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                    <text>Non-intrusive conservation focussed monitoring of underwater cultural heritage by the public Gathering Information via Recreational and Technical (GIRT) Scientific Divers
Andrew Viduka PhD FSA M.ICOMOS-ICUCH
Archaeology Department, University of New England, Australia
ORCID 0000-0002-0348-4544
Phone: +61 456265470 / Email: girtscientificdiver@gmail.com / http://www.girtsd.org

ABSTRACT
The no-impact maritime archaeological conservation-focused citizen science program Gathering Information via
Recreational and Technical (GIRT) Scientific Divers formally started in January 2019, after an approximately
six-month pilot project in South Australia. GIRT Scientific Divers was designed and developed to encourage
interested people, businesses, and groups to have an active and positive underwater archaeology role. Launching
in New Zealand and across Australia, GIRT has expanded to include members in ten countries. From a 2020/21
survey of member motivations and characteristics, GIRT has been demonstrated to be a gateway into maritime
archaeology for previously non-engaged individuals. However, GIRT is very much still an evolving citizen
science program, and this paper discusses some of the key learning outcomes the author has gained from
developing and training members of the public in GIRT over the last five and half years. The paper candidly
looks at challenges experienced by GIRT to maintain an engaged and active membership specifically addressing
the key issues of time and funding, IT, the andragogical methodology used, and survey structure and complexity.
Lastly, drawing from recent training activities in late 2022-2023, the paper highlights changes to the teaching
program and survey structure that occurred in early 2022, with the introduction of a scaffolded learning
approach and a rapid GIRT survey option to enable members to develop confidence and build from success.
Keywords: Citizen science, site monitoring, conservation, underwater cultural heritage management
List of figures
Figure 1 Greenpeace MV Rainbow Warrior I (1987), Cavalli Islands, North Island, New Zealand.
Figure 2 Screenshots of the GIRT Scientific Divers website and the GRT Scientific Divers Sketchfab pages.
Figure 3 Post processing collected data from fieldwork on the Othello at Kaipipi Shipyard
Figure 4 Screenshot of photogrammetry of the Othello wreck generated by two trainees on their first effort

1. INTRODUCTION
Gathering Information via Recreational and Technical (GIRT) Scientific Divers is a conservation
focused no-impact citizen-science project. It aims to train members to systematically document
observable physical and natural features of historic shipwrecks, submerged aircraft and other
submerged underwater cultural heritage (hereafter referred to as UCH) to facilitate the site’s ongoing
protection and management. The focus of the GIRT citizen science project is to both encourage
interested people to have an active and positive public archaeology role and to enable better
understanding of the condition of UCH and the factors driving its preservation or deterioration
(Viduka 2021a, 1-2; 2021b, 2; 2021c, 44).
Through the public’s voluntary participation in GIRT, they can assist others, especially non-divers, to
see the condition or threats to UCH from natural or human activity more easily (Figure 1). GIRT
members (individuals, groups and businesses) ‘adopt-a-site’ that is of interest to them and agree to
monitor the site periodically using the GIRT survey methodology, outlined in more detail below. By
surveying the same site systematically and periodically, members can, at a minimum, directly
compare photos of up to 10 survey points for change, as well as site sketches for new or changed
detail. Undertaking the full survey, members can also compare qualitative and quantitative site
environmental data, video transects, photogrammetry, and marine life survey data.

1

�Figure 1 Greenpeace MV Rainbow Warrior I (1987), Cavalli Islands, North Island, New Zealand, surveyed 2019 and
3D model produced in 2020. This 3D model was the first GIRT photogrammetry model to include site condition
photos to assist in site condition interpretation (Viduka, Sutton and Hutchison 2021, 10).

An important element of GIRT is to encourage communication and information sharing between
GIRT members and persons responsible for managing such heritage in the relevant jurisdictional
waters. As GIRT members are able to download a PDF version of their submitted data into the GIRT
relational database, each GIRT member can choose to share their data with the relevant site manager
for the purpose of the information becoming a part of the site’s formal condition record (Figure 2).
This can contribute directly to science-based decision making by UCH management agencies and
potentially the prioritisation of activities by these relevant authorities to protect or undertake rescue
archaeology of submerged sites.

Figure 2 Screenshots of the GIRT Scientific Divers website and the GRT Scientific Divers Sketchfab pages.

Starting in the first year of observations, GIRT members are asked to also identify potential or known
threats to their site, and to estimate the likelihood and consequence of those threats. Based on
member’s subjective data, and sometimes following moderation discussions with a GIRT instructor,
members allocate a ‘traffic light’ indication of threat to their adopted site’s preservation (Green,
Yellow, Orange, Red). GIRT member’s indications of threat are shown on the publicly viewable
adopted sites map as their site’s location icon. This can be viewed at https://www.girtsd.org/wrecks.

2

�All survey records entered by members through the Survey Reporting tab in the internal members
pages of the GIRT website are linked to the names of the members who undertook the survey and
their adopted site.
Once data has been collected, GIRT members are encouraged to compare their results with other
members, lead the analysis of aspects of research (i.e. site formation, marine life, correlation of storm
data with observed sediment movements, modelling observed change to other proximal sites…..) or
simply conduct further archival research on their adopted site, and present the results of their surveys
or broader analysis of data to dive clubs or at conferences.
Separate to their initial training, GIRT members are ongoingly supported through three options. The
first option is a regularly updated version of a guidance document which can be downloaded, with
current survey sheets, at the register to JOIN page on the GIRT website (
https://www.girtsd.org/register ). The second option is through content added in the members internal
TRAINING pages. The third option is by being able to contact local GIRT instructors through the
members BLOG pages, via email or via phone.
2. RESOURCES
In order to collect data on a site, besides standard dive gear, members need:
●

access to a camera with an underwater housing;

●

30m fibreglass tape;

●

at least three photogrammetry scales;

●

one photography scale;

●

slate and pencil; and

●

relevant GIRT monitoring templates printed on waterproof paper.

In addition, members need access to a computer and the internet.
3. FRAMEWORK - KEY LEARNING OUTCOMES
The GIRT citizen science program has now been taught for five and half years. In that time, the
author has gained a better understanding of issues faced by the public to be an engaged and active
citizen science member and of in-built barriers in the initial design, architecture and teaching of
GIRT to their active and fulfilling participation. Below, I highlight some of the key issues
encountered.
Time and Funding
The two biggest issues which crosscut and exacerbate all other problems are the classic, time and
money. GIRT remains a very small citizen science program predominantly led solely by the author.
Time constraints are real issues to building the program. While efforts are underway to bring in GIRT
instructors (see below), issues around insurance and work-place health and safety make it necessary
for any potential GIRT instructors to deliver the training under their existing workplace
arrangements. Equally, as a full-time employee in a busy role, GIRT is very much managed around
the margins of daily life with an occasionally focussed training activity.

