Calcutta or Kolkata to London via Colombo. At the time she possessed valuable cargo, a fine collection of sculptures from Bharhut, a 3rd century BC Buddhist monastery in India. They were masterpieces of a collection of Sir Alexander Cunningham, the first Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India and they were being transported for exhibition in the London Museum. For the last one century, Indian and Sri Lankan archaeologists and historians were interested in finding this shipwreck, yet no one knew the exact location of the wreck. However the recent Maritime Exploration in the month of August 2013 by the Maritime Archaeology Unit, Sri Lanka has traced the possible remains of the SS Indus off Muliative. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S. M. Nandadasa, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 13 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/f7e6c38a8e7a5a8b65c8b42c965735ad.pdf 39c0810e13b97cbd49a14c4b1ef7351e PDF Text Text The missing crafts of Sri Lankan waters Rasika Muthucumarana Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central Cultural Fund, Fort Galle, Sri Lanka, 80000 Email: muthurasika@gmail.com Arjuna Thanthilage Post Graduate Institute of Archaeology, University of Kelaniya, 407, Bouddhaloka Mawatha, Colombo, Sri Lanka, 00700 Email: arjuna_t@hotmail.com Abstract The artefacts were slowly removed and brought up one by one; certainly, they had been undisturbed for nearly two thousand years. The wreck and some of its cargo were analyzed and radiocarbon dated, and the results make the Godawaya wooden wreck found from the seabed of south Sri Lanka, the oldest shipwreck in the Asiapacific region. The inscription belonging to the 1st century, found at the Godawaya temple provides evidence to the world that the Sri Lankan people had well organized ports which took tax from the vessels. But we weren’t able to find the cargo or the ships that sailed through until 2008. This valuable wooden wreck was first found by two conch divers and later explored by the Maritime Archaeology Unit of Sri Lanka (henceforth MAU). Analyzing and artefact research were done not only to find the chronological order, but also to discover a hidden chapter on maritime activities and ship building techniques used in this region. The artefacts appear to be originally of the Indian subcontinent region; hence, it is possible that the origin of the ship may be traced to this region. A large number of potshards and stone quern indicate that these items may also be part of a trading commodity. The major part of the wreckage needs to be identified and that will reveal the kind of cargo ships used to carry at that time. The paper aims at bringing to light the recent discoveries and the results of analyzing the cargo. Especially the excellent copper lumps and Black & Red ware found and analyzed in 2012. 1 �Key words: Godawaya, Great Basses, Black & Red ware, Copper ingots, Port city From the past to the future A journey ends with terrifying suddenness, sending a majestic seagoing vessel to the ocean floor, ending the life of sailors and passengers. The wreck is now home to sea creatures, corals and sponges. Years later, detectives in the form of Fig. 1 Remains of the Godawaya shipwreck. (Rasika Muthucumarana) maritime archaeologists locate the wreck and start piecing together tiny bits of information. Like a forensic scientist who attempts to work out the cause of death, they try to unearth the story of that forgotten hulk sitting alone in its watery grave. This story is a small part of a larger one which consists of many – the cement between the bricks that make the whole tapestry of our history. But, what if there is a wreck without a story, or a wreck without any clue or evidence to trace its name, date of construction or when it sank? For the archaeologist, this is the beginning of a whole new episode, imaginary and real, the latter requiring interpretation of small clues – intense detective work. The maritime archaeologist’s task takes on a greater challenge as the wreck ages. The physical evidence that identifies the wreck hides under the sand and, in time, it becomes a sealed tomb. In 2008 archaeologists from Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of Galle found an isolated wreck, actually a mound surrounded by hundreds of potshards on the seabed near the Godawaya coast, a small fishing village situated between Ambalantota and 2 �Hambantota in southern Sri Lanka. The site was deep and undisturbed. The team located the site following an alert by two local conch divers from Godawaya area who found the site. When the team reached a dark and cold seabed at 32 m we faced coral mounds and sea plants on a sandy seabed. The artefacts were Fig. 2 View of the Buddhist temple from the sea. slowly removed and brought up one by one. It was certain that those had been (Rasika Muthucumarana) undisturbed for hundreds of years (Fig. 1). This find was a treasure trove for a maritime archaeologist. The potshards and other artefacts found at the site can be traced up to 2nd century BCE, which make this site the oldest shipwreck found in the Asian Pacific region. While there have been reports of several shipwrecks in and around the Indian Ocean countries during the last two decades, these wrecks were dated between the 9th century CE and the early 20th century CE. Thus, there is a paucity of information about early shipwrecks, so the Godawaya shipwreck site has provided much needed import to the maritime archaeology of this region. An inscription belonging to the 1st century, found at the Godawaya temple provides evidence to the world that the Sri Lankan people had well organized ports which took tax from the vessels. The paper is aimed at bringing to light the recent discoveries and the analysis results of the cargo. Especially the excellent copper lumps and Black & Red ware found and analyzed in 2012. Godawaya: the historical port city Godawaya is a small fishing village, located in the Hambantota district close to Ambalantota near the old estuary of the Walawe River, the fourth longest river of the island. However, the mouth of the river near Godawaya is blocked by sand deposit and now the river is debouching into the sea at Ambalantota, 3 km west of Godawaya. A 3 �Buddhist temple is located on a small rocky elevation on the left bank of the river mouth (Fig. 2). In ancient times, Godawaya was known as Godapavata-patanaha as is mentioned in a Brahmi inscription found in Godawaya dated to the 2nd century AD (Roth et al., 2001: 296), and in Mahavamsa the etymological identifiable term “Gotapabbata” is used (Geiger, 1912: 255). Two inscriptions found from this temple were first examined and reported by E.R. Ayortone in the early 20th century. Later, Professor Senarath Paranavithana published his findings on estampage found in this area (Paranavithana, 1983). The small and unclear inscription (No. 1) and the wellknown inscription (No. 2) were carved on a natural rock north of the Stupa. The inscription No. 2 clearly describes a seaport situated at Godawaya. It consists of two lines, and the letters, which have been clearly incised, are regular in form. These writings can be clearly identified with the first or second century CE (Paranavithana, 1983). The inscription describes the collection of customs duties called Godapavatha collected at this port (Fig. 3). The text of the inscription No. 2 and its translation: 1. Siddham Godapavata patanahi Su (ka) su(ri)yi 2. Raja Gamani Abaya viharata dini “Success! The customs duties of the port of Godapavata, King Gamani Abaya granted to the vihara (temple)”. The name Godapavatha, Gota pabbata or Godawaya refers to a kind of mound with a rounded shape, composed of rock (gota – short and round /pabbata – rock). The small stupa built on a rocky elevation south of the temple is clearly visible from the sea and may have been used as a landmark. Most probably the name Godapawatha could have been a name attributed to those early seafarers. When the excavation team dug a new trench under the rock with the main inscription mentioned above, they found another well-preserved threeline inscription (No. 3), one meter below the old one. It also describes some of the donations to the temple. The earliest archaeological evidence from Godawaya traces the history of Fig. 3 Inscriptions found from Godawaya. 4 (Upper - Inscription no 02/ Lower – Inscription No. 3). (Rasika Muthucumarana) �this region from the Mesolithic period onward. During the last two decades many explorations and excavations took place in and around the Godavaya temple. From an excavation that took place near the fishing village, part of an old maritime structure was found. It appears to be part of a jetty or a bridge built with stone pillars, which are very similar to the stone pillars seen in the shrine room of the old temple. Looking south from the temple, the river flows to the sea to the right and the Godawaya fishing village is to the left. Both of these may have been parts of the ancient seaport. This is not surprising as the bay of Godawaya with its beach with the stone pillars and fishing village is the safest landing place along the coastline of this area. The river mouth and the wide sluggish river also provide suitable access for transportation. Cargo from the vessels may have been transferred inland using boats and barges. The Walawe River flows through ancient settlements and monastic sites such as Ridiyagama, Mahanavulu Pura and the Ramba monastic complex. There are records of coins, mainly thousands of Indo-Roman, from private lands and paddy fields near the riverbanks. In 2003, an old stone anchor was found in the sea near the Godawaya fishing village. It was a granite triangle with a hole in the middle, resembling the stone anchors excavated from Galle harbour. These types of stone anchors are thought to have been used during the Fig. 4 Single hole stone anchor and stone pre-colonial period, especially by Indo- bench like object found from shipwreck site. Arabian and Chinese vessels (Rasika Muthucumarana) (www.mausrilanka.lk). In the following year two local well experienced conch divers (Sunil and Peminda) from Godavaya village found other valuable artefact. On one of their regular deep shell dives they found the area rich with potshards and a small stone object which bore a resemblance to a small bench. They brought it with them and marked the location on their GPS. The bench was handed over to the excavation project and was stored at the Tissamaharama storeroom at the Department of Archaeology. But the incident and bench were forgotten over time (Fig. 4). 5 �A new beginning In October 2008 the MAU started an exploration along the south coast with some funds from the UNESCO Bangkok office. The Godawaya site was at a depth of 30 meters and three kilometres from the shore. The presence of potsherds and artefacts like the stone bench strongly suggested the presence of a shipwreck, which warranted further investigation. The seabed near the site is composed of coralline rocky formations whereas a wide area is covered with thick grained coralline sand towards the northeastern part of the site. Under some mounds, which initially appeared to be a reef, we found Fig. 5 Rim of jar and potsherds at some timber sections. Those very fragile wooden Godawaya shipwreck site. (Rasika parts were covered with a thick layer of corals and Muthucumarana) plants (Fig. 5). Between and around two large mounds there were lots of potsherds. These were scattered over about a 100 square meter area. Other than the potsherds, we found some complete and near complete jars. Some of these jars were huge and encrusted and embedded with corals. This was a clear sign that the site was undisturbed. But it was not easy to understand the site formation, and we were not able to identify any parts of the ship’s construction. Many ships have been wrecked around Sri Lanka but Godawaya is a very unique shipwreck and no parallel has been reported in publications. We did some exploratory studies from which a site plan was derived and artefacts were brought up and studied. Most of the potshards were identified as black and red ware (BRW), a particular type of clay-ware unique to the South Asian region. This type of potteries goes back to the 13th century BCE. According to the comparative typological evaluation (with the typologies of the early scientific excavations in Sri Lanka and India) the shapes and the types found at the Godawaya site, the wreck has been tentatively dated at between the 2nd century BCE and the 2nd century CE. The symbols carved on the stone bench also belonged to the same era. Many shipwrecks have the potshards 6 �as cooking ware but the high density of the potsherds at this site indicated that this vessel carried pottery as cargo. Further, six glazed blue bun-shaped ingots at site 2 were retrieved for further analysis. These were widely used in the pottery industry. The stone bench was identified as a quern and thought to be used for the preparation of food or medicine onboard. This assumption was discarded when we found another three similar objects in 2010. These items may also be part of a trading commodity. Materials and methods Different types of artefacts and samples have been collected from the site during the field works till 2010 for study and analysis. Some of the samples were analyzed and studied at CSIR-National Institute of Oceanography, Goa; Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad, India and PGIAR (Post Graduate Institute of Archaeology and Atomic Energy Authority), Sri Lanka. These studies were very helpful to date and understand the shipwreck, cargo and its origin. SEM-EDS analysis Clear specimens (size 2-4 mm) of these artefacts are placed on a carbon conductive tape stuck on a nylon stub. Each specimen is mounted on a separate stub in such a way that the surface to be analyzed faces upwards. These specimens are then sputter coated with about 20-nanometer thick gold coating using a Gold sputter coater. Each coated specimen image was analyzed by SEM (model JSM 5600) with an EDS attachment (model JOEL 5800 LV). Radiocarbon dating In order to remove the extraneous material such as carbonate specks within its pores, the wood sample was treated with dilute hydrochloric acid repeatedly and washed thoroughly with