39 10 700 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ports of the Red Sea and the Arabia-India Trade Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Steven E. Sidebotham Vimala Begley Richard Daniel De Puma Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Wisconsin Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1991 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author Steven E. Sidebotham Editor Vimala Begley Richard Daniel De Puma Item Type Book Section Book Title Rome and India: The Ancient Sea Trade Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1991 Pages 12-38 Place Madison Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Wisconsin Press Title A name given to the resource Ports of the Red Sea and the Arabia-India Trade India Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ports, Merchants, Chieftains and Eunuchs: Reading Maritime Commerce of Early Guangdong Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Chin James K Shing Müller Thomas O. Höllmann Putao Gui Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Harrassowitz Verlag Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2004 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author Chin James K Editor Shing Müller Thomas O. Höllmann Putao Gui Item Type Book Section Book Title Guangdong: Archaeology and Early Texts (Zhou-Tang) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2004 Pages 217-239 Place Wiesbaden Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Harrassowitz Verlag Title A name given to the resource Ports, Merchants, Chieftains and Eunuchs: Reading Maritime Commerce of Early Guangdong China https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/b9289d86897ce8fb8377070c26fb8c6c.pdf fd02242cb2a6259f3ace223f5079cf84 PDF Text Text Portuguese Naus on Namban Screens: A study of the first European ships on paintings from the late 16th to early 17th centuries in Japan Kotaro Yamafune Texas A&M University, College Station USA 77843 Email: goldfloor@tamu.edu Abstract Namban screens, a well-known Japanese art form, were painted by skillful Japanese artists from the late 16th century to the 17th centuries. Approximately 90 of these screens have been handed down up to the present. Not only they show some important historical scenes of European commercial activities in the Far East for the first time, but they also depict representational pictures of Portuguese ships during the Age of Discovery. Although the ships’ images on the screens are roughly acceptable, the details are often strangely anachronistic. The same images could be found in some Western maps in the 16th century. Judging from the similarity, perhaps, Japanese painters, who had never seen actual ships themselves in ports, did manage to copy the images from ones on those maps, which were brought to Japan by the wellknownTensho embassy. This was the first Japanese embassy that was sent to Europe; the diplomats left Japan in 1582 and arrived at Portugal in 1584. They met with Pope Gregory XIII and his successor, Pope Sixtus V, in Rome, and then returned back to their homeland in 1590. In the following year the embassy members succeeded in seeing HideyoshiToyotomi, who was the leading political ruler in Japan at that time. They gave him some souvenirs from Europe, including the maps. It seems that some official court painters had a chance to see those gifts, from where Japanese artists could have obtained an idea of the ships’ images that appear in the Namban screens. Keywords:Namban Screen, Japan, Portugal, Ships, Naus, Introduction In the early 14th century, Japan was introduced to the European world as an Island of Gold by the Venetian explorer Marco Polo. Portuguese sailors finally reached these far away lands in 1543, more than 200 years after Marco Polo’s first publication and the introduction of Zipangu. In the following century, Portuguese merchants enjoyed the lucrative Japanese trade. Today, we know a lot about this first interaction between the Europeans and Japanese from both contemporary Latin and Japanese chronicles and journals; however, among all primary sources, the most intriguing and visually-pleasing information appears on Namban screens, a famous Japanese art form, which was 1 �produced at the end of the 16th century throughout the and 17th century in Japan (Fig. 1). Namban screens are regarded as the first Japanese artworks that depicted Europeans and their ships visiting Japan. The original goal of the author’s research was to identify the Portuguese ships that travelled to the Far East and to illuminate Fig. 1 Namban Screen: Version A of Kyushu National Museum their nature and the details (Important Cultural Property). Top is Right Panel and Bottom is Left Panel (154.5 X 363.2 cm each). (M. Sakamoto) of their upper structures. However, during this research, the author recognized that the ships that were depicted on many of the screens were implausible representations of oceangoing ships, and that some of the ships represented on the screens looked very similar to the ships represented in contemporary European art. While considering these facts, the author realized that one important historical event might be the 16th century link between Japan and Europe. Namban Screens Namban screens were produced by various artists from the end of 16th century and throughout 17th century (Sakamoto, 2008). The word “Namban” was derived from the old Chinese worldview. In ancient China, its inhabitants considered their country to be the center of the world, and the only civilized nation on earth. Chinese people called surrounding regions “Hokuteki”, “Toui”, “Seikai”, and “Namban”; or Northern Savages, Eastern Savages, Western Savages, and Southern Savages (Sakamoto, 2008). By the 16th century, these terms were also in use in Japan, and the Europeans who came to Japan from the southern sea were called Namban people. 2 �The Namban people first met the Japanese in 1543, when three Portuguese merchants drifted into one of the southwestern small islands of Japan on a Chinese junk. Soon after the discovery of Marco Polo’s legendary islands, European merchants and missionaries began to visit Japan regular bases. This interaction with the Western World caused cultural changes far beyond the introduction of firearms. One important realm where European influence can be observed is that of the Japanese art. New trends in Japanese art appeared at the end of the 16th century and throughout the 17th century (Sakamoto, 2008). In addition, many Japanese artists drew Portuguese people and ships in their paintings. Namban screens were a part of this. More than 90 screens survive, produced primarily between the end of the 16th century and throughout the 17th century. Some of the earliest screens were painted by well-known artists, known as the Kano-school (Sakamoto, 2008). In 2008, the most complete inventory so far was published in a book, NambanByobu Shusei (Sakamoto, 2008). Ships Portuguese Nau The most important element relevant to this study that can be seen on Namban screens are the European ships, the main subject of the present research. The ships on the screens represent Portuguese merchantmen; Portuguese naus was probably the most common type of European merchant ship to sail in Asia at that time, and were employed in the China and Japan trade (Okamoto, 1955; Sukeno, 1960). Naus grew in size during the 16th century and were engaged on the East India route. By the beginning of the 17th century the overall size of the East India naus was larger than ever, at about 1,100 tons of displacement, while bow and stern castles were lowered for better sailing performance (Castro, 2005). Ships on the Namban Screens From the 90 surviving Namban screens, we can discern several different typologies of ships. As often happens in the art of the western world, it appears that Japanese artists sometime drew their Namban ships based on ships that they saw on other Namban screens, rather than from seeing the actual ships (Russell, 1983). An analysis of the collection of screens suggests that through a sequence of copying older images, the accuracy and detail of the Namban ships gradually deteriorated. Fortunately, several 3 �scholars of Japanese Art History and connoisseurs of Japanese art have studied all known Namban screens and completed brief timelines of screen production (Sakamoto, 2008). The timelines are based on the screen’s historical accounts and the styles of painting. Fig. 2 NambanShips on Namban Screen (Version aof Kobe City Museum, Naizen Version [Late 16th – Early 17th century] by Kano Naizen). (M. Sakamoto) When analyzed in this light, most images of ships on the screens seem to be copies of previous images, often from other screens. The author made a catalog of all 73 ship images known, and classified them according to their quality and date of production. Fifteen groups or families were identified, seemingly 15 strings of copies of 15 original images. Once it was completed, this catalog allowed the author to make a surprising statement: none of these 15 ship types seems to have been painted directly from observation of actual European vessels in Japanese ports. Questions Question1: Why are the Depictions of the Ships so Inaccurate? The first and biggest question about the origin of the Namban screens pertains to the inaccuracy of the ship representations. The most conspicuous mistakes are the implausible widths of the hull planks, which when scaled properly sometimes reach approximately two meters in width (Fig. 2). No less inconspicuous are the rigging arrangements. Although most ships display masts, yards, sometimes sails, and most times some standing rigging supporting the masts, the quality of the rigging 4 �representations is always bad and diminishes in time. For instance, ships represented after the 1630s rarely display ratlines. Running rigging is rarely represented, and in a few cases ships do not even have masts and yards. Other interesting mistakes can be observed on the representations of gun ports. By the 16th century, most European merchant ships were armed. The primary weapons of these vessels were heavy guns, since naval battles were shifting from hand-to-hand combat into bombardment battles, and indeed many of ships display cannons. However, these are represented as simple pipes protruding from the hull planking, instead of the muzzles of cannons and gun ports represented in contemporaneous European iconography. These are gross mistakes that are in obvious contrast with the quality of the representations of houses, trees, or persons, in the same screen. Namban ships seem to be depicted with less attention to accuracy than many other features in these screens. Most Japanese scholars explain this lack of accuracy by saying that Namban ships were not an important portion of the screens and that artists might stylize the ships because it did not really matter much for the end result (Okamoto, 1955; Sakamoto, 2008). However, this explanation is not acceptable because all other features on the screens were depicted in minute detail, as we can see for instance on people’s faces, houses, trees, and even the waves of the sea. Moreover, many of the early screens were produced by the Kano school, one of the most famous groups of artists in Japanese history. The Kano school was composed predominantly of the master Kano’s lineage. Their painting techniques and styles were only taught to close family members and other relatives (Matsuki, 1994; Takeda, 1995). The Kano school appeared in the 15th century and continued until the 19th century. During these 400 years its artists produced many works of art that have been labeled National Treasures and Important Properties of Japan (Yamashita, 2004). Kano school masters served many Tennou, Daimyo, Taiko, Shogun, and other powerful authorities in each period of Japan’s history. The fame of the Kano school reached its peak in the Azuchi-Momoyama Era (15671600), when Nobunaga Oda and HideyoshiToyotomi ruled Japan. The Japanese culture of this era was named the Azuchi-Momoyama Culture, and the paintings produced by Kano school artists represent masterpieces ofAzuchi-Momoyama arts 5 �(Kano, 2007). The Kano school’s art is characterized by precision and attention to details, and precisely for this reason it is interesting to analyze the reasons behind the poor representations of ships on their screens. Question 2: Anachronism: Beginning of the Production Another relevant question that arose during the analysis of the Namban screens concerns the period of their production. Specialists believe that one of the earliest pieces may have been produced as early as the 1590s. Nonetheless, the Portuguese had begun their Japanese trade in the 1550s, and there are good documental sources that suggest that they used Portuguese-built ships. In the later part of 16th century, the Portuguese visited Nagasaki and Hirado annually, sometimes even other ports around Kyushu. Japanese people, including artists, had many opportunities to see actual Portuguese vessels. Nobody knows why there are no contemporary depictions of European ships by Japanese artists until the Namban screens appeared. Moreover, most of the surviving Namban screens were actually produced between the 1620s and the 1640s. By this time more than half of foreign trading vessels had been replaced by Japanese Shu-in Ships, and Chinese cargo carriers. Both Japanese and Chinese merchants used junk-type vessels on this trade (Nagazumi, 2001). The conception, structure, and configuration of the junks were very different from those of European vessels (Green and Kim, 1989; Green and Burningham, 1998). Moreover, when Ieyasu opened his country to foreign trade, he concentrated it in Nagasaki and Hirado, in order to manage all the incoming and outgoing vessels. This fact certainly limited the number of people who actually saw European ships at anchor with their own eyes, even though large numbers of Namban screens were produced during this period. Several more screens were painted after the third Shogun Iemitsu prohibited all foreign trade, except that with Dutch and Chinese merchants at Dejima. Originality of the Ships on Namban Screens These circumstances suggest that the ships represented in Namban screens were not drawn from the real ships, but copied from illustrations of ships. The later representations seem to have been largely copied from earlier, similar screens, but the origin of the earlier depictions, represented on the screens produced by the Kano school in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, are harder to pinpoint. For the reasons 6 �exposed above, it seems likely that Portuguese ships were a rare sight in Japanese harbors most of the time. By the time they were first painted, these were largely unknown in Japan. The author has seen, however, vessels similar to those represented on the Namban screens on other contemporary images: European maps of the Age of Discovery. Hypothesis: From European Maps to Namban Screens The author has studied world maps produced in Europe during the 16th and early 17th centuries, and found vessels similar to each one of the types shown on the screens as depictions of Namban ships (Fig. 3). The similarities between these drawings are often worth notice, sometimes striking, and it appears likely that all European vessels represented on Namban screens were copied from the decorative ships shown on late 16th century European maps. In the 16th century cartography encompassed a number of disciplines that aimed at the production of accurate maps, and many of these disciplines were scientific in their nature. In this period maps were updated regularly, every time explorers returned from their voyages with news of discoveries. But knowledge of the world was incomplete and the blank spaces were often illustrated with appropriated drawings, depicting the flora and fauna, or the peoples inhabiting the lands represented, and often the seas were embellished with representations of the ships of their time (Unger, 2010). The trend of depicting ships on maps became fashionable in the middle of 16th century, and the fashion reached its zenith in the work of the competent French cartographers of the Dieppe school. From this period onwards, the oceans of most of the world maps were filled with small ships and imaginary creatures (Swift, 2006; Wigal, 2007). This fashion continued well into the 17th century, when the greater amount of geographic information available produced a style shift into precise depictions of the interior of continents. European artists drew good and bad images of ships on the maps being made in their time. Sometimes the quality of the ships represented on 16th century maps is excellent, other times ships maps are simplified and stylized, often for lack of space. The rigging was especially simplified due to the small scale at which it was sometimes represented. It is almost certain that Japanese artists copied these images, often without ever having seen the actual ships, let alone understanding the complex arrangement of the rigging. 7 �This fact explains the mistakes on Namban screen paintings described in previous sections of this work, especially in the rigging of the Namban ships. Fig. 3 Iconography of Ships from 16th Century’s European Maps. Author: M. Swift. (A) From Ortelius’s 1595 Map of Japan; (B) From Ortelius’sAmericaeSive Novi Orvis, Nova Descriptio; (C) From Hondius’sMap of the Islands of the East Indies; (D) From Ortelius’sAmericaeSive Novi Orvis, Nova Description; (E) From John Goghe’sMap of Ireland, 1567; (F) From Ortelius’ TheatrumOrbisTerrarum, 1595; (G) From Pierre Desceliers’s (Cartographer of the Dieppe-school) Map of the World, 1550; (H) From John Goghe’sMap of Ireland, 1567; (I) Diego Homen’sMap of the Indian Ocean, 1558; (J) From Ortelius’s 1595 Map of Japan; (K) From Pierre Desceliers’s (Cartographer of the Dieppe-school) Map of the World, 1550; (L) Johannes and Martin’s Map of Americas, 1520. 8 �Discussion: The Origin of Namban Screens We know that many European art works were brought to Japan once trade with Portuguese merchants began (Nishimura, 1958). The primary purpose of this influx of European artworks was to spread Christianity. Missionaries brought European religious paintings and non-religious paintings to Japan and some taught European art techniques to Japanese artists, in order to help the Japanese paint religious figures themselves. In 1583, the Jesuit missionary Giovanni Niccolo came to Japan and opened a European Art School (Nishimura, 1958). As a result, Japanese Christian painters developed a particular style and imitating European painting became an art form between 1592 and 1615 (Nishimura, 1958). Some of the pieces of art produced in this period survive today. Well known examples are: Taisei-Oko-Kiba-Zu (drawing of the western kings on horses), Yonkakoku-Tojo-Byobu (screen with pictures of four capitals),Rebanto-Kaisen-Zu (screen with the battle of Levant), or Sekaizu-Byobu (World map screen) (Fig. 4). It is likely that a large number of European paintings and prints came to Japan around the period in which the Namban screens were produced. Moreover, Japanese painters also produced world maps around this time. Today, 20 of those world map screens survive in Japan (Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai, 1964), and three or four display small ships. Since Japan did not have the knowledge to produce original world maps based on the sea voyages or its own mariners, it is certain that these maps were copies of European world maps. According to Taku Nakamura (Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai, 1964), a scholar who carefully studied Namban world map screens, they were all produced from the late 16th century and throughout the 17th century. Fig. 4 Sekaizu-Byobu (Kobe City Museum Version). (T. Miyoshi,and K. Onoda) 9 �Nishimura believes that this influx of European artworks was largely a result of the Tensho Embassy (Nishimura, 1958). The Tensho Embassy was welcomed by Pope Gregory XIII and by many Italian city states, because their arrival in Rome meant that Christianity had reached the edge of the known world (Wakakuwa, 2008). On the way back to Lisbon from Rome, the Embassy visited Padua. While there, a nobleman presented four expensive books to them. Two of these books were CivitatesOrbisTerrarum and TheatrumOrbisTerrarum (Nishimura, 1958; Fróis et al., 1941). CivitatesOrbisTerrarum (Cities of the World) is a book that compiles drawings of cities, maps of several regions of the world, and its people (Braun et al., 2008) (Fig. 5). TheatrumOrbisTerrarum is the so-called first world atlas (Broecke, 1996) (Fig. 6). Both books have hundreds of depictions of small ships, most very accurate and seemingly typical of each region. The Tensho Embassy returned to Japan in 1590. However, they had to stay in Nagasaki for three years before Hideyoshi permitted them to visit the capital in 1593. While they were staying in Nagasaki, many Daimyos and merchants visited them to hear stories of the travels to Rome. Fróis noted that the visitors enjoyed the European maps and globes Finally, allowed (Wakakuwa, in to 1593, visit they 2008). were Hideyoshi’s palace. This visit was the march of Capitão-mor and the scene Fig. 5: CivitatesOrbisTerrarum. (A) Lisbon. (B) Venice. (C) that is depicted Rome. (D) Constantinople. (G. Braun,F.Hogenberg, S.Fussel, Namban Screens. and B.Taschen) 10 on many �An interesting additional fact is that Naizen Kano, who drew one of the earliest Namban Screens, served as Hideyoshi’s painter (Yamashita, 2004; Kano, 2007). Perhaps he witnessed the reception of the returning Tensho Embassy? Or perhaps Taiko Hideyoshi asked him to paint the original screen? These are merely the author’s hypotheses, but they would tie these important events and artwork together in a simple way. Fig. 6: TheatrumOrbisTerrarum. (A) World Map, 1570. (B) World Map, 1586. (C) Americas, 1570. (D) Italy, 1570. (E) Northern Europe, 1570. (F) Asia, 1567 and 1570. (M. P. R. V. D. Broecke) 11 �Conclusion Not all the Namban ships were necessarily based on ships from CivitatesOrbisTerrarum and TheatrumOrbisTerrarum. We don’t know what other European sources were available in Japan at the time. The members of the Tensho Embassy were invited to many Italian cities, for instance, Florence, before Rome, and after that other cities, including Milano, Venice, Padua (where they received the books already mentioned). There were many printed books and images in Italy at the time. As mentioned above, maps with drawings of cities and ships were common as a result of the flourishing of the Dieppe-school decades earlier. It is likely that the four Japanese members of the Tensho Embassy purchased or were given maps and paintings for their Christian fellows in Japan and for Japanese rulers, like Hideyoshi. And it is likely that other European missionaries and merchants also brought maps and paintings to Japan. Historical records tell us that the members of the Tensho Embassy brought maps and globes to Nagasaki, Japan, although there are no historical accounts describing the members of the Tensho Embassy presenting maps to Hideyoshi. The records say that “among the gifts, Hideyoshi liked an Arabian horse.” But it is a fact that it was after this visit that Hideyoshi’s personal artist and his school produced the first Namban screens. Whether or not this is true, the Namban screens are still rightly considered Japanese Important Cultural Property and records of the first interactions between Europe and Japan, between West and Eastern Christians, and represent an interesting symbiosis between Renaissance European and Japanese traditional arts. References Braun, G., Hogenberg, F., Fussel, S., and Taschen, B., 2008.CivitatesOrbisTerrarum = Cities of the World: 363 Engravings Revolutionize the View of the World: Complete Edition of the Colour Plates of 1572-1617. Taschen, Colongne. Broecke, M. P. R. V. D., 1996. Ortelius Atlas Maps: An Illustrated Guide. HES Publishers, Utrecht. Castro, F. V. D., 2005. The Pepper Wreck: a Portuguese Indiaman at the Mouth of the Tagus River. Texas A & M University Press, College Station. Frois, L., Okamoto, Y., Bernard, H., and Pinto, J. A.,1941 Kyushu Sanko Keno Shisetsu Koki (The Travel of the Tensho Embassy). Toyodo, Tokyo (in Japanese). 12 �Green. J., and Kim Z.G., 1989. The Shinan and Wando Sites, Korea: Further Information. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 18 (4): 33-41. Green.J., and Burningham, N., 1998. The Ship from Quanzhou, Fujian Province, People’s Republic of China. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 27 (4): 277301. Kano, H., 2007. MomoyamaKaiga no Bi: Tensai,Isai, Kisai no KareinaruSekai (The Beauty of Momoyama Paintings). Heibonsha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai., 1964. KirishitanKenkyu Dai 9-shu (Study of The Japanese Christian). Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Matsuki, H., 1994. Goyoeshi Kano-ke no Chi to Chikara (Power and Lineage of KanoSchool). Kodansha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Miyoshi, T., and Onoda, K., 1999.ZusetsuSekaiKochizuKorekushon(Collection of Cartography). KawadeShobo Shin-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Nagazumi, Y., 2001. Shuin-sen (Red-Seal Ships). Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Nishimura, T., 1958.NanbanBijutsu (Namban Arts). Kodan-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Okamoto, Y., 1955. NanbanByobuko (Namban Trade). Sho Shin-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese). Russell, M., 1983.Visions of the Sea: Hendrick C. Vroom and the Origins of Dutch Marine Painting. Leiden University Press, Leiden. Sakamoto, M. (Ed.), 2008.NanbanByobu Shusei (Inventory of the Namban Screens). Chuo KooronBijutsuShuppan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Sukeno, K., 1960. KirishitanFudoki. BekkanKenkyuhen (Study of Japanese Christians). Hobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Swift, M., 2006.Mapping the World.Chartwell Books, Edison. Takeda, T., 1995.Kano-ha Kaigashi (Arts of Kano-school). Yoshikawa Kobunkan, Tokyo (in Japanese). Unger, R. W., 2010. Ships on Maps: Pictures of Power in Renaissance Europe. Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, New York. Wakakuwa, M., 2008.KuatoroRagattsi: TenshoShonenShisetsu to Sekai Teikoku 2 (The Tensho Embassy and the Portuguese World Empire). Shuei-sha, Tokyo (in Japanese). 13 �Wigal, D., 2007.Historic Maritime Maps.Confidential Concepts, New York. Yamashita, Y., (Ed.), 2004. Kano-ha Ketteiban (Art of Kano-school).Heibon-sha, Tokyo, Japan (in Japanese). Biography Kotaro Yamafune completed his BA in History at Hosei University (Japan) in 2006 and started his MA in the Nautical Archaeology Program at Texas A&M University in 2009and completed his MA in 2012. His research interests are Portuguese shipbuilding and seafaring in the 16th and the 17th centuries and the reconstruction of the Medieval and Post Medieval shipwrecks. He is currently (2014) enrolled in the Nautical Archaeology Program as a PhD student. His dissertation focuses on the 3D reconstruction of Portuguese India trading ships of the 16th and 17th centuries. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 9: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 9 chair Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource East Asia is rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage. Not only conventional shipwrecks or submerged archaeological sites but also stone tidal weirs or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones have extensively been identified by many researchers. Most countries have just started in directing the heritage management in order to preserve them well, but the process of trial and error is still going on. In addition, no Asian nation, except for Cambodia and Iran, has ratified the UNESCO’s 2001 convention yet, partly because of territorial disputes over the sea among several East and Southeast Asian governments. It would be foolish to rule out political considerations when we study maritime or underwater archaeology in Asia. This session showcases papers about the history and current trends of maritime or underwater archaeology around East Asia. It may includes papers focusing upon historical backgrounds or wakeup calls of underwater cultural studies, ongoing excavations, grass roots movements, legislation efforts, contemporary political matters, and so forth. In 1890 an Ottoman frigate sunk within Japanese territorial waters; her wreck has lately been salvaged by foreign hunters who disregard its domestic law for the protection of cultural properties, while Japanese academic institutions or underwater archaeological organizations have been kept away from the excavation activities. Papers on points raised from such case studies will also be welcomed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Akifumi Iwabuchi Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Portuguese Naus on Namban Screens: A study of the first European ships on paintings from the late 16th to early 17th centuries in Japan Description An account of the resource Namban screens, a well-known Japanese art form, were painted by skillful Japanese artists from the late 16th century to the 17th centuries. Approximately 90 of these screens have been handed down up to the present. Not only they show some important historical scenes of European commercial activities in the Far East for the first time, but they also depict representational pictures of Portuguese ships during the Age of Discovery. Although the ships’ images on the screens are roughly acceptable, the details are often strangely anachronistic. The same images could be found in some Western maps in the 16th century. Judging from the similarity, perhaps, Japanese painters, who had never seen actual ships themselves in ports, did manage to copy the images from ones on those maps, which were brought to Japan by the wellknownTensho embassy. This was the first Japanese embassy that was sent to Europe; the diplomats left Japan in 1582 and arrived at Portugal in 1584. They met with Pope Gregory XIII and his successor, Pope Sixtus V, in Rome, and then returned back to their homeland in 1590. In the following year the embassy members succeeded in seeing HideyoshiToyotomi, who was the leading political ruler in Japan at that time. They gave him some souvenirs from Europe, including the maps. It seems that some official court painters had a chance to see those gifts, from where Japanese artists could have obtained an idea of the ships’ images that appear in the Namban screens. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kotaro Yamafune, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 9 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a330ded6600f75867c4bef6a22643144.pdf a0a07bb3901c35ece4ab288ed2eba5a6 PDF Text Text Potential Climate Change Threats to underwater cultural heritage Sirine Saad El-Dine Ghiye (Lebanese Archeologist, Diver) Msc Student, Ulster University Ghiye-S@ulster.ac.uk / ghsirin@gmail.com Abstract Climate change is our greatest challenge. The paper is looking for the impact on underwater cultural heritage (UCH), deep oceans, and coastal zone through literature reference and case studies. It will discuss the causes of climate change, the results, with a focus on the sea surface temperature (SST) changes in the Mediterranean Basin and the Pacific. SST will be calculated using Landsat 8 which is equipped by two bands of thermal infrared sensor (TIRS). It is suitable for coastal zone monitoring due to its high resolution. The study depends on the use of Landsat 7 which carried the Enhanced Thematic Mapper Plus (ETM+) sensor. Both images are interpreted and analyzed on the QGIS to calculate the radiance and reflectance of each image to conclude the value of SST. The paper will finish by presenting the cycle factors which threaten the UCH and summarize the relationship between the change of climate and the UCH and how they help researchers understand climate in the past and the adaptation by humans in past. Keywords: climate change, SST, UCH, satellites imagery List of Abbreviations Carbone dioxide …. CO2 Normal Difference Vegetation Index …. NDVI Operational Land Imager …. OLI Sea surface temperature …. SST Sea surface salinity …. SSS Thermal Infrared Sensor …. TIRS Thematic Mapper …. TM U.S. Geological Survey …. USGS Underwater cultural heritage …. UCH List of figures Figure 1. Lebanese land map Figure 2. Chekka area with the cements factory’s location (Landsat 8, 2022) Figure 3. Temperature during summer, Landsat 8, 2021, Temperature during summer, Landsat 7 1999 Figure 4. SST during the last 20 years ago during the winter 4 5 7 8 INTRODUCTION The topic of this paper fits best within this Session “Major Threats to Underwater Cultural Heritage and its environment,” because it will discuss the main disturbances and problems facing the maritime archeological sites and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) due to climate change. This paper defines the relation between climate and seas and oceans health, where the relationship is strong and interdependent. Climate can be defined into two levels: local climate, which is related to a specific area, city or country; and global climate of Earth. The global climate is the connected system of sun, land and oceans, wind, rain and snow, forests, deserts and savannas, and human activity (Lange 2020). All these local factors are connected and responsible for the balance of ecosystems; any change in one ecosystem leads to change in global climate. For example, global warming which is increasing of heat or energy in the atmosphere of the Earth led to climate change (Rockman and Hritz 2019). Rising temperature of the atmosphere led to melting of the ice in the poles which led to sea level change, this event was recognized at the beginning of 19th century (Kennedy et al. 2002). Anthropogenic factors are the main factor of climate change at a population of 7.8 billion people (World Bank 2023). This is well defined and explained by the assessment reports of the Intergovernmental 1 �Panel on Climate Change which describe the influence of human activities that lead to warmer atmosphere. Urbanization, development, and lots of industrial businesses accelerate the deterioration of seas and oceans due to illegal infringement on the coast, increased illegal fishing, and toxic gas emissions, all those led to change the main property of climate. One of results of climate change is the increasing of the sea surface temperature, which led to change the chemical property of salt water (Splading 2011). The paper presents the changes of sea surface temperature (SST) in Chekka, Lebanon with satellites imagery on QGIS. CASE STUDIES The case studies under consideration are the following regions: the Mediterranean and the Pacific basins. This paper detects the changes in sea surface temperature in the Mediterranean basin through focusing in one example taking from Lebanon: Chekka area- North Lebanon (Figure 1). The aim of taking this example is to prove how the human activity next to the sea, lead to change and increase in the SST and land surface temperature in general. Chekka is a coastal area located in the Lebanese northern provenance facing the Mediterranean Sea (Figure 2). Chekka provides two potential locations for harbours, one to the north and one to the south of the headland of Chekka and its harbour is mentioned when it was occupied by the Arwad’s fleet1 (Safadi 2014). The town was covered by olive trees and salt marshes on the coast. These conditions of the town have been changed after the construction of the first cement factory in the area dated back to 1931 CE followed by another company after two decades. The coastline changed becoming heavily populated and many agricultural areas vanished. The main reason of this paper is to detect and monitor the changes of SST in the Chekka area as a typical example for human activity effect on the seas and oceans health. The study is going to compare the SST during summer and winter seasons during the last 20 years. This will be using satellites imagery of Landsat program is the longest-running enterprise for acquisition of satellite imagery of Earth. It is a joint NASA / USGS2 program and launched on 23 July 1972. The study is also looking at the changes in SST of Pacific region and identifying the main reason for these changes. The North Pacific has a temperature higher than the South, and that is because of the ratio of land to sea areas is larger in the Northern Hemisphere and because Antarctica and the Southern Ocean also influence water temperature (Cotter et. al. 2023). From the studying of those two regions, the paper is identifying the results and consequences of changes in SST and the effect on the ocean, and therefore to determine the effects on the maritime sites in seas and deep oceans. Radiance and reflectance of images captured by the thematic sensor of Landsat are essential to calculate the value of temperature. This will be explained in detail in the methodology. 1 It developed into a trading city in the Bronze Age, as did most of the Phoenician cities on this coast. It had a powerful navy, and its ships are mentioned in the monuments of Egypt and Assyria (Safadi 2014). 2 The U.S. Geological Survey is the nation's largest water, earth, and biological science and civilian mapping agency (USGS website) 2 �Med. Sea Figure 1. Lebanese land map 3 �Med. Sea Figure 2. Chekka area with the cements factory’s location (Landsat8 2022) METHODOLOGY / RESOURCES The use of remote sensing and geographic information system as the QGIS free and open source, becomes a new technique used in studying many marine (Ramdani et al. 2021). The paper studies the changes in SST through satellites imagery, calculate and measure the temperatures on QGIS tools, in reason the detect the increasing of temperature during the last 20 years taking into consideration the seasons: winter and summer. The study is based on literature and previous study on the effect of climate change on the maritime sites, and how the maritime resource becomes a factor to understand the climate change. The algorithm created on ERDAS imagery 2014 for calculating the land surface temperature (LST), it’s the same concept for SST (Advan and Jovanovska 2016). The layers used in the project are raster and vector interpret and analyzed on QGIS version 3.6. The main coordinate system used is the WGS84 UTM zone 36N, ESPG: 32636. The Landsat 8 which is working on infrared radiometer band 10 and 11 provides huge data covered the Lebanese land. The sensors deployed on satellites imagery Landsat8 Operational Land Imager (OLI) and the Thermal Infrared Sensor (TIRS) instruments allow to assess water parameter efficiently. Through TIRS we can measure the land temperature in two thermal bands with a new technology that applies quantum physics to detect heat. The process worked by measuring the amount of infrared light emitted from the earth and the radiant temperature of water bodies (Bourouhou and Salmoun 2021). Both sensors are covered the landmass with 30m of resolution (visible, NIR, SWIR); 100 meters (thermal); and 15 meters (panchromatic). The primary features on Landsat 7 include a panchromatic band with 15-meter spatial resolution, an onboard full aperture solar calibrator, five percent absolute 4 �radiometric calibration, and a thermal infrared channel with a four-fold improvement in spatial resolution over Thematic Mapper (TM) (NASA, 2021). Steps of calculating SST 1. Calculating the Top of Atmosphere radiance which is the raw images captured by sensor of satellites, the radiance is the amount of radiation coming from the area, surface and cloud. 2. Calculating top of atmosphere reflectance which provides the ratio of radiation reflected to the incident solar radiation on a given surface, and also from the cloud and atmospheric aerosols and gases. 3. The brightness temperature is the measurement of radiance of the microwave radiation traveling upward from the top of atmosphere to the satellites. The process continues in progression to find the emissivity Ɛ of each pixel to convert the brightness temperature into land surface temperature or in the other hand the sea surface temperature. The emissivity is originated from the value of Normal Difference Vegetation Index NDVI which is provided by the visible red and near infrared bands. The result returns the maximum and minimum values of NDVI which are used in finding the proportion of vegetation in reason to rescale the NDVI between values representing bare soil and total vegetation. The operation is going to show the difference of temperature during the last 20 years with taking into consideration the same seasons, where the result section interprets the analysis value through literature resources of the impact of SST changes on UCH. RESULTS The results observed after calculating the SST through the Landsat images present an increasing of temperature by almost 1 ºC during the last 20 years. Extracting results from maps shows the increasing of temperature on the coastline near the cement factory, where the SST in the middle of sea become more less. Figure 3 present clearly these changes, where the temperature on the coastline during summer in 1999 was 24ºC -25 ºC, and it was almost 23 ºC far from the coast, but today the temperature on the coastline in 28 ºC-29 ºC, and it’s almost 27 ºC far from the coast. The results are also extracted from the SST map during the winter season for 2000 and 2021, where the average temperature in Chekka area increased 2 ºC during the last 20 years (Figure 4). 5 �Figure 3. Summer temperature today (TOP, Landsat8 2021). Summer temperature 20 years ago (BOTTOM Landsat7 1999) 6 �Figure 4. Winter SST today (left) and 20 years ago (right) (Landsat8 2021; Landsat7 1999). This example describes the changes in SST due to the rising of toxic gases from the cement factories next to the coastline. The main issue is to understand how the increasing of SST effect on the seas and oceans health, thus on the maritime and coastal sites. There are an estimated three million shipwrecks on the floors of the world’s oceans (Gregory et al. 2022), and more than 1000 coastal sites are under threat and damage because of sea level rise (Reiman et al. 2018) Increasing of CO2 in the atmosphere due to pollution and toxic gases, it leads to increase the temperature of air, thus, to melt the ice of poles where this lead to rise the sea level. Research confirms the rise of sea level by 1m by the end of 21st century, together with an increase in ocean surface temperatures (i.e., water to a depth of approximately 100m) of between 0.2 and 0.5°C (Gregory et al. 2022). In summary, rising of sea level led to many unprecedented weather events which impact directly on the coastal sites and erosion of coastline due to high tides. (Sesana et al. 2020). The effect of sealevel rise led to flooding and storms especially during the heavy rainfall, where the coastal sites become underwater sites with time. The effect of sea level not only on culture heritage but also on the marine boundary higher level will result in legal maritime boundaries become less well defined (Perez-Alvaro 2016). In addition, the submerged sites will be affected by the sea level rise because adding more water led to put the UCH under more depth, and more mass of water quantity on the shipwreck lying on the seabed which may be more than they can withstand (Sesana et al. 2020). Furthermore, the most recent IPCC report indicates not only an impact on surface ocean, temperatures but also on the deep ocean, with increases of 0.6–2.0°C chemical reaction rates double for every 10°C increase in temperature (Kennedy et al. 2002). This would reduce the amount of time a diver can remain underwater. Increased CO2 in the atmosphere, which is absorbed by the oceans, leads to increase in the acidification of seas and oceans where the PH of water decrease and influences the iron and steel of shipwrecks by 7 �increasing the rate of corrosion (Perez-Alvaro 2016; Wright 2016). With more evaporation and precipitation and formation of sea ice lead all together to increase the salinity in water and change the chemical and physical property of sea and ocean, that will create new bacteria and new organisms, which affect and threaten the archeological features especially the shipworms, causing damage to underwater wooden structures (Sesana et al. 2020). This study shows the high impact of climate change and the relation with the UCH, which became a main part of marine environment, the changes of sites help to understand the changes in climate. CONCLUSION / DISCUSSION We conclude that climate change will directly affect coastal and underwater sites, including the deterioration of our UCH. The relation between climate change and maritime archeological sites is very connected because shipwrecks become part of the marine environment such as artificial reefs. Today, maritime archeology help researchers to understand the past climate and the human past adaptation with climate change, where maritime and coastal sites illustrate the environmental changes. Several projects provide the opportunity for maritime archaeology research on climate in the past and then educate humanity to better understand the climate crisis. For example, several studies that focus on the human-environment interaction such as migration in ancient periods, and human uses of aquatic environment may inform what may happen in the future. It is important to involve cultural heritage in climate action because heritage includes the identity of people that they want to pass to future generations, and which may be at risk due to climate change. 8 �Bibliography Advan and Jovanovska 2016 Bourouhou I., and Salmun F. Sea surface temperature estimation using remotely sensed imagery of Landsat 8 along the coastline of Tangier - Ksar Sghir region, The International Conference on Innovation, Modern Applied Science & Environmental Studies (ICIES2020), Vol 234, 2021. Bardach, Cotter and Morgan. Pacific Ocean, https://www.britannica.com/place/Pacific-Ocean Encyclopedia Britannica. Accessed 17 March 2023 URL Gregory, Dawson, Elkin, Van Tilburg, Underwood, Richards, Viduka, Westley, Wright, Hollesen. Of time and tide: the complex impacts of climate change on coastal and underwater cultural heritage, Journal of Antiquity 96, no. 390 (2022): 1396–1411. Kennedy, Twilley, Kleypas, Cowan, Hare. Coastal and marine ecosystems and global climate change: potential effects on US Resources, Journal of Environment, Pew Centre on Global Climate Change. 2002. Lange M. Climate Change in the Mediterranean: Environmental Impacts and Extreme Events, European Institute of the Mediterranean, In: IEMED URLhttps://www.iemed.org/publication/climate-change-in-the-mediterranean-environmentalimpacts-and-extreme-events/. 2020. Perez-Alvaro, E. Climate change and underwater culture heritage: Impacts and challenges, Journal of Culture Heritage 21, (2016): 842-848. Ramdani, Wirasatriya, Jalil. Monitoring the Sea Surface Temperature and Total Suspended Matter Based on Cloud Computing Platform of Google Earth Engine and Open-Source Software, Conf. The 6th International Conference on Tropical and Coastal Region Eco-Development, IOP Conf. Ser.: Earth Environ. Sci. 750, 2021. Reimann, Vafeidis, Brown, Hinkel, Tol. Mediterranean UNESCO World Heritage at risk from coastal flooding and erosion due to sea-level rise, Journal of Nature Communications 9, no. 4161 2018. URLhttps://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-01806645-9 Reul, Grodsky, Arias, Boutin, Catany, Chapron, Amico, Dinnat, Donlon, Fore, Fournier, Guimbard, Hasson, Kolodziejczyk, Lagerloef, Lee, Le Vine, Lindstrom, Maes, Mecklenburg, Yueh. Sea surface salinity estimates from spaceborne L-band radiometers: An overview of the first decade of observation (2010–2019), Journal of Remote sensing of Environment Vol. 242, no. 111769. 2020. URL https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0034425720301395 Rockman M., Hritz C. Expanding use of archaeology in climate change response by changing its social environment, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 15, (2019): 8295–8302. URL https://www.pnas.org/doi/full/10.1073/pnas.1914213117 Safadi C. Bronze age and Iron age Levantine harbor: an evaluation of their maritime accessibility and protection [Thesis], Southampton University 2014. Sesana E., et al., Climate change impacts on cultural heritage: A literature review, Ed: Carter T, et all., Journal of Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews 12, no. 42020, Splading M. Perverse Sea change: underwater culture heritage in the ocean is facing chemical and physical changes, culture heritage & art review. 2011. 9 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 13: Major Threats to Underwater Cultural Heritage Subject The topic of the resource Papers presented at Session 13 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Description An account of the resource Session 13 papers Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Potential Climate Change Threats to Underwater Cultural Heritage Description An account of the resource Climate change is our greatest challenge. The paper is looking for the impact on underwater cultural heritage (UCH), deep oceans, and coastal zone through literature reference and case studies. It will discuss the causes of climate change, the results, with a focus on the sea surface temperature (SST) changes in the Mediterranean Basin and the Pacific. SST will be calculated using Landsat 8 which is equipped by two bands of thermal infrared sensor (TIRS). It is suitable for coastal zone monitoring due to its high resolution. The study depends on the use of Landsat 7 which carried the Enhanced Thematic Mapper Plus (ETM+) sensor. Both images are interpreted and analyzed on the QGIS to calculate the radiance and reflectance of each image to conclude the value of SST. The paper will finish by presenting the cycle factors which threaten the UCH and summarize the relationship between the change of climate and the UCH and how they help researchers understand climate in the past and the adaptation by humans in past. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sirine Saad El-Dine Ghiye Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Ghiye, Sirine Saad El-Dine. 2023. “Potential Climate Change Threats to underwater cultural heritage.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Elena Perez-Alvaro, and Ole Varmer. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1960 Asia-Pac Session 13 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/fdb0a720f37183e3f34b0a7a9cd5acc1.pdf d91ca93cfb06e2f35f5605d2f3f18de9 PDF Text Text Potential for Spanish Colonial Archaeology in the Northern Mariana Islands Jennifer F. McKinnon and Jason T. Raupp Abstract Spanish cultural heritage continues to play a role in social, cultural and political developments in Micronesia and can contribute to a broader understanding of Indigenous and Spanish histories in the Pacific. Thus, Spanish cultural heritage should be appropriately identified and incorporated into a cultural heritage management and research framework in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI). Unfortunately, this is not the case and Spanish cultural heritage is long overdue for serious investigation and research in the CNMI. This paper is the result of a preliminary project conducted in 2009 into the potential for research on Spanish cultural heritage in the CNMI. This project aimed at facilitating the process of documenting Spanish cultural heritage by identifying known and potential heritage recorded in disparate sources such as grey literature, primary and secondary historical sources located in library, archive and museum holdings and conversations with heritage practitioners. The methodology used during this survey included a thematic assessment framework whereby the known and potential Spanish cultural heritage was categorised into research themes. It is hoped that this approach will contribute to evaluating the significance of Spanish cultural heritage for research and management purposes in the CNMI. Introduction This year marks the 490th anniversary of the first recorded landing of the Spanish in the Mariana Islands. This occurred when Ferdinand Magellan became the first European to visit the islands on 6 March 1521 and named the archipelago Islas de los Ladrones (Islands of the Thieves) due to a misunderstanding in trade practices (Russell 1998). Over a century later in 1667 Spain officially claimed the island chain and named it Las Marianas in honour of Queen Mariana of Austria (Coomans 2000). Spanish occupation of the islands began in 1668, a point at which the lives of both the colonizing Spaniards and the Indigenous Chamorro peoples who had inhabited the islands for thousands of years were forever altered (Hezel 2000). The Marianas served as a strategic provisioning location for Spanish trading ships voyaging between Manila and Acapulco for 250 years and were vital to the success of Spain’s commerce system (Cushner 1971). The islands remained a Spanish colony until 1898 when Guam was taken by the United States (U.S.) in the Spanish-American War and the Northern Mariana Islands were transferred to Germany (Carrell 2009). For over two hundred years (1668-1898) Spanish colonists interacted with the Chamorro peoples and constructed forts, ports, towns and missions in the Mariana Islands. As a result, these islands demonstrate a rich and diverse Spanish cultural heritage. Spanish cultural heritage places in the Marianas represent some of the most culturally and archaeologically significant European heritage places in Micronesia. However today, these sites are poorly understood from an archaeological perspective and very little is known about where they were located or specifically what may be preserved in the archaeological record. �To date, no comprehensive archaeological survey of Spanish cultural heritage sites in the Northern Mariana Islands has been conducted. Nevertheless, a small network of historians has researched the history of Spanish heritage in the archipelago over the last thirty years. The Micronesian Area Research Center (MARC) on Guam has translated an astonishing amount of primary documents and produced secondary histories on individuals and events from the Spanish period (Brunal-Perry, et al. 2009; Driver 1987; Driver 1990; Driver 1993a; Driver 1993b; Driver 1994). In addition, Francis Hezel’s (2000) publication From Conquest to Colonization: Spain in the Mariana Islands 1690 to 1740 reviews primary source documents related to this period and has introduced this subject to a larger audience and confirmed the need for more research. The research of both Marjorie Driver and Hezel, among others, has provided the basis for historical investigations into the Spanish period in the Mariana Islands. While this time period has been the interest of historians, the archaeology of these events and interactions has yet to be explored. In other areas of the world such as the south-eastern United States (Florida, Georgia, Texas, Louisiana), the southwest and west coast of the United States (New Mexico, Arizona, California) and \ Latin America, the archaeology of Spanish cultural heritage is well-developed. The Pacific region, with the exception of the Philippines (Skowronek 2009), has some distance to go in terms of catching up with current scholarship on this subject and remains open for long-term investigations and research (see Orillenada and Ronquillo this volume). The recognition of Spanish heritage in Micronesia continues to play a role in socio-political developments in the Marianas. Much like in Latin America, there are descendant communities who are interested in the circumstances of their historical roots. They want to understand how their ancestors resisted, embraced, negotiated, transformed and were transformed through the processes of colonisation and to what extent their families and communities are still involved in this process. Therefore, it would be expected that Spanish cultural heritage should be appropriately recognized in the cultural heritage management and research framework of the Northern Mariana Islands. Serious academic research on this topic is long overdue. A preliminary investigation was conducted in 2009 into the potential for identifying Spanish cultural heritage in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI). These investigations aimed at facilitating the process of documenting Spanish cultural heritage by identifying known and potential heritage that has been recorded in disparate sources such as grey literature (i.e. reports, site files), as well as primary and secondary historical sources located in library and museum holdings. This paper presents a summary of those findings and should be used simply as a guide for potential Spanish colonial research in the CNMI. �Conceptual and Methodological Approach This project consisted primarily of an intensive literature review to identify and compile pertinent information into a searchable database that can be queried to develop heritage type profiles by which a thematic research framework could be created. The heritage type profiling is aimed at examining the full range of Spanish cultural heritage on the islands of Saipan, Tinian and Rota. Spanish cultural heritage ranges in size, location and features, and includes the richness and diversity of cultural materials from both European and Indigenous cultures. It may include tangible heritage such as landscapes, structures, burials, shipwrecks or ceramics, or intangible heritage such as place names, oral traditions or customs. Thematic frameworks have proven to be successful in the assessment of cultural heritage values and the subsequent application of research and conservation strategies (ICOMOS 2005; Smith and Jones 2007). Thematic frameworks outline major themes and concepts that help identify, describe and analyse the multiple layers of human culture and interaction. The thematic research framework for this project was formulated on the basis of heritage type identification. The benefit of this framework is threefold: • It can be used by future researchers to capture the complexity and meaning of human interaction and experience during culture contact events; • It can be used by the CNMI Historic Preservation Office (HPO) or other regulatory agencies to evaluate the significance of such cultural heritage and to make efficient and effective decisions regarding its management and conservation; and • It can be used by the island community to better understand this interesting and complex history and the unique interaction that occurs when two cultures made contact in the first instance. Data Collection Strategy The Mariana archipelago is located east of the Philippines, north of New Guinea, and south-southeast of Japan (see McKinnon this volume). From north to south the CNMI includes the islands of Farallon de Pajaros, Maug, Asuncion, Agrihan, Pagan, Alamagan, Guguan, Sarigan, Anatahan, Farallon de Medinilla, Saipan, Tinian, Aguijan, and Rota (Figure 1). Guam is part of the Mariana Islands but not part of the CNMI as it is an unincorporated territory of the United States. Thus, this study area only includes data concerning the islands in CNMI which from this point forward will be referred to as the Northern Mariana Islands. �Figure 1. The Mariana Islands (Perry-Castañeda Library). The data collection strategy was designed on a basic principle of identifying and documenting known and previously unknown Spanish cultural heritage in the Northern Mariana Islands. The information recovered during this data capture project included information about heritage locations, heritage descriptions, excavation reports, photographs, archival material, and oral �histories. This data was collected through visits to the HPO on Saipan and Rota. HPO is the agency charged with managing and protecting cultural heritage in the Northern Mariana Islands. As a result, they maintain the archaeological site files and reports from all archaeological surveys that have been conducted in the islands. At present these site files are not digitized and only paper copies are available for review. Five days were spent in the site files of Saipan and one day was spent in the site files of Rota. During these visits, a database query was conducted by searching for keywords such as “Spanish” for sites that were related to Spanish heritage. Identified file numbers were then investigated further for content. Locations, descriptions, dates, artefact descriptions, and additional information were recorded into a project database. In addition to the site files, all archaeological reports on file were reviewed for Spanish colonial heritage sites. The main methodology was to review the table of contents for relevant key words and to review the appendices or final chapters for discussions of Spanish heritage. Pertinent information was extracted and added to the project database. In addition to the HPO visits, project personnel visited local museums, including the Northern Mariana Islands Museum of Culture and History on Saipan and the Cave Museum on Rota, to note and photograph relevant Spanish heritage material and speak with curators about their collections and provenance. Local historians and consulting archaeologists also were contacted for discussions concerning their knowledge of sites and the potential for investigating Spanish colonial period sites on the islands. Finally, some site visits were made to specific Spanish colonial sites to investigate research potential. One limitation worth noting relates to the HPO site files. In the 1980s a fire destroyed many of the archaeological site files and reports stored at the Saipan HPO. While the HPO made attempts to retrieve copies of those reports from consultants and other offices, not all could be recovered. Thus, some files and reports prior to the 1980s were unavailable for review during this project. Database development of heritage type profiles A database was created using Microsoft Excel which consisted of multiple categories of data including: heritage type, name, location, time period, features, description, sources, dates investigated and comments. In addition, an Endnote database of bibliographic data was created in order to cross-reference data with sources. Once the databases were complete, heritage types were assigned and then organised into a thematic research framework which can be assessed for potential research areas and management considerations. Results Seventy heritage “sites” (including tangible and intangible heritage) were identified during this project. Of those 70, 25 were located on the island of Tinian, 21 on Rota, 14 on Saipan, four on Agrihan, four on Pagan, and two were located in the general vicinity of the Mariana Islands. It is unlikely that these numbers reflect the amount and type of activities that occurred in relation to the Spanish �colonial period but may be a better reflection of the amount of archaeological survey conducted on each island. The heritage ranged in nature from intangible heritage, such as the introduction of non-native foods and oral histories, to the tangible physical remains of Indigenous and Spanish activities. Table 1 includes a list of the heritage types recorded. Table 1. Heritage types. Indigenous site/ Latte site Shipwreck Mission Cemetery Government Building Church Leprosarium Ranchero Anchorage/Harbour/Port Village/Settlement Rock art Burial Artefact/ artefact scatters Oral story or tradition Landing Bridge/Road/Trail/Wall/Navigational direction Disease Food/Subsistence Temple Salt production Garrison Encampment/house Shipwreck survivor camp Convento Chapel Rectory Seminary House Barrack Well Hunting area Warehouse From these heritage types a thematic research framework was developed and several thematic research areas were identified in an effort to understand the activities and processes associated with this tangible and intangible heritage. The development of a thematic research framework should be grounded in existing areas of scholarship in the field of Spanish colonial research from other �parts of the world, but also account for an understanding of local and regional issues. For that reason, two recent publications were considered crucial to the development of a research framework in the Northern Mariana Islands: Russell Skowronek’s (2009) On the Fringes of New Spain: The Northern Borderlands and the Pacific and Mary Van Buren’s (2010) The Archaeological Study of Spanish Colonialism in the Americas. These two articles offer current reviews of both the general and more specific (Pacific) Spanish colonial research that has been conducted by archaeologists in the last half-century. Thus they provide a starting point for identifying key thematic research areas in the Northern Mariana Islands. While the thematic areas identified in this project are inclusive of many activities and their resulting material culture, they are not exclusive and some heritage and genres of studies may fit within and overlap multiple areas. Further, these themes can be edited, expanded upon or further subdivided as necessary in the future. Below is a discussion of just five of the thematic research areas identified in this project. Theme 1: Culture Change and Identity The concepts acculturation, creolization, transculturation, and ethnogenesis have been used by archaeologists to explore and understand the process of culture change and identity in relation to colonisation from the culture and community scale to specific individuals (see Van Buren 2010 for a discussion of this subject). These same processes occurred in the Mariana Islands from the point of first contact, through the process of occupation and colonial construction, Indigenous resistance and warfare, missionization, Indigenous negotiation, changes in demographics, colonial collapse and post-colonial deconstruction. Two foci of research that may be useful in the Mariana Islands with regard to culture change and identity would be the investigation of spatial organisation and material culture. The landscape and seascape itself and the built environment of the precontact, colonial and post-colonial periods and the maintenance and changes that were made are ripe for investigation; specifically, the movement to different islands, centralization, and resistance of Indigenous Chamorro peoples, the introduction of Filipino and Carolinian groups, and the Spanish private, commercial and government construction and control of the area (Figure 2). �Figure 2. The Spanish government building located on Rota (J. McKinnon). For example, through the process of colonisation and missionization, restrictions were imposed on Chamorro people which eventually resulted in a loss of knowledge about the construction and use of ocean-going canoes, a tradition that had been around for thousands of years (Russell 2009:85). These restrictions particularly affected the cultural tradition and potential heritage and knowledge of watercraft construction within the Chamorro culture – an effect that is felt to this day with regards to the maintenance of a maritime identity. This example also demonstrates the wider view that needs to be taken in relation to control, in that it does not stop at the water’s edge or with the building of structures, fences or walls; instead it extends onto the vast expanses of the water surrounding these islands. Thus, control over water transport and marine resources must be considered within the setting of Pacific island groups if archaeologists are to understand the whole picture. Material culture with regards to culture change and identity is in immediate need of research. The location and function of the Mariana Islands as a provisioning station and a strategic holding raises some interesting questions concerning the availability of goods and the need for self-reliance. The combination of multiple culture groups in the form of Spanish, Chamorro, Carolinian, Filipino and visitors in the form of whalers, beche-de-mer fishers, scientific expeditions and traders creates an interesting case study for material culture and exchange. In the Marianas, there exists obvious evidence of a synthesis of Indigenous and Spanish ceramics in the form of colonoware, the reuse of Spanish shipwreck materials by Indigenous peoples such as clavos (decorative nails) for coconut oil lamps, and the decorative use of specie �collected from shipwrecks by the Chamorro peoples (Figure 3). Unfortunately, as of yet, no attention has been given to these types of material culture studies or studies of spatial organisation with relation to culture change and identity on the Northern Marianas. Figure 3. Clavos (decorative nail heads) from the Santa Margarita wreck in collections at the Cave Museum on Rota. Local Chamorros salvaged clavos and used them as coconut oil lamps (J. McKinnon). Theme 2: Missionization An area of research that dominates Spanish colonial archaeology is the process of missionization. No archaeological research has been conducted to date on missions in the Northern Mariana Islands; thus baseline data needs to be acquired including site locations and assessment of preservation. Beyond this, addressing larger questions, the Marianas missions are an excellent opportunity for comparative research within the islands and with other areas of the world such as Florida, whose mission system was ongoing at the same time (McEwan 1993). Within the Marianas were missions operated by Jesuit Orders; some of which were “successful” from the standpoint of Spanish administration (i.e. Rota mission), while others were resisted violently (i.e. Saipan) (Hezel 2000). While most of the missionaries on Guam where Spanish, other missionaries sent to the hinterlands were not Spanish but Bohemian, Dutch and Austrian, among others (Hezel 2000:25). Did the difference in cultural background have any effect on the missions’ successes or failures? Questions surrounding these issues could be �addressed through investigating mission architecture and layout, burial practices, economic strategies that paralleled the mission process such as food production, and the indigenization of missionaries through ethnohistorical accounts and material culture studies at missions. Theme 3: Changing Nature of Economic Activities While much archaeological research with regards to Indigenous political and social economies has been conducted in the Marianas, little of that has focussed on the colonial or post-colonial periods. Chamorro peoples no doubt had a system of political and social organisation that was altered upon Spanish colonial occupation. Through disease and resettlement, the two-caste matrilineal system was disrupted (Carrell 2009). Further the repopulation of the islands with neighbouring Indigenous island groups (Carolinians) who were allowed to maintain a “maritime” lifestyle (i.e. continued tradition of boatbuilding and seafaring) would have also altered these economies. Additionally, the material remains of imported and assimilated non-native foods including livestock (i.e. cattle, pigs, deer) and other food products such as corn, as well as the coerced labour required to maintain the production of these resources, is an area of immediate interest with regards to changes in diet, production and export (Figure 4). Alongside Indigenous economies, questions concerning production of goods for Spanish economies, specifically supplies for the Manila galleon trade, would be particularly interesting, as would the political structure of the Marianas and comparisons between urban cores (i.e. Guam) and rural outposts (i.e. Saipan, Rota, Tinian), and at a larger scale between the Philippines, Mexico and the Marianas. Figure 4. Metate used for grinding corn identified by HPO archaeologists on Saipan. Site unknown. (CNMI HPO). Theme 4: Maritime Sphere Having a maritime archaeological interest, a research area that cannot be overlooked is that of the maritime sphere. The very fact that travel to, from and �within the Mariana Islands necessitates watercraft, indicates that the material culture available relating to maritime activities is ever-present. Though the potential for investigating Manila galleon wrecks has been overshadowed by commercial treasure hunting enterprises, all is not lost with regards to research in this area (see Junco this volume). Shipwrecks of Spanish and other colonial nations have yet to be located and salvaged by treasure hunters; thus information concerning economy, illicit trade and contraband, intra-island transport, and colonial ship construction is available. The study of ports, harbours, maritime infrastructure, and trade routes can provide a vast amount of information about contemporary knowledge of seafaring, actions and reactions to environment, and defence. Further, understanding the distinctive situation created by Spanish authorization of Carolinian movement and the restriction of Chamorro in intra-island trade, communication and commerce would provide a unique area of research. The maintenance of a maritime identity for the Chamorro peoples is a contemporary concern of living populations on the islands today and an area where archaeology might play a key role in teasing out that process. Theme 5: Indigenous Histories Two areas of research that significantly overlap and contribute to Spanish colonial archaeology are ethnohistory and ethnoarchaeology. Much of the historical research that has been conducted on this period in the Mariana Islands has included translation of Spanish accounts, journals, and travel diaries. These sources are a wealth of information for archaeologists looking for a more holistic interpretation of the archaeological record. They may allow archaeologists to, “look sideways, so to speak, rather than just up and down, to examine the interaction of people who were not distinguished primarily by differences in power” (Van Buren 2010:179). Further in reaching the Indigenous experience, ethnoarchaeological approaches can fill in the gaps in our knowledge of the past and present, as well as helping us to understand continuity and changes in tradition. Indigenous peoples of the Northern Mariana Islands maintain a strong tradition of oral history and there are many, many stories about the Spanish period that have yet to be recorded and linked with material culture and heritage sites. Conclusion While this paper is only a brief introduction to cultural heritage associated with the Spanish colonial period of the Mariana Islands, it provides evidence that this heritage still very much exists in both tangible and intangible forms. While many colonial occupiers passed through the Mariana archipelago, there still exists today a strong connection with the history of the Spanish colonial period which appears in every aspect of island life from food to religion (i.e. Catholicism). A more intensive and holistic archaeological investigation of this heritage will not only provide protection through identification and recognition of sites, it will provide the community of the Marianas with a fuller understanding of their shared �heritage – a heritage shared not only between Spanish and Chamorro peoples, but of all the culture groups who lived in the islands during this period. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the staff of the CNMI Historic Preservation Offices for your kindness and support in allowing us to access your site files. We would particularly like to thank Ronnie, J.P. and Diego for taking time out of their schedule to assist us with finding the data we needed. We’d also like to thank Antonelli Santos for his assistance with recording the Spanish administration building and the memorable tour of Rota. This project was made possible by funding from Flinders University, Adelaide, South Australia. Bibliography Brunal-Perry, O., Driver, M.G., and L. Carrell, T., 2009 Carrell. T., 2009 Coomans, P., 2000 Cushner, N.P. 1971 Driver, M.G., 1987 Driver, M.G., 1990 Driver, M.G., 1993a Driver, M.G., 1993b Early European Exploration and the Spanish Period in the Marianas 1521-1898. In Maritime History and Archaeology of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, edited by T. Carrell, pp.95-142. Submitted to the CNMI Department of Community and Cultural Affairs, Division of Historic Preservation. Ships of Exploration and Discovery Research, Inc., Texas. Maritime History and Archaeology of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. Submitted to the CNMI Department of Community and Cultural Affairs, Division of Historic Preservation. Ships of Exploration and Discovery Research, Inc., Texas. History of the Mission in the Mariana Islands, 1667-1673, Translated by Rodrique Lévesque, Occasional Historical Papers Series, No. 4. Division of Historic Preservation, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Saipan. Spain in the Philippines from Conquest to Revolution, Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City, Philippines. Navigation Data for the Mariana Islands, Published by the Spanish Hydrographic Office, Madrid 1863, Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. Guam Diary of Naturalist Antonio de Pineda, 1792, Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. Fray Juan Pobre in the Marianas 1602, Miscellaneous Series, No. 8. Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. "Mariana de Austria", in (ed) Emilie.G. Johnson, Father San Vitores: His Life, Times, and Martyrdom, pp. 5–12. Publication Series, No. 6. Micronesian. Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. �Driver, M.G., and Brunal-Perry, O., 1994 Hezel, F. X., 2000 ICOMOS, 2005 McEwan, B., 1993 Skowronek, R.K., 2009 Smith, A. and Jones, K., 2007 Van Buren, M., 2010 Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam, Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam, Mangilao, Guam. From Conquest to Colonization: Spain in the Mariana Islands 1690 to 1740, Occasional Historical Papers Series No. 2, Division of Historic Preservation, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Saipan. The World Heritage List: Filling the Gaps – an Action Plan for the Future, ICOMOS, viewed 12 August 2009, <http://whc.unesco.org/uploads/activities/documents/activity590-1.pdf > The Spanish Missions of La Florida, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, Florida. "On the Fringes of New Spain: The Northern Borderlands and the Pacific", in (eds) Terisita Majewski and David Gaimster, International Handbook of Historical Archaeology, pp. 471-505, Springer Press. Cultural Landscapes of the Pacific Islands. ICOMOS Thematic Study, accessed 12 August 2009, <http://whc.unesco.org/uploads/activities/documents/activity5-2.pdf> “The Archaeological Study of Spanish Colonialism in the Americas”, in Journal of Archaeological Research, 18, pp.151-201. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Potential for Spanish Colonial Archaeology in the Northern Mariana Islands Subject The topic of the resource Session 9 Spain and the Asia-Pacific region Description An account of the resource Spanish cultural heritage continues to play a role in social, cultural and political developments in Micronesia and can contribute to a broader understanding of Indigenous and Spanish histories in the Pacific. Thus, Spanish cultural heritage should be appropriately identified and incorporated into a cultural heritage management and research framework in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI). Unfortunately, this is not the case and Spanish cultural heritage is long overdue for serious investigation and research in the CNMI. This paper is the result of a preliminary project conducted in 2009 into the potential for research on Spanish cultural heritage in the CNMI. This project aimed at facilitating the process of documenting Spanish cultural heritage by identifying known and potential heritage recorded in disparate sources such as grey literature, primary and secondary historical sources located in library, archive and museum holdings and conversations with heritage practitioners. The methodology used during this survey included a thematic assessment framework whereby the known and potential Spanish cultural heritage was categorised into research themes. It is hoped that this approach will contribute to evaluating the significance of Spanish cultural heritage for research and management purposes in the CNMI. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jennifer F. McKinnon Jason T. Raupp Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 9 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/2eb81b4f95ff8b0e702985eb7864f5d3.pdf 383349ec5e53fda45658b91f8ff141c2 PDF Text Text Pre Hispanic Navigation: Iconographic Evidence in Moche Fine Line Painting Carlos Ausejo Abstract Navigation in pre-Hispanic times in the Andean region has been a topic of discussion among researchers for years. Different sources of information lead us to believe that at least one type of marine craft was in use and involved in long distance trade at the arrival of the Spaniards. However, the debate surrounding earlier periods is stronger due to the lack of evidence in archaeological records. Most evidence consists of iconographic or sculptural depictions on pottery; wall friezes; and, ultimately, references gathered by chroniclers – but not a single remain of any kind of vessel. This situation has lead researchers to believe that marine crafts like the “Caballito de Totora” (“reed horse”) were just simpler tools without any further development. However, one particular type of watercraft represented in the Moche iconography apparently contradicts this idea, the “reed boat”. Moche fine line paintings portray this particular type of vessel, which differs from the traditional “reed horse” vessel, and seems to be capable of holding considerable cargo and occupants. Although the use of totora constitutes the oldest tradition for constructing rafts and boats along the coast and in the Titicaca region, unfortunately, as mentioned above, there is no evidence of such rafts or boats in the archaeological record apart from the iconographic depictions. In spite of this, we suggest that “reed boats” represented a real boat just as other real Moche characters were represented in their iconography, such as the “Lord of Sipan” or “The Priestesses of San Jose de Moro”. Moreover the reed boats were a technological innovation, which filled particular needs to perform rituals in times of ecological distress and to procure certain sumptuary items. The Moche The Moche civilization developed on the north cost of Peru between 100 and 800 Anno Domini (A.D1) during the Early Intermediate2 period (Donnan and McClelland 1999:13). The geographical area occupied by the Moche can be divided into Northern and Southern regions, separated by the Pampa de Paijan. The success of the Moche society was based on controlling the rivers through the construction of a complex network of irrigation canals, which supported successful large-scale agriculture (Shimada 1994:52-56; Bawden 1996:87-92). Furthermore they managed to exploit the large resources of marine and coastal fauna combined with the use of domesticated llamas, guinea pigs and ducks (Bawden 1996:86-87; Donnan and McClelland 1999:14-15). The success of food production allowed the Moche to maintain a highly stratified and dense population, and therefore to assign large number of workers to the construction and maintenance of pyramids, palaces, temples, and irrigation canal systems (Bawden 1996:76-107; Donnan and McClelland 1999:14). As in any other Andean society, they didn’t have a writing system; instead they left a stunning artistic record of their beliefs and activities in Modelled and Painted ceramics (Bawden 1996:23; Donnan and McClelland 1 Georgian Calendar designation that starts at year one, fromt he birth of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, with every year since added by one. 2 Between 400 B.C. and 600 A.C. (Rowe 1945:265-284) 1 �1999:15). Rafael Larco Hoyle developed Moche chronology in 1948 based on the stirrup spout bottle. He identified five phases, each thought to last around 100 to 200 years (Donnan and McClelland 1999:21). However, during the last ten years, researchers combined individual phases into three historical periods (Bawden 2004:23,116-129): Early3 (Phase I – II), Middle4 (Phase III – IV), and Late Moche5 (Phase V). Moche potters were consummate masters of three-dimensional sculpture and also produced ceramics with low-relief depictions of figures and activities, geometrical and pictorial scenes with fine line painting (Donnan and McClelland 1999:15-17). On the other hand it seems that Moche representations had a limited representation of specific events or activities, which are referred to as themes (Donnan and McClelland 1979:5). Phase V shows a clear change in fine line painting evolution from previous phases; the change to abstract and distorted, heavy emphasis being placed on supernatural rather than human activities, and ultimately a focus on marine creatures and environment (Donnan and McClelland 1999:178-183). We can also find innovations in layout, characters and narrative techniques as well as pottery shape (Donnan and McClelland 1999:166). Although artistic cannons are mostly the same as preceding phases, there are changes; the layout consists of half and half, spiral layout, and a new scheme using the burial theme (Donnan and McClelland 1999:182-183). It is in this context that Reed boats are more frequently depicted than in previous phases, but for a completely different function. Rather than being portrayed for fishing activities they are depicted carrying elaborately dressed individuals (Donnan and McClelland 1999:179). Iconography versus Archaeological Evidence Over the last two decades, archaeological evidence has been demonstrating that the Moche practiced several activities portrayed in fine line painting. They also demonstrated that dignitaries as shown in iconographic representations wore clothes and accessories (Bourget 2005:89-109; Castillo 2000:307-332; Donnan and McClelland 1999:23; Verano 2005:111-125). In that sense Christopher Donnan and Donna McClelland (Donnan and McClelland 1979:6-10) propose the burial scene theme as four distinctive activities: burial, assembly, conch-shell transfer, and sacrifice. Double and parallel lines indicate that the activities were separate events, which did not occur at the same time but were associated with the burial of one extremely important individual and suggest that all depictions referred to the same individual (Donnan and McClelland 1979:13). The evidence found in Huaca Rajada is similar to the depictions (Alva 2004:101-116), but instead of one, there are at least three high status individuals buried at three different times with similar types of offerings. Moreover the caskets had a rigid structure of reinforced heavy canes wrapped in cloth, which covered the cane and the faces shown on the caskets may be hammered metal masks and attached to the cloth wrapping (Donnan and McClelland 1979:7). Moreover the goods depicted in the burial theme are frequently found in Moche and Sican graves, 3 Early Moche aproximately 200 A.D. – 400 A.D. Middle Moche aproximately 400 A.D. – 600 A.D. 5 Late Moche aproximately 600 A.D. – 800 A.D. 4 2 �along with different kinds of ceramic vessels, gourd bowls filled with food and conch shells (Alva 2004:86-99). Symbolic representation is also evident in the belongings of high status personages; they usually appear wearing gold alloy masks and are accompanied by specific emblems representing their status and role (Donnan 2008:77). The paraphernalia resembles the images contained in Moche friezes and ceramics, where it accompanies performers in the activities being depicted (Alva 2004;Donnan and Castillo 1992,1994). Specific individuals can be traced to the rituals depicted, which were acted out and performed exactly as they were depicted (Bawden 1996:25). That is the case of “the Priestess of San Jose de Moro” [Priestess] (Castillo 2000:307-332), where two female burials were found with distinctive paraphernalia corresponding to the Priestess from the Sacrifice scene, the female occupant of the reed boats (Cordy-Collins 1999:21; Donnan and McClelland 1979:7) and the net shirt personages form the burial scene (Donnan and McClelland 1979:7). Moreover the goblets found in burials, similar to those in the San Jose de Moro, tested positive for human blood traces (Bourget 2005:89-109). This reinforces the possibilities of actual blood rites during Moche times (Bawden 1996:154155;Bourget 2005:89-109). In that sense, the war and sacrifice rites depicted can also be related to archaeological evidence, such as the finding of human remains in the Huaca de la Luna, which show evidence of decapitation, defleshing and head trauma, among other signs of violence (Bourget 2005:89109; Verano 2005:111-125). Reed boats Iconography6 Reed boats in phase V are portrayed mainly in a half and half layout, they look larger than those depicted before and appear to have cargo decks carrying people and large ceramic jars. On one half the sacrifice Priestess is portrayed, on the second half a character is portrayed with a paddle-like object (Donnan and McClelland 1999:178-179; McClelland 1999:77-78). Phase V reed boats depictions appear with arms and legs, as well as the socalled floaters, contrary to Phase IV reed boats. Some artists replace the boat with the bottle equator or use a crescent moon shape similar to the reed boat. This type of representation is called the “Crescent Boat” and seems to be a simplification of the more complex reed boat scene (McClelland 1999:77-78). Whether it is represented in detailed reed boats carrying prisoners and jars; simply depicted on a crescent boat; participating in a complex sacrifice scene or in the Burial scene, it seems quite clear that the depiction of the Priestess, or at least a female character, is closely related to navigation scenes. Since these are all new scenes, or at least represented differently, we can presume that the boats represented in Phase V pottery may be a new type of reed vessel used in rituals and activities, perhaps as a response to changes in the ecological environment associated with the end of the Moche civilization around 800 A.D. (Donnan and McClelland 1999:184-185). 6 The research sample comes from drawings and photos from published sources, mostly by Christopher Donnan and Donna McClelland. The proveniences of the vessels were traced when possible, however most Moche pottery came from looted graves and therefore only a rough area of provenance is available in most cases (Donnan and McClelland 1999:17-18) 3 �Researchers separate them into two types: Crescent Boats and Reed Boats (Donnan and McClelland 1999:179), the first group refers to vessels representing a female seated on a boat, the boat is represented by a crescent shape form or using the angled equator to insinuate the boat, this group have been excluded from research due to be a simplified representation. The second group includes all the representations without making any distinction between raft and boat (Cordy-Collins 1999:17-33). Donnan and McClelland (1999:272) use the term reed boats for any representation of Moche watercraft, however these could be divided into two different types of representation, Reed Rafts and Reed Boats, which will be described as follows: Reed Rafts Unfortunately we were unable to gather all known iconographic examples but we believe that only a few are missing. The corpus is composed of six examples of reed rafts and looks very similar to today´s “Caballito de Totora”. The construction seems to be made up of bundles of Totora, which is tied together and fastened with simple or double ropes, all depicting an animal head on the upturned bow and stern, following a direction from left to right. They are single manned by a human figure holding a fishing line, wearing a shirt and a headdress adorned with feathers, an animal head, or simple lines. Usually the occupant stands over a bundle of nets. All reed rafts appear associated with fish, seashells, marine mammals and sea birds, which are usually very realistic. However in some cases they portray anthropomorphised sea birds pulling the reed raft. Reed Boats7 Reed boats are more frequently found in the northern area (Donnan and McClelland 2007:22), reed boats look in a similar way to the rafts but seem to use massive bundles of totora, over them a simple structure, which seems to create two different decks, one for cargo and a second for occupants. The occupants shown, on each half of the bottle is a Paddler holding a long stick or paddle and a female occupant usually identified as the Priestess (Donnan and McClelland 1999:178-179; Cordy-Collins 1999:17-33). The corpus of images is composed of the representation of thirty-seven reed boats, including four with the spiral narrative. To differentiate the variety of depictions, we have identified five main attributes: Direction, Anthropomorphic characteristics, number of occupants, type of cargo and finally the ratio and number of animal heads described as follow: • The first attribute is the direction of the scene; reed boat depictions can be presented following a direction to the left or right. • The second attribute is the anthropomorphic characteristics; most of the depictions appear with arms or legs, and sometimes both. There is only a small number without arms or legs. • The third attribute is the number of occupants, which may vary from one to three; only in a few cases, the number of occupants is 7 We believe to have most examples known, with just a few found in the last years. 4 �more than two. The rest of the sample presents only one occupant per boat. • The fourth attribute is the type of cargo; most cases present a cargo consisting of pottery jars or rounded objects tied with ropes, while the other type carries not only pottery jars but tied up prisoners. • The last attribute is the ratio of animal heads on the boat. Most reed boats show one or two animal heads in the bow and stern (# in bow / # in stern), the distribution can be mainly 1 / 2 or 2 / 1, a few exemptions appear where the distribution is 2 / 2, or 1 / 1. Reed Boats Group Descriptions After reviewing the corpus using these attributes, we can divide them into two main groups. With an extra third group conformed by the spiral narrative, however the boats represented on them belong to the type described on group two. Group 18: In general the depictions are represented similarly to the previous phase. The main activity of the boats is transporting people and cargo, in only one case the paddler is fishing instead, with the help of his companion. The reed boats are following a left direction and all of them show arms, usually holding a rope on the bow, and legs. Over the boat there is a single framed structure that creates two decks: the cargo deck hold prisoners tied to their necks and ceramic jars and the upper deck where the occupants stand9. The animal head usually has a relation of 1 / 2 and the boat itself looks similar to the reed rafts but the curve is less pronounced. All show the principal occupants, the paddler and the Priestess, accompanied by one or two more characters, and appear to be standing. The companions are anthropomorphised seabirds holding a similar object to the paddler. Group 210: the boats are very similar to the group ones although they have a major number of reed bundle fasteners. A new addition to the depiction is a circular net object attached to the bow and stern, with a few exceptions. All boats are travelling to the right and the cargo deck seem to be more elaborated or planned, it is represented as two double lines with a net in between, creating a more defined cargo. The cargo varies from ceramic jars; round objects suspended from the deck, probably gourd vessels, and some stylized round suspended objects. None show more than one occupant in the boats, likewise the occupants remain the same. Some changes can be seen in the priestess´ attributes, which in most cases appear holding an open bag, or having an oblong object on her dress, or holding a cup. The ratio of animal heads on the boats is not relevant in this group. Group 311: This group depicts the navigation scene in a ritual context using a spiral narrative. The boats are represented in a similar way to the group although they show four boats instead of two. The third boat holds an animal 8 This group is conformed of six cases. In this group, one particular case is a bit different than the other, the ceramic jars and prisoners are close to the bow, and in the priestess boat seems to be on two different levels. 10 This group is made up of twenty-six cases. 11 This group is composed of four cases. 9 5 �warrior in procession with the paddler and the female occupant, a fourth boat is shown at the beginning of the narration without occupants and apparently with some kind of object over the deck. The narration starts at the bottom of the chamber, with animated objects fighting human warriors; a male figure with a crescent headdress is watching the combat. Following the spiral, a female stands in front of bundles of weapons and the animated objects approach her. Further up the spiral, a procession of three reed boats appears with the paddler, the female occupant, and an animal warrior carrying containers. The boat arrives at a structure where part of the sacrifice ceremony is being performed while an anthropomorphized club and shield holds a goblet. Discussion Donnan (Bawden 1996:25) has a very interesting explanation of Moche iconography using the analogy of Christian artistic symbolism. In Christian art, the fullest depictions of the crucifixion included the cross and the flanking counterparts, but specific components can be used separately in religious art to symbolize aspects of the Christian dogma without losing meaning. The religious content in Moche iconography is similar, with full narrative compositions including fully identifiable participants, which can also be represented alone or in an abbreviated portion of the larger composition. Therefore, work as "symbolic" referents to the content and meaning were embodied in the major theme and identified as such by Moche People (Bawden 1996:25). Likewise we can interpret reed boats and crescent boats, as part of two different and new scenes in Moche depictions, the Burial Scene and the Spiral Navigation Scene Narrative, where boats played an important role transporting the Priestess who was in charge of the blood goblet. The relationship between them is based on the Priestess, and they might belong to a brotherhood therefore appearing as a group represented by the Net Shirts, figures wearing net shirts and a tiered item of attire extending down his back, appearing as a group on the burial scene (Cordy-Collins 1999:17-33). The same type of personage appears again on the reed boats and crescent boats. Other objects that are similar in boat representations are the jars that appear on the burial scene and an odd oblong object. Possibly both objects are brought to the grave by the net shirts (Donnan and McClelland 1979:7). These changes can also be seen on the reed boats occupants in Group 1, where the female occupant has the attributes of the Priestess, the feathers and clothes, and then in the Group 2 where the female occupant holds a goblet or an open bag. The perception of the ocean may have changed into a place where prisoners and cargo are being transported (Hocquenguem 1999:65). Maritime scenes may illustrate actual rituals just like other rituals in which religious dignitaries act out the myths of Moche society in order to reaffirm social foundations and continuity (Bawden 1996:75). If these rituals were actually performed as demonstrated in the archaeological evidence (Bourget 2005:89109; Castillo 2005:307-332; Verano 2005:111-125), the maritime scenes might therefore also leave an archaeological record. It does not seem that reed boats were involved in long distance trade for sumptuary goods. 6 �However they may have been involved in transporting guano12 from the islands offshore, a valuable resource as a fertilizer, the Chincha Islands being the largest of these islands groups, located on the southern Peruvian cost and possibly visited by the Moche (Bawden 1996:41-51; Kubler 1948:29-50); or perhaps Spondylus Princeps, Strombus Galeatus, important in rituals and ceremonies and found in archaeological contexts associated with those activities along the North Coast region (Bawden 1996:42; Shimada 1987:133144). In spite of this, we haven’t found any Moche fine line paintings depicting boats transporting such goods. The fall of the Moche society is associated with a catastrophic Niño13 event by 800 A.D. and this might be the reason for the change of Moche depictions to marine related scenes (Donnan and McClelland 1999:184-185), and the change in the perception of the sea (Hocquenguem 1999:65), where propitiatory rituals involving the safe transport of prisoners to offshore islands and high status individuals required a different and more complex system of navigation like the reed boat. Finally, differences between the reed boats, of Group 1 and 2, in the type of cargo they carry, could be easily explained as a simplification of a greater scene, as a referent of a greater meaning. Moreover those changes and the distortion of the representations follow the same path as Phase V pottery. Therefore the absence of evidence of an actual reed boat and the argument that only a few representations seem to depict a larger boat carrying cargo and prisoners (Makowski 2006:10-11) is not a strong argument against the existence and use of complex boats. Conclusion Reed boats and Crescent boats, as two representations of a single specific type of marine vessel capable of transporting cargo, prisoners and/or liquid containers, is possible. However the characteristics and activities are quite distinctive from previous representations. It is also clear that both reed boats and crescent boats are part of the same context of transporting blood offerings to/from the islands where they will be engaged in a larger ritual of sacrifice or burial. It is also clear that most of the ceremonies, rituals and objects depicted in Moche iconography have a real counterpart that has been found over the last two decades, suggesting that reed boats could be found in the archaeological record. Secondary data (Bawden 1996:75,77,79,101-102) other sources suggests firstly, that fishing communities were particularly separate from other groups, keeping their own identity and costums and secondly, that the reed boat tradition was related to Moche rituals and 12 Guano is the excrement of seabirds and seals found in the offshore islands of the Peruvian coast. It is an effective fertilizer due to its high levels of phosphorus and nitrogen (Shimada 1994:45-46) 13 El Niño events is a frequent long-term impact event that commence in Christmas season involving drastic changes in the marine environment of the Andean cost. Is a disruption of the prevailing currents and associated climatic conditions. This change can devastate the marine life interrupting the normal flow of nutrients and microorganism that support the prolific Peruvian coastal food chain. The phenomenon also affects the land by heavy precipitations; this brings several flooding’s causing widespread destruction (Bawden 1996:58). 7 �replaced by a northern balsa log raft tradition as well. Therefore looking for reed boats in burials has proved to be the wrong approach to the problem. Consequently, it would be feasible to find archaeological evidence of reed boats closer to the shore and islands, either on land or underwater. In that sense it would be likely to find archaeological evidence close to the main site where the reed boat depictions come from, and also where Moche presence has been reported in offshore islands. Moreover, it would be necessary to cross-reference with information such as sea currents and possible ports to identify a possible navigational route. Bibliography Alva, W., 2004 Bourget, S., 2005 Bawden, G., 1996 Bawden, G., 2004 Castillo, L., 2005 Sipán: Descubrimiento e Investigación, Edición del autor, Lima. "Rituals of Sacrifice: Its Practice at huaca de la Luna and Its Representation in Moche Iconography", in (ed.) J. Pillsbury, Moche Art and Archeology in Ancient Peru, Yale University Press, New Haven, London. The Moche, Blackwell, Oxford. "The Art of Moche Politics", in (ed) Helaine Silverman, Andean Archaeology, Blackwell, Malden. "The Last of the Mochicas: A View from the Jequetepeque Valley", in (ed.) J. Pillsbury, Moche Art and Archeology in Ancient Peru,, Yale University Press, New Haven Cordy–Collins, A., "La sacerdotisa y la Ostra: Queda resuelto el enigma 1999 del Spondylus?", in A. Cordy-Collins, et. al., Spondylus: ofrenda sagrada y simbolo de paz, Fundación Telefonica, Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera, Lima. Donnan, C.B., "Noche Masking Traditions", in (eds) Steve Bourget 2008 and Kimberly L. Jones, The art and archaeology of the Moche : an ancient Andean society of the Peruvian North Coast, University of Texas Press, Austin. Donnan, C.B., and "Finding the tomb of a Moche Priestess", in Castillo L.J., Archaeology 45, 6, pp.38-42 1992 Donnan, C.B., and "Excavaciones de tumbas de sacerdotisas moche en Castillo L.J., San José de Moro, Jequetepeque", in (eds.) Santiago 1994 Uceda, Elías Mujica, Moche : propuestas y perspectivas : actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la Cultura Moche, Trujillo, 12 al 16 de abril de 1993 / -Trujillo : Universidad Nacional de la Libertad; Lima : IFEA : Asociación Peruana para el Fomento de las Ciencias Sociales. Donnan, C.B., and The burial theme in Moche iconography, Dumbarton McClelland, D., Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, Washington. 