3

�Money is always the main problem in small projects. Currently, funding for GIRT is mainly covered
by myself and my wife (please don’t tell her!). Periodically, GIRT is partially compensated to deliver
training in a particular country or jurisdiction. This funding typically does not cover the cost of
delivery, or the time of the instructor to prepare, travel and deliver the training. In business terms, a
fairly non-sustainable product.
IT
The website and relational database in GIRT are key to the programs objectives of recognising the
public's input, connecting members with each other, and making collected data saved, searchable,
comparable, and openly accessible to all (Viduka, Illukkumbura and Abeygunawardena 2020, 7-8).
Another facet of the impact of the lack of money and time is delayed development of the IT
infrastructure. This has been perhaps the most problematic aspect of running the project in the terms
of making the project fulfilling for members, and an issue that is not fully resolved to date. Members
who have undertaken surveys and who have their data, have struggled to enter the data into the
SURVEY REPORTING tool because of IT issues. This has resulted in frustration for all and
certainly impacted enthusiastic ongoing member participation.
Maintaining the website, and developing and refining the survey reporting tool and associated
relational database, so it aligns with the latest version of the survey sheets, takes development time.
As a non-IT developer, I am currently totally reliant on working with free or very cheap third parties
to deliver changes, including updating features of the website that annually need refreshing.
The andragogical methodology
GIRT was developed as an adult based learning programme. This is because GIRT is targeted at
individuals over 18 years of age who have more than 50 logged dives. Adult learning (androgogy), as
different to children focussed learn (pedagogy), recognises that adult learners bring their varied
experience and are more self-directed and self-motivated. Adult learning also has a focus on
hands-on learning (learn through play).
Since 2018, GIRT has been taught in several ways to meet community interest to dive with a purpose
and monitor underwater cultural heritage sites. Initially GIRT was only taught as a one-day
face-to-face program. The GIRT one-day training sought to explain why members should participate,
what would be the value of their contribution, and then how to apply the methodology. The choice of
one-day teaching was initially driven by financial expediency and available time.
The one-day training program quickly evolved into a two-day training program, with the second day
focused on using the GIRT method as a team. This was in recognition of the need to reinforce
class-based learning with hands-on activities.
In all training options, GIRT is taught as an activity broadly comprised of three parts:
1.

planning and preparing for a survey activity;

2.

doing the survey activity, and saving and labelling the data on the day; and

3.

post-processing the collected data and entering it as a report.

The reason it was taught in this way was to emphasize the importance of each stage and to assist
members to recognise that the survey is not finished until a survey report is submitted.
During COVID, GIRT training was delivered online, with an adaptation of the original one-day
workshop delivered during two blocks of three hours over two days. It was recognised at the time
that this was not the ideal for teaching GIRT however it was seen as an opportunity to offer
4

�something to the community during COVID, an opportunity to promote GIRT, raise broader
awareness of the threats to underwater cultural heritage, and to identify people who wished to
participate who could receive further support in the future. Retrospectively, both the one day
intensive and online teaching versions were found to be simply too much information for participants
with very little ongoing activity by individuals who took part in this type of training.
In addition, several factors, which in hindsight are key to adult participation, were not sufficiently
initially highlighted in the teaching of the program. These include: the need to focus on promoting
working with a group (make it a friends based activity); being inclusive of people with a marine
science focus (broadening the groups knowledge base and ensuring site and environment are equally
considered); the rule of three parts to a survey (recognising that planning, doing and post fieldwork
data processing all require time); and highlighting the need to plan a diving day to leave sufficient
time to save, label data and backup results.
Survey structure and complexity
The GIRT survey requirements were initially based on what a non-impact maritime archaeological
conservation survey of a site would endeavour to do to obtain a baseline of date for longitudinal site
monitoring. Early on in the process of delivering GIRT, and with good advice from other people who
deliver citizen science programs, it became evident that the initial structure of the GIRT survey
methodology in totality, was too much for most new members who had little scientific diving
background.

4.

RESULTS - CHANGES TO THE TEACHING PROGRAM AND SURVEY STRUCTURE

While no change has occurred to the issues of IT, or time and money, since 2022 GIRT Scientific
Divers has operated within a Pty Ltd company structure, with a constitution that only allows the
company to pursue charitable purposes. The GIRT Director is now supported by three other Board
members who separately specialise in law, IT, and public archaeology.
The andragogical methodology updated
In 2022, significant adjustments were made to the training presentations and a restructuring of the
survey activity, reflecting a response to the issues outlined above. To support members, the GIRT
guidelines were also updated to the currently available version 3. The new guidelines outline the
updated GIRT teaching program approach, which will hopefully go some way to remedy the issues
of the identified critical need to immediately reinforce learning activities through doing, and making
the initial learning outcomes more achievable so that people can build from success.
To better understand who is interested to participate in GIRT, why, and what it is they seek to get out
of their participation, a survey was sent out to the first 119 people who undertook training. Prior to
the survey’s close on 30 June 2020, 100 people responded providing information about the
demographics of participants, their background in heritage and protection, diving, science and
conservation, and volunteering. Survey results show that GIRT is acting as a gateway into maritime
archaeology for previously non-engaged individuals (Viduka and Edney 2021a, 14). This further
emphasises the need to re-scale initial expectations of a citizen scientist to a more achievable level
for a group largely previously not engaged by other public archaeology programs.
The new teaching approach recognises that many people trained to be GIRT members to date, have
not yet completed a survey report. Putting IT issues aside, which are anecdotally the most explained
reason, this still leaves the majority of members not having completed a survey and or not attempting
to input the data.

5

�While a number of people outside Australia continue to request the online training option, the
updated GIRT teaching program solely incorporates the two-day GIRT training model and
re-structures the curriculum, so it is more achievable for members. A key facet of the two-day
program is post-processing collected data to finalise a clean site sketch, save Figures, video and data
and label everything properly immediately after diving (Figure 3). Since its implementation, the
two-day training program has been trialled in Norfolk Island, Australia (20-21 August 2022),
Adelaide, South Australia (17-18 September 2022), and Rakiura/Stewart Island, New Zealand (25-26
February 2023) (Figure 4) with increasing success demonstrated by participants at Stewart Island
completing the training having done the rapid survey elements and all four additional survey
activities.
Another significant recent development is endeavouring to have regionally located GIRT instructors
to drive training and engagement with divers locally and to amplify opportunities for interested
people to be trained. The first dedicated GIRT Instructor training occurred on 18 February 2023 in
Auckland, New Zealand with Dr Kurt Bennett. GIRT is still in discussions with Kurt’s employer to
ascertain if he can deliver GIRT training as a workplace activity so as to get around the current GIRT
insurance/workplace health and safety/funding Gordian knot.