de-ionized water. The powdered and dried wood sample was combusted in presence of O2 to yield CO2. The CO2 obtained was converted to benzene for 14C measurement. The 14C activities were assayed using a low background liquid scintillation counter. The calculated 14C ages were calibrated using INTCAL09. Results Copper slag - A small lump of copper was also found from the wreck site; however, the identification of the object is difficult. EDS analysis at nine spots in the copper show that major elemental oxides present in abundance are CuO, SO3 and FeO. The average 7 �weight (%) of CuO, SO3 and FeO in the copper slag is 97.92, 1.95 and 0.293 respectively (Table 4). Interestingly, CuO wt (%) values range with minimum and maximum values of 97.00 – 98.59 while FeO is present only in four spots with an average wt % of 0.293. This shows that the copper sample is not from a slag as we described earlier. The 97% of CuO and the condition of the lump shows it is not a slag. It is almost in a pure combination which is melted and purified (unless it was found from a mine in a pure state). This could be a part of a lump/chunk or an ingot which was used in the ship or transport. We found this copper lump on 15th November 2010 while we were diving at the site for a monitoring purpose. We noticed several lumps of copper on the wooden parts of the main block at the place where we took the sample. Fig. 6 Representative EDS spectrum and SEM photograph of the glass ingot. (CSIRNIO) Glass ingots -The SEM-EDS results of five spots in glass ingot show (Fig. 6) that major elemental oxides present by the abundance are SiO2, Na2O, Al2O3, CaO, FeO, K2O, CuO, TiO2, MgO in the average weight % 62.67, 12.85, 8.10, 8.07, 3.33, 1.76, 1.37, 0.63 and 0.42. Silica Oxide (SiO2) is the major component 62.67% with a narrow range of minimum and maximum values of 60.61 – 64.17 %. Titanium Oxide is present in three spots with an average value 0.63%. These glass ingots weigh about 2-3 kg and having a diameter of about 20 cm (Table 2) Iron concretion The SEM-EDS results of four spots in Iron concretion show that major elemental oxides present in abundance are FeO, SO3, SiO2, Al2O3, MgO, CaO, and K2O with the 8 �average weight (%) of 77.54, 16.48, 7.06, 2.43, 1.39, 0.93 and 0,37 respectively. Iron oxide (FeO) is the major component (Av. 77.54%) with a range of minimum and maximum values of 66.58 – 83.96 %. Conclusion Relative dating and radiocarbon dating from the wood samples shows the site is approximately 1900 years old, which means it belongs to the era in which the inscription was written. There are several questions that remain unanswered: what kind of vessel was it? What was its destination and from where was it sailing? How did it sink and how was it preserved for so long? Until we find answers to these questions we need plausible stories to fill the gaps. The main mound containing the wooden remains can be the best way to find answers. The surface observation indicates that a large part of the wreck is buried in the sediment and the extension of the site can only be determined after a more complete investigation. With the archaeological information so far investigated it has not been possible yet to determine whether this wreckage is belonging to an inbound or outbound vessel to the country. By looking at the cargo the ship was transporting would be an efficient method to get an idea in this regard. Raw ingots of copper and glaze found along with the other findings could possibly be successful indicators in solving the question raised above. Here we are trying to compare the composition of raw copper ingot found from the shipwreck with the already known characteristic composition of locally produced copper in order to determine the destination of this cargo, if possible. Identification of locally produced copper Historical records and chronicles had indicated that Sri Lanka used its own source of copper during the historical period. It is also suggested that the Seruwila is the place which produced the copper (Seneviratne, 1995: 125). The Anuradhapura Gedige excavation had proved that the copper smelting was practiced here as early as 6th – 5th Century BC (Deraniyagala, 1972: 145; Seneviratne, 1995: 123). The use of Seruwila copper for the production of bronze Buddha images during the latter part of the Anuradhapura period has been proven through scientific means which will be described later (Thantilage, 2008: 41-44, 71-76). It has been suggested that the occurrence in metal artefacts of a particular element at an unusually high concentrations may be 9 �characteristic of a particular geographic or mineralogical origin (Reedy, 1997: 83-85; Craddock and Meeks 1987: 132). The compositional characteristics of the local Seruwila copper magnetite ore source had been determined by the Geological Survey Department of Sri Lanka by analyzing the copper ore samples obtained by deep coring and had shown the copper ore from Seruwila, the only known copper deposit in Sri Lanka, contained characteristic high nickel content and cobalt, nickel elemental ratio has been calculated as between 0.43 – 0.55 (Jayawardhana and Padmasiri, 1977). The same cobalt, nickel ratio values has been successfully utilized to identify the possible ore source for some South Indian bronze images (Sirinivasan, 1999 (a) and bronze images of Sri Lanka made out of copper from the Seruwila ore source (Thantilage, 2008: 41-44, 71-76). Because of the high nickel content and consistent copper, nickel ratio the copper artefacts found from the Anuradhapura Gedige excavation are attributed as has been made from ore from the Seruwila deposit (Maliyasena, 1987). Analysis of copper Ingot from Godawaya ship In this backdrop it was decided to analyze the bronze ingot from Godawaya ship wreck for trace elements qualitatively by XRF method using the facilities at the Atomic Energy Authority, Sri Lanka. The analysis proved that nickel, the characteristic indicator of the copper from the Seruwila copper source, is not present in the copper ingot. The absence of nickel in the copper ingot from the ship wreck would be a powerful indicator to exclude the possibility of origin of the copper ingot could be Sri Lankan. If this is the case, the ingot could have been on the way to the region. It has been shown through scientific means the existence of two schools of bronze Buddha image productions during the Anuradhapura period in Sri Lanka in which one school had not used the local copper for its production (Thantilage, 2008: 96-99). The copper ingots suggest that the ship was sailing to Sri Lanka. The wreck was probably a coastal trader that sailed around the country. It may have been making for the Godawaya port aiming to travel further inland towards settlements along the river. One possibility is that cargo was loaded from Godawaya and the vessel may have been heading for the east side or the far south to the Magampura settlements or this vessel may have been involved in international trade. It may have been travelling to the east coast of India or coming from India, or leaving for Southeast Asia or a vessel of foreign origin. To find these answers 10 �we need to inspect the hull remains through the remaining wooden parts. This part needs a detailed investigation not only underwater but also by taking a few samples for analysis. Gaining insights about the shape and size of the hull planking and fastening will provide details about the construction methods and its origins and reveal information about the ships used during ancient trade. If we compare this site with other underwater archaeological sites found so far in Sri Lanka, this is a site of high significance. The wreck is a unique example of this early period from this part of the world. Our conclusions are still a work-in-progress, so dating and cargo are still under investigation. This is an initial attempt and the story of this wreck is still being written and may change as more data comes to light – this is the story of maritime archaeology. Table 1. Detailed dimension and weight of glass ingots retrieved from the wreck site. Table 2. EDS results of elemental oxide abundance (wt %) of glass ingot. 11 �Table 3. EDS results of elemental oxide abundance (wt %) of Iron concretion. 12 �Table 4. EDS results of elemental oxide abundance (wt %) of copper slag. Acknowledgements Special thanks go to the Physical Research laboratory, Ahmedabad and Dr. A. S. Gaur, CSIR- NIO, Goa for analyzing the samples. Authors are also thankful to the funding agencies including the UNESCO and The Netherlands as well to other participants who partook in the exploration of the shipwreck. References Craddock, P. T., and Meeks, N. D., 1987. Iron in ancient copper. Archaeometry, Vol. 29 (2): Research Laboratory for Archaeology and the History of Art, Oxford University, UK. Deraniyagala, S., 1972. The Citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavation in the Gedige Area. Ancient Ceylon No. 2, Department of Archaeology, Sri Lanka: 145. Geiger, W., 1912. 1983. The Mahavamsa or the Great Chronicle of Ceylon XXXV, (Reprinted) from London 1980 and New Delhi. Jayawardhana, D. E., de S., Padmasiri S., 1977. Report on the Copper Magnetite at Seruwila Arippu Prospec”, Geological Survey Departmentm of Ceylon, Sri Lanka. Maliyasena, H. B., 1987. Metallurgical and Archaeological studies of some iron objects from the 1969 Anuradhapura Citadel (Gedige area) excavation in Seminar on the Archaeometallurgy of Sri Lanka, September 1987, IFS Kandy. Paranavithana, S., 1970. Inscriptions of Ceylon. Containing cave inscriptions from 3rd century BC to 1st century AD and other inscriptions in the Early Brahmi script, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Colombo, Sri Lanka. 13 �Paranavithana, S., 1983. Inscriptions of Ceylon. Containing Rock and other Inscriptions from the Reign of Kutakanna Abhaya (41 BC-19 BC) to Bhatiya II (140-164 AD), Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Colombo, Sri Lanka. Roth, H., Kessler, O., Recker, U., and Wijeyapala. 2001. The Gadawaya Harbour Site. Report on the excavations 1994-97. In H. J. Weisshar, H. Roth, and W. Wijepala (Eds.), Ancient Ruhuna, A Sri Lanka-German Archaeological Project in the Southern Province, Vol. l, Verlag Philipp Von Zabern, Mainz Am Rhein: 291-326. Reedy, C. L., 1997. Himalayan Bronzes Technology, Style and Choices. University of Delaware Press. Seneviratne, S. 1995. The Ecology and Archaeology of the Seruwila copper magnetite prospect northeast Sri Lanka. The Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities, Vol. 21 (1-2), University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka. Sirinivasan, S., 1999. Lead Isotope and Trace Element analysis in the study of over hundred South Indian metal icons. Archaeometry, Vol. 41 (1): 91-116. Somadeva, R., 2006. Urban origins in Southern Sri Lanka. Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden. Thantilage, A. 2008. An Archaeo-metallurgical Investigation of Sri Lankan Historical Bronzes, PhD Thesis (unpublished), Postgraduate Institute of Archaeology, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka. Biography Rasika Muthucumarana is a maritime archaeologist working at Maritime Archaeology Unit, of the Central Cultural Fund, the custodian agency for the UNESCO world heritage sites in Sri Lanka. He has obtained special Degree in archaeology at the University of Peradeniya, then joined the Avondster Project, which was the first field operation of the MAU. Since then he has been conducting most of the underwater archaeological projects of Sri Lanka and some of the UNESCO field school projects. Apart from underwater explorations, excavations and conservation, he is devoted to developing field archaeology and human resources of the MAU. Rasika is also a professional photographer and a landscape artist who loves to travel and stay close to nature. 14 �Arjuna Thanthilage is a senior lecture at the Post Graduate Institute of Archaeology (PGIAR) at the University of Kelaniya. He has got his degree and masters from University of Colombo for Physical Science and Analytical Chemistry, then began his career as a research assistant at the PGIAR and has obtained his PhD in 2008 on Archaeometallurgy. 15 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 13: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 13 chair Dr. Sila Tripati and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports. Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations. Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Sila Tripati Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The missing crafts of Sri Lankan waters Description An account of the resource The artefacts were slowly removed and brought up one by one; certainly, they had been undisturbed for nearly two thousand years. The wreck and some of its cargo were analyzed and radiocarbon dated, and the results make the Godawaya wooden wreck found from the seabed of south Sri Lanka, the oldest shipwreck in the Asia- pacific region. The inscription belonging to the 1st century, found at the Godawaya temple provides evidence to the world that the Sri Lankan people had well organized ports which took tax from the vessels. But we weren’t able to find the cargo or the ships that sailed through until 2008. This valuable wooden wreck was first found by two conch divers and later explored by the Maritime Archaeology Unit of Sri Lanka (henceforth MAU). Analyzing and artefact research were done not only to find the chronological order, but also to discover a hidden chapter on maritime activities and ship building techniques used in this region. The artefacts appear to be originally of the Indian subcontinent region; hence, it is possible that the origin of the ship may be traced to this region. A large number of potshards and stone quern indicate that these items may also be part of a trading commodity. The major part of the wreckage needs to be identified and that will reveal the kind of cargo ships used to carry at that time. The paper aims at bringing to light the recent discoveries and the results of analyzing the cargo. Especially the excellent copper lumps and Black & Red ware found and analyzed in 2012 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rasika Muthucumarana Arjuna Thanthilage, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 13 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/66d8200bc2f3091ec079fa026710224a.pdf c8127be33aae14cf801b44353b7a1d1c PDF Text Text A Geographic Analysis of Traders and Trade Goods in Japan’s Late Medieval Seto Inland Sea Michelle Damian University of Southern California, Department of History, Social Sciences Building (SOS) 153, 3502 Trousdale Parkway, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0034 USA Email: mdamian@usc.edu Abstract This paper will discuss ongoing research into the flow of both goods and people in medieval (14th - 16th centuries) Japan’s Seto Inland Sea area. Prior to colonialism and contact with the West, there was already a complex, well developed maritime network in place within Japan that has received little attention. Understanding the extent of the domestic trade network reveals the thriving trade between communities within the Inland Sea, in conjunction with the better known courtcentric tribute and tax system. Examining archaeological and written records concerning trade goods and collaboration among ships’ captains provides a clearer understanding of the networks and developments in this region. Although the foundation for much of this research comes from the documentary record, incorporating the archaeological evidence into a GIS (Geographic Information Systems) database paints a fuller picture of the networks within the Inland Sea before contact with the West. Key words: Medieval Japan, Maritime shipping, GIS (geographic information systems), Trade routes, Bizen pottery Introduction Japan has traditionally been considered a “closed country,” seen as almost entirely removed from any interactions with the rest of the world until contact with the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. Scholars therefore tend to omit discussion of Japan’s role in Asian trade and ignore the established trade networks within the archipelago itself. Janet Abu-Lughod’s Before European Hegemony, though generally an excellent introduction to medieval trade routes beyond Europe, completely excludes Japan even though she devotes an entire chapter to Asia. Official documents clearly show trade connections with China and Southeast Asia throughout the premodern era, and mainland pottery and other goods are regularly 1 �excavated throughout archaeological sites in Japan1. Much of the medieval documentation of the domestic trade, though, shows goods coming from the periphery to the central court in the Kyoto region. While these connections are important to note, it ignores the role played by trade hubs in the provinces on the cusp of contact with the West. Understanding those domestic trade routes will eventually help clarify the role that smaller ports en route to the capital region would have played in transporting foreign goods. Through a geography-based analysis of the domestic trade routes in late medieval Japan, it becomes apparent that the connections and collaborations between different local ports and ship captains facilitated a thriving local trade. Sources and Methodology Though few trade-related documents from the medieval period have survived the centuries, one set of port records provides much information about Inland Sea shipping. The Records of Incoming Ships at the Hyōgo Northern Checkpoint (Hyōgo Kitaseki Irifune Nōchō, below, Records) record data for over 1900 vessels that passed through the checkpoint at Hyōgo, today part of Kobe City, in 1445 and the first two months of 1446 (Hayashiya, 1981). Each dated entry notes the port of registry of the ship, the type and volume of cargoes carried, the taxes levied on the items and dates collected, the name of the ship’s captain and the name of the warehouse manager that handled the incoming items2. As the records show the flow of goods from the provinces to Hyōgo, gateway to the central court region of Kyoto, this collection has been very useful in learning about center-periphery trade relations. By analyzing the imports through a geographical lens, though, the focus becomes on the roles of the provincial ports. From there it is possible to learn more about the connections between those provincial ports and understand more about regional trade networks. Sets of maritime regulations (Kaisen shikimoku or kaisen taihō) also reveal additional information about seafaring practices in the medieval period 3. The dates of these regulations are disputed, as the language used and the age of the extant 2 �copies suggest a late 16th century author but the dates on the documents themselves are from 1223. Even if they were written in the later era and predated to suggest an established precedent, however, their widespread recopying implies that though the written codification came later, the practices themselves were likely already widely followed. Other information about medieval trade comes from the archaeological record. Unfortunately in many cases there is little archaeological signature for the items noted in the Records, particularly for consumables such as rice, salt, and marine life. Site reports from locations along the Inland Sea help paint a richer picture of the flow of other items such as pottery or iron. Incorporating both the documentary information from the Records with the archaeological evidence into a GIS (Geographic Information Systems) database helps highlight the patterns of trade throughout the Inland Sea, suggesting new relationships between the locales and revealing some previously lesser-known trade hubs. Trade Routes: Commodities The Records note nearly ninety different cargoes being shipped throughout the Inland Sea in 1445. As it is impossible to discuss all of them in depth, this paper will focus on trade patterns for salt, the most traded commodity in the Records, and pottery, best representative of the archaeological signature. Since salt was recorded usually noting its production point (“Aga salt,” “Mihara Salt,” “Bingo Salt,” etc.), it is relatively easy to identify the different shipping routes. Even though (Fig. 1) reflects a large amount of data, the overall color distribution indicates that the salt often was shipped directly to Hyōgo from a port close to its point of production. Mihara salt came from the ports on Awaji Island near the port of Mihara, Katamoto salt from Sanuki province ports near Katamoto, and so on. Looking only at ports that shipped more than five hundred koku (1 koku = approximately 330 lbs) of salt to Hyōgo over the year, however, reveals further information about transshipment trends (Fig. 2). 3 �Fig. 1 All salt shipments in the Records (Michelle Damian) Fig. 2 Ports shipping more than 500 koku of salt in the Records. (Michelle Damian) 4 �One of best examples of an unexpected transshipment hub is Takasaki. Particularly in comparison to its neighbor ports of Onomichi and Setoda, Takasaki was not a major port. It shipped to Hyōgo only about one-third to onequarter of the total amount of goods sent by either Setoda or Onomichi. Yet even Takasaki shipped a smaller quantity of items, it served as a transshipment point for Suō salt, produced in Suō province west of Takasaki. The ports of Fig. 3 Shipments of cloth in the Records. (Michelle Damian) Tomita, Yanai, and Kaminoseki, actually located in Suō, sent less Suō salt to Hyōgo than the six hundred koku shipped from Takasaki in Aki province. The absence of Suō salt in other ports east of Takasaki strongly suggests that Takasaki was the primary destination for ships carrying that cargo. After those ships offloaded their cargo there, it was then in turn sent to Hyōgo. Takasaki’s role becomes even more interesting when other goods and locations are also considered. Cloth often was brought to Japan from the mainland via Kyushu. When mapping the shipments of cloth to Hyōgo in the records, Takasaki and the adjacent Kamagari are apparent as the major suppliers, with Sakihama a distant third (Fig. 3). In considering rice shipments as well, the only port shipping Kyushu rice to Hyōgo is Kamagari. A fourth product named nikomi in the Records is shipped to Hyōgo only from Moji and Kamagari4. Other ports noted in the Records that are closer to Kyushu, including the adjacent ports of Shimonoseki and Moji as well as all of the other Suō province ports, were bypassed by the Kyushu products in favor of the further Takasaki and Kamagari, but did not go as far as the much heavier trafficked Onomichi and Setoda. One possible reason for Takasaki and Kamagari’s favored role may have been an attempt to protect cargo shipments. The seas around the islands immediately to the west of Takasaki are home to strong currents and treacherous waters. Moreover, slightly southwest of Takasaki but east of 5 �Setoda were islands inhabited by pirate clans as early as the mid-1300s (Shapinsky, 2005: 147). In the Records, ships coming from the western ports were generally larger but less frequent than their counterparts from the eastern ports. Their captains would therefore have had to maneuver their large ships through dangerous shoals with which they were less familiar, and needed to defend against piracy to boot. Transshipping at Takasaki or Kamagari would have allowed them to transfer their goods to captains in smaller ships that were more familiar with the waters, without crossing over the more treacherous areas to Onomichi and Setoda. Items that allow the incorporation of the archaeological record into the analysis provide much more information about the spread of trade goods throughout the Inland Sea. The most obvious of these is in the analysis of pottery. The Records alone note that small jugs (tsubo), were shipped to Hyōgo from Sakai, Katakami, and Inbe (Fig. 4). Suribachi, a shallow bowl used in cooking, were shipped only from Jige, and only once throughout the entire year of records. There is a notation in one shipment from Ushimado that records six suribachi as part of the taxes levied on a shipment of sesame seeds, but as this was not recorded as part of the official taxable cargo it is an unusual case, and cannot necessarily be factored into the analysis of the typical cargo shipments. While the type of pottery unspecified Records, volume of in the is the total shipping from the Bizen area (including the Katakami and Inbe kilns) and the kiln ruins from the Inbe Fig. 4 Bizen pottery in the Records and in archaeological evidence. (Michelle Damian) 6 �area strongly suggest that the majority if not all of the pottery was Bizen ware (San’yo, 1978: 62)5. The pottery coming from Sakai is more questionable, but the pottery was brought in on the same boat that contained Kojima salt, also on the Bizen peninsula. This suggests that that vessel also visited or was shipping items from Bizen, and could therefore have been transporting Bizen ware to Hyōgo as well. While the Records provide information about the flow of Bizen pottery from its production point to Hyōgo, it is only a small part of the entire picture. In looking at archaeological site reports along the Inland Sea, the presence of Bizen ware is ubiquitous. Excavations in terrestrial settlements in Bingo province (Onomichi, Kusado Sengen), Sanuki (Nohara, Michi-shita site), Harima (Aboshi, MurotsuHyōgo)6, and even far inland in Aki (Yoshikawa Genshun site) reveal significant amounts of Bizen ware, ranging from suribachi cooking dishes, to tsubo jars, to larger vats and other implements. Underwater recoveries, which were not systematic excavations but simply pottery discovered through serendipity such as being caught up in fishing nets, also dot the Inland Sea. These are mostly located in the central inland sea area at sites near Naoshima, Aji, and Kugui-no-oki, and likely are the remnants of either shipwrecks or jettisoned cargo. The final type of site is represented only by Mizunoko-iwa, which was a shipwreck site that yielded nearly two hundred pieces of Bizen pottery (San’yo, 1978: 80-81). Looking at the sites alone certainly suggests a wider variety of usage for Bizen ware throughout the inland sea. Not only flowing from the production point east to Hyōgo and the central court, Bizen ware was also shipped out to destinations far west of the kilns. More Kamakura and Muromachi-era Bizen ware has been discovered on Honshu than on the western areas of Shikoku, possibly suggesting more direct interaction with the former area. Two sites are of particular interest. The first is Aboshi in Harima, a destination in between the kilns near Inbe and the checkpoint at Hyōgo. A number of pieces of Bizen pottery from the 15th century were found here, especially larger vats (kame) (Nakagawa, 2008: 119). They show 7 �evidence of use, and as such were likely imported to Aboshi as a final destination (Nakagawa, 2008: 124). Large numbers of pottery found in one area with no signs of usage would have been more likely to indicate a transshipment location. The information from the Records shows Aboshi as a small-to-medium sized port, sending sixty two ships to Hyōgo over the course of the year, most of which carried less than 100 koku of goods. It does not appear to have been a major source of transshipping based on traceable goods, but the evidence of Bizen ware used in Aboshi still suggests that there was direct trade happening with other estates along the Inland Sea. Instead of being a commercial center for incoming and outgoing goods, though, Aboshi was mainly an import destination. The second significant archaeological site is the shipwreck at Mizunoko-iwa. Located approximately six kilometers offshore of Shōdoshima, it is one of the only underwater discoveries of a Muromachi-era shipwreck site to date. Though the ship itself has been lost to the elements, the pottery cache recovered yielded 35 large jars (kame), 71 large jugs (tsubo), 14 small jugs (tsubo) and 66 cooking bowls (suribachi), totaling 189 objects. This provides at least a minimum representation of the number and types of items that would have been shipped longer distances. The ship’s intended final destination is unknown, though it may have been the Kumano area on the Kii peninsula. Bizen ware has often been discovered along the coast of Wakayama prefecture, and the wreck site places a ship leaving the kilns at Katakami and Inbe squarely along that route (San’yo, 1978: 65). The first archaeological evidence of ballast stones used on ships also comes from the Mizunoko site. Although the origin of the ballast