1979 8 �Donnan, C.B., and Moche Fineline Painting: Its evolution and Its Artists, Los Fowler Museum of Cultural History, UCLA, Angeles. McClelland, D., 1999 Hocquenghem, "En torno al Mullu, Manjar Predilecto de los Poderosos A.M., Inmortales", in A. Cordy-Collins, et. al., Spondylus: 1999 ofrenda sagrada y simbolo de paz, Fundación Telefonica, Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera, Lima. Kubler, G., “Towards Absolute Time: Guano Archaeology”, in 1948 American Antiquity, XIII, 4, pp.29-50. Larco Hoyle, R., Cronología arqueológica del norte del Perú, Sociedad 1948 Geográfica Americana, Buenos Aires. Makowski, K., "Orígenes Rituales de la Navegación en el Perú", in 2006 Gaceta Cultural del Perú,no. 22. McClelland, D., "A Maritime passage from Moche to Chimu", in (eds.) 1990 M.E. Moseley, A. Cordy - Collins, (Organizers) M. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M.E. Moseley, The Northern dynasties: kingship and statecraft in Chimor: a symposium at Dumbarton Oaks, 12th and 13th October 1985, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C. Rowe. J., "Absolute Chronology in the Andean Area", in American 1946 Antiquity, Vol 10, pp 265-284 Shimada, I., Pampa Grande and the Mochica Culture, University of 1994 Texas Press, Austin. Shimada, I., "Horizontal and Vertical Dimensions of Prehistoric 2005 Status in Northern Peru", in (eds.) J. Hass, S. Pozorsky, T. Pozorsky, The origins and development of the Andean state, Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. Verano, J., "War and Death in the Moche World: Osteological 2005 Evidence and Visual Discourse", in (ed.) J. Pillsbury, Moche Art and Archeology in Ancient Peru, Yale University Press, New Haven. 9 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Pre Hispanic Navigation: Iconographic Evidence in Moche Fine Line Painting Subject The topic of the resource Session 11 Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas Description An account of the resource Navigation in pre-Hispanic times in the Andean region has been a topic of discussion among researchers for years. Different sources of information lead us to believe that at least one type of marine craft was in use and involved in long distance trade at the arrival of the Spaniards. However, the debate surrounding earlier periods is stronger due to the lack of evidence in archaeological records. Most evidence consists of iconographic or sculptural depictions on pottery; wall friezes; and, ultimately, references gathered by chroniclers – but not a single remain of any kind of vessel. This situation has lead researchers to believe that marine crafts like the “Caballito de Totora” (“reed horse”) were just simpler tools without any further development. However, one particular type of watercraft represented in the Moche iconography apparently contradicts this idea, the “reed boat”. Moche fine line paintings portray this particular type of vessel, which differs from the traditional “reed horse” vessel, and seems to be capable of holding considerable cargo and occupants. Although the use of totora constitutes the oldest tradition for constructing rafts and boats along the coast and in the Titicaca region, unfortunately, as mentioned above, there is no evidence of such rafts or boats in the archaeological record apart from the iconographic depictions. In spite of this, we suggest that “reed boats” represented a real boat just as other real Moche characters were represented in their iconography, such as the “Lord of Sipan” or “The Priestesses of San Jose de Moro”. Moreover the reed boats were a technological innovation, which filled particular needs to perform rituals in times of ecological distress and to procure certain sumptuary items. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carlos Ausejo Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 11 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/985784694be97847b3193fe9e35472b2.pdf a03b5891136c4deb2d2215b0af13b756 PDF Text Text Pre-Hispanic Navigation in the Andean Region Carlos Ausejo Centro Peruano de Arqueología Marítima y Subacuática (CPAMS) Lima18 Perú Email: causejo@cpams.org.pe Abstract Offshore and inland waters in the Andean region were crossed by boats of various types made of different materials. These were related mainly to fishing activities, but also were involvedin long-distance trade of luxury goods, rituals, passengers and even war.Construction technologies and development of these vessels varied depending on available resources and the capacity of societies to solve navigational problems. In that sense a variety of types and forms of vessels have been identified, and although not all boats are "complex" as the Europeans, it is clear that they evolve and had changes over time that perfected them.Despite this plentiful of technologies, the archaeological record of actual watercraft is almost nonexistent. As a result the approach to these technologies is through other evidence as the iconography fund on pottery, textiles and wall friezes, as well as sculptural referencesnot to mentionreferences recorded by Spanish chroniclers and ultimatelypost- Conquest survivals.The aim of this paper is to recount these technologies through indirect evidence and elaborate some hypotheses about the use and success of the same in the pre -Hispanic Andean world and its survival after the conquest. Keywords: Prehispanic, Navigation, raft, boat, andean Introduction The Peruvian coastal environment consists of two related ecological zones, the Pacific Ocean with its adjacent shoreline and the river valleys that wind through the coastal desert creating linear oases. The coast of Peru, due to its complex natural environment generates a constantly renewed of marine food supply. The source of this large supply is the Peruvian Coast Current, also known as Humboldt Current, which is the easternmost segment of the counter clockwise circulation of the Pacific Ocean (Bawden, 1996). The archaeological evidence for the Middle Archaic (6000-3000 BC1) in the Andean area allows us to think that sedentary groups develop in the Andean valleys and the slopes each with their own neolithisation process. These societies 1 �depended on mixed economies however the coastal ones placed greater emphasis on the extraction of marine products (Shady, 2003b). The particular richness of the Peruvian coast allows the subsistence of larger groups of people and early complex coastal societies in pre-ceramic times as suggested by Moseley. Evidences of these can be found in Caral, Supe, and other sites, from the same period such as Huaynuna, Las Haldas, Ancon and La Paloma (Bearez and Miranda, 2003).Ever since the large marine resources could support the development of early complex societies, an increasing amount and more efficient marine exploitation was critical causing the development of new technologies to go further into the sea and complement the shoreline exploitation. Shellfish, Sea Mammals, Fish, and later the guano from off shore islands and long distance trade of sumptuary items, require a constant evolution and specialization on, fishing hooks, fishing nets and ultimately marine vessels (Rostworowski, 1989). Evidences for navigation The invention of floating devices in pre-Hispanic times is not a matter of discussion even though the lack of direct archaeological evidence of such devices. All evidences related with ancient navigation are based on historic and etnohistorical references, experimental archaeology and indirectarchaeological evidences such as iconography, models and artifacts. All of these sources face their own validation problems and subsequent debate. From all these sources it is clear that along the Andean region rafts of different complexity were the principal navigation tool, with the exception of the reed boat for Moche2times in the northern coast and Titicaca Lake3 (Ausejo, 2011). Archaeological evidence Actual rafts or boats have been elusive for archeologists, however the best evidence for them can be seenin a collection of wooden raft models found in southern Peru and northern Chile dated to the Late Intermediated Period (1000 – 1350 AD), belonging to the Chiribaya culture. The models are found on individual burials as burial offerings among others (Ortiz,2003). 2 �Other evidences are depictions of seafarers on mud friezes and sculpture or painted pottery. Depictions of seafarers on friezes are very rare, however Huaca Las Balsas, part of the Tucume complex in La Leche valley, dated prior to the arrival of the Chimu rule over the area shows a frieze (2.20m x 1.60 m) with two reed boats or rafts, each with two figures holding oars or paddles(Heyerdahl, 1995).Another wall frieze shows a similar depiction with four figures, two over a balsa log raft and two divers collecting spondyllus shell (Vicente Cortez, personal communication). The balsa raft appears to have sails. Likewise Mochefineline paintings on pottery show navigation depictions with complex reed boats (Ausejo, 2011). Besides the Moche other societies also represented navigation related representations such as the Sican, Chimu and Chancay (Cordy-Collins, 1990). The final archaeological evidence, which implies navigation, is the presence of archaeological remains in the off shore islands during the extraction of guano4 on the second half of the XIX century. The most interesting finds are wooden figures representing nude seated prisoners associated with Moche pottery (Kubler 1948). For San Lorenzo Island in the central coast, extensive cemeteries with complex burials have been reported, as well as hunting and fishing stations (Hudtwalcker and Pinilla, 2006). Historical Records The body of these records is composed by the chroniclers’ accounts, administrative and judicial documents and travellers’ accounts from the XVIII and XIX century. Despite the variety of information available from them, these records must be used with care and analysed critically; the chronicles, -texts written by Spanish observers- where written at a time when the indigenous people were seen as idolaters or sub-humans, therefore the preconceptions preclude any reasonable understanding of the Andean culture (Bawden, 1996). The earliest report come from Fray Bartolome de las Casas, around 1512, provided by the son of a Kuna5 chief telling about people from a rich kingdom, other than the Spaniards navigating with ships or vessels a little smaller using sails and paddles (Heyerdahl, 1995). The second and more famous report is from 1527, by Bartolome Ruiz, Pizarro’s pilot, aboutthe encounter with a little vessel tacking northward against 3 �the Northern current. The vessel was already passing the Ecuador when the Spaniards following the current southward into unknown waters intercepted it (Heyerdahl, 1995). Evidently the balsas were still in use and even of importance at the arrival of the Spaniards and during the rule of the Incas (Heyerdahl, 1995). Therefore some chroniclers and administrative documents refer to times before and during the Inca’s rule. An account classified as historical, but without references, is the naval battle fought by Atahualpa, who allied with the Curaca of Tumbes to declare war against the Puná Island. Having been defeated and wounded, Atahualpa withdrew to Quito and Tumbes was conquered and burned by the Curaca of Puná. That is why Pizarro changed the name of Tumbes to Puerto Quemado (Burned Harbour) (Rostworowski, 1999).Another account is related with a brief conversation between Pizarro and Atahualpa he asked the Inca ruler why the Curaca of Chincha was carried on a stretcher, and he responded that it was a very good friend and great man of the coast, and he had available a hundred thousand rafts at sea (Hocquenguem, 1999; Rostworowski, 1989) The most interesting and controversial document is a manuscript file, called “Aviso”, from the Royal Palace of Madrid; the document mention that before the Inca expansion, the Chincha lordship had thirty thousand farmers divided in twelve thousand farmers, ten thousand fishermen and six thousand "traders in the Indian way", each with reasonable wealth (Rostworowski, 1999). They used two routes, a land to highland, from Chincha to Cusco and Collao and another maritime, on rafts to Mantas and Puerto Viejo in Ecuador (Rostworowski, 1989).The controversy is because Rostworowski interpret the “traders in the Indian way” as merchants engage in maritime long distance trade and therefore the use of boats capable of long distance travel, such as described byBartolome Ruiz of the raft and the specificity of the contentssimilar to those referred in the “Aviso”(Rostworowski, 1989). Etnohistorical Evidence The Incas, as well as other previous societies, didn’t have a writing system, so they rely in oral tradition to keep records of their history. The Spaniards later recorded these Story’s or legends during the earlier years of the conquest or later. Therefore just like the historical records, and because they refer to events several years before the arrival 4 �of the Spaniards, legends recorded by the chroniclers must be use with discretion and critically. The northern coast of Peru before the Inca rule in the area have two foundations myths about the Chimu, very similar with each other but with different port of arrival, Naylamp arrives to Lambayeque and Tacaynamo to Trujillo (Rostworowski 1999). On either case the myth refers to a group capable of navigation systems and probably long distance traffic. Miguel Cabello de Balboa describes Naylamp arrival to the Lambayeque valley (Ravines, 1980):"The natives of Lambayeque say, that in ancient times who cannot number them, came from the northern part of this Piru with large fleet of rafts with a father of campaigns, a man of great value and quality called Naylamp and brought many concubines, but the principal wife was called Ceterni, brought within his company many people who as captain and leader were following him, but what was the most valuable among them were officers who were forty ... " (Cabello Balboa, [1576] 1951: 327-330). Another myth, in this case referred to the God Viracocha, is of particular interest. The God after finishing the creation of the world leaves to Ecuador, apparently Manta or Puerto Viejo, and embarks with his servants into a sea voyage without return (Hocquenguem, 1999). In the case of the Inca’s we found only two specific stories specifically related with Tupac Yupanqui, an Inca ruler several years before the arrival of the Spaniards.The first story is related with the use of balsa log rafts in the tributaries of the Amazons River transporting large number of soldiers and people with success. The second, and the famous, is his journey into the Pacific Ocean to the legendary islands of Auachumbi and Nina Chumbi. Apparently by the experimental use of balsas it seems that the islands referring in the Tupac Yupanqui story are Easter Island (for Ninachumbi) and Kava (for Avachumbi) according with the information of distance and direction provided by Sarmiento (Heyerdahl 1995). What’s more interesting is the references in Polynesian manuscripts noted by Sir Peter Buck, about a visitor in Mangareva called Tupa, and also tells that Tupa before going back to his country told them it was a vast land full of people and ruled by powerful kings (Heyerdahl, 1995). 5 �Type of Vessels In this section we’d like to discuss and define the type of navigation vessels use at the time and before the arrival of the Spaniards. The main problem we face typifying and defining marine, as well as lake or river, vessels is that some writers, weather is a reed or balsa log boat, use the term “Balsa” “Boat” or “Raft” indifferently to any kind of marine or water vessel they encountered and reported (Cordy-Collins personal communication). So to keep clear the terms we will use the definition of raft as a nonwatertight made of individual floating elements (McGrail, 1985). Although all pre – Hispanic vessels can be describe into this definition, we’ll make one exemption with a specific reed craft, called Tule Boat (Cordy Collins, 1972), or Reed Boat (Donnan and McClelland, 1979), found only in iconography depictions. The differences between a raft and a boat are base in comparisons with similar complex reed crafts use nowadays in the Titicaca Lake. After reviewing the available resources of information we can identify at least five types of vessels define by their building materials. Gourd Rafts The simplest vessel is made of gourds tied to each other, although it isn’t mentioned it should have some kind of simple deck; apparently it was used to cross rivers in flood seasons or particular coastal rivers with a constant and high flow the whole year (Rostworowski, 1981). Such is the case of the Santa River, south of Chao, the longest and mightiest of coastal rivers. Since the sixteenth century, is mentioned as “the greatest river, the toughest of these valleys and plains, it is cross using ugly rafts of gourds called mates ... " (JudioPortugués, 1958: 27 in Ravines, 1980) Skin Raft Another simply vessel is made with sea lions skins inflated as floating devices, they are reported between Ica, in Peru, and San Antonio, Chile (Paez 1986). This practice has been lost in the whole area, however in 1958 Hans Niemeyer reported one last man who remembered the construction technique of these vessels. The construction was simple, made of two inflated sea lion skins tied together with leather straps. A set of beams connected the skins, and over them wooden planks formed a simple deck (Rostworowski, 1981). A single person seated or kneeing with a double bladed paddle 6 �manned it. These raft were use for fishing, carrying goods and passengers, as well as Niter Paez, 1986). Balsa Log Raft The balsa logs vessels are the most common type of deep - sea vessel found by the Spaniards (Fig. 1 - 4). These traditions cover an area that includes Ecuador, Peru and northern Chile (Valdivia 1974). They are made of thick long logs of balsa wood (Genus Ochroma) tie together with ropes. Figure 1:Wall frieze of balsa log raft at Huaca Las Figure 2: Wall frieze of balsa log raft with sail and Balsas, northern coast of Perú. (Photo by: Vicente divers at Huaca Las Balsas, northern coast of Perú. Cortez) (Photo by: Vicente Cortez) Figure 3: Modern balsa log raft at mancora, Figure 4: Modern balsa log raft at mancora, northern coast of Perú. (Photo by: Ericka Cicchini) northern coast of Perú. (Photo by: Carlos Ausejo) The logs are always in odd numbers, being the middle log the longest, and over them other logs as crosspieces to tight the construction. Over the logs a framework of canes was laid and provisions and cargo were kept in an elevated cabin to protect it from the 7 �sea washouts (Heyerdahl, 1995).The balsa logs vessels size seem to be variable, but most accounts reveal that could carry a considerable cargo in men and horses and also carried stone anchors resembling millstones on the deck (Heyerdahl, 1995). Two different kinds of sails were use with the balsa log vessel: First, the lateen or triangular sail, as reported by Fernandez de Oviedo; and second, the square sail on a double mast, both types survived until modern times. The square sail on a bipod mast is also found in reed vessels on the Titicaca Lake (Heyerdahl, 1995). One last technology to note on the balsa logs vessels, and perhaps the more interesting is described first by the Dutch admiral Spilbergen about the use of broad boards inserted vertically in the cracks of the logs. The “Guaras” was system use called by the Figure 5:Totora Raft known as “Caballito de Totota” o “Totora indigenous people for deep Reed Horse”. (Photo by: Vicente Cortez) sea navigation. But it was in 1736 when two Spanish naval officers, G. Juan and A de Ulloa, describe in a better way the guara system and their advantages (Heyerdahl, 1995): “Hitherto we have only mentioned the construction and the uses they are applied; but the greatest singularity if this floating vehicle is that it sails, tacks, and works as well in contrary wind as ships with keel, and makes very little leeway. This 8 �advantages derives from another method of steering than by a rudder; namely, by some boards, three or four yards in length, and half a yard in breadth, called guaras, which are placed vertically, both at the head and stern between the main beams, and by thrusting some of them deep in the water, and raising others, they bear away, lift up, tack, lay to, and perform all the other motions of a regular ship.” Reed Raft The raft is a single or double manned vessel made of a reed fiber called Totora (ScirpusCalifornicus), it grew in abundance in marshes and lakes, natural or artificial, along the coast (Rostworowski, 1981) and It is also known in modern days as “Caballito de Totora” or Reed Horse (Fig. 5). They seem to had different characteristics according to the area, for example Huanchaco, north coast, have only the bow pointed upward and turn up; in Lurin, central coast, three bundles were made with the central bundle being slightly longer than the others. In the case of Moche and Chimu ceramics representation they seem to have both pointed ends upwards (Rostworowski, 1981). Strong continuities of this tradition exist, as shown by the survival of the “Caballito de Totora” in the north coast, and have been convincingly shown through ethnographic research into modern and recent societies of the north coast region (Bawden, 1996). Reed Boat This type of boat can only be seen at the Titicaca Lake nowadays (Fig. 6). This particular reed craft, although by definition might be considered as a raft, will be considered a boat in this paper. It consists of massive bundles of Totora forming a high floating hull (although it’s not empty and not watertight), over the “hull” the surface is dry and protected contrary to the washed surfaces of rafts. Depending on the size it could carry several people as mentioned by Cobo which described that major balsas were made over gathering reeds bundles on which they could sail up to twelve people and when they were joined two it was able to carrying cattle and beasts (Rostworowski, 1981). Larger boats can be made by sewing two of these and have a second deck made of lighter cane as well as sails. This is the type of craft being represented in Moche pottery as double deck reed boats capable of transporting cargo and in some cases passengers (Cordy-Collins, 1999; Ausejo 2011). This boat building tradition didn’t 9 �survive in the coast like it did in the Titicaca Lake probably replaced by the balsa log vessel tradition (Ortiz, 2006) However, it is unclear yet the origin of this construction technique in the Titicaca lake. Nevertheless complex reed crafts have proven to be worthless for long distance sea travels during the voyage made by Gene Savoy in 1969 from the Salaverry port in Peru to (Rostworowski, 1981). Figure 6:Totora read boat in Lake Titicaca, southern highlands, between Perú and Bolivia. (Photo by: Vicente Cortez) Conclusion As we can see societies in the Andean region successfully developed different types of watercraft using available resources for construction and adapted for different activities. Although archaeological evidence has been hard to find or identify most of these traditions are still alive as proof of their efficiency and success. This paper is a summary of most watercraft known for the Andean region and as such it’s an invitation for further research in the topic. We still have the great question of where can we find these vessels in the archaeological record, and then for every type of vessel we still have unanswered questions like when and where the sail appeared. Or why the reed boats disappeared in the northern coast, etc. The topic is broad and we haven’t even looked at the watercraft traditions in the Amazon basin. Acknowledgements 10 �I’d like to thank the organizing committee of the 2014 APCONF, especially to Hans Van Tilburg and Veronica Walker, and the session presenters, for making possible this session. Endnotes 1. Georgian Calendar designation that starts at year one, from the birth of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, with every year since added by one. 2. Between 400 B.C. and 600 A.C. (Rowe, 1945) 3. The Titicaca Lake is located in the border of Peru and Bolivia in the Altiplanic region. 4. Guano is the excrement of seabirds and seals found in the offshore islands of the Peruvian coast. It is an effective fertilizer due to its high levels of phosphorus and nitrogen (Shimada, 1994) 5. The Kuna lived in northern Colombia and the Darien region of Panama at the arrival of the Spaniards (Bartolomé and Barabas,2004). 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Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos: Instituto de Investigación Tecnológica Industrial y de Normas Técnicas. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M., 1981. Recursos naturales renovables y pesca, siglos XVI y XVII. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M., 1989. Costa peruana prehispánica. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Rostworowski, M., 1999. Intercambio Prehispánico del Spondylus. In: Cordy-Collins, A., Rostworowski, A., Hocquenghem, A., Pillsbury, J. 1999. Spondylus: ofrenda sagrada y símbolo de paz. Lima: Fundación Telefónica, Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera. Rowe. J.,1946. Absolute Chronology in the Andean Area.American Antiquity. Vol 10: 265-284 Shady, R., et al. 2003a. Los orígenes de la civilización en el Perú: el áreaNorcentral y el Valle de Supe durante el Arcaico Tardio. In: Shady, R., Leyva, C. (eds). La Ciudad Sagrada de Caral – Supe: Los orígenes y la formación del Estado Prístino en el Antiguo Perú. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura – Proyecto Especial ArqueológicoCaral – Supe: 93-100 Shady, R., 2003b. El sustento económico del surgimiento de la civilización en el Perú. In: Shady, R. and Leyva, C. (eds). La Ciudad Sagrada de Caral – Supe: Los orígenes y la formación del Estado Prístino en el Antiguo Perú. Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura – Proyecto Especial ArqueológicoCaral – Supe:101-106 13 �Shimada, I.,1994. Pampa Grande and the MochicaCulture.Austin: University of Texas Press Valdivia, L., 1974. Pesca de arrastre con balsas en playa de Arica. RevistaChungara N˚ 4:55-60. Biography Carlos Ausejo is an archaeologist specialized in underwater archaeology, since 2006 he has taken part on several underwater Archaeology Projects in Peru. In 2009 he finished his degree in Maritime Archaeology at University College London, and in 2010, with other colleagues he founded the “Centro Peruano de ArqueologíaMarítima y Subacuática” (CPAMS). He is currently working as general manager at Hatunqucha, a CRM company that specializes in underwater and public archaeology, and also as Director at the (CPAMS), and part time professor in archaeology at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 14: Pre-Hispanic Navigation Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 14 Chair Carlos Ausejo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Navigation was not unknown in the Americas, at the Spaniards arrival different kind of vessel were in use both in the Pacific and the Atlantic shores, as well as in lakes or rivers. Canoe, reed rafts, balsa log raft and others skin based watercraft have been described mainly on historical records and gave us an idea of this technologies. Although it is clear that long and short distance maritime trade routes were in use and watercraft were also involve in war activities and other maritime activities, archaeological evidence related with actual boats has been elusive to find. Still some of these traditions have survived time and in use with some changes and others were incorporated to European navigation traditions. During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent. The aim of this session is to show research advances on this topic mainly in the Pacific shores and inland waters through different perspectives up to the Spanish arrival. It will focus primarily in the Andean and Mesoamerican region, however other regions would be accepted. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carlos Ausejo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Pre-Hispanic Navigation in the Andean Region Description An account of the resource Offshore and inland waters in the Andean region were crossed by boats of various types made of different materials. These were related mainly to fishing activities, but also were involvedin long-distance trade of luxury goods, rituals, passengers and even war.Construction technologies and development of these vessels varied depending on available resources and the capacity of societies to solve navigational problems. In that sense a variety of types and forms of vessels have been identified, and although not all boats are "complex" as the Europeans, it is clear that they evolve and had changes over time that perfected them.Despite this plentiful of technologies, the archaeological record of actual watercraft is almost nonexistent. As a result the approach to these technologies is through other evidence as the iconography fund on pottery, textiles and wall friezes, as well as sculptural referencesnot to mentionreferences recorded by Spanish chroniclers and ultimatelypost- Conquest survivals.The aim of this paper is to recount these technologies through indirect evidence and elaborate some hypotheses about the use and success of the same in the pre -Hispanic Andean world and its survival after the conquest. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carlos Ausejo, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/16/2014 Asia-Pac Session 14 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/167845435431d0e11a9c6cfcbce5c821.pdf 35043b80c0f8652a8ab01976aed09ee7 PDF Text Text Prehistoric Community, Maritime Interaction, and the Development of Southeast Asian Shipbuilding: A Case Study from Material Cultures Discovered in Thailand Sira Ploymukda1 1 Center of Maritime Archaeology, University of Southampton, UK. Corresponding Author - sp2u14@soton.ac.uk ABSTRACT Southeast Asian people have been involved in maritime interaction since prehistoric times. Although Neolithic archaeology in mainland Southeast Asia revealed that people might have sailed in open seas for marine resource gathering, second century Before Common Era (BCE) watercrafts were considered the oldest empirical evidence of sailing in the Thai-Malay peninsula. Elsewhere in the Bronze-Iron Age of Southeast Asia, there was an adoption of bronze-iron production technology. This was confirmed by the presence of bronze drum crucibles from Nong Nong Hor, Thailand, and the geographical distribution of third century BCE iron smelting sites in northern Thailand. Shipwrecks made from local and foreign building techniques dating back to approximately the second century BCE have been found in the Thai-Malay peninsula. This research is designed to provide supported evidence with regards to the approach that, apart from an intensive cross-continent maritime interaction in the early stages, by integrating technologies, cultures, and materials of prehistoric communities played an important role in the development of Southeast Asian shipbuilding. To achieve the research question, boats, boat burials, dugout coffins, bronze-iron tools, and material culture from bronze-iron production sites, as well as ethnographic research in Southeast Asia, have been accounted for. As a result, the study confirms Southeast Asian people were skilled craft specialists as they made use of simple metal implements for their carpenter work. Further, insights in either boatbuilding or bronze and iron production also yield an understanding of relevant factors of cultural development within the Thai-Malay peninsula. Keywords: Southeast Asian shipbuilding, Shipwright tools, Iron-bronze age, Traceology LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS PKK Pak Khlong Kluay KSK Khao Sam Khaew PKT Phu Khao Thong LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: A sample image of preserved identification at the Pak Khlong Kluay Shipwreck 1. INTRODUCTION In Southeast Asian waters, archaeological research at the Kok Phanom Di and Nong Nor sites revealed a large number of marine resources during the Neolithic period at around 4,500 BP (Higham 2004, 42). Linguistic studies by diffusionism point out that the massive cross-ocean migration of Neolithic people who speak Austro-Asiatic and Austronesian languages into mainland Southeast Asia was done using watercraft (Bellwood 2004, 29). However, it can be argued that at this moment, there is no empirical evidence of a pre-Metal Age Southeast Asian ship older than around the second century BCE (Ploymukda 2020, 57). Moreover, the development of Southeast Asian shipbuilding has usually been linked to maritime contacts when the region played an important role in establishing maritime trade networks (Kimura 2022, 99). Although ancient port sites in the Thai-Malay peninsula have developed within this 1 �period, as well as the presence of shipwrecks dated to the second century BCE (Ploymukda 2020, 57; Bellwood et al. 2007, 16; Kimura 2022, 98), questions can be proposed, such as what factors should be counted as major considerations in Southeast Asian shipbuilding development. This paper intends to expand an understanding of how metal tools contributed to the development of Southeast Asian shipbuilding technology during the transition from prehistoric to historical periods. 2. METHODOLOGY This paper concerns the integration of multi-disciplinary subjects in maritime archaeology. First, mainland Southeast Asian archaeological records and publications during the metal period and early-stage settlement at around the second century BCE had been assessed, and historical archives were reviewed. Secondly, an investigation into ethnographic resources provides many aspects of shipbuilding sequences and tools among people who can be traced back through their language use and their unique sea trail culture through time. Furthermore, a comparative study between samples of actual tools recovered from ancient port sites and the traceology of tools from shipwrecks has been done simultaneously. Traceology, the study of preserved tool marks from shipwrecks, wood, and timber, might provide insights into the measurements of the marks, angle of marks, direction of marks, and depth of marks (Maragoudaki 2017, 236). The discipline aids archaeologists in identifying or reconstructing types, dimensions, and functions of shipwrecks (Maragoudaki and Kavvouras 2012, 205-207). However, this paper presents only reviews of specific sites and time scales from the Metal Age to early-stage settlement within the Thai-Malay peninsula. The results from traceology will be confined to the basics such as shapes, dimensions, and functions. The results beyond these points will be mentioned in the future, as the research is still being developed at this moment. 3. RESULTS 3.1 Southeast Asian shipbuilding from prehistoric-protohistoric communities In northern Vietnam, a fifth century BCE (Before the Common Era) Vietkhe boat-shaped coffin has been discovered. The coffins and associated finds revealed a link between the coffin and the Dongson culture (Van Liem 2007, 117- 119). Moreover, the Dongxa boat burial also in Northern Vietnam illustrated the recycling of the dugout boat by turning the actual boat into a coffin. Significantly, a boat dated to 200 BCE represents the use of a mortise and tenon joint with a peg at its’ gunwale edge (Bellwood et al. 2007, 16- 17). Another example of pegged mortise and tenon can be found in the second century BCE planked boat discovered in 2019 at the Pak Khlong Kluay (PKK) site in Ranong province, Thailand. The boat has been found near the ancient port site called Phu Khao Thong (Ploymukda 2020, 42; Kimura 2022, 100). Both the port site and the ship shared the same chronological order. The ship featured 10cm width x 24cm height x 2cm thickness tenons with 2- 2.5cm diameter pegs. Moreover, wood identification revealed that all ship components have been made from Southeast Asian wood species (Ploymukda 2020, 49-50). Despite the idea of wood jointing by mortise and tenon, as can be seen from the Han Dynasty architecture in China (Jiao 2007, 1021-1022), the mortise and tenons do not show the exact same characters compared to the boat joints (Bellwood et al. 2007, 19). 2 �The PKK joinery seems completely matched to the technique in various shipwrecks in the Mediterranean region as well as the Han dynasty boat in at Wei River in Shaanxi, China (Shaanxi Academy of Archeology 2015, 3). The joinery and tools have been depicted in terrestrial sites, for example, the Tomb Ti Saqqara dated to the twenty-fifth – twenty-fourth century BCE in Egypt (McGrail 2015, 4-5), the Khufu I boat burial deck house (Cheops), (Lipke 1984, 106; McGrail 2015, 5; Ward 2004, 14), The Mersa/Wadi Gawasis timber from around the nineteenth century BCE, (Ward and Zazzaro 2010, 27), in Egypt. Moreover, the fourteenth century BCE Uluburun shipwreck has a pegged mortise and tenon technique adopted for its plank fastening (Bass 1986, 270; Pulak 2012, 870). This technique in the Mediterranean lasted until around the seventh century CE and was used in many shipwrecks. For example, Kyrenia (fourth century BCE) (Katzev and Swiny 2019, 8), Ma’agan Mikhael (fifth century CE), (Kahanov, Doherty, and Shalev 1999, 277-278), and Yassi Ada (seventh century CE) (Bass and Van Doorninck 1982, 4). 3.2 Tools from boat-shaped log coffin cultures In Mae Hongson, Thailand, boat-shaped log coffin culture and carpenter tools left marks in the shape of axes, adze, chisels, and picks (Shoocongdej 2014, 88) have been discovered within the site of a fifth century BCE – first century CE (Wannasri, Pumijumnong, and Shoocongdej 2007, 11-13; Gorman 1970, 93). These tools may have belonged to the people of log coffin culture who specialized either in woodworking skill or tool handling ability (Shoocongdej 2014, 75), as the coffins had been decorated by curving technique into animal figures (Anantawetayanon 1987, 53). They were produced by wrought iron that had been smelted by the direct smelting technique (Shoocongdej 2014, 90). Moreover, within the area of 50 km from where the boat-shaped log coffin culture settled, a massive cluster of 50 iron smelting sites were condensed at Li- Ban Hong Basin, Lamphun (Sukkasem 2022, 16). These sites consist of furnace constructions, waste smelting slags from the direct smelting process, and iron ores, which can be dated back to the third century BCE (Sukkasem 2022, 16). Another 230 BCE boat-shaped log coffin and iron implements had been detected inside the Ong Ba cave (Sorensen 1973, 138; Anantawetayanon 1987, 33). Iron implements have been found in the shape of an ax, adze, chisel, hack, and pick (Sorensen 1973, 159 163). Significantly, a fragment of the Heger type 1 Dongson drum has been found within the cave, which shows the possibility of either local bronze production (Sorensen 1973, 168), or internal contact within Southeast Asia. Even though Dongson’s iconic drums can be found across the region, some types of Dongson drums have been made locally. The crucible from the Non Nong Hor archaeological site matches perfectly with the actual drum found in the same area. These findings pointed out that commodities and metal production technology were transferred during the Bronze - Iron Age at around the third century BCE within Southeast Asia (Sanguanwong 2021, 48). 3.3 Tools from ancient port sites In 200 BCE, at the Khao Sam Kaew ancient port site in Chumphon, Thailand (Pryce, Bellina-Pryce, and Bennett 2006, 297), iron smiting slags were recovered from the excavation alongside 60 tools (Biggs et al. 2013, 312). The multiple shapes of Khao Sam Kaew’s tools made from iron and bronze implements consist of an axe, an adze, and a pick (Pryce, Bellina-Pryce, and Bennett 2006, 298 - 300). An in-depth study of the tool’s chemical identity reveals that the tools were made from direct smelting processes; thus, the tools might have been smitten at the site (Biggs et al. 2013, 326). It is important to note that at both the Khao Sam Khaew (KSK) and Khaosek sites, there have been fragments of bronze drums found within 3 �these ancient port sites (Pryce and Bellina-Pryce, 2017, 2; Pryce, Bellina-Pryce and Bennett 2006, 303 – 304; Murillo-Barroso et al. 2010, 1765). At the Phukhao Thong archaeological complex, a cluster of archaeological sites was identified as an ancient second-century BCE port site (Chaisuwan and Naiyawat 2009, 129 – 139; Kangked 2009, 126). The excavations revealed the mixing of local artifacts with foreign artifacts from India, Persia, and China (Kangked 2009, 49 – 50; Chaisuwan and Naiyawat 2009, 107). Apart from iron implements made from the direct smelting process, a nail has been recovered from the sites that were chemically analyzed. The result shows that the nail has been made of the supplied iron smelted in an indirect process (Biggs et al. 2013, 326). In the Khao Ta Plai (KTP) hinterland port site, the excavations reveal multiple periods of human occupation from 13,000 BP (Before the Present) to 2,230 BP (Bowonsachoti 2023, 53). The site consisted of numerous imported artefacts such as glass beads, stone beads, potteries, and iron implements in the shape of a chisel, knife, and pick (Bowonsachoti 2023, 4). 3.4 Sea Gypsies, boats, and tools Ethnographic research from living sea people, or sea gypsies, in this case referred to Moken, Moklen, and Urak Lawoi. Although they are people who live and spend most of their life at sea, they have their own culture, beliefs, lifestyle, and wisdom (Arunotai et al. 2006, 1-2). The significance of these sea gypsies has been confirmed by tracing their language, as they speak a branch of Austronesian and Austro-Asiatic language (Dancause et al. 2009, 86). Moklen’s boat (Kabang boat) is characterised by a distinctive notched bow and stern (Ivanoff and Bountry 2017; Hogan 1972, 222-223). The Moken made use of simple tools for boat building. The axe is one of the most multi-purpose tools, as it has been used for cutting trees, felling trees, splitting logs, plank shaping, and clearing pathways. Adze has been used for dugouts and shaping the timber by removing any waste or excess from the middle of the canoe. Notably, a side-folded adze has been used for trimming or smoothing the timber in the final phase of building. Although the Moken made use of measuring sticks and measuring lines, they invented their measuring system based on their body parts. For instance, arms, fingers, and the height of the body. Moreover, they also use tree leaves as an indicator for the log roasting process (Na Pompetch, Arunotai, and Bantaotook 2006, 17-29). To sum up, ethnography illustrated a clear vision of the process of boatbuilding and provided beneficial insights into the shipwright tool kit of the Thai-Malay peninsula. 3.5 Traceology of preserved marks At this stage of the research, the paper discusses preserved marks from one shipwreck, which is the PKK shipwreck. These marks provided rough details of tools as they depicted blade shapes, blade measurements, angles, dimensions, and locations (Maragoudaki and Kavvouras 2012, 200; Maragoudaki 2017, 239). 3.5.1 Pak Khlong Kluay shipwreck Adze marks featured a flat 4-5 cm, blade width and 0.5 mm depth. The angle of mark is remarkably noticeably less than ten degrees; this points out that the handling position of adzes is almost aligned side-by-side with the timber, which can be deduced that adzes function as the tool for smoothening in the finishing stage of building (See Figure 1 PKK1-2M5). Turning to the mark of the chisel, two different sizes of flat shape with 1 cm and 2 cm blade marks have been recorded. The marks showed that the tools had been handled vertically while the boat was built, as they left a 90-degree angle mark with 1.5-2 mm. 4 �depth of the wood. The function of a chisel with a narrow blade (1 cm) is to cut across the wood grain. For example, mortises require cutting deep holes (See Figure 1 PKK1-2M7). The wider chisel (2 cm) may function as a shaping tool or digging tool (See Figure 1 PKK1-2M2). Marks from gouges with a 5 – 1 cm blade have been detected around the peg holes (See Figure 1 PKK1-2M6). They have been specifically designed for hole-cutting purposes, as the trace showed gouge marks settled around only the rim of the peg hole. Figure 1: A sample image of preserved mark identification at the Pak Khlong Kluay Shipwreck, Thailand 4. DISCUSSION AND SUMMARY The paper raised the possibility of Southeast Asian shipbuilding development, which, although it could develop within the time period when Southeast Asians adopted iron production technology from either India or China through maritime contact. The integration of local and foreign technology through maritime exchanges should be included as a major consideration that pushed Southeast Asia to become a more complex society. This can be seen for many reasons, as follows: First, tools made of iron from the direct smelting technique were discovered within mainland Southeast Asia, showing that the production technique was considered comparable with an Indian iron smelting technique and an early-stage Chinese iron smelting tradition (Higham 2014, 198). 5 �However, the nail from the Phu Khao Thong (PKT) site has probably been linked to Chinese indirect smelting technology (Biggs et al. 2013, 326). Secondly, due to a lack of evidence on the development stage of bronze production in Southeast Asia, the bronze product showed a significantly high level of complexity at the beginning, which is considered an obvious indicator of an adoption of matured technology from China (Higham et al. 2011, 264). Throughout Southeast Asia, both bronze artefacts and their technology probably have been transferred, as bronze drums were distributed within the region. Simultaneously, bronze production in Thailand has been confirmed by crucibles from the Non Nonghor site in northeast Thailand (Sanguanwong 2021, 48). Furthermore, since the third century BCE, several iron production sites have been reported to exist within Thailand, such as the Mae-Lan, and Lamphun sites (Sukkasem 2022, 16). This can be roughly as follows: at least during the fifth century BCE, iron production technology has been adopted, regardless of its origins. Iron implements, boat burials, and boat-shaped coffins from log coffin cultures illustrate that the craft specialisation of highland people have been done by using just simple carpenter tools as coffin decorations but showing high woodworking quality (Shoocongdej 2014, 75). This means that iron implements have been widely built and used by prehistoric people in Southeast Asia for a long period of time, since at least the third century BCE. The proposal can be drawn that the development of bronze and iron production in Southeast Asia occurred a bit before or at the same time when the region fully stepped into the rich transoceanic exchange network since the second century BCE, as evidenced by the many ancient port sites found during this period (Pryce, Bellina-Pryce, and Bennett 2006; Chaisuwan and Naiyawat 2009; Bowonsachoti 2023; Kangked 2009). Somehow, foreign mortise and tenon shipbuilding techniques from the Dong Xa boat burial and PKK shipwreck have been considered indicators for maritime exchanges (Kimura 2022, 100). Wood identification pointed out that these ships have been constructed from Southeast Asian wood species (Ploymukda 2020, 42). This can be implied that Southeast Asian people integrated new imported boat building technology with simple tools and materials that had been taken locally, as they not only made use of watercrafts but were skilled carpenters and boat builders. The traceology from shipwrecks revealed that simple tool kits in the shape of an axe, adze, chisel, and gouge have been used in various shipbuilding sequences. This also supports the proposal for the development of shipbuilding technology within the region that there is no requirement for the use of advanced tools for shipbuilding technology in the early stages of Southeast Asia, as these simple tool kits adequately provide practical functions to serve either locally developed or adopted shipbuilding technology in cases of dugouts, and mortise and tenon. This can be seen from the similarity of the tool shapes that have been observed at different archaeological sites across the region. Furthermore, ethnography provided a reasonable perception of the tool’s function as it points out that sea people made use of simple tools for their boat building (Ivanoff and Bountry 2017; Na Pompetch, Arunotai, and Bantaotook 2006, 17-18). This might indicate the integration of cultures, wisdom, insights, materials, and technologies of people who settled in mainland Southeast Asia during the early stages of settlement. 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Ward, Cheryl, and Chiara Zazzaro. “Evidence for Pharaonic Seagoing Ships at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, Egypt.” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 39, 1 (2010): 27–43. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.2009.00229.x. 9 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Prehistoric Community, Maritime Interaction, and the Development of Southeast Asian Shipbuilding: A Case Study from Material Cultures Discovered in Thailand Description An account of the resource Southeast Asian people have been involved in maritime interaction since prehistoric times. Although Neolithic archaeology in mainland Southeast Asia revealed that people might have sailed in open seas for marine resource gathering, second century Before Common Era (BCE) watercrafts were considered the oldest empirical evidence of sailing in the Thai-Malay peninsula. Elsewhere in the Bronze-Iron Age of Southeast Asia, there was an adoption of bronze-iron production technology. This was confirmed by the presence of bronze drum crucibles from Nong Nong Hor, Thailand, and the geographical distribution of third century BCE iron smelting sites in northern Thailand. Shipwrecks made from local and foreign building techniques dating back to approximately the second century BCE have been found in the Thai-Malay peninsula. This research is designed to provide supported evidence with regards to the approach that, apart from an intensive cross-continent maritime interaction in the early stages, by integrating technologies, cultures, and materials of prehistoric communities played an important role in the development of Southeast Asian shipbuilding. To achieve the research question, boats, boat burials, dugout coffins, bronze-iron tools, and material culture from bronze-iron production sites, as well as ethnographic research in Southeast Asia, have been accounted for. As a result, the study confirms Southeast Asian people were skilled craft specialists as they made use of simple metal implements for their carpenter work. Further, insights in either boatbuilding or bronze and iron production also yield an understanding of relevant factors of cultural development within the Thai-Malay peninsula. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sira Ploymukda Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Ploymukda, Sira . 2023. “Prehistoric community, Maritime Interaction, and the development of Southeast Asian shipbuilding: Case study from material cultures discovered in Thailand.