Figure 3 Post processing collected data from fieldwork on the Othello at Kaipipi Shipyard, Raikura/Stewart Island,
New Zealand, February 2023 and an early screen shot of the developing 3D model from images collected by
participants in the training event.

6

�Figure 4 Screenshot of photogrammetry of the Othello wreck generated by two trainees on their first effort and
processed by Dr Andrew Hutchison.

GIRT Rapid Survey
In the updated guidelines a scaffolded learning approach is outlined for the survey activity. This
approach aims to systematically build on a members’ experiences and knowledge so they can learn
new skills more comfortably. The scaffolded learning program uses the original GIRT survey
components however it breaks the learning down to a small core survey component (GIRT rapid
survey), that can be more easily done underwater and followed with simple and quicker post
processing of data requirements before successfully submitting a survey report. Up to four additional
survey activities are then outlined. These additional survey activities can be undertaken to any scale
and in any combination, subject to a members’ knowledge level, comfort, interest, the environmental
conditions, diving safety parameters and commitment.
The GIRT rapid survey is designed to be completed in one or two dives by a buddy pair and is less
complex and time consuming both underwater and during data post-processing for members. This
rapid survey comprises completing a site identification sheet, a site sketch sheet, and a photo
condition sheet. Members joining GIRT, and who do not bring experience in collecting data, should
first use the GIRT rapid survey method until they are comfortable with the in-water survey process,
post-diving data management, post-survey data processing and submission of their survey report.
Once a member is comfortable with undertaking a GIRT rapid survey and can complete all aspects,
members are then encouraged to choose to undertake one, some, or all of the four additional survey
activities: a video-transect survey; photogrammetry of features/site; collecting additional site and
conservation data; and or undertaking a marine-life survey. Survey sheets for the video-transect
survey; photogrammetry survey and site and conservation data survey are available to be
downloaded from the GIRT website at https://www.girtsd.org/register. Any data collected by a
member for a marine-life survey simply needs to be saved as a PDF to be included in the final site
SURVEY REPORT.
To undertake a complete GIRT survey, even in shallow water on a relatively small site, more than
two dives by a dive buddy pair will be required. It is important to note that, while it is ideal to collect
as much data as possible in each survey activity, for any and all activities, the survey method is
scalable. Only complete as much of each survey sheet as possible within the limitations of your safe
diving and conditions. When entering data into the Survey Reporting tab in the GIRT website, the

7

�reporting tool only requires a few mandatory data fields from the Surface Sheet. All other data fields
need only be populated as data is available.
The GIRT method includes a video transect survey of the site environment, on the site and off the
site, which acts as a minimum of environmental data being recorded. However, members are
encouraged to also collect data for another established marine citizen science program on their site
(undertaking a marine-life survey). More broadly, and to emphasise the importance of understanding
the marine environment associated with a site, members are encouraged to include a GIRT diver who
is primarily interested in the marine environment in their survey team.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
While GIRT Scientific Divers has been operating for five and half years, some critical milestones for
success are yet to be met. The most significant of these is a fully functioning website and associated
relational database that aligns with the rapid and additional survey reporting sheets. Secondly, while
GIRT has expanded to include members in ten countries, the ability to train and have GIRT regionally
based instructors is a significant limiting factor to GIRT’s broader uptake. Thirdly, the most ideal
training model, two-days, is also the costliest. While developing a funding stream can resolve this, the
author is determined to try and develop GIRT so that it can operate without charging people so there is
no barrier to participation in site monitoring to the interested public.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would particularly like to thank Jessica Viduka for her ongoing support for the development and delivery of the
GIRT Scientific Divers citizen science program and her ability to not notice the credit card expenses. I would also like to
acknowledge and thank Prasanna Illukkumbura for his fantastic and unwavering support to develop and maintain the GIRT
website and SRA Information Technology for their support. Lastly, I would like to thank GIRT member Dr Andrew
Hutchison for his dedication to helping members, including myself, process their images into 3D photogrammetry.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Viduka, Andrew. “Going for the win-win: including the public in underwater cultural heritage management through citizen
science.” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 49 (2020a): 87-106. https://doi.org/10.1111/1095-9270.12412.
Viduka, Andrew. “A maritime archaeological conservation focussed citizen science program for individual benefit and
public good outcomes: the GIRT Scientific Diver programme.” Journal of Community Archaeology and Heritage 9:2
(2020b):71-87. https://doi.org/10.1080/20518196.2020.1858544.
Viduka, Andrew. “A View from Across the Ditch: Public Engagement, Community Archaeology and Underwater Cultural
Heritage Management and The Impact of GIRT Scientific Divers in New Zealand.” Australasian Journal of Maritime
Archaeology 44: (2020c): 23-40.
Viduka, Andrew; Illukkumbura, Prasanna and Abeygunawardena, Sajana. “Electric Oceans: The Features, Functionality
and Utility of the GIRT Website and Associated Database for Citizen Science, Site Conservation and Underwater
Cultural Heritage Management Outcomes.” Australasian Journal of Maritime Archaeology, 44 (2020): 3-21.
Viduka, Andrew; Sutton, Brett; Hutchison, Andrew et al. “A Report on the GIRT Scientific Diver Survey of the Rainbow
Warrior, Cavalli Islands, New Zealand.” J Mari Arch 16 (2021): 3–26. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-020-09279-5
Viduka, Andrew and Edney, Joanne. “GIRT Scientific Divers citizen science programme: Volunteer motivations and
characteristics.”
Journal
of
Community
Archaeology
and
Heritage,
9:3
(2021a):
143-160.
https://doi.org/10.1080/20518196.2021.2005411.