stones has not yet been identified, studies have shown that they were not from the region near the kilns, which suggests that the vessel had loaded them at yet another port possibly from the Kishū or Shikoku area (San’yo, 1978: 87-88). The likely route of the voyage from Bizen directly to Kishū, as well as the combination of Bizen ware and ballast from a different location, suggests the direct interaction between two 8 �removed locales, further demonstrating the wide range of domestic ties and trade routes. Trade routes: People The maritime regulations suggest that voyaging together was a common occurrence. Several articles refer to the responsibility of one boat to lend aid to another in trouble, or to rescue individuals in the case of a shipwreck. As the regulations also suggest disputes in the case of allocating profits when cargo was lost or ships were damaged, it is possible that sailors traveling together also acted as witnesses to provide evidence to settle those disputes (Shinjō, 1994: 777). The Records note 171 vessels as edabune (“branch ships”), a term used in the maritime regulations as referring to an accompanying ship on a voyage 7. Understanding that this was a common practice further suggests stronger ties between individual captains. With common Japanese names such as Tarō Jirō or Shirō Gorō – roughly equivalent to trying to research the backgrounds of captains named “Bob” or “Joe” in the English world – and no other corroborating records, scholars have assumed that the captains in the Records were generally untraceable. Captaining a ship is a particular skill, though, particularly in the sometimes treacherous waters of the Inland Sea. In a finite geographical area, it is highly unlikely that there were multiple men with the same names plying the waters simultaneously. Examining the captain’s names through a geographic lens reveals that these individuals were indeed traceable and furthermore highlights collaboration between captains in their voyages. The voyages of Hyōe Tarō are an excellent example of one such ship captain’s network in play. His name appears associated with nine ships registered in Matsue, eight in Mihara, and three in Ushimado (once as primary and twice as secondary captain) (Fig. 5). The ships often arrive within one or two days of each other, and in one case a Hyōe Tarōcaptained vessel from Matsue and Mihara arrive on the same day. Since the same 9 �individual could not be physically captaining both vessels, at first glance it seems impossible that this was the same individual in every case. Fig. 5 Ports affiliated with Hyōe Tarō and his extended network. Considering the names of the captains of other ships that arrived in Hyōgo on the same days, though, the question becomes more complex. The same names appeared regularly, hailing from nearby ports – Yura, Murotsu, Hibi, and the same Matsue, Mihara, and Ushimado, though the majority were registered to Mihara. The table below details the names of the accompanying captains and the ports they were registered to, along with the type (Matsue, Mihara, or Ushimado) of Hyōe Tarō-captained vessel that they arrived in Hyōgo alongside (Table 1). Regardless of whether Hyōe Tarō’s ships were from Matsue or Mihara, the names of the accompanying captains were often the same: Emon Gorō, Mata Gorō, Gorō Tarō and others, mostly from Mihara, accompanied Hyōe Tarō’s boats regularly. 10 �Hyōe Tarō Vessels Port # of Boats* Registry Matsue 9 Accompanying Vessels Accompanying Port Affiliation (s) # of Boats* Captain Emon Tarō Mihara 1 Hibi 1 Gorō Tarō Mihara 3 Mata Gorō Mihara 2 Kanimori Tarō Mihara 3 Taifu Jirō Mihara 1 Mihara 8 Emon Tarō Mihara 6 Gorō Tarō Mihara 3 Mata Gorō Mihara 2 Kanimori Tarō Mihara 1 Yura 1 Taifu Jirō Mihara 1 Emon Jirō Murotsu 3 Hyōe Jirō Matsue 2 Ushimado 3 Gorō Tarō Mihara 1 Emon Jirō Murotsu 1 Hyōe Jirō Matsue 2 * “# of Boats” denotes the total number of vessels captained by the same person from the same port of registry. For example, Hyōe Tarō captained nine total boats from Matsue in 1445. The captains of the accompanying vessels listed to the right may have sailed with Hyōe Tarō’s Matsue boats from one to three times, and sometimes the same individual captained boats registered in different locations (e.g., Emon Tarō who accompanied Hyōe Tarō’s Matsue boats once on a Mihara and once on a Hibi boat). Table 1. Hyōe Tarō boats and networks In looking at cargo carried, all of the cargo from Hyōe Tarō Mihara and Matsue vessels as well as their accompanying ships consisted of Mihara salt, with Hyōe Tarō’s ships often carrying the largest cargo. The Ushimado vessels were exceptions; when Hyōe Tarō was primary captain it carried rice and in both secondary captaincies the cargo was Shima salt. With the common cargos combined with the connections between the individual captains, it seems likely that this was indeed the same Hyōe Tarō affiliated with all of the ships. The maritime regulations suggest that the shipowner and ship’s captain could be the same or could be two different individuals. Hyōe Tarō may have based himself in Mihara where he was accepted into that network of other ships’ captains, and also owned 11 �boats (or in the Ushimado cases where he is listed as secondary captain, perhaps shares in vessels) registered in other ports. If Hyōe Tarō were the shipowner but had someone else piloting his vessel, his name may have been written in the Records as the person primarily responsible for the ship and its cargo. The fact that he was an established member of the extant Mihara-based network allowed his boats from Matsue to join the voyages to Hyōgo, all carrying salt from Mihara. There are many such examples of captains’ networks that are revealed through a geographic analysis of individual names in the Records. The implications of this on the study of medieval Japanese labor practices are worth noting. Skilled workers, such as the ships’ captains, could be affiliated with ships registered to different ports in entirely different provinces. Most studies of medieval laborers focus on the agrarian sector, which were by their nature tied to the land they cultivated. Examining maritime practices shows that labor mobility may have been more possible than had been previously thought. In cases such as Hyōe Tarō’s, if he was indeed the ship owner for the Matsue vessels, it also implies the ability of individuals to own property in diverse regions – a privilege generally thought to have been reserved for members of the upper classes. Examining the geographic ties between the ship’s captains simultaneously suggests the potential for their mobility and their property owning. Conclusion Though this paper focuses on domestic trade routes in medieval Japan before direct interactions with the Western world began, the principles outlined here are still relevant to later maritime connections. This analysis demonstrates the established domestic maritime networks for both people and commodities and suggests transshipment hubs. Particularly in cases such as Takasaki and Kamagari, the geographic tracking of the flow of goods shows the role that relatively smaller ports might have played in transshipping goods from the southern regions. As Western trade was funneled through the offices in Kyushu, additional research will show whether those ports continued in their middleman role in 12 �shipping goods to eastern Japan, or whether their importance faded as infrastructure improved and the threat of piracy was squelched. The captains’ networks may have been useful in facilitating Western trade as well. Peter Shapinsky’s analysis of portolans (nautical charts) from early modern Japan shows their hybrid nature, using a mixture of Western and Asian scripts and iconographies (Shapinsky, 2006: 5). Further, he suggests that the ships’ crews in the 16th century were largely a mixture of nationalities and that the captains were the arbiters of knowledge on board, responsible for the safety of the ship and its crew and therefore for keeping accurate charts and records (Shapinsky, 2006: 15). The maritime networks of the inland sea show that collaboration between captains was already common practice, and could have easily extended their reach in cooperating with foreign captains in later years. The connections shown through this geographic analysis, while focused on domestic trade, are representative of the importance of the Inland Sea region as a shipping center. Privileging the geography and incorporating both documentary and archaeological evidence into the analysis further deepens our understanding of shipping and common maritime practices within medieval Japan. Acknowledgements I am grateful for the opportunity to be a part of the panel that Dr. María Cruz Berrocal and Dr. Mark Staniforth have coordinated. I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Joan Piggott, for her support at the University of Southern California. Financial support from the USC Provost’s Fellowship and the Fulbright Doctoral Fellowship for research both in the USA and Japan was critical. The Tokyo University Historiographical Institution and Meiji University both generously opened their archives to me. I am indebted to many people for their feedback during this process, but most especially from Dr. Kurt Knoerl and Sachiko Kawai. Endnote 1 For the purposes of this paper, the premodern era is defined as pre-Tokugawa era (i.e., prior to 1603) and the medieval period refers to the Kamakura through Muromachi/Sengoku periods (1185– 1603). The focus of this paper is largely the late medieval as represented by the Muromachi era (1337– 1573). 13 �2 The port of registry was not necessarily the beginning point of each boat’s voyage to Hyōgo, though in many cases it is likely that they were indeed the same. 3 The word “kaisen” literally translates to “ship going from place to place,” and usually refers specifically to a coastal trade ship. Since some of the articles in the regulations refer to riverboats, port regulations, and personnel issues, I have chosen to translate this as “maritime” rules or regulations. 4 The actual meaning of nikomi is unclear. It is thought to have been some kind of fish or marine good. 5 One kiln in the Furōzan area of Inbe was nearly forty meters long, which based on other contemporary kilns suggests that it was producing pottery from at least the early Muromachi era (15th c). 6 Murotsu-Hyōgo is different from the port of Murotsu in the Records. The latter is in Awaji province. 7 Flagships are referred to as honsen/motobune in the maritime regulations. The Records do not denote any boats as honsen, but do have several “nagabune” (longboat) notations which may have been another term for flagship. References Hayashiya, T., (Ed.), 1981. Hyōgo Kitaseki Irifune Nōchō. Chūo Kōron Bijutsu Shuppan, Tokyo. Nakagawa, T., 2008. Ceramics Unearthed at the Furuaboshi Site in Hyogo Prefecture. Trade Ceramics Studies, Vol. 28: 118–125. San’yō, S., (Ed.), 1978. Kaitei No Kobizen: Mizunoko Iwa Gakushutsu Chōsa Kiroku. San’yō Shinbunsha, Okayama-shi, Japan. Shapinsky, P. D., 2006. Polyvocal Portolans: Nautical Charts and Hybrid Maritime Cultures in Early Modern East Asia. Early Modern Japan, Vol. 14: 4-26. Shapinsky, P. D., 2005. Lords of the Sea: Pirates, Violence, and Exchange in Medieval Japan. PhD Dissertation. University of Michigan, Michigan, USA. Shinjō, T., 1994. Chūsei suiunshi no kenkyū. Hanawa Shobo, Tokyo. Michelle Damian has an MA in Maritime Archaeology from East Carolina University and is currently a PhD candidate at the University of Southern California. She has volunteered as Exhibits Editor with the online Museum of Underwater Archaeology (http://www.themua.org) since 2004. Her dissertation focuses on the maritime cultural landscape of Japan’s Seto Inland Sea, combining both written and archaeological evidence to explore maritime practices in the late medieval period (15th - 16th centuries). 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Geographic Analysis of Traders and Trade Goods in Japan's Late Medieval Seto Inland Sea Description An account of the resource This paper will discuss ongoing research into the flow of both goods and people in medieval (14th - 16th centuries) Japan’s Seto Inland Sea area. Prior to colonialism and contact with the West, there was already a complex, well developed maritime network in place within Japan that has received little attention. Understanding the extent of the domestic trade network reveals the thriving trade between communities within the Inland Sea, in conjunction with the better known court-centric tribute and tax system. Examining archaeological and written records concerning trade goods and collaboration among ships’ captains provides a clearer understanding of the networks and developments in this region. Although the foundation for much of this research comes from the documentary record, incorporating the archaeological evidence into a GIS (Geographic Information Systems) database paints a fuller picture of the networks within the Inland Sea before contact with the West. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Michelle Damian, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/54d57e105509e449c3e99e1b65b14073.pdf 5f2f3a9d54b60b7bf94d74df866ca01e PDF Text Text The Stolen Memory: The Legal Crisis of the Hispanic Sunken Heritage in America and its causes José María Lancho Legalventure, C/Sagasta nº 24, 6º D, Madrid, Spain Email: Jml@josemarialancho.com Abstract The exam of the legal practice related to the Hispanic underwater heritage in the last 10 years in the United States shows that this has been the main resource of a mature treasure hunter industry in that country; that this industry has developed a specific discourse denying intrinsic cultural value to the Hispanic historical remains; and that this discourse has had an influence over the juridical and administrative authorities in the United States in such a way that legal, academic and media approaches to this archaeological legacy show an inadvertent but significant discrimination against the Hispanic Heritage -instead of Heritage of other cultural origins-, with the result that an important record of American history has been reduced to a mere industry and a resource for exploitation without requiring a minimal scientific counterpart, constituting without doubt one of the most serious and consummate problems within the entire historical record of the American history. In Hawaii in a recent court case, in which a Spanish galleon appears to be involved, we face the problem of fitting the Hispanic legacy in America in its legal and academic form, specifically because it brings into question the fact that Captain James Cook became the first European to discover the Hawaiian Islands, and makes manifest the extra historical relevance this assumption still holds. In this paper we deal with legal, historical and social aspects of this issue. Key words: Hispanic Heritage, shipwrecks, treasure-hunters, national and international waters, legal approaches Introduction The history of the submerged Hispanic heritage in the United States is the story of a stolen memory. In fact, it is of a memory that can still be robbed and one that has not had the effective legal protection that it deserves, given the nature of the destruction done and the irreversible loss of a common and valuable legacy. The scarcity of academic and scientific debate that this destructive process has meant for the entire historical registry of the history of the United States is surprising, especially when it involves a country that is without a doubt the largest archaeological power in the world. For every meter of marine depth that technology has conquered for mankind, thousands of square miles of sea bottom have been made vulnerable and unknown areas opened 1 �up to underwater archaeological ransacking. Nevertheless, in the United States that destruction has been selective. As a matter of fact, a close look into the legal and administrative practice involved with commercial access to marine archaeological sites in the U.S. evidences an unquestionable asymmetry in its treatment by virtue of its cultural origins. The above statement does not mean that the heritage stemming from other cultural origins has not been subject to what we can only define as legal plundering, but that in particular and foremost, the Hispanic cultural heritage –in spite of its special entity-has been subjected to quite specific aggression supported by concrete supra-scientific arguments, that have enjoyed scarce legal and judicial reaction in light of the dimension of such destruction, which we say has had a numbing effect on the American cultural and scientific conscience as it regards the disappearance of said legacy. Unfortunately, Admiralty perspective Law Fig. 1 Abraham Ortelius 1570 map. With Los Bolcanes and La Farfana the first and names applied to Hawaiian Islands. (Biblioteca Nacional de España) new internal regulations have not served to discourage treasure-hunters, nor have they provided homogenous rules to regulate activities directed at the underwater cultural heritage. In spite of the debates that have existed between the various administrations involved with marine sanctuaries, the different states and the U.S. National and Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), and the advances that have undoubtedly taken place, the situation is such that underwater excavations by treasure- 2 �hunting companies continue to be carried out on shipwreck sites by means of simple administrative permits that usually end up having no real scientific consequences (Fig.1). Analysis of the judicial practice in the United States related to the Hispanic sunken heritage in American waters My concerns for the weak legal situation of the Hispanic historical heritage in the United States made me undertake an analysis of the scope of this problem, and part of the conclusions reached are included herein1. An attempt has been made to explain the legal situation of the Spanish historical heritage in American waters as a “before and after” issue after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit, in its sentence dated 21st July 2000 concerning the remains of the Spanish frigates “La Juno” and “La Galga”, ruled in favor of the Kingdom of Spain sovereign immunity2. However, these statements have not stopped additional jurisdictional activity, or even administrative authorizations, from favoring the treasure hunters’ looting of Hispanic shipwrecks, whether warships or any other kind. As a result, the treasure-hunting industry has basically survived the last 20 years by ransacking the underwater historical Spanish heritage in the United States. The district Courts reflected a number of guidelines in their rulings, in all matters related to the adjudication of archaeological sites that correspond to archaeological guarantees in the protocols regarding access to the sites. Those guidelines are analyzed as follows: Type of Legal Action Exercised Action in rem exercising the finder’s rights and subsidiary right of salvage. Preliminary Archaeological Design In none of the cases did the treasure-hunting company provide a project design for the activity on the site, nor contrasted prior information and background studies about the shipwrecks. Scientific Intervention Criteria · Proposed criteria: None at the point of origin. Treasure-hunting companies have never set forth any archaeological or research objectives. In all the claims and their related extensions, there are no descriptions or proposals for specifically-determined archaeological criteria, methodology or techniques. In some cases there have been references made to matters of ecological, but not archaeological, impact. 3 �· Prior methodology or techniques required by the Courts: None. The Courts have not identified or made any references to any internationally-accepted archaeological criteria. · Archaeological monitoring and supervision established by the Courts: Not found in any case. The Courts do not demand any site management or maintenance plans. Scientific results of the excavations As no archaeological project has been submitted, the Courts have never defined or proposed any appropriate methods and working techniques. · Dating and identification methods and on-site documentation: Unknown. Treasurehunting companies go out of their way to hide the shipwrecks’ identity-or delay disclosing as much information as possible-, especially when of Spanish origin. In the latter cases, there are no obstacles to obtain excavation rights. However, in 30% of the cases, the companies stated they knew the identity of the wrecks. As excavation often entails the destruction of the wrecks, on-site documentation needs to be produced for any subsequent reconstruction. · Historiographical analysis of the sunken remains: No scientific reporting. Only occasionally and with a markedly commercial intent, a non-scientific publication is produced and the name or identity of the sunken vessel furnished. However, no requests are made to show proof of its identity. · Other analysis made of the salvaged materials: None. There are no academic postfieldwork activities. No scientific data is obtained or added to site interventions that may be associated with the application of any internationally-acceptable archaeological and scientific methods. · Guarantees of access and dissemination to the scientific community: None. · Scientific results published: None. There has been no publication of any scientific results, except for what could be considered commercial literature aimed at facilitating the sale of the excavated remains. These conclusions about the facts involved in the context of legal proceedings in the 21st century give us ample indications of what happened in the 20th century and the enormous destruction that this industry has brought about. 4 �Norms and standards not applied to the sunken Hispanic archaeological heritage There is a powerful paradox within the scope of archaeological protection. In the meantime, United States Courts have been able to establish legal requirements, at least in theory, granting rights over historical shipwreck sites. That has been the case of Klein v. Unidentified Wrecked and Abandoned Sailing Vessel (11th Circuit, 1985), which ruling established that the rescue of historical ships could not entail a greater risk than to leave the remains on the seabed, and that any excavation should follow clear archaeological criteria. Along those lines was the ruling in Cobb Coin Company, Inc. v. Unidentified Wrecked, the only one of its kind regarding the Hispanic heritage, dealing with the property rights over the historical objects obtained from a Spanish wreck. In that case the court said: […] there can be no suggestion that federal admiralty procedures sanction salvaging methods, which fail to safeguard items and the invaluable archaeological information, associated with the artefacts salved”. Notwithstanding these statements, in their practical application concerning the underwater Spanish heritage we can arrive at the following conclusions without the smallest margin of error: 1) The radical lack of application of any archaeological requirements on the part of American jurisprudence with regards to excavation of historical shipwreck sites. 2) The non-observance of scientific standards, at least those enjoying minimal recognition by the international community, and in particular the ones included in the 2001 UNESCO Convention. The divergence in the American judicial practice concerning the submerged historical patrimony of Hispanic origin has been radically contradictory not only with the increasingly-consolidated archaeological principles in academic circles, but also of the UNESCO itself. Despite this contradiction it is surprising that such divergence has not been dealt with in American academic debates. It is enough to point out the internationally-consolidated principle of giving preference to the in situ conservation of the underwater patrimony, the first of the options that must be considered prior to the intervention of a shipwreck site, according to Article 1 (fundamental principles) of the International Charter on the Protection and Management of the Underwater Cultural Patrimony, as ratified by the 11th ICOMOS General 5 �Assembly (1996). That very same criteria is also set forth in Article 2.5 of the 2001 UNESCO Convention. That is, any manipulation or removal that has not been given prior scientific consideration to its adoption in a subsidiary way to the in situ preservation is in violation of internationally recognized archaeological criteria. Notwithstanding, the Courts have allowed the archaeological debate over the access of treasure-hunting companies to historical shipwreck sites. In the 2004 case of Great Lakes Exploration Group LLC vs. Unidentified Wreck, the Western District Court of Michigan (1:04-cv-00375), the court denied the treasure-hunting company its request for excavation due to its lack of furnishing archaeological guarantees in it. In the matter of Columbus America Discovery Group vs. Atlantic Mutual Insurance Company (974 F. 2nd 450, 468), the court concludes that the efforts made to protect the historical element and archaeological value is a factor to ponder in determining the compensation of a salvage operation. In that case the shipwreck was that of the S.S. Central America, an American steamer sunk by a hurricane in 1857. In yet another case, Marex International, Inc. v. The Unidentified, Wrecked and Abandoned Vessel (4:96-cv-00194-JFN), the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Georgia in Savannah granted the exclusive rights on the wreck to Marex because the company included the following elements in their methodology: compilation of a historical register of the remains; divers involved had been trained in the use of archaeological methods and employment of thorough excavation techniques; the use of a laboratory with the capacity of preserving the salvaged artifacts; and the hiring of experts to help evaluate and preserve the extracted remains. This matter involved the S.S. North Carolina, an American ship. However, despite the wisdom and intellectual acumen shown by the U.S. Courts in establishing these requirements, when the law is applied to underwater sites of Hispanic origin, for the most part those Courts not only fail to apply those laws directly, but they do not demand nor verify any aspects concerning archaeological criteria. This discrimination or “asymmetry” is even noticed nowadays in non-judicial administrations. Of over a dozen sites that correspond to historical remains designated by the State of Florida in the National Register of Historic Places, only two belong to Spanish sunken 6 �ships and are located in already-looted sites, even though dozens more are exploited annually with the knowledge of the Florida authorities3 (Fig. 2). Causes: The ideological element in carrying out the law Once the objective element of the problem is exposed, the significant fact remains that even the most benign aspects of U.S. norms are not applied in the case of sunken heritage of Hispanic origin. We then examine the direct ideological causes of this problem, which in a quantitative and qualitative way could be described as a cultural genocide, as well as one of the greatest cultural disasters in the 20th and 21st centuries. There is a generalized and highly-effective discourse throughout the treasure-hunting industry with respect to the historical patrimony of Hispanic origin, which was expressed as “The curse of the Black Legend” by the American reporter Tony Horwitz (2006) in The New York Times. Fig. 2 Joan Martines 1587 map. (Biblioteca Nacional de España) Treasure-hunters avail themselves of a brief but efficient “ideological capsule” from both the Courts and the academic world’s silent majority: the idea that the remains of Hispanic shipwrecks were tainted by a certain moral deficiency that excluded them from 7 �being considered historical legacies. The end result is that treasure-hunters become the executing arm of a sort of yellow historicism and retrospective pseudo-justice that makes archaeological sites incompatible with any inherent historical and scientific value. We all remember that during the negotiations of the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage some illustrious members of the treasure-hunting family had no qualms about wearing jewels and personal objects that had been plundered from shipwrecked marine graveyards. Even the official reports to the shareholders and third parties put out by companies like Admiralty Holding Co. (published by the