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Bobby C. Orillaneda, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1952 Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/da154ba2b3e3912f4f06212f4c3ace65.pdf 4a25e1d4ec099176701fde633d4ccf0e PDF Text Text Preliminary analysis of the early handheld guns recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines, c.1400 – c.1600 NM Austero1,2, BC Orillaneda1, LM Neri2 1 2 Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Division, National Museum of the Philippines School of Archaeology, University of the Philippines, Diliman ABSTRACT This study presents seven early handheld guns also known as “handgonnes” or hand cannons recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines. In this paper, three guns HHG-001, HHG-002, and HHG-003, feature shorter and stubby barrels with prominent reinforced sections, bulbous breech regions, and flared muzzles. The flared muzzles of these guns are typical of a blunderbuss type and or dart-firing guns of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The remaining handheld guns HHG-004, HHG-005, HHG-006, and HHG-007, on the other hand, are tapered gun barrels without prominent reinforcement rings, and unflared muzzles that are probably designed for a single bullet and long-range firing. The smallest unflared muzzle gun HHG-005 measures only 39.1 cm long with a 1.31 cm bore diameter. While HHG-007 is the heaviest with a prominently thick gun barrel probably designed to withstand more powder charges. Compositional analysis using Portable X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy showed that most of these guns were made of leaded tin bronze alloys. Comprised mainly of 37.77% to 83.57% copper, 3.11% to 22.41% tin, and 0.87% to 47.72% lead with other trace elements including arsenic, bismuth, nickel, and manganese, among others. The discovery of these guns in various merchant ships such as those of the Santa Cruz, Pandanan, and Lena Shoal shipwrecks is clear evidence of their use by the early seafaring merchants. The use of pXRF also revealed traces of possible black powder elements such as sulphur and potassium thereby suggesting the actual usage of these guns that warrants further investigation. Despite their size and offensive functions against pirates and crews of enemy ships, firing them would have been intimidating. Keywords: Seagoing firearms, handheld guns Lists of Figures Figure 1. Early handheld guns with flared muzzles. Figure 2. Early handheld guns with unflared muzzles. Lists of Tables Table 1. Early handheld guns recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines with their gun lengths and bore diameters. Table 2. Percent composition of major and minor elements of the seven early handheld guns using portable X-Ray Fluorescence analysis. INTRODUCTION Small artillery pieces are among the few of the vast number of archaeological materials discovered from most of the maritime and underwater sites in the Philippines. The archaeological excavation of the San Diego shipwreck in Fortune Island, Batangas for example, yielded thousands of lead musket balls, along with a few corroded iron pieces, barrels of rifles, harquebuses, and spring shots (Reverseau 1996; Alba et al. 1993; Alvarez 1992; Conese 1992; Cuevas 1992). San Diego was a Manila galleon sunk by the Dutch ship Mauritius during their naval battle on December 14, 1600. Interestingly, historical accounts have mentioned the vessel’s long-range, large artillery became inconsequential as the fighting occurred onboard using hand-to-hand combat, thereby employing small firearms such as harquebuses and rifles along with the other handheld weapons (Desroches et al. 1 �1996). Several projectiles and small caliber firearms were also discovered in other shipwreck sites in the country. These early handheld guns served as pieces of evidence that provide insights into how these firearms were possibly manufactured and used onboard the merchant vessels plying the seas during the pre-colonial period of the Philippines. The case studies discussed here include significant guns from the Pandanan, Lena Shoal, and Santa Cruz shipwrecks. First is a bronze early handheld gun from the Pandanan shipwreck, a middle to late fifteenth century Southeast Asian merchant vessel (see Orillaneda 2016a, 2016b; Tanaka and Dizon 2011; Dizon 1996, 1994; Peralta 1996; Cuevas 1995; Alba 1995). Second, are five early handheld guns, recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck, a possible Chinese-Southeast Asian hybrid junk that sank around 1490 off the island of Busuanga in the Philippines (see Orillaneda 2016a; Dizon 2003; Conese 1997; Goddio 2000; Lopez-Martin 2002). The third and final is a bronze early handheld gun from the Santa Cruz shipwreck, a possible late fifteenth to early sixteenth century hybrid ship of the South China Sea Shipbuilding Tradition (see Orillaneda 2016a, 2016b, 2012, 2008). In this study, compositional analysis using Portable X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy (pXRF) aimed to reveal the materials used in manufacturing these guns. Moreover, the discovery of these guns on board merchant ships such as those of the Santa Cruz, Pandanan, and Lena Shoal shipwrecks suggests their usage by early seafaring merchants. Hence, the use of pXRF also aimed to determine possible evidence of their usage. METHODOLOGY Seven early handheld guns were measured to determine length, width, diameters, and calibers: HHG-001, HHG-002, HHG-003, HHG-004, HHG-005, HHG-006, and HHG-007. The gun length was measured with rulers, tape measures, and a digital caliper (Fujiwara) with a nominal accuracy of ± 0.01 mm. The terms hand cannon and hand gonne and sometimes handgonnes or handguns are already used interchangeably in the past referring to the early small-caliber handheld guns (e.g. Peralta 1996). To avoid confusion, the abbreviation HHG for “handheld guns” were used to code each artifact from HHG-001 to HHG-007. X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy Analysis The composition analysis of the early handheld guns was conducted using portable X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy (pXRF) of Olympus Vanta C Series Philippines with rhodium and tungsten anodes at 50 KeV. The analysis was conducted at the Lithics Laboratory of the University of the Philippines School of Archaeology (UPSA). For guns, HHG-001, HHG-002, and HHG-003, the data/spectra were recorded for approximately 180 s directly at the surfaces of the tiller, bulbous region, barrel, and muzzle. For guns HHG-004, HHG-005, HHG-006, and HHG-007, the spectra were also recorded for approximately 180 s on the surfaces of the tiller, the reinforcement region, the barrel, and the muzzle. Additionally, spectra were also recorded for approximately 180 s on the surfaces of the touch holes, handles, sights, and 5th reinforcement rings for all the guns where applicable. RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS This paper presents the early handheld guns recovered from the Pandanan, Lena Shoal, and Santa Cruz shipwrecks as shown in Table 1. These guns were categorized into two groups based on their possible usage: 1) close-range guns – these guns feature shorter and stubby barrels with prominent reinforced sections, bulbous breech, and flared muzzle regions, including HHG-001, HHG-002, and HHG-003; and, 2) long-range guns – these guns feature relatively longer and tapered gun barrels without prominent reinforcement rings, and unflared muzzles probably designed for a single bullet and long-range firing, including HHG-004, HHG-005, HHG-006, and HHG-007. 2 �Table 1. Early handheld guns recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines with gun lengths and bore diameters. Gun lengths (cm) Sample Code Shipwreck Site HHG-001 Pandanan Shoal HHG-002 HHG-003 Bore Diameter (cm) Barrel Chamber Tiller Total 2.37 19.3 5.2 2.6 27.1 Lena Shoal 2.51 20.9 7.6 4.8 33.3 Lena Shoal 3.26 20.8 5.4 9.2 35.4 2.33 40.2 12.7 8.2 61.1 9.0 4.1 39.1 3.2 64.8 3.9 60.7 Lena Shoal HHG-004 Len HHG-005 Lena Shoal 1.31 26.0 HHG-006 Santa Cruz 2.08 45.2 16.4 Len HHG-007 Lena Shoal 2.78 40.4 16.4 Descriptions of the Guns Early Handheld Gun No. 1 (HHG-001) Recovered from the Pandanan shipwreck, this gun (Fig. 1, left) was thought to belong to small caliber cannons such as the lantakas and rentakas among others as most of its features are typical of the early handheld guns (Peralta 1996). The gun is about 27.1 cm long with a 2.37 cm bore diameter with prominent reinforcement rings. The tiller at the rear end is approximately 2.6 cm in length with only about 1.2 cm deep socket. This is too shallow to hold the tiller firmly without falling off, suggesting the gun was probably stocked-mounted (Peralta 1996). Wooden tillers, however, were mostly secured by iron straps or slotted into the end of the breech (Lepage 2005). Houston and Stroyan (2014) also described a similar hand cannon fired with a trestle-like stand. In that case, the tiller no longer needed to carry the entire weight of the gun; instead, it served as a handle when the cannon tube became too hot to hold after firing several shots (Lepage 2005). The flared muzzle of the gun is also indicative of other small caliber cannons such as a blunderbuss type and or dart-firing guns of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries CE (Lopez-Martin 2002; Peralta 1996; Powell 2010, 1095). Early Handheld Gun No. 2 (HHG-002) This gun is approximately 33.3 cm in length with a 2.51 cm bore diameter, recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck (Fig. 1, middle) (Lopez-Martin 2002). Similar to HHG-001, it is a muzzle-loading gun with prominent wide bands of reinforcement rings from the tiller toward the muzzle (see Lopez-Martin 2002). Also similar to HHG-001, its flared-shaped muzzle is indicative of dart-firing guns used from 1464-1496 CE on China’s interior frontiers and in merchant junks against pirate attacks (Lopez-Martin 2002, Powell 2010, 1095). The rear end is also fixed with a tiller of about 4.8 cm in length with a 2.0 cm deep socket, probably deep enough to hold the wooden tiller attachment without falling off. In contrast to the HHG-001, however, this gun was also fixed with a “lug” or handle to add ease in handling and or aiming targets. 3 �Figure 1. Early handheld guns with flared muzzles: HHG-001 (left), recovered from the Pandanan shipwreck (IV-1993-V-1152), with prominent reinforcement rings and a “lug” probably as the gun’s rear sight; HHG-002 (middle), recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck (IV-93-H-2901) with prominent reinforcement rings and a handle; HHG-003 (right), recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck (IV-93-H-4011) with prominent reinforcement rings. Early Handheld Gun No. 3 (HHG-003) This gun is approximately 35.4 cm in length with a 3.26 cm bore diameter and was recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck (Lopez-Martin 2002). Similar to HHG-001 and HHG-002, it is a muzzle-loading gun with prominent wide bands of reinforcement rings and a flared muzzle (Fig. 1, right). Flared muzzles of early handheld guns were intended to scatter the shots at close range and to ease loading (DK Publishing 2006, 247). However, HHG-003’s flared muzzle is narrower compared to those of the HHG-001, and HHG-002, thereby suggesting this gun is probably more effective when shot from a distance. Moreover, the rear end is also fixed with a prominent 9.2 cm tiller socket and a “lug” or handle to add ease in handling and or aiming targets. 4 �Early Handheld Gun No. 4 (HHG-004) This handheld gun measured about 61.1 cm long with approximately 2.33 cm bore diameter, also recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck (Fig. 2a) (Goddio 2000). The barrel is slightly tapering towards the muzzle with a maximum diameter of 3.7 cm and a minimum diameter of 3.1 cm. The vent or the touch hole is located approximately 19.7 cm centimeters from the rear end with a simple spherical reinforcement. The stock or tiller socket at the rear end is prominently longer, measuring about 8.2 cm, suggesting a firm attachment of a wooden tiller. The remains of a possible wooden tiller can still be seen attached inside the rear end socket proposing that the gun was not stock-mounted. Early Handheld Gun No. 5 (HHG-005) This gun was also recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck, measuring about 39.1 cm long with approximately 1.31 cm bore diameter (Fig. 2b). The barrel is slightly tapering towards the muzzle with a maximum diameter of 2.0 cm and a minimum diameter of 2.2 cm. The vent or the touch hole is located approximately 4.2 centimeters from the rear end with a simple leaf-like or diamond shape design. The stock or tiller socket at the rear end is relatively longer, measuring 4.1 cm also suggesting a firm attachment of a wooden tiller. A tiny sized-gun can surely be easier to aim and fire. Early Handheld Gun No. 6 (HHG-006) The early handheld gun recovered from the Santa Cruz shipwreck is similar to the gun recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck, HHG-004. This gun is the longest, measuring about 64.8 cm long with approximately 2.08 cm bore diameter (Fig. 2c). The larger barrel is also slightly tapering towards the muzzle with a maximum diameter of 3.58 cm and a minimum diameter of 2.84 cm. The touch hole is approximately 3.2 cm centimeters from the rear end with a leaf-like or diamond-shaped reinforcement. The remains of the tiller socket at the rear end seem to have been broken, measuring only about 3.2 cm. The tiller socket was possibly longer for a firm tiller attachment. Early Handheld Gun No. 7 (HHG-007) This gun is the heaviest and largest of all five guns recovered from the Lena Shoal shipwreck (Fig. 2d). It measures about 60.7 cm long and has a 2.78 cm bore diameter. The gun barrel is relatively thick, about 1.71 cm, which is probably designed to withstand more powder charges to propel a relatively bigger caliber bullet. The touch hole is approximately 3.9 cm centimeters from the rear end with a leaf-like or diamond-shaped reinforcement similar to that of HHG-006. The tiller socket is also short, suggesting a need for reinforcement straps and or added support stand when firing. A similar gun of Chinese origin from the fourteenth to fifteenth centuries was also found in the Molucca Sea in the Dutch Indies (McLachlan 2010). 5 �Figure 2. Early handheld guns with unflared muzzles: HHG-004 (A), recovered from the shipwreck (IV-93-H-0342) with a tapered gun barrel; HHG-005 (B), recovered from the shipwreck (IV-93-H-3417) with a tapered gun barrel; HHG-006 (C), recovered from the shipwreck (III-2001-Z-NA) with a tapered gun barrel; HHG-007 (D), recovered from the shipwreck (IV-1993-H-NA) with a relatively thick gun barrel and of a higher caliber. 6 Lena Shoal Lena Shoal Santa Cruz Lena Shoal �X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy (XRF) Analysis Results from compositional analysis using pXRF revealed most of these guns were primarily a ternary alloy of Cu, Pb, and Sn (e.g. Pollard and Liu 2023). Comprised mainly of 37.77 percent to 83.57 percent copper, 3.11 percent to 22.41 percent tin, and 0.87 percent to 47.72 percent lead with other trace elements including arsenic, bismuth, nickel, and manganese, among others (Table 2). Pollard and Liu (2023) also noted that the sum of all three metal components of ternary alloys is usually around 98 percent. Our research, however, provided a range between the sums of 94.20 percent to 98.38 percent. Table 2. Percent composition of major and minor elements of the seven early handheld guns using pXRF. Percent Composition of Elements (Barrel) Sample Code Cu Sn Pb As Bi Ni Mn OE 0.05 0.01 1.04 0.09 0.03 1.31 0.88 0.09 0.04 0.74 22.41 22.4095 HHG-001 40.71 31.76 0.26 2.89 1.91 22.4095 22.4095 HHG-002 83.57 12.65 0.87 11.31 4.59 0.45 0.59 HHG-003 81.75 0.88 14.70 HHG-004 74.91 8.77 <LOD 0.66 0.06 0.02 0.07 0.02 1.30 <LOD <LOD 0.01 1.59 <LOD 0.03 0.01 1.59 0.83 HHG-005 HHG-006 HHG-007 77.81 14.31 5.40 37.77 8.71 47.72 47.48 3.11 47.05 0.26 4.20 0.82 Note: Copper (Cu), Tin (Sn), Lead (Pb), Arsenic (As), Bismuth (Bi), Nickel (Ni), Manganese (Mn), and Other Elements (OE). 7 �Interestingly, the use of pXRF also revealed traces of possible black powder elements thereby suggesting the actual usage of these guns and warranting further investigation into firing guns and recording residue. Trace amounts of sulphur and potassium were recorded on the surfaces of the muzzle and tiller of the early handheld gun HHG-001. Traces of sulphur were also recorded on the surfaces of the touchhole, handle, and muzzle of the early handheld gun HHG-003. These results further showed the importance of gunpowder and its use in most seagoing firearms (e.g., Kozari and Vizy 2013; McLachlan 2010; Khan 2004; Andaya 1992). The discovery of the early handheld guns from the shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines affirms the use of seagoing firearms. Records on the use of these light guns against pirates and crews of enemy ships were already known in merchant ships as early as the fourteenth century (Lepage, 2005). Their discovery onboard various merchant ships such as those of the Santa Cruz, Pandanan, and Lena Shoal shipwrecks is clear evidence of their use by the early seafaring merchants. Despite their size and offensive functions against pirates and crews of enemy ships, firing them would have been intimidating (McLachlan 2010; Lepage 2005). Acknowledgment We would like to thank the National Museum of the Philippines (NMP) through the Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Division (MUCHD) and the UP School of Archaeology (UPSA) of the University of the Philippines, Diliman for their unwavering support for this research. The Department of Science and Technology – Grants-in-Aid Program (DOST-GIA) for Biak na Bato, Bulacan Project for the portable X-Ray Fluorescence (pXRF) instrument used during the conduct of this research. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alba L. “Pandanan Underwater Archaeological Project Report. Pandanan Island, Balabak, Palawan. Third Preliminary Report.” National Museum of the Philippines, (1995):1-6. Andaya LY. “Interactions with the Outside World and Adaptation in Southeast Asia.” In The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia from early times to c. 1800, edited by N. Tarling, 345-395. Singapore, Cambridge University, 1992. 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British Museum Press, London. 1997. “Underwater and Maritime Archaeology in the Philippines.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, (2003), 31(1/2): 1-25. DK Publishing. “Weapon: a visual history of arms and armour.” New York, Dorling Kindersley Linited, 2006. Goddio F, Pierson S, Crick M (Eds.). Sunken treasures: Fifteenth-century Chinese ceramics from the Lena Cargo. London: Periplus Publishing London Limited. 2000. 8 �Honasan A. “The Pandanan Junk.” In The Pearl Road: Tales of Treasure Ships in the Philippines, edited by Loviny, 13-23, 1996. Khan IA. “Early use of Cannon and Musket in India: A.D. 1442-1526.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 24, 2 (1981): 146-164. Keith DH, de Bry J. “Artillery.” In La Belle, The Archaeology of a Seventeenth-Century Ship of New World Colonization, edited by Bruseth, A&M University Press, Texas, 2017. Kelly J. “Gunpowder. Alchemy, Bombards, & Pyrotechnics: The History of the Explosive that Changed the World”. Basic Books (2004): 3-18. Kozari J, Vizy S. “The development of infantry firearms and its impact on army tactics.” Acta Acad. Agriensis, Sectio Historriae XLI (2013): 185-195. Lacsina LSP. “The Santa Cruz Underwater Archaeological Exploration: The Sixth Progress Report”. National Museum of the Philippines (2004): 1-6. “The Santa Cruz Underwater Archaeological Exploration: The Seventh Progress Report.” National Museum of the Philippines (2005a):1-4. “The Santa Cruz Underwater Archaeological Exploration: The Eighth Progress Report.” National Museum of the Philippines (2005b): 1-4. Lepage JGG. “Medieval Armies and Weapons in Western Europe. An Illustrated History.” North Carolina, McFarland and Company Inc., (2005): 248-266. Lopez-Martin J. “Cannon.” In Lost at Sea: The strange route of the Lena Shoal junk, edited by Goddio F, Pierson S, Crick M, 239-241. Periplus Publishing Limited, London, 2002. McLachlan S. “Medieval Handgonnes. The First black powder infantry weapons.” Osprey Publishing, (2010): 82 Pp. Orillaneda BC. “The Santa Cruz Underwater Archaeological Exploration: A Field Report.” National Museum of the Philippines, (2004a), 1-8. “The Santa Cruz Underwater Archaeological Exploration: A Progress Report.” National Museum of the Philippines, (2004b), 1-4. “The Santa Cruz Underwater Archaeological Exploration: The Second Progress Report.” National Museum of the Philippines, (2004c), 1-5. “The Santa Cruz Underwater Archaeological Exploration: The Third Progress Report.” National Museum of the Philippines, (2004d), 1-8. “The Santa Cruz Underwater Archaeological Exploration: The Fourth Progress Report.” National Museum of the Philippines, (2004e), 1-5. “A Brief Report on the Sharing of the Santa Cruz Shipwreck Ceramic Artifacts.” National Museum of the Philippines, (2005), 1-2. “The Santa Cruz, Zambales Shipwreck Ceramics: Understanding Southeast Asian Ceramic Trade during the Late 15th Century C.E, ” Master’s thesis, University of the Philippines, Diliman, 2008. “Of Ships and Shipping: The Maritime Archaeology of the Fifteenth Century CE Southeast Asia.” In Early Navigation in the Asia-Pacific Region. A Maritime Perspective, edited by Chunming Wu, 29-57, Singapore: Springer Science + Business Media, 2016a. “Maritime Trade in the Philippines During the 15th Century CE.” Mousssons 27 (2016b): 83-100. “The Santa Cruz shipwreck excavation: A reflection on the practice of underwater archaeology in the Philippines.” In Innovation and adaptation: Marine archaeology in Southeast Asia, edited by Noel Tan, 86–102. Singapore: Asian Civilisations Museum, 2012. Peralta JT. “Anatomy of a Shipwreck: Archaeology of the 15th-century Pandanan Shipwreck.” In The Pearl Road: Tales of Treasure Ships in the Philippines, edited by C. Loviny, 63-94. Mandaluyong, Philippines: Asiatype and C Loviny, 1996. Pollard AM, Liu R. “Predicting bronze casting recipes in Ancient China: ternary copper-lead-tin alloys and the “unit sum problem”.” Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences (2023): 15:55. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-023-01747-y Powell J. (Ed.). Weapons and Warfare, revised version. California, Salem Press. 2010. Reverseau JP. “Weapons: Small arms.” In Treasures of the San Diego, edited by Desroches JP, Casal G, Goddio F., 192-197. Association Française d'Action Artistique, Paris, 1996 Tanaka K, Dizon Z. 2011. “Shipwreck Site and Earthenware Vessels in the Philippines: Earthenware vessels of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site.” The MUA Collection, (2011), 1-11, http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1234 (Accessed December 27, 2021). 9 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 23: Collections-based Research Subject The topic of the resource Session 23 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 23 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Preliminary analysis of the early handheld guns recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines, c.1400 – c.1600 Description An account of the resource This study presents seven early handheld guns also known as “handgonnes” or hand cannons recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines. In this paper, three guns HHG-001, HHG-002, and HHG-003, feature shorter and stubby barrels with prominent reinforced sections, bulbous breech regions, and flared muzzles. The flared muzzles of these guns are typical of a blunderbuss type and or dart-firing guns of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The remaining handheld guns HHG-004, HHG-005, HHG-006, and HHG-007, on the other hand, are tapered gun barrels without prominent reinforcement rings, and unflared muzzles that are probably designed for a single bullet and long-range firing. The smallest unflared muzzle gun HHG-005 measures only 39.1 cm long with a 1.31 cm bore diameter. While HHG-007 is the heaviest with a prominently thick gun barrel probably designed to withstand more powder charges. Compositional analysis using Portable X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy showed that most of these guns were made of leaded tin bronze alloys. Comprised mainly of 37.77% to 83.57% copper, 3.11% to 22.41% tin, and 0.87% to 47.72% lead with other trace elements including arsenic, bismuth, nickel, and manganese, among others. The discovery of these guns in various merchant ships such as those of the Santa Cruz, Pandanan, and Lena Shoal shipwrecks is clear evidence of their use by the early seafaring merchants. The use of pXRF also revealed traces of possible black powder elements such as sulphur and potassium thereby suggesting the actual usage of these guns that warrants further investigation. Despite their size and offensive functions against pirates and crews of enemy ships, firing them would have been intimidating. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NM Austero BC Orillaneda LM Neri Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Austero, Nero M., BC Orillaneda, LM Neri. 2023. “Preliminary analysis of the early handheld guns recovered from shipwrecks plying the seas of the pre-colonial Philippines, c.1400 – c.1600.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Michelle Damian. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1917 Asia-Pac Session 23 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/19b6abb9f37e5d8b013f90d8faf75a8d.pdf 56461cb3b96b38e611cf8b5239a332ad PDF Text Text Preservation and Management of Underwater Archaeological Resources: Role of Agency Sunny O. Ngirmang and Calvin T. Emesiochel1 Abstract Underwater archaeological resources within the Republic of Palau (henceforth referred to as the Republic) cover a wide array of types from famous World War II wrecks, to Yapese stone money disks which sank to the bottom of the sea during their transport, and to traditional sites - which includes but not limited to semi-submerged docks/piers, fish traps, burials, and a sunken city mentioned in traditional folklore. These resources are protected under the Cultural and Historical Preservation Act (henceforth referred to as Title 19) mandated by the Palau Bureau of Arts & Culture (henceforth referred to as the Bureau). More specifically, Chapter 3 of Title 19 known as the "Palau Lagoon Monument" is exclusively reserved for all submerged and semi-submerged foreign vessels located within the Republic’s territorial waters. Tour agencies play a proactive role in monitoring the health and condition of the wrecks, report new site locations, and notifies the Bureau of possible looting activities. A Geographic Information System database maintained by the Survey & Inventory/Archaeology Section within the Bureau keeps an inventory of underwater sites obtained from earlier works plus data from affiliated tour agencies. This paper will examine the current situation within the Bureau and its subdivisions particularly the Survey & Inventory/Archaeology Section. It will provide detail of their efforts and goals, challenges, and gaps pertaining to the preservation and management of underwater archaeological resources. In addition, present case studies where the "Palau Lagoon Monument" clause was enacted. Lastly, we will discuss the measures and other aides available within the Bureau aimed towards assisting the state government establish medium-term goals for preservation and management plus effective long-term objectives beneficial for their state in terms of underwater cultural resources. Palau Island Brief History, Geography & Geology The Palau Island is the westernmost archipelago in the Caroline chain approximately 7 degrees North of the equator, consisting of six island groups totaling more than five hundred high and low islands (only 16 of which are inhabited) including World War II battleground of Peleliu and world-famous mushroom shaped rock islands. The inhabited islands of Palau including from north to south is Kayangel, Babeldaob, Koror, Peleliu, Angaur and the Southwest Island groups. Most of the Islands are encompassed in a barrier reef that stretches for approximately 105 kilometers except for the Southwest Islands Palau lies on a subduction zone causing Babeldaob, the largest island to submerge about a half millimeter per year. Consequently, it is hypothesized according to paleoenvironmental studies that the earlier colonization and settlement sites along the coast of Babeldaob are underwater (Dickinson and Athens 2007). More archaeological data are needed from other possible sites for examination and identification pending comparative analysis. The possibility to access other sites around 1 Bureau of Arts & Culture, Palau Historic Preservation Office, Koror, Republic of Palau 96940 �Palau Pg - 2 - of 8 Micronesia is needed for a further reexamination to cement together proposed hypothesis of early settlement and exclude others. Bureau of Arts & Culture The Bureau is a branch of the Palau National Government responsible for identifying, documenting, protecting, preserving and managing all cultural and historical resources within the Republic First established in 1978, then called the Division of Cultural Affairs and is presently the Bureau of Arts and Culture through Executive Order No. 203 since 2001, is a Palau governmental entity under the Ministry of Community & Cultural Affairs, which mandates a framework for the adequate protection of archaeological sites and tangible cultural resources (Emesiochel 2008:4). Additionally, the Bureau implements Section 106 of the US National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended. The Bureau helps in the implementation of acceptable historic preservation laws in the 16 states of the Republic of Palau. The Bureau receives funds from the Palau National Government and the Historic Preservation Funds from the U.S. National Parks Service, Department of the Interior. The Bureau has a total of 11 staff members. It operates with the advice and assistance from the 16-member Palau Historical and Cultural Advisory Board, 16-member Society of Historians, and 5-member Technical and Professional Review Committee. The mission of the Bureau is to protect and preserve all the Republic’s cultural and historical resources to enhance, enrich, and foster the Palauan heritage now and into the future. To achieve this mission, the Bureau had four main goals: First to preserve and foster cultural and historical resources for the benefit of Palauan people; Second, to preserve and educate Palauan tradition that are threatened with extinction; third, to protect cultural and historical resources from destruction; and finally, to preserve culture and tradition in the face of inevitable increasing foreign contact and interaction. A. Historical & Cultural Preservation Act 19 PNC § 102 Created in 1974, the Palau Historic Preservation Act (PNC Title 19) is administered by the Bureau that is intended to serve as the official inventory of all those historical sites and tangible cultural properties which are deemed of significance to the Palauan people and culture hence worth preserving, plus be protected from destruction and impairment. The Palau Register is the legal instrument to ensure that registered properties or properties that may be eligible, threatened by public or private development will be subject to comment and review in accordance with the procedures prescribed by law. 19 PNC § 134: Each state (and national government) reserves to itself the exclusive right and privilege of ownership and control over historical sites and tangible cultural property located on the lands and waters owned or controlled by the state. A.1 Survey, Inventory and Archaeology The Survey, Inventory and Archaeology Section are the leading responsible for the identification and inventoried of all cultural and historical resources within the Republic. �Palau Pg - 3 - of 8 To carry out this responsibility, we have divided our survey into three phases: First, Babeldaob survey, second, rock island survey then underwater survey. The basis of determining and prioritizing our survey in this way was based on economical, developmental, policy, as well as not enough staff, training and funding to do both surveys at one time. Especially Underwater Cultural Heritage that require more technical skills. Even though data haven’t input into the database, the information of underwater cultural heritage but we do have readily available hard copies that provide descriptive information including coordinates, maps, drawings, and photos. There are records of more than 60 wreck sites are submerged around the Palau lagoons. Some of these sites are very popular for tourist diving spots which are shown on the map. Diving tour companies are really strict as to preserve these sites for their own benefit. They usually report to our office as they found new wrecks or even suspicious action of looting. The issue of Geographic Information System (henceforth referred to as GIS) in Palau and future plan is to centralize a main information office that manages all data. Each government agency should be interconnected to the Information office and have their own GIS program they manage and provide data to the central office. This will allow all agencies to share and upload files from different agencies. But due to lack of funding, only few government offices and NGOs are able to acquire GIS program. Right now, the office of PALARIS - Palau Automated Land and Resource Information System is the office that has well trained and full GIS operation staff. This office is the one that supposedly be the central GIS information office. Short-term Goals • Revisit identified underwater archaeological sites/resources for further analysis of: site condition, assessment, and verification of information, and inventory • Identify immediate threat (deterioration, looting, etc) affecting underwater cultural resources • Develop community and local state government interest and collaboration Long-term Goals • Method of conservation and preservation • Establish a database for underwater archaeological sites/resources • Create a underwater cultural resources management plan to be implemented at the state and national level • Continuous management, protection, and preservation of underwater cultural resources This section assist in public education in “disseminating information and educating the public through presentations and site visits, in order to foster awareness and importance of protecting, preserving, and conserving our cultural heritage that is our national identity for our future generations” (Emesiochel 2008: 8). B. Palau Lagoon Monument 19 PNC § 306 It is hereby declared that it is a policy of the Republic to preserve forever historic landmarks, structures, and other sites and objects of significance to the Republic of the Trust Territory situated within the jurisdiction of the Republic for the inspiration and benefit of the people of the Republic. �Palau Pg - 4 - of 8 All ships, other vessels and aircraft, and any and all parts and contents thereof, which formerly belonged to or were part of the armed forces or commercial fleet of Spain, Germany, Japan, and the United States or any other nation, which were sunk to or otherwise deposited on the bottom of the Palau Lagoon and its territorial waters, subject to applicable salvage laws, shall be and hereby are set apart as monuments which shall be collectively called the Palau Lagoon Monument. The administration, protection, and development of the monument shall be exercised under the direction of the President of the Republic or his duly authorized representatives. The strictness of this law, give us enough time to seek assistance and trainings to accomplish the survey and inventory of the underwater cultural heritage of Palau. In order to convict someone for violating the Palau Lagoon Monument, the government must prove that the individual (1) removes, appropriates, damages, or destroys (2) ships, other vessels or aircraft (or parts thereof), which formally belonged to the armed forces or commercial fleet of any nation and which are at the bottom of the Palau lagoon. C. Types/Categories of Underwater Cultural Resources The most notable types of UCH sites within the Republic are the WWII wrecks located mostly in the Southern Lagoon. There are more than 60 WWII ship and aircraft wrecks sites in Palau. The wrecks sites are popular tourists dive spots. Tourists who decide to dive the wrecks are educated in the types of ship, ship content, and their components. Captain Wilson’s shipwreck of 1783 off the Coast of Ulong Island is also a well-known site. The Antelope shipwreck site is under the control of the Koror State Government. Some of the ship’s remnants can be seen during low tide. Other UHC sites are locally known by the form of myths and folklore for instance is the sunken City of Ngibtal. Fish trapping sites, stone docks/piers, underwater burial sites, and submerged landmarks are known UCH sites which are found in different parts of Palau – all are protected under Title 19. Other known but not fully documented is the numerous Yapese stone money disks which sank to the bottom of the sea during their transport from Palau to Yap. These large stones or “megaliths” were quarried in Palau by Yapese islanders prior to European contact (Hazell and Fitzpatrick 2006:12). During their several hundred kilometers of oceanic voyage to Yap, some vessels transporting the money disks capsized, leaving a trail of money disks from several trips on the ocean floor. It is not yet certain where exactly these money disks are located. There has yet to be a full documentary, mapping, and surveying of the Yapese stone money disks under the waters of Palau. Recent work by Scott M. Fitzpatrick in the management and protection of the quarry sites provides the opportunity for the local communities in Palau and Yap to take lead in the preservation of such sites. The proposed management plan covers sites located inland. Sites or money disks underwater are also given the same amount of attention and protection it deserve once the sites have been identified. One of Palau’s local community leader and well-known scuba diver Francis Toribiong takes lead in the advocacy and protection of UCH sites in the Republic. �Palau Pg - 5 - of 8 As part of public education and outreach, the Bureau in collaboration with Palau Visitors Authority, the Belau National Museum, and local state government aims to promote community awareness on the types of underwater cultural heritage. From the shipwrecks to sunken city and to the Yapese megaliths, Palau aims to increase the fascination and value into the preservation and conservation of UCH sites. D. Tourism, location, and accessibility Palau was the headquarters of the Japanese command in Micronesia and was heavily fortified by the Japanese in the years leading up to WWII in the Pacific. Malakal Harbor was a major forward supply base for Japanese shipping. On March 31, 1944 U.S. dive-bomber strikes from aircraft carriers Yorktown and Bunker Hill, of Carrier Task Force 58 destroyed over 50 warships and airplanes of the Japanese Imperial Forces, making Palau's western lagoon their final resting place. Most of the wrecks are located within a few minutes of Sam's Tours dive center and remain in excellent condition for diving. Each year in March, Sam Scott of Sam's Tours hosts Palau Wreck Week to mark the anniversary of the sinking of the Japanese fleet. WWII shipwreck sites are mainly located in Palau’s Southern Lagoon in Koror, the states of Peleliu and Angaur and other sites around the coast of Babeldaob. Most of Palau’s dive shop, naming for instance Sam’s Dive Tour offer services, kayak, and dives to the WWII wrecks. Provided in the tour, the dive operator educates the tourist basic information of the wreck. There are 10 popular wreck dive sites which Sam’s Tour takes their clients for diving. Accessibility to the sites is not restricted; tour operators can freely access the wreck for photo taking, kayak, and other recreational activities. E. Current legislation, Preservation and Management of Underwater cultural resources Aside from PLM, local conservation legislations and regulations pertaining to the protection and management of UCH sites are very minimal. The permits or MOA’s administered by the office of the President of stipulations of the management and treatment of UCH sites are only created in the event such salvage, research, etc arises. With the exception of Title19 and PLM, the Protected Areas Network Act (henceforth referred to as PAN) and the Micronesia Challenge established in 2007 aims to protect not only terrestrial cultural heritage but up to 20% of marine areas including where such UCH sites are located. Since there is not a definite line where the 20% occupies, it would be logical to deduce that such percentage be broken accordingly to where high concentration of UCH sites are found. Included in the 20% however should be reserved also for the protection and preservation of high marine biodiversity areas. To be protected under PAN, local state government endorses the PAN Act and agrees to the stipulations and guidelines under PAN to ensure full resource safeguarding. In turn, the sites designated by the states as PAN sites are eligible for funding and other opportunities for the effective management of the sites. Local state governments take full responsibility in the protection of the UCH sites located within their municipal boundaries. Such legislation, rules and regulations or guidelines must address the proper protection, monitoring, and research around the areas. Special cases such as the salvage of a particular vessel or parts thereof will be �Palau Pg - 6 - of 8 under the unified consensus and understanding between the foreign entity, the state government, and the President with the cooperation and guidance from the Bureau. F. Threats The ever changing climatic changes, erosion, and oil spills are potential yet inevitable threats to marine cultural heritage. The supposed submerged landscape such as the City of Ngibtal is prone to heavy silt erosion due to development projects inland. As Palau is eagerly searching for economic and financial stability during this present-day world financial crisis, Palau may explore other sources of renewable sources of energy such as water currents which could inevitably have serious impacts to UCH sites. The lack of or minimal legislation in place which specifies the integrity of UCH sites makes these sites at risk of improper handling and inadequate recording or data recovery. Salvage of particular artifacts, relics, or components of a UCH site when exposed to the elements may oxidize hence damage to the object. This possibility will hinder any salvage attempts but will not impede any foreign entity to reclaim their objects. The parts of some vessels of WWII ships are exposed during low tide. This exposure speeds up oxidation and the deterioration. More attention needs to be made from the administrative center in charge of and mandates UCH sites within the Republic. G. Status of Salvage Any foreign entity wishing to salvage parts of or contents of any submerged vessel shall comply with the provisions outlined in the rules and regulations of the Palau Lagoon Monument section of Title 19. A signed memorandum of agreement between the foreign entity and the Republic of Palau government must agree to the outlined stipulations in the memorandum. Usually before any salvage, proper research and documentation of the wreck site, the parts, and contents to be salvage are conducted. Salvage instances seldom occurs in Palau. The expense of research and data recovery rests on the foreign entity wishing to repatriate their artifacts. Entities wishing to repatriate goes through a series of negotiation with the Palau Government stating intention and the need of such artifacts being returned. H. Case Study Republic of Palau (plaintiff) v. Cameron James Avenell, Matthew Young, Richard Sumor, David Tansey, and Ian McCombie; ROP vs. Avenell, 13 ROP 272 (Tr. Div. 2006) Criminal Action No. 06-072 Mr. Cameron Avenell and Mr. Matthew Young, the remaining defendants where charged for removing pieces of artifacts from shipwrecks. These shipwrecks have been declared by low to be preserved as “Palau Lagoon Monument”. The Government charged the defendants for their conduct with counts based on the Palau Lagoon Monument Act. The divers took artifacts from Amatsu Maru wreck, Chuyu Maru wreck, Ryuku Maru wreck and an unidentified forth wreck. Amongst the artifacts found during the search resulted in the recovery of a porthole, a compass, a frame, lanterns, light bulb covers, and porthole frames. The artifacts were recovered from the Lionwind vessel operated by divers. �Palau Pg - 7 - of 8 Francis Toribiong and the Republic of Palau (plaintiffs) v. John C. Gibbons, Koror State Executive Administrator, et al. Civil Action No. 451-91; 24 September 1993 Plaintiffs allege that Koror Sate intends to dismantle or remove a World War II Zero fighter airplane which is located under the Palau lagoon at the depth of approximately sixty feet. They allege that such removal would violate the provisions of 19 PNC § 301 et seq. because the Zero is part of the Palau Lagoon Monument. The relief sought by the Plaintiffs is a declaratory judgment that Koror State may not remove or dismantle the Zero without complying with the Lagoon Monument Act and that it be permanently enjoined from the removing or dismantling the Zero unless it obtains a permit to do so pursuant to the Lagoon Monument Act. Plaintiffs have proven by a preponderance of the of the evidence that the airplane at issue herein is a Zero formerly a part of the armed forces of Japan and that is has been sunk or otherwise deposited on the bottom of the Palau lagoon. Section 304 of the Lagoon Monument Act requires that, before a person may gain access to a monument aircraft to examine it or gather objects from it, a permit must be obtained from the President of his duly authorized representatives. Similarly, section 306 provides for penalties for any person who removes such aircraft or any part thereof without first obtaining permission from the President. Koror State contends that it does not have to comply with the Lagoon Monument Act by obtaining a permit to gain access to or otherwise deal with the Zero because (1) under Article I, Section 2 of the ROP Constitution, Koror State is the owner of the Zero, and the owner can “do what he pleases with what he owns”; (2) the Republic of Palau’s regulatory power are limited by Koror State’s right to own and derive revenues from exploiting state resources; (3) the Lagoon Monument is unconstitutional as sought to be applied here because, without compensation, it takes away Koror State’s right to exploit and derive revenues from the Zero; and (4) absent regulations, the Republic of Palau has no rights under the Lagoon Monument Act. Conclusion Currently, there is only three staff within the Bureau with adequate training on maritime archaeology. The minimal expertise available within the Bureau reduces the speed of anticipated surveys and monitoring. In addition, there is no other available expertise on island particularly in maritime archaeology. Due to a very few certified trainees in underwater archaeology and courses on island, the support of such discipline is minimal. Public interest is high however there is a lack of available resources for the proper education and awareness of underwater archaeology. The Bureau is always looking for opportunities plus welcomes any opportunity that offers the adequate training, education, and the right tools in assessing, monitoring, and managing UCH sites. The Palau Community College offers a course in archaeology but short of the resources to expose students in underwater archaeology. The college aims to seek available programs that are geared towards the protection of marine cultural heritage which is a much needed field in Palau. In addition, such opportunity will help increase in the public awareness and advocacy and the potential push needed to help create new �Palau Pg - 8 - of 8 or strengthening existing legislations for the protection of UCH sites at the state and national level. Bibliography Bailey, D. E., 1991 Dickinson, W. R., and Athens J. S., 2007 Fitzpatrick, S. M., 2008 Flatman, J., 2009 Emesiochel, C. T., 2008 Hazell, L. C., and Fitzpatrick, S. M., 2006 Liston, J., 2009 Olsudong, R., (M.A.) et al., Palau National Code Title 19 1982 Sam’s Tours WWII Wrecks of Palau, North Valley Diver Publications, California. Holocene Paleoshoreline and Paleoenvironmental History of Palau: Implications for Human Settlement. Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology 2(2):175-196 Maritime interregional interaction in Micronesia: Deciphering multigroup contacts and exchange systems through time. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) Pp. 131-147 Preservation and management for Yapese Stone Money sites in Palau and Yap. Editorial. Conserving Marine Cultural Heritage: Threats, Risks, and Future Priorities. Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites (11):1 Pp. 5-8 Palau County Report: Training Course on Cultural Heritage Protection: Research, Analysis and Preservation of Archaeological Sites and Remains. Nara: Japan The maritime transport of prehistoric megaliths in Micronesia. Archaeol. Oceania 41 (2006) Pp. 12-24 Cultural Chronology of Earthworks in Palau, Western Micronesia. Archaeol. Oceania 44 (2009) Pp. 56-73 Draft: Inventory of Cultural Sites and Oral History in Melekeok and Irai. Palau: Bureau of Arts & Culture (1997) Draft: Inventory of Cultural & Historical Sites and Oral History in Ngarrard State. Vol. I: Inventory of Cultural and Historical sites. Palau: Bureau of Arts & Culture (2000) Cultural and Historical Preservation Act www.samstours.com, accessed Oct 11 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Preservation and Management of Underwater Archaeological Resources: Role of Agency Subject The topic of the resource Session 8 Pacific Islands region: Building UCH Capacity Description An account of the resource Underwater archaeological resources within the Republic of Palau (henceforth referred to as the Republic) cover a wide array of types from famous World War II wrecks, to Yapese stone money disks which sank to the bottom of the sea during their transport, and to traditional sites - which includes but not limited to semi-submerged docks/piers, fish traps, burials, and a sunken city mentioned in traditional folklore. These resources are protected under the Cultural and Historical Preservation Act (henceforth referred to as Title 19) mandated by the Palau Bureau of Arts & Culture (henceforth referred to as the Bureau). More specifically, Chapter 3 of Title 19 known as the "Palau Lagoon Monument" is exclusively reserved for all submerged and semi-submerged foreign vessels located within the Republic’s territorial waters. Tour agencies play a proactive role in monitoring the health and condition of the wrecks, report new site locations, and notifies the Bureau of possible looting activities. A Geographic Information System database maintained by the Survey & Inventory/Archaeology Section within the Bureau keeps an inventory of underwater sites obtained from earlier works plus data from affiliated tour agencies. This paper will examine the current situation within the Bureau and its subdivisions particularly the Survey & Inventory/Archaeology Section. It will provide detail of their efforts and goals, challenges, and gaps pertaining to the preservation and management of underwater archaeological resources. In addition, present case studies where the "Palau Lagoon Monument" clause was enacted. Lastly, we will discuss the measures and other aides available within the Bureau aimed towards assisting the state government establish medium-term goals for preservation and management plus effective long-term objectives beneficial for their state in terms of underwater cultural resources. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sunny O. Ngirmang Calvin T. Emesiochel Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 8