8

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                <text>The no-impact maritime archaeological conservation-focused citizen science program Gathering Information via&#13;
Recreational and Technical (GIRT) Scientific Divers formally started in January 2019, after an approximately&#13;
six-month pilot project in South Australia. GIRT Scientific Divers was designed and developed to encourage&#13;
interested people, businesses, and groups to have an active and positive underwater archaeology role. Launching&#13;
in New Zealand and across Australia, GIRT has expanded to include members in ten countries. From a 2020/21&#13;
survey of member motivations and characteristics, GIRT has been demonstrated to be a gateway into maritime&#13;
archaeology for previously non-engaged individuals. However, GIRT is very much still an evolving citizen&#13;
science program, and this paper discusses some of the key learning outcomes the author has gained from&#13;
developing and training members of the public in GIRT over the last five and half years. The paper candidly&#13;
looks at challenges experienced by GIRT to maintain an engaged and active membership specifically addressing&#13;
the key issues of time and funding, IT, the andragogical methodology used, and survey structure and complexity.&#13;
Lastly, drawing from recent training activities in late 2022-2023, the paper highlights changes to the teaching&#13;
program and survey structure that occurred in early 2022, with the introduction of a scaffolded learning&#13;
approach and a rapid GIRT survey option to enable members to develop confidence and build from success.</text>
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                <text>Viduka, Andrew. 2023. “Non-intrusive monitoring of underwater cultural heritage by the public - Gathering Information via Recreational and Technical (GIRT) Scientific Divers.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Veronica Walker-Vadillo. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2001 </text>
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                    <text>Observations on developing a maritime cultural landscape approach to managing
US National Marine Sanctuaries
Bradley W. Barr
National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s Office of National Marine
Sanctuaries Scituate, Massachusetts 02066, USA
Email: Brad.Barr@noaa.gov
Abstract
Effectively managing marine protected areas requires considerable knowledge of these
special places people value and to which they are sometimes strongly attached.
Usually, this knowledge is limited to the present state of resources and changes
observed in the recent past, which is used to inform the development of management
actions to address current and emerging threats to biodiversity and underwater cultural
heritage (UCH) resources. However, while acquiring this “snapshot” of the current
status of natural and cultural resources is necessary, it is often not sufficient.
Understanding the longer-term history of that site, illuminating its “maritime cultural
landscape” (MCL), can provide critical context to interpreting that somewhat static
“snapshot”. MCLs represent the historical imprint of human interactions with these
special places, providing a deeper base of social and historical information to inform
and empower stewardship of natural and UCH resources. The National Marine
Sanctuary System (NMSS) sites are already managed as landscapes – through
ongoing implementation of ecosystem-based management (EBM) – and integrating
MCL approaches offers opportunities to expand and enhance our deeper understanding
of how these socio-ecological systems were formed, changed over time, and how
coastal communities adapted to, and influenced, these changes. Better understanding
these historical interactions can offer significant insights, integrated with knowledge
attained through EBM, that can inform and guide contemporary management decision
making. The NMSS has developed a vision and strategy for implementing an integrated
EBM/MCL approach to stewardship, and is in the process of implementing that strategy.
Key words: Maritime Cultural Landscapes, Underwater cultural heritage, Ecosystembased management, Marine protected areas, Stewardship
Introduction: Valued Places
We all have “special places”. Places that have deeper meaning to us, places that evoke
especially memorable activities or events, or places we seek out, either physically or in
our minds, when we need a retreat from the pressures of life. It is our deep connection
to these places that imbues our lives with meaning, defines who we are, and influences
our values and behavior. These places are, in turn, affected by our connection to them,
our reliance on them for physical and spiritual sustenance, our recreation and

1

�livelihoods. Senegalese conservationist Baba Dioum has written “in the end, we will
only conserve what we love”. Given this, it should not be too surprising that many of
these special places have been preserved by society under law and policy as protected
areas. It should also not be too surprising that the managers of these protected areas
would have a keen interest in this essential human/environment relationship, what
people find special about the place they manage, and how they can effectively preserve
whatever compels and elicits such connections. If we do not have some knowledge of
this relationship, of what people value about that place, how can we possibly offer the
stewardship such a special place deserves?
Protecting these special places in the coastal and ocean waters of the United States is
the mission of the National Marine Sanctuary System (NMSS). The National Marine
Sanctuaries Act (U.S.C. 16, Chapter 32, Sections 1431 et seq.), the principal statutory
authority for establishing and managing marine protected areas in the waters of the US
Exclusive Economic Zone, provides the framework for protection and management of
such special places. This authority extends to preserving both ecosystem biodiversity
and integrity, as well as maritime cultural heritage. The former is addressed in the
NMSS through the implementation of ecosystem-based management (EBM), generally
defined for the marine environment, by Leslie and McLeod (2007), as follows:
“Marine EBM is about interactions: interactions among different spatial and
temporal scales, within and among ecological and social systems, and
among stakeholder groups and communities interested in the present and
future health of coastal and marine areas”.
It is about explicitly integrating humans into management, recognizing and accounting
for the potential affect that humans have on ecosystem structure and function, but also
incorporating their interests and aspirations into how places are managed and what
strategies are used to accomplish management goals established collaboratively with
these communities.

As the authors clearly state, however, it is the communities’

interests in the “present and future” of these places that embodies EBM. It is largely
based on understanding the present state, the drivers that are currently influencing the
ecosystem and management strategies that lead to a future state that sustains, or
improves, the ecosystem over time. Conversely, preserving the cultural heritage of that
place is necessarily focused on the past, how humans have influenced these places

2

�through time, and how those communities have, in turn, been shaped by these places.
Understanding the cultural heritage of a place offers the knowledge and experience
acquired by the community over a broader sweep of history. It involves a deeper
understanding of how that community has responded to ecosystem changes in the past,
how their actions have altered the socio-ecological system over time, and perhaps
shedding some light on how resilient that community might be to adapting to future
changes. To effectively integrate this cultural heritage preservation component into the
management of national marine sanctuaries, the concept of maritime cultural
landscapes (MCL) was identified as a complementary mechanism to EBM that offers a
compatible framework for understanding, and ultimately more effectively managing,
these special places in the oceans and along the coasts.
What are “Maritime Cultural Landscapes?”
As described in Barr (2013), the concept of “maritime cultural landscapes” builds on the
older and more widely applied notion of cultural landscape in terrestrial environments.
As first suggested by Westerdahl (1992), maritime cultural landscapes (MCL) were
defined as “human utilization of maritime space by boat, settlement, fishing, hunting,
shipping and its attendant subcultures”. MCL “comprises the whole network of sailing
routes, old as well as new, with ports and harbors along the coast, and its related
constructions and remains of human activity, underwater as well as terrestrial”
(Westerdahl, 1992). Jensen et al., (2011) provided an eloquent definition of “cultural
landscapes”:
“Cultural landscapes capture the living past that surrounds us and give us
a better understanding of the links the natural history and human history of
a place. They illustrate how we have shaped the world, and how the
world’s natural environments have shaped us. Perhaps most importantly,
cultural landscapes can also provide us with valuable insights into the
future, such as the relationship between the heath of natural resources
and human well-being and prosperity. At their most basic, cultural
landscapes are specific places where combinations of human activity and
natural forces have left a discernable mark on the world. Cultural
landscapes are reservoirs of human experience that preserve undeniable
examples of human triumph and loss. Retaining the intangible as well as
the tangible parts of human culture, cultural landscapes can do what the
natural sciences alone cannot. They convey the human meaning of
places”.