Securities and Exchange Commission in its 8-K form dated 9th October 2006) carry statements of that kind: “The treasure stolen from the New World was very important to the King of Spain and it actually sustained the economy of Spain during the period that it was being taken to Spain”. We are dealing with quite a generalized phenomenon, which uses the black legend to legitimize the ransacking of historical underwater remains of Hispanic origins, which thereby negate the true American historical and archaeological character, and even a moral or legal nexus with the societies to which those archaeological remains belong. Without a doubt, it is one of the most grievous cultural attacks that a develop society can perpetrate, while bearing what is necessarily a de facto extinction of an entire historical register of American history. Such attacks are similar to censure, book-burning or cultural assimilationist practices of the 19th and 20th centuries. “There’s a lot of blood on that gold”, someone in charge of Deep Blue told The Associated Press as he announced the likely finding of “El Salvador”, whose value was estimated to be $500 million. The scientific level and methodology that guides the treasure-hunting companies is thus evidenced. This line of reasoning becomes the redeeming force behind the precious metal that is the object of looting, while also destroying the cultural element that stigmatizes it. This argument is proper of the Black Legend and quite a handy one for ensuring the financial and legal survival of the treasure-hunting industry. It is equally striking that a discourse based on the reality of a cultural catastrophe could be so foreign to modern American society that has not been able to come up with a reply, nor seen enough merit to spark an academic debate. But what is even more striking is that such a level of discourse is allowed to caricaturize the 8 �history of Hispanic culture in North America, an essential part of the United States’ own history, which has so effectively used the Black Legend to deny any cultural value to the pillaged archaeological remains that were originally associated with the –mestizo, of course-- Hispanic culture in America. It is this same interchange of ideas that supports the criteria of the Sanctuary of the Florida Keys, as Pat Clyne (a historic treasure-hunter and executive vice-president of the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage society), expressed when he said in a formal meeting before the Sanctuary authorities: “It is amazing that the very people who seem so sensitive of the gravesites of their ancestors, these very conquistadors who have…”. The invocation of a supposed original illegitimacy in relation to the ships’ cargoes, the previous contextual reference to the Indians’ suffering as a preliminary debate surrounding the present ransacking activities is practically universal, co-substantial with this emerging industry’s search for legitimacy. Likewise, it is a way of substituting any archaeological, cultural value, or moral rights debate, with a nationalist mechanical discourse. The urgent need for a new discourse is clear (Fig. 3). History hunters and golden legends: a legal epilogue in Hawaii Very recently, Kohala Coast Enterprises (KCE) petitioned the District Court for the District of Hawaii4, to grant exclusive salvage rights for an archaeological site that the company claims to have discovered on 23rd November 2011. The site corresponds to a probable 16th or 17th century shipwreck of a Spanish vessel, within navigable waters off the coast of the Island of Hawaii. The remains were found in an area which lies within the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary, jointly managed by the State of Hawaii and the United States, through the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). Despite the fact that the company asked the judge to keep the location of the site secret and has also done its best to keep the cultural origin of the archaeological site under wraps, after consulting with NOAA, this organization issued a document through Malia Chow, the Sanctuary Superintendent of the Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary, that is one of the most singular and referable works that 9 �could open a whole new era when dealing with sunken heritage from Hispanic origins that have been targeted by treasure hunters. Some of the aspects and principles listed in that document include: archaeological preservation, the scientific objective of the intervention, as well as cooperation and information with the country of origin. However, the future problems faced by this possible discovery are much larger, as the scarce repercussion this case is having in the media and academic circles demonstrate. No doubt the history of the Pacific and its societies has suffered from the relentless succession of Eurocentric historicisms. Here, I must refer to one of the latest: the AngloSaxonism as a golden legend. The origin and development of this ideology does not come from long ago: Madison Grant (1916), John Robert Seeley (Bell 2005), Frank Hankins (1926), Joseph Arthur Gobineau (1853)… All of them describe the necessary nature of any golden legend: antagonism. This ideological element should not be minimized when we talk about heritage and its preservation. Conclusions No doubt a thorough questioning of the image of Captain Cook as the first European to set foot on the Islands of Hawaii may affect the historicist vision of that great navigator. This ideological element exists and I think it is easy to prove it. It is not possible to find in the English historiography the connection between: (1) the capture of the city of Manila by the English in 1762, (2) the steal by the last British governor of Manila, Alexander Dalrymple, of all the Spanish cartography in that city, i.e. more than two centuries of navigation and cartographical documents in the Southern Seas, (3) the conception, planning and documentation of Cook's voyages, significantly, by Dalrymple. My modest contribution to this work is that of identifying Alexander Dalrymple as the character that locates, works on, translates, classifies and summarizes the centuries of Spanish cartography in Manila and conceives a project for a British Empire5 that is being reborn from its ashes after the independence of its American colonies, and to single him out as the person who hands this decisive material to Cook for his later discoveries. British historians never linked the maps stolen from Manila to Cook's voyages. The lack of reference to Dalrymple in British historiography is no accident: the theft of the maps, the conception of an expedition that would allow reorienting the Imperial impulse towards the Pacific and the replacement by Cook in the climax of that intellectual 10 �adventure. The Admiralty needed a hero, free of suspicion of espionage, a new man not encumbered by intellectual debts to an enemy power that had to be replaced. The man chosen to command the missions to the Austral continent and the Pacific islands is Cook, a discrete, but talented Master of the royal Armada. At that moment he was not even a lieutenant. Cartography, exploration, discoveries... the narration of history has been, and still is, a tool for nationalisms, as the black and golden legends like that of Lord Sandwich’s conceived how the history of Cook's voyages should be told. Regardless of whether the ultimate goal is economic or political, it is interesting to observe how both survive. Can an archaeological discovery question the iron-clad axioms of the golden legend? Despite the communication from NOAA, the reach of the possible above-mentioned discovery in Hawaii has gone unnoticed by the academic world. As for the press, it will have to decide if it is willing to question the North American identity, overrule Anglo-morphism as an ideology and challenge its own identity. All this, as usually happens around the limits of knowledge, will be limited by prejudice. American waters have become a modern-day mythological River Lethe for a people and a historical record, the common heritage of the North-American and Hispanic peoples. There is a powerful and prevailing prejudice that affects the North-American scientific community and keeps American laws and legal practice from guaranteeing that a submerged archaeological site that corresponds to a shipwreck of Spanish origins may enjoy the maximum legal guarantees and protection, in line with American laws. Let the old verses of Homer serve as a warning to an American nation that accepts the sociallytainted fruit of the science of the forgotten: “Whoever tasted the soft sweetness of the lotus fruit, no longer thought about exploration nor returning home…”. Acknowledgements The author takes this opportunity to gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Agustin Rodriguez Gonzalez and Mrs. María Cruz Berrocal for their invaluable help and guidance. Table of cases · Grumpy
v.
Unidentified Vessel, United States District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana, 93-CV-26210H. 11 �· BDJ Discovery Group v. Shipwrecked Vessel Filed: September 23th, 2005 as 4:2005cv00122. · Sub Sea Research v. Unidentified Wrecked U.S. District Court Southern District of Florida 4:04cv10119-KMM. · Sub Sea Research Vessel, et al. v. Abandoned Vessel, et al. 4:02CV10068. · Marine Salvage, Inc District Court Southern District of Florida 04-22679 · Cobb Coin Company, Inc v. Unidentified Wrecked and Abandoned Mailing Vessel 525 F. Supp. 186, 208, 1983 AMC 966 (S.D. Fla 1981). · EURISCO CORP v. The Unidentified, Wrecked and Abandoned Sailing Vessel 9810002 CIV-KING. · Bradley Williamson v. The unidentified, Wrecked and Abandoned Vessel, 9:07-cv81030-KAM. · Bradley Williamson v. The Unidentified Wrecked and Abandoned Vessel 9:2008cv80106. · United States District Court Middle District of Florida (Tampa Division), Odyssey Marine Exploration, Inc v. Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel/The Kingdom of Spain, The Republic of Peru, Case n°8:07cv00614-SDM-MAP, doc 270, 3 June 2009. · United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, Odyssey Marine Exploration, Inc. v. Kingdom of Spain, Case n°10-10269, document n°8:07cv00614-SDM-MAP, 21 September 2011. Endnote 1 The conclusions were presented at the Royal Academy of Jurisprudence and Legislation, December 18th 2012. 2 Sea Hunt, In c.v. The Unidentified Shipwrecked Vessel or Vessels, 221 F.3d 634,638, 642 (4th Cir. 2000) 3 It is only right and just to recognize the moral and scientific solvency of the State of Texas authorities in the “Platoro” matter, and the archaeological efforts made versus the court’s criteria 4 Kohala Coast Enterprises, LLC vs. The Unidentified, Shipwrecked Vessel, District Court for the District of Hawaii CV12-00552 SOM-RLP. 5 In his book “An account of the discoveries made in the South Pacific Ocean, previous to 1764” (Dalrymple, 1767), in page VII and ss, there is an explanation by the author himself. In fact Dalrymple was elected to membership in the Royal Society (1771) as a result of his translations “of voyages to the South Seas & other places from Spanish”. References Bell, D., 2005. Unity and Difference: John Robert Seeley and the Political Theology of International Relations. Review of International Studies, Vol. 31 (3): 559-579. Dalrymple, A., 1767. An account of the discoveries made in the South Pacific Ocean, previous to 1764. Dalrymple, A, London. Gobineau, J. A., 1853. Essaisurl´inégalité des races humaines. Librairie de Firmin Didot Freres, Paris. 12 �Grant, M., 1916.The Passing of the Great Race. Geographical Review, Vol. 2 (5): 354360. Hankins, F., 1926. The Racial Basis of Civilization; a Critique of the Nordic Doctrine. Alfred A. Kanopf, New York. Horwitz, T., 2006. Immigration - and the Curse of the Black Legend. The New York Times, July 9. José María Lancho Rodríguez (Madrid, 1970) is a Spanish lawyer expert in historical heritage and technology law. He has actively intervened in the case Odyssey Marine Exploration in advising both the Kingdom of Spain and at the Spanish Courts in the criminal action derived from this case. He has published articles in various magazines, newspapers, journals and blogs. His research and advocacy interests also include legal enforcement of environmental laws, intellectual property, antitrust and the patient selfdetermination rights. He has been involved in relevant cases on those fields. He is also president of Hispalinux, the largest association of users and developers of free software in Spain. 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Stolen Memory: The Legal Crisis of the Hispanic Sunken Heritage in America and its causes Description An account of the resource The exam of the legal practice related to the Hispanic underwater heritage in the last 10 years in the United States shows that this has been the main resource of a mature treasure hunter industry in that country; that this industry has developed a specific discourse denying intrinsic cultural value to the Hispanic historical remains; and that this discourse has had an influence over the juridical and administrative authorities in the United States in such a way that legal, academic and media approaches to this archaeological legacy show an inadvertent but significant discrimination against the Hispanic Heritage -instead of Heritage of other cultural origins-, with the result that an important record of American history has been reduced to a mere industry and a resource for exploitation without requiring a minimal scientific counterpart, constituting without doubt one of the most serious and consummate problems within the entire historical record of the American history. In Hawaii in a recent court case, in which a Spanish galleon appears to be involved, we face the problem of fitting the Hispanic legacy in America in its legal and academic form, specifically because it brings into question the fact that Captain James Cook became the first European to discover the Hawaiian Islands, and makes manifest the extra historical relevance this assumption still holds. In this paper we deal with legal, historical and social aspects of this issue. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource José María Lancho, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/72c7a1775b5ce69e207f884688c8ca5a.pdf 7017b35e045b8f019abdf8e676faf161 PDF Text Text The diffusion of the material culture in the early period of the trade globalization: A preliminary study on silver coins and shipwreck porcelains found in East Asia of the 16th and17th centuries Liu Miao Department of History, Xiamen University, No. 422, South Siming Road Siming District, Xiamen 361005, China Email: liumiao@xmu.edu.cn Abstract In the 16th-17th centuries, world trade patterns greatly changed. East and West entered a period of an enormous amount of sailing since the 1500s. In the East, the traditional Asian maritime trade network - which mainly relied on maritime merchants of Southeast China, was gradually restored. After the discovery of the Americas in 1492 by the Spanish kingdom of Castille, and the establishment of the Eastward passage to India by the kingdom of Portugal in the late 1400s, both Spain and Portugal arrived in AsiaPacific in the 1500s and interacted with Eastern Asia local cultures. This set up the early globalization process. The silk and porcelains from China, spices from Southeast Asia, textiles from India, and coins from Mexico and Japan, were all important materials and media in the global trade of this period. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified as both East Asian maritime vessels (including Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels in Southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese porcelains were the main cargoes in all of them. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the archaeological sites and shipwrecks of this time period. These interesting maritime archaeological materials show early panPacific trading navigation between eastern Asia and the Western world. They help reveal the early international maritime trading history between eastern Asia and the West, early European colonization in eastern Asia, and resulting issues of expanding globalization. Key words: Shipwrecks, East Asia, Kraak porcelain, Zhangzhou wares, Early globalization Introduction In the early 1500s both the Portuguese and Spanish of the Iberian kingdoms reached Southeast Asia and burst into the traditional trade network of Asia. They interacted with local cultures in East Asia and established the early global system through longdistance trading. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified in East Asian seas as both East Asian maritime vessels (e.g., Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the 1 �archaeological sites and shipwrecks of the same time. They help to reveal the early international maritime trading history between East Asia and the West. The Discovery of the Shipwrecks in East Asia Shipwrecks of this era have been investigated in southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese blue-and-white porcelains were the main cargoes. After a preliminary analysis, we can put these shipwrecks into several groups according to the time sequence.From the end of the15thcentury to the early 16thcentury, just before the advent of Europeans, the pattern of trade in East Asia had changed. The Lena Shoal wreck (Goddio et al., 2000) discovered off the Philippines, and the Brunei wreck (L’Hour, 2001), are the representative remains of this period. The porcelains from these wrecks are provincial wares of Jingdezhen, most of them belonging to the reign of Hongzhi (1488-1505). They often have decorations of lotuses, other floral designs and classic scrolls on them. The bowls and dishes are large, and many of the shapes, such as pen boxes, covered boxes and the angular ewers, hint at the Moslem market. Many of these vessels have been found in the Middle East and even in East Africa. Wares of this type have also been found all over Southeast Asia (Carswell, 2000). The next group of shipwrecks include Niushijiao shipwreck (Fujian) (Li, 2012), Panshiyu shipwreck (Xisha Archipelago) (Zhao, 2012), San Isidro shipwreck (Luzon, Philippines) (Dizon and Orillaneda, 2002), Xuande shipwreck and Singtai shipwreck (Malaysia) Fig.1 Jingdezhen Porcelain from Nan’ao No.1 (Brown, 2009). They include Chinese junks, Shipwreck. (Guangdong) vessels of Southeast Asia and also Portuguese ships. The main cargoes are provincial blue and white wares from Jingdezhen. But the dense patterning in sub-Yuan style which hints to the Islamic market begins to diverge. We can also find the early productions of Zhangzhou wares. Similar wares to those from the San Isidro Wreck also have been found in Southeast Asia, such as in the Philippines (Kamer, 1963) and Indonesia (Umarah, 1999). The chronology of these shipwrecks is around 1520s-1550s. 2 �The third group of shipwrecks include Nan’ao No. 1 Shipwreck (Guangdong) (Sun, 2012), Bei Jiao No.3 Shipwreck (Xisha Archipelago) (The Center for Underwater Archaeology of National Museum of China, 2006) and Wreck 2 of the Royal Captain Shoal (Philippines) (Goddio, 1998). Blue and white porcelains were also the main cargoes of this group of wrecks. They included the thinly potted wares made of hard, white porcelain with exquisitely drawn traditional Chinese motifs of happy propitious implications, which were produced from the late Jiajing period through the early Wanli period (Fig. 1). The style of the porcelains had already changed greatly. Certain types were already being created for the export market in Europe. A very popular kind of plate had a central naturalistic motif with decorated rim, usually flat, with an undecorated cavetto. Another noteworthy phenomenon of this time was the abundant emergence of Zhangzhou ware (Figs. 2-3). They were the main cargoes of Nan’ao No.1 Shipwreck and Wreck 2 of the Royal Captain Shoal. They are mainly the productions of Er Long kilns of Zhangzhou (Fujian Museum, 1997). This type of ware was also excavated from sites of Philippines and Indonesia. A few similar wares were found in the Manila galleon of San Felipe Figs. 2-3 Zhanzhou wares from Nan’ao No.1 (1576) (Von Der Porten, 2008). The typical Shipwreck. (Guangdong) Kraak panels were very scarce and only a few were designated early Kraak or protoKraak. The chronology of this group is around the 1560s to the 1580s. 3 �The fourth group include the vessel San Diego (Philippines, 1600) (Ongpin Valdes and Diem, 1993), the BinhThuan Shipwreck (Vietnam, 1608) (Flecker, 2004) and the Wanli Shipwreck (+1625) (Sjostrand and Syed Idrus, 2007). The San Diego vessel was a Manila galleon that sank off the coast of Nasugbu in the province of Batangas. One of the major items she carried on board was fine China, Kraak ware (Fig. 4), and also large quantities of blue Fig. 4 Kraak Porcelain from the vessel San Diego. (Philippines, 1600) Fig. 5 Kraak Porcelain from the Wanli Shipwreck. (Malaysia) and white porcelain and Zhangzhou ware, which was exported particularly to Southeast Asia. The majority of the entire remaining cargo of the BinhThuan shipwreck, which had a Chinese shipbuilding features, consisted of blue and white and over glazed enameldecorated Zhangzhou ceramics. The excavation of The Wanli Shipwreck in Malaysia's territorial waters revealed the largest quantity of Chinese Kraak porcelain which included a major cargo of some 37,000 pieces (Fig. 5). Kraak porcelain became extremely popular in the European markets. From these data we can see that the distinctive and paneled type of Kraak porcelain emerged abundantly in 1600 or so and swiftly became very popular in the first part of the 17th century. Zhangzhou wares were also produced and exported abundantly this time and much of them imitated the paneled decoration of Kraak porcelain of Jingdezhen. The date of this group should be the 1590s to the 1620s. 4 �The Destruction of the Traditional Trading System in Asia and the Early Global Trading System In the late 15th and early 16th centuries, just before the advent of the Portuguese, the trade network dominated by the Islam in the Southern Seas had been set up. With the Islamic culture spreading widely in Southeast Asia, some important Islamic regimes were established successively, such as Malacca, Saltanah Sulu, Borneo, etc. The old China was also included in the trade system. With the decline of Chinese official maritime trade, the private merchant forces began to rise. The site of Penny's Bay (Hong Kong) (Lam, 1989-1992) was an import private trade port of that time. As the representative of the Islamic culture, the fine porcelains of Jingdezhen in the middle Ming Dynasty were widely found in the sites and shipwrecks spread from East Africa to Southeast Asia. With the coming of the Portuguese and Spanish who pillaged and controlled the important trade of Southeast Asia at that time, the traditional trade system in the South Seas was completely broken. Macao and Manila (Philippines) became the important trade centers of this period. 1) In the beginning of 16th, the Portuguese conquered and took the port Goa in India and Malacca in Southeast Asia to establish presence for trade affairs. They gradually entered into the trade network in Asia. For a long time before 1557 they also took contraband trade with Chinese private maritime merchants in the islands near to the coast of southeast China, in the ports of Fujian, Guangdong and Zhejiang (Teixeira, 2000). Chinese scholars discovered the site of Shangchuan Island, Guangdong (Huang and Huang, 2010). Quite massive quantities of 16th century export ceramics were found, including some specially ordered wares for Portuguese. This verified that Shangchuan Island played an extraordinarily important role in the early Sino-Portuguese trade history during the 16th century, while the Xuande Wreck is thought to be the direct evidence of the Portuguese smuggling activities in the seas of East Asia before they settled in Macao in 1557.From the middle 16th century to the early 17th century Portuguese almost monopolized the trade routes of the Far East. After they settled in Macao in 1557 and Nagasaki in Japan in 1571, the Portuguese began their long distance and massive global trade. They took Macao as the base to carry on a triangle trade in the East Asian seas, in which China was the center. Macao rose in prosperity as it became the most important and largest 5 �commodity distributing center of Asia. Recently, a large quantity of Chinese export porcelains was excavated in Macao. Most of them are Kraak porcelain shards, including dishes and bowls with round and oval mouths, with reserved panels and protruding rims. A small number of red and green shards of bowls and boxes dating from the Zhengde and Jiajing periods which are similar to those of the samples found in Shangchuan Island. They showed the important position of Macao in the cultural exchange between East and West (Liu, 2010). There is also a large quantity of archaeological evidence along the Indian Ocean route from Goa to Europe (Sila Tripati et al., 2011; Liu et al., 2011; Castro, 2005). In 1571 Spain founded Manila City to establish rule in the Philippines and partake in Asian trade. They quickly established the trade with Chinese private merchants of Southeast China and the Manila Galleon trade route was soon prosperous. It functioned as a long distance and large-scale sea trade route connecting the Asian world with the American Continent until the early 19th century. Many Asian goods such as silks and porcelains were exported by the Spanish galleons and on the other hand, many New World goods, including Mexican silver, were brought to the Asian world. Except those from the shipwrecks of San Felipe and San Diego, the same style of blue-and-white porcelain productions from the Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou kilns were also found in the shell mounds of Indian Village sites at Drakes Bay, California (Shangraw and Von der Porten, 1981). Recently, more and more Chinese ceramics of this time were excavated from the archaeological sites of Mexico, Peru and other Latin American countries (Kuwayama, 2002). Those Chinese ceramics imported into Latin America included high quality productions from Jingdezhen. A large part of them were also pieces from Southern Chinese kilns, especially Zhangzhou ware. Chinese vessels returned from Manila always took back silver. This was clearly written in Chinese historical documents (Zhang, 2000). The profitable trade to Manila was almost dominated by the maritime merchants of South Fujian. Innumerable Mexican silver cargoes were brought into China, especially to the south of Fujian and east of Guangdong. They were once used as currency in people’s daily life in those places. A total of four hundred and twenty eight silver coins were recovered from the San Diego. Those that were cleaned were recognized as coins of Philip II (1556-1598), minted in 6 �Lima and Philip III (1598-1621), minted in Mexico City. Most of them are irregularly shaped. People think this irregularity can mostly be attributed to the last stage of their manufacture wherein the excess weight of the coins was clipped off by the assayer to maintain their standard value. This early kind of silver coin is also found abundantly in the sites of South Fujian, such as Quanzhou, Zhangzhou, Xiamen, etc. Most of them were excavated from cellars, and also a few from tombs (Quanzhou Heritage Management Committee, Quanzhou Maritime Museum, 1975; Chen and Shi, 1981; Fang, 2011; Zhang, 1988). Most of these coins are also irregularly shaped (Fig. 6), probably because they are the early type minted from the late 16th century to the first part of 17th century. We can see the design of the Cruze Florenzada on the cross and Great shield of the House of Hapsburg, Spanish coat of arms. According to the study of British numismatic experts, most of them were minted in Mexico City, and others minted in Potosi and Segovia, Spain. From these discoveries, we can often see that many of the silver coins were cut into pieces; we can also see the using traces. This verifies the historical record that they were once used as the circulation in people’s daily life. In 16th-17th centuries, with the arrival of Europeans and the large-scale intermediary trade practices they brought, East Asia was entangled into the global trade network. Chinese silk and porcelains, Southeast Asian spices, Indian textile, silver coin of Mexico and Japan, and other materials were the important goods and mediums of the global trade at that time. During this progress the style of the fine porcelains from Jingdezhen, as luxury goods, changed greatly. They used to be representative of material manufactured for the Islamic culture, but then changed to be products created for the export market of Europe, such as Kraak ware. On the other hand, the evidence from shipwrecks and other sites, for instance the lower quality products of Zhangzhou, shows they were produced mainly for the Asian market. This change implied the establishment of a new Asian trade system dominated by the Europeans. The rise of Chinese private maritime merchants Chinese ancient junk wrecks spread over the southeast coast of China and Southeast Asia. It implied the further development of Chinese maritime merchants and they were very active in maritime trade. With the opening of the Moon Port, Chinese maritime merchants could trade abroad legally. With the arrival of the Europeans, they took large7 �scale intermediary trade with Malacca, Macao, Japan, Manila, and were involved into the global trade network. They were active along Chinese waters from north of Japan to the south into Southeast Asian, playing an important role in the early global trade of the Westerners. They gradually became strong enough and changed into private armed groups. Guns and cannons are usually discovered in Chinese shipwrecks of this time, showing the conflict between private merchant groups and the government of the Ming Empire. It also shows the relationship of cooperation and competition between the Chinese merchants and the Westerners in 16th-17th centuries. At that time, the main way of trade the western colonists took was to establish bases at those ports where Chinese merchants often go and then transport the goods they shipped to the world elsewhere for profit. So both Portugal and Spain had taken active measures to attract Chinese merchants to trade. The early smuggling activities of Portugal along the coast of southeast China were carried out with the private merchants of Southeast China. During this process, Portuguese and private merchants of Southeast China, especially those of Fujian, associated more and more closely. They gradually took the place of Ryukyu and Malacca, to become the major trading powers in Asia (Ptak, 2003). After the Portuguese settled in Macao in 1557, more and more merchants from Fujian and Guangdong came and were enmeshed in the global trade. After the Spanish set up colonial rule in the Philippines, the Philippines had few goods to trade. Their supply mainly relied on Chinese businessmen. So the Spanish soon established commercial relationship with Chinese merchants, actively encouraging Chinese merchants to trade in Manila, and the number of Chinese ships sailing to Philippines grew every year. The expanding trade in Manila based on the traditional Chinese and Philippines’ commercial trade, became the real foundation of the Spanish Galleon trade. With the prosperity of overseas trade and ports along the coast of China, a series of handicraft and planting industries emerged and developed rapidly. The silk of Zhejiang, porcelains of Jingdezhen and Fujian, and even sugar and fruits were all produced and exported abundantly. Just as scholars have said, we should look at the late Ming Dynasty with the vision of globalization. At that time, China was involved in the process of economic globalization. Many European and American countries far away have been involved into the long-distance trade with China. With Chinese commodities, 8 �mainly silk and porcelain, sold throughout the world, 1/3 or 1/4 of the world silver output swarmed into China as the means of payment. Conclusions With the coming of the Westerners, the traditional trading system in Asia was destroyed, while the Europeans trade in Asia relied greatly on the cooperation with Chinese maritime merchants. It provided a broader overseas market for China along with the production and exportation of a series of handicraft industries in South China, such as silk and porcelain. So this progress also represents the rise of Chinese maritime merchants, especially those of South Fujian. In the Asian trade system dominated by Europeans, Chinese porcelain was an important good sold in Europe and in the interior of Asia. The change in decorative style and in the number of exports reflected how Europeans gradually deepened into Asian trade. Acknowledgements First of all, I am gratefully acknowledge the generous assistance and valuable information provided by Professor Chun-Ming Wu who was once my supervisor and now my colleague of Xiamen University. I would also like to extend my sincere gratitude to those underwater archaeologists especially those of China. My research on this paper based on the sources gained by their laborious task and many information and photos were provided by them. At last, special thanks go to Professor María Cruz Berrocal who kindly invited and helped me a lot for this conference. References Brown, R., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast China: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. The Siam Society under Royal Patronage: 153-158. Carswell, J., 2000. Blue & White: Chinese Porcelain around the World. British Museum Press, London: 131-134. Castro, F., 2005. The Pepper Wreck: Nossa Senora dos Martires, Lisbon, Portugal. In G.F. Bass (Ed.), Beneath the Seven Seas: Adventures with the Institute of Nautical Archaeology, Thames and Hudson Ltd, London: 148-151. Chen, P., and Shi, X., 1981. Discussion on the Spanish silver coins excavated in Fashi, Quanzhou. Maritime History Studies, Vol. 3: 113-118. 9 �Dizon, E., and Orillaneda, R., 2002. Ming Blue and Whites Found from Shipwrecks in the Philippines. In X.You (Ed.), Yuan and Ming Blue and White Wares from Jiangxi, Jointly presented by Jiangxi Provincial Museum and the Art Museum, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 218-220. Fang, Zh., 2011. Foreign coins of Ming Dynasty excavated from Yunxiao, Fujian. Collections, Vol. 7: 107. Flecker, M., 2004.The BinhThuan shipwreck archaeological report. Christie's Australia, Melbourne. Fujian Museum, 1997. Zhangzhou Kilns. Fujian People's Publishing House, Fuzhou: 6991. Goddio, F., 1998. Discovery and Archaeological Excavation of a 16th century Trading Vessel in The Philippines. Kyodo Printing Co.Inc., Manila. Goddio, F., Pierson, S., and Crick, M., 2000.Sunken Treasures: Fifteenth Century Chinese Ceramics from the Lena Cargo. Periplus Publishing London Limited, London. Huang, W., and Huang, Q., 2010. Shangchuan Island and Early Sino-Portuguese Trade in the Sixteenth Century. In P-k. Cheng (Ed.), China Westward: Early Sino-Portuguese Trade of Chinese Ceramics. Chinese Civilisation Centre, City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 59-87. Kamer Aga-oglu., 1963. Ming Porcelain from sites in the Philippines. Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, Vol. 17: 7-19. Kuwayama, G., 2002. Chinese Ceramics in Colonial Latin America. A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History of Art) in the University of Michigan. Lam, P., 1989-1992. Ceramic Finds of the Ming Period from Penny's Bay - An Addendum. JHKAS, Vol.13: 79-90. L’Hour, M., 2001. La mémoire engloutie de Brunei. Textuel, Paris. Li, J., 2012. China’s Underwater Excavations of 16th-17th centuries Chinese e Export Porcelain. In P-k. Cheng (Ed.), Proceedings of the International symposium: Chinese Export Ceramics in the 16th and 17th Centuries and the Spread of Material Civilization, Chinese Civilization Centre, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 77-80. Liu, Y., Qin, D., and Kiriama, H., 2011. The Chinese Porcelains unearthed at Gedi Ruins 10 �in Coast Province, Kenya. Wenwu, Vol. 8: 37-60 Liu, Zh., 2010. Kraak Porcelain found in Macao. In P-k. Cheng (Ed.), China Westward: Early Sino-Portuguese Trade of Chinese Ceramics. Chinese Civilisation Centre, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong: 13-34. Ongpin Valdes, C., and Diem, A. I., 1993.Saga of the San Diego (AD1600). National Museum, Inc., Manila. Teixeira, M., 2000. A Porcelana No Comércio Luso-Chinês. In Zh-L. Wu (Ed.), International Symposium on East-West Cultural Interflow. Macau Foundation. Macao: 209. Ptak, R., (Tr.), Zhao Dianhong, collated by Qian Jiang, 2003. The Fujianese, Ryukyuans and Portuguese (c. 1511 to 1540s): Allies or Competitors. Jinan historiography, Vol. 2: 319-335. Quanzhou Heritage Management Committee, Quanzhou Maritime Museum, 1975. Five batch of foreign coins unearthed from Quanzhou, Fujian. Kaogu, Vol. 6: 352-379. Shangraw, Clarence., and Von der Porten, E., 1981. The Drake and Cermeño Expeditions’Chinese Porcelains at Drake’s Bay, California, 1579 and 1595. Santa Rosa Junior college and Drake Navigator Guild, California. Sila Tripati., Pande, R., Rao, V. G., 2011. Study of Chinese Porcelain sherds of Old Goa, Indicators of Trade Contacts. Man Environment, Vol. 36 (2): 107-116. Sten Sjostrand and Sharipah Lok Lok Syed Idrus., 2007. The Wanli Shipwreck and its Ceramic Cargo. Department of Museums, Malaysia. Sun, J., 2012. The Nan’ao No.1 Shipwreck of the Ming Dynasty in Guangdong Province and the Overseas Maritime Trade in Southeastern China. In Ch Wu (Ed.), Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas surrounding China. Science Press, Beijing: 155-169. The Center for Underwater Archaeology of National Museum of China, 2006.The Discoveries of Underwater Archaeological Investigations in Xisha Islands (1998~1999). Science Press, Beijing: 150-185. Umarah, A., 1999. Zhangzhou (Swatow) Ceramics: Sixteenth to Seventeenth Centuries Found in Indonesia. The Ceramic Society of Indonesia, Jakarta: 42. Von Der Porten, E., 2008. Identifying the Sixteenth century Ship on a Beach in Baja 11 �California. San Francisco. Zhang Xie ( 张 燮 ), 2000. Dongxiyangkao ( 东 西 洋 考 ) (Study on China and West). Zhonghuashuju, Beijing: 132. Zhang, Zh., 1988. Foreign silver coins unearthed from Dongshan, Fujian. China Numismatics, Vol. 3: 74. Zhao, J., 2012. The new discovery of underwater archaeological investigations in Xisha islands in 2009-2010. In Ch. Wu (Ed.), Maritime Cultural Heritage and Archaeology in Seas Surrounding China. Science Press, Beijing: 176-178. Miao Liu (b. 1976) working as an associate Professor of Department of History, College of Humanities, Xiamen University and mainly engages in the research of Maritime Archaeology and Chinese export porcelain. She leads the project “Chinese Export Porcelain and the Maritime Culture” awarded by Chinese National Social Science Foundation. She is the member of the Editorial Board “The Shipwrecks Archaeology Report of Dinghai Bay, Fujian” (Science Press, Beijing: 2011) and published “The export of Chinese porcelains under the ban of maritime trade policy in the early Ming Dynasty” (Kaogu, 2012). “The Islamic Cultural Factors of the Blue-and-White Porcelains in the Early Ming Dynasty” (Journal of Xiamen University Arts Social Sciences, 2008), etc. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 5: Early Modern Colonialism in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Introduction interview with session chair María Cruz Berrocal and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Research on early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region makes a fundamental contribution to the study of Global History. In the last decades, historians are highlighting the region's relevance in the transformation of global economy through its role in far-reaching trade networks. The early beginnings of colonialism in the region, as well as the role of non-Angloamerican colonial agents in the shaping of modern world have been also highlighted. Although these debates have been driven largely from history, archaeology must become more prominent for the study of early modern colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region through the study of consumption patterns, environmental effects, demographic impacts, transformation of gender systems brought about by contact, the role of material culture in these first colonial endeavours, and specifically, the important evidence that maritime archaeology can bring to the fore. It is argued in this session that new lines of evidence and argumentation will be found through a history- archaeology joint collaboration. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. María Cruz Berrocal Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The diffusion of the material culture in the early period of the trade globalization: A preliminary study on silver coins and shipwreck porcelains found in East Asia of the 16th and17th centuries Description An account of the resource In the 16th-17th centuries, world trade patterns greatly changed. East and West entered a period of an enormous amount of sailing since the 1500s. In the East, the traditional Asian maritime trade network - which mainly relied on maritime merchants of Southeast China, was gradually restored. After the discovery of the Americas in 1492 by the Spanish kingdom of Castille, and the establishment of the Eastward passage to India by the kingdom of Portugal in the late 1400s, both Spain and Portugal arrived in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s and interacted with Eastern Asia local cultures. This set up the early globalization process. The silk and porcelains from China, spices from Southeast Asia, textiles from India, and coins from Mexico and Japan, were all important materials and media in the global trade of this period. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified as both East Asian maritime vessels (including Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels in Southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese porcelains were the main cargoes in all of them. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the archaeological sites and shipwrecks of this time period. These interesting maritime archaeological materials show early pan-Pacific trading navigation between eastern Asia and the Western world. They help reveal the early international maritime trading history between eastern Asia and the West, early European colonization in eastern Asia, and resulting issues of expanding globalization. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Liu Miao, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 5 2014