3

�MCL encompasses not only this cultural history of the physical maritime environment,
but also the “cognitive landscape”, defined as “the mapping and imprinting of the
functional aspects of the surroundings in the human mind. Man in landscape, landscape
in man” (Lofgren, 1981; cf Westerdahl, 1992). It embraces both the changes observed
over time with regard to the physical environment and human use, but also the
perception of these changes by the people who have lived, and are living, in that place
throughout history. How this maritime and ecological landscape has shaped and been
shaped by the human activities that have occurred there throughout its history provides
the foundation for understanding, and ultimately more effectively preserving, these
cultural landscapes.
As Tuan (1974) has observed, geographic spaces become “places” when people imbue
them with meaning, a process that influences self-identity and affects the way in which
we perceive and behave toward these places. Understanding the maritime cultural
landscape of a place identifies not only our collective contributions to sustaining and
improving these places we have given meaning, but of how people have contributed to
what they have become, offering insights and experience acquired by the community
along the way. Such deeper knowledge of place is likely to be a valuable asset to guide
and inform place-based management. This last point is worthy of emphasis. This
deeper knowledge may indeed have considerable potential value that contributes to a
more holistic and effective management approach to preserving the natural and cultural
resources of an MPA, but a more traditional reading of the literature on cultural
landscapes suggests that there should be no direct connection between the process of
cultural landscape analysis and place-based management.

Cultural landscape

approaches are focused on engaging the various stakeholder and cultural communities
in acquiring knowledge about the human/environment relationship through time, and
offering a forum for this engagement.
Integrating EBM and MCL
EBM is about including the “human dimension” in sustaining ecosystem structure and
function through collaborative management, engaging the community in establishing
management goals for that place, and the strategies implemented to achieve those
goals. It is a prospective process, informed with knowledge of the current state of the
4

�ecosystem, and leading to some agreed upon desired future state. In most cases, EBM
utilizes various management tools and strategies, such as zoning, regulations, and
voluntary mechanisms to balance sustainable use and preservation. MCL approaches
also involve these same people as a key element in understanding and preserving
heritage resources of this valued place, but it is a retrospective process. It focuses on
the history of the human use of that place, illuminating what has happened, through
time, which has left an imprint of this use on the socio-ecological system. It identifies
how the system has changed over time, how human uses have changed, and how the
system has responded to those changes. MCLs also held to ascertain what attributes
and elements of the human/environment relationship are relevant and contribute to the
deeper meaning and value the communities ascribe to this place, thereby offering some
insight into which of these elements and attributes are most important to preserve and
protect. While EBM and MCL could be implemented independently - which would be an
easier path to follow - an integrated management approach involving both EBM and
MCL would seem to offer opportunities not readily available if executed separately.
Clearly, both EBM and MCL involve “taking a step back”, looking at the “bigger picture”
of why this place is valued, which human uses have (and are leaving) an imprint on the
environment.

The both have people as a central and important element of their

implementation.

MCL offers the opportunity to acquire deeper knowledge of place

through the lens of history (both remote and recent) to learn what the state of the
ecosystem is today, what human activities may have led to the current state, and what
knowledge was acquired as these communities adapted to, accommodated, and
caused environmental change. They appear to be quite complementary, and are likely,
as they both seek the active engagement of the interested and affected pubic, to
potentially offer some efficiency in implementing them together rather than individually
and separately.
With regard to the practice of MPA management, one other rationale to consider in this
integrated implementation of EBM and MCL is the potential to break down some of the
internal barriers between those MPA management staff focusing on natural resource
protection, and their counterparts that apply their energies to preserving cultural
heritage. In this age of specialization, when it is beyond the capabilities of anyone to
5

�become what used to be called a “Renaissance Man” (or woman), managers cleave to
their specialties, and organizations of MPA programs are almost always set up with
“natural resource” and “cultural resource” staff in different organizational units. Through
the integrated implementation of EBM and MCL, there is greater opportunity for
collaboration and knowledge sharing between these two usually isolated operational
units within an MPA program. If Young (2010) is correct in his assertion that institutions,
particularly environmental governance systems, are similar to other socio-ecological
systems in that they are made more resilient, adaptive, and more resistant to stress
through effective implementation of adaptive management and social learning, this sort
of interdisciplinary integration may contribute to not only successfully achieving the
mission of the program, but also to sustaining the organization over time, avoiding what
Olson (1982) has termed “institutional arthritis”.
“The Devil is in the Details”
Making such an integrated approach operational for an MPA program like the NMS
System is no small feat. There are institutional and practical challenges to effectively
integrating EBM and MCL. Seeking acceptance of the idea of broadening the way
managers think about their sites to include MCL, let alone integrating EBM and MCL,
represents a challenge to MPA Programs that have been in operations for decades and
where their approach to management has become rigid and somewhat inflexible (“the
way we’ve always done it...”). For an MPA system like the NMSS, which includes
fourteen sites operating largely under a single statutory authority but quite different in
composition and management focus, not all sites will embrace this change simply
because the leadership of the MPA program has decided it should be so. Not all sites
have the necessary staff with expertise relevant to cultural heritage preservation, and
the site budgets may be insufficient to consider the additional costs associated with the
background research and public engagement required to successfully implement an
MCL approach. Therefore, it has been determined that the implementation of this
approach should be on an opportunistic basis, with each site deciding whether they will
incorporate MCL, and the integration of MCL with EBM, into their management planning
when their site plans are being reviewed and updated.

If they choose to do this,

additional support will be provided to them from the national program, bringing needed
6

�expertise in history, archaeology, and relevant planning and public engagement support
from NOAA’s Maritime Heritage Program (MHP) and operating units from other sites
and headquarters who can offer such expertise.
For sites that express a willingness to begin the process, an MCL “synopsis document”
is developed that generally identifies the scope and elements of what the MCL for that
site would include, providing an overview of the historical human uses of the area, the
various cultures that were involved in that use, discussions of how those cultures left
their imprint on the ecosystem, both physically and cognitively (through such things as
place names and knowledge of differing perceptions of the cultural landscape among
the cultures who lived in that place). Such a “synopsis document” has been prepared by
the MHP for the proposed expansion of the Gulf of the Farallones and Cordell Banks
National Marine Sanctuaries along the Northern California “Redwoods” coast (Delgado,
Unpublished MS). This document is made available to those who are developing the
proposed management planning documents for this possible expansion of these
sanctuaries, with the promise of further support should the sites agree to proceed with
the implementation of this MCL initiative.
Other opportunities may involve more targeted support toward implementation. There
has been some interest expressed by the State of Wisconsin for a possible sanctuary in
the waters of Lake Michigan off their coast. While a considerable amount of research
has been assembled on the shipwrecks of this region, this is the home lands and waters
of a number of maritime indigenous cultures, and little was known about their use and
habitation of this place over time. To begin to identify and collect relevant information
regarding this indigenous cultural landscape, a MHP Graduate Fellow was identified to
conduct this essential research (Tate, Unpublished MS). In this case, the more specific
focus on the Indigenous contribution to the MCL was essential, and the research
provides a starting point for better understanding and incorporating these cultures’
contributions to the MCL of this area that may be considered for sanctuary designation
at some point in the future. Where there are many cultures that value a place all need
to be heard and given the opportunity to contribute to our deeper understanding of that
place.

7

�It is expected that the implementation of an Integrated EBM/MCL approach to
management for the NMSS will be something that will take considerable time and effort,
but this will be addressed as opportunities arise. Budgets and staff resources, both
currently in short supply are contributing to this slow pace of implementation. However,
perhaps this is not the issue is might appear to be. Organizational cultures change and
adapt very slowly. Therefore, even if resources were not severely limited, it is likely that
the pace of adoption of this proposed change in the management approach for the
national marine sanctuaries across the System would only progress as the institutional
culture continues to evolve and adapt. We have built the trough, have filled it with fresh,
clean water, and have led the horse to it, but are prepared to wait until it gets thirsty
enough to drink.
Not another Solution in Search of a Problem
All too frequently, we encounter situations where, in times of great uncertainty, we
reorganize or begin another round of strategic planning. Neither should careful scrutiny
of our organizational structure nor strategic planning be considered unworthy endeavors
when there is a demonstrated need to engage in these actions. However, they are
pointless when the strategic plan for an organization is serving its purpose, and the
organizational structure is sufficient to get the job done. When we are resource limited,
we should spend what time and energy we have on addressing real problems, seeking
innovative and creative solutions to the many challenges we face. As Barr (2013) offers,
the oceans and coasts, and the communities that inhabit these areas, are facing many
complex and significant problems. Global climate change is increasing the severity and
frequency of storms. Coastlines are being altered, sometimes significantly, and there is
considerable damage to infrastructure from these storm events. While these has been
some recovery of the economy, coastal communities remain hard hit, with collapses in
fisheries, and the increasing reliance on tourism providing less well-paying jobs but also
resulting in seasonal surges in population and increasing demands for services. The
societal burdens from the continued economic pressures are being exacted on coastal
communities in these challenging times. To add to the challenges, these are “wicked
problems”, difficult or impossible to solve because of incomplete, contradictory, and
changing requirements that are often difficult to recognize (Skaburskis, 2008). Finding
8

�practical solutions will not be an easy task. Concurrently, as summarized by Barr (2013)
our governance system is also being challenged:
“...as the severity of these problems increases, potential management
responses that involve trade-offs and compromise are perceived as
unacceptable. Communities are deeply polarized by diminishing resources
and challenges that exceed our capacity to effectively address using more
traditional management approaches. There is also sometimes deep
mistrust of others who may have differing views and perspectives. In the
history of those places, however, similar challenges have confronted, and
these communities have successfully adapted to those changes, or
learned much by their failures. This history and experience has
considerable value in offering some hope for resolving problems being
encountered today”.
MCL can provide this historical context for our management of these special places. It
offers a forum for public engagement that involves not just addressing problems, but
speaks to the proud heritage of these communities, resilient places that have
“weathered the storms” and persisted. EBM is necessary, as incorporating the “human
element” in ocean and coastal stewardship has demonstrated its importance, but it may
not be sufficient. We can benefit considerably by “learning from the past”, so that we
are not “doomed to repeat it”. The effective integration of MCL and EBM in addressing
these challenges has the potential to be one of the creative and innovative solutions to
help “turn the tide” for coastal communities, and the MPA managers that work with them
to sustain their way of life.
Acknowledgements
Thanks to Jim Delgado, Hans van Tilburg, and Paul Orlando for helpful comments and
advice regarding the ideas presented in this paper.
Disclaimer: The opinions expressed herein are solely the author’s, and do not reflect
the views of the Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, NOAA or any of its sub-agencies,
nor of the US Government.
References
Barr, B. W., 2013.

Understanding and managing marine protected areas through

integrating ecosystem-based management within maritime cultural landscapes: Moving
from theory to practice. Ocean and Coastal Management, Vol. 84: 1984-192.
Delgado, J. P., (Unpublished Manuscript). The “Redwood Coast:” The maritime cultural
landscape of the potential expansion of Cordell Bank and Gulf of the Farallones
9

�National Marine Sanctuaries. NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, Maritime
Heritage Program.
Jensen, J. O., Mather, R., and Gray, J., 2011. Viewing the future through the lens of
maritime cultural landscapes. Sanctuary Watch, Vol. Fall: 2-3.
Leslie, H. M., and McLeod, K. L., 2007. Confronting the challenges of implementing
marine ecosystem-based management. Front. Ecol. Environment, Vol. 5: 540-548.
Lofgren, O., 1981.Manniskanilandskapet-landskapetimanniskan. In L. Honko, and O.
Lofgren (Eds.), Tradition OchMiljii, Lund, Sweden: 235e261.
Olson Jr., M., 1982. The Rise and Decline of Nations. Yale University Press, New
Haven, CT.
Skaburskis, A., 2008. The origin of “wicked problems”. Planning Theory and Practice,
Vol. 9 (2): 277-280.
Tate, S., (Unpublished Manuscript). Native American Cultural Presence and Usage of
Wisconsin’s Lake Michigan Coasts.

NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries,

Maritime Heritage Program.
Tuan, Y. F., 1974. Topophilia: a Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and
Values. Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ.
Westerdahl, C., 1992. The maritime cultural landscape. International Journal of
Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 21 (1): 5-14.
Young, O., 2010. Institutional dynamics: Resilience, vulnerability and adaptability in
environmental and resource regimes. Global Climate Change, Vol. 20: 378-385.
Brad Barr received a BS from the University of Maine, a MS from the University of
Massachusetts, and PhD at the University of Alaska. He is currently a Senior Policy
Advisor in the NOAA Office of National Marine Sanctuaries, Adjunct Professor at the
School of Marine Sciences and Ocean Engineering at the University of New Hampshire,
and a Visiting Professor at the University Center of the Westfjords in Iceland. He is a
member of the IUCN World Commission on Protected Areas, and the International
Committee on Marine Mammal Protected Areas/IUCN Marine Mammal Protected Areas
Task Force.

10

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                  <text>In 2009, responding to the effort to protect the significant natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, the U.S. National Marine Protected Areas Center formed a Cultural Heritage Resources Working Group to provide expert advice on improving the conservation and management of maritime heritage resources. The resulting White Paper provided a series of recommendations to both the U.S. Department of Commerce and the Department of the Interior, including new definitions for cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes. Central to these recommendations was a strong endorsement for the Cultural Landscape Approach in the understanding and management of maritime heritage resources (or UCH). Subsequently, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administrationâ€™s (NOAA) Maritime Heritage Program has adopted the recommendations of this paper and is implementing a â€œmaritime cultural landscapeâ€ approach to the management of cultural resources within the National Marine Sanctuary System. Also as a part of this initiative, NOAA and the Bureau of Ocean Energy and Management (BOEM) have teamed up to support maritime cultural landscape studies of heritage resources by Native American Tribes and Native Hawaiian communities in the Pacific region. These projects on the U.S. West Coast and in the Hawaiian Islands demonstrate the necessity of adapting a broader range of recognized cultural resources and a more inclusive and participatory management and preservation process. Charismatic resources like historic shipwrecks will always provide unique information for archaeologists and historians, but we do ourselves a disservice if we focus solely on these types of properties, and neglect other perspectives and the broader nature of all types and traces of human existence that lie underwater.&#13;
Participants in this session will focus on the status of these ongoing ground-breaking projects, the advantages of a broader and more inclusive approach compared to the previous cultural heritage management paradigm in the U.S., and the challenges that this creates.</text>
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                <text>Effectively managing marine protected areas requires considerable knowledge of these special places people value and to which they are sometimes strongly attached. Usually, this knowledge is limited to the present state of resources and changes observed in the recent past, which is used to inform the development of management actions to address current and emerging threats to biodiversity and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) resources. However, while acquiring this â€œsnapshotâ€ of the current status of natural and cultural resources is necessary, it is often not sufficient. Understanding the longer-term history of that site, illuminating its â€œmaritime cultural landscapeâ€ (MCL), can provide critical context to interpreting that somewhat static â€œsnapshotâ€. MCLs represent the historical imprint of human interactions with these special places, providing a deeper base of social and historical information to inform and empower stewardship of natural and UCH resources. The National Marine Sanctuary System (NMSS) sites are already managed as landscapes â€“ through ongoing implementation of ecosystem-based management (EBM) â€“ and integrating MCL approaches offers opportunities to expand and enhance our deeper understanding of how these socio-ecological systems were formed, changed over time, and how coastal communities adapted to, and influenced, these changes. Better understanding these historical interactions can offer significant insights, integrated with knowledge attained through EBM, that can inform and guide contemporary management decision making. The NMSS has developed a vision and strategy for implementing an integrated EBM/MCL approach to stewardship, and is in the process of implementing that strategy.</text>
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                <text>Bradley W. Barr, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                    <text>Oceanic deaths aboard the Manila galleons

Miguel Luque-Talaván
Complutense University of Madrid
Geography and History Faculty
Department of American History I
28040 Madrid
Spain
Email: mluque_t@ghis.ucm.es

Abstract
In the present investigation we aim to make an approach to some aspects concerning
life aboard the Manila Galleon (from the 16th to the 19th centuries), such as diseases,
death and burial of bodies, the psychology of the crew in face of these facts, etc. All with
the aim of contributing to a better knowledge of the life of the crew and the passengers
on one of the most complex and long-lasting sea trade routes that have ever existed in
the Modern Age.
Keywords: Manila Galleon, Tornaviaje, Acapulco, Life Aboard, Marquis of Ovando

Introduction
The present text focuses on an event that happened quite often on the Manila Galleon
trade route: the death of some, sometimes many of its passengers, especially during
the Tornaviaje (return journey) from Manila to Acapulco. There are several cases that
we have been able to collect as examples during the course of our investigation. One of
these cases is particularly significant based on the importance of the person involved in
it. We refer to the death of Don Francisco José de Ovando y Solís, marquis of Ovando,
in 1755, who was on his way back to Spain after having served as Governor and
Captain General of the Philippines from 1750 to 1754. Through the analysis of this case
and similar others we aim to approach the way in which death was confronted in one of
the hardest and oldest overseas communication routes in History.
A hard and long journey: the trans-pacific galleon
Both the Acapulco-Manila outward route (which set sail in the month of April) and the
Manila-Acapulco return route (which set sail in the month of June) were long and full of
difficulties. More than 2000 leagues were covered from Acapulco to Manila. The
Tornaviaje, which was longer, used to take about five or six months. Although in 1724,
1

�the La Sagrada Familia galleon took nine months to complete the voyage (Luque
Talaván, 2013: 64). In such a long journey, diseases were very frequent, with scurvy
being very common and one of the diseases that claimed more casualties. This feared
illness, of which nineteen crew members of the Fernando de Magallanes – Juan
Sebastian Elcano journey (1519-1522) were the first casualties in the Pacific, used to
appear in about two or three months from the beginning of the route due to the lack of
vitamine C (Pigafetta, 1988: 61-62)1. One of the ships of the expedition lead by Miguel
López de Legazpi, the famous patache San Lucas, would reach the novohispanic port
of La Navidad in 1565 after a very hard voyage: lack of water and supplies, scurvy and
an attempted revolt aboard that ended with two men thrown into the sea as a measure
of punishment and to set an example. Even at the late date of 1806, the San Andrés
galleon suffered the loss of thirty six men due to the scurvy (Carrera Stampa, 1959:
104-105; Schurtz, 1992: 207, 241-242; Veyrat, 1995: 186; Vas Mingo and Luque
Talaván, 2002: II, 603-618).
Judging from the preserved testimonies, the journey, especially from Manila to
Acapulco, was very harsh; which caused great mortality (Cruz, 1962: 139-141)2. The
severity of this navigation is attested by, for example, the statements of father Pedro
Cubero Sebastián dated to the 17th century (Cubero Sebastián, 1680, chapter XLV); or
the ones made by the Italian passenger Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri, who took
the mentioned journey from 1697 to 1698 and left the statements written in his
renowned Giro del Mondo3.

Health issues aboard
Health issues aboard the Manila Galleon were similar to those given in the West Indies
Fleet. Thus, to diseases that might appear on journeys across the Pacific like colds and
other lung conditions arising from the ascent towards the north in order to avoid the
1

In this same expedition travelled a surgeon and three barbers, of whom only one survived (Pollak, 1973:
231). Domingo Galán Ahumada has transcribed the list of products of which the expedition first aid kit
consisted of, see: Galán Ahumada, 1988: 16-18.
2
In regard to the voyagem see: Schurz, 1919: 632-638; Cruz, 1962: 97-118; Velázquez, 1968: 159-178;
García de los Arcos, 1996: 175-180; Yuste, 2000: 139-150.
3
In recent days a new study about Gemelli Careri’s work has been published: Bernabéu Albert, 2012:
229-317.

2

�trade winds; several types of dermatitis, the already mentioned scurvy, dysentery, etc.
we need to add the ones transmitted by mice and insects (Veyrat, 1995: 186, Nussio,
2001: 106). Many of the aforementioned diseases were contracted or made worse due
to the weakness of the passengers and the crew, which had its origin in sudden
changes of temperature, along with undernourishment or lack of hygiene. Diet was, for
most people, poor in variety and quality; consisting mainly of biscuits made from bran,
salted fish and meat, and some legumes. Big quantities of water that tended to go bad a
few weeks after having boarded and was strictly rationed 4, and wine were stored in clay
pots in order to drink (Pérez-Mallaína Bueno, 1992: 152; Nussio, 2001: 103-104). Due
to their importance, provisions in the Manila galleons were under the care of a master of
provisions and rations, a cook, a storekeeper and a waterkeeper (Lorente Rodrigáñez,
1944: 112-113; Carrera Stampa, 1959: 103).
Meanwhile, prophylaxis was almost non-existent. The limited space of the ships
resulted in overcrowding and, along with it, in the accumulation of waste and odours
coming from stagnant water in the holds, excrements, stored food and body effluvia,
that rarefied the atmosphere aboard. This became a breeding ground for numerous
infectious-contagious diseases. To gain a clear understanding of the problem, it should
be taken into account that there were between four and six hundred people in each
ship, passengers and crew combined (Lorente Rodrigáñez, 1944: 113; Landín
Carrasco, 1978: 68; Pérez-Mallaína Bueno, 1992: 139-148; Veyrat, 1995: 176). Another
important matter in these sailings was the psychological suffering that came from the
fear and the mental exhaustion of people obliged to live in the limited space of the
ships, under dangerous circumstances and with no sign of land for months. This
situation kept happening well into the 19th century on the sailing ships en route between
Cadiz and Manila. Furthermore, this situation could cause all sort of conflicts and
arguments among the members of the crew and the passage (Fernández Palacios,
2011: 111-119).

4

For example, the San Diego transported fifty five barrels of water —the equivalent of 24000 litres—; valid
for a month of self-sufficient navigation (Veyrat, 1995: 182). Several large clay pots where the precious
liquid was stored have been found in the wreckage of the ship, some of which are exhibited at the Naval
Museum of Madrid (Spain), See: VV.AA., 2000: 260-261.

3

�The ships that made the trans-pacific route were not always provided with the services
of a qualified health professional. Surgeons, doctors, pharmacists or barbers were taken
on board many times only on the condition that they owned a well-stocked medicine
chest. In each case, these persons had to face the medical emergencies resulting from
the previously described diseases or from the accidents that tended to happen aboard
the ship bruises after sudden swerves of the ship, blows from the sea, falls from the
yard arm, etc (Veyrat, 1995: 186-187; Vas Mingo and Luque Talaván, 2002: II, 603618). The naval health staff’s medicine chests from the 16th and 17th centuries were
mainly stocked with remedies of vegetable origin that were applied by using the
language of those times anointings, rubbings, garglings and fumigations, antidotes,
syrups and purgatives (Ballesteros et al., 1947: 521-523; Zúñiga Cisneros, 1978: 381382; Veyrat, 1995: 186-187; Schaedel, 2000: 433; Gracia Rivas, 2006: 167-185). In
addition to these medicines, health staff had tools such as saws, trepans, bandages,
dressings, mortars and pestles in order to crush powders and prepare ointments,
weighing scales to calculate dosages, funnels, palette knives, spoons, braziers to warm
up preparations, etc 5 . The preferred methods to alleviate the patients’ diseases or
humors were purging by means of enemas and syringes and bloodletting performed in
the arms, sometimes on an ongoing basis, which instead of relief could cause the
hastening of the death of a weak patient. These practices, as well as surgical
operations, were performed at the bottom of the main mast; close the ship’s centre of
gravity, in order to achieve the maximum possible stability to perform such delicate
procedures.
Medical attention in the ports of Manila and Acapulco
Although health measures were taken on board, these were not always effective and
either the patient died, or he reached the port of destination in a precarious state of
health. For the latter case, two hospitals were built: one in Manila and another one in
Acapulco. The one known as Hospital de las Naos del Comercio was built in Manila in
1625. The only information of it existence is provided by Díez de la Rosa, who says that
5

Several objects that must have belonged to a surgeon have been found in the wreckage of the San
Diego galleon, such as a small golden porcelain jar for ointments, two big containers made of the same
material, weighing scales lead weights in conical shapes and a bronze mortar (Veyrat, 1995: 186-187).

4

�its function was to give assistance to the crew of the merchant ships of the Philippines.
The aforesaid hospital was funded by the Real Patronato, which set aside 1000 pesos
per year for its maintenance. Francisco Guerra Pérez suggests that such amount was
intended to pay the stay of the merchant ship sailors in the Hospital Real de Manila founded in 1571- therefore raising the question of the existence of a specific Hospital de
las Naos del Comercio (Guerra Pérez, 1994: 548) 6 . Meanwhile, in Acapulco, the
health facilities in which the crew and passengers that arrived sick to the novohispanic
port were taken care of was the Hospital de Nuestra Señora de la Consolación, founded
in 1570. Supported with the income of the Real Patronato, a two percent rate on the
goods from the Philippines was used for its repair in 1651. At the beginning of the 18th
century the Hospital gave assistance to numerous sailors and soldiers of the Fort of San
Diego so, in practice, it was a military hospital. For this reason, those in charge - the
Brothers of Charity first, and the Real Caja de Acapulco later - received two reales, later
increased to three, for each sailor’s or soldier’s convalescence (Guerra Pérez, 1994:
262-263; Luque Talaván, 2008: I, 397-398)7.
In addition to the port of Acapulco, the galleons anchored occasionally, and between the
end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 19th century, in several locations of
Baja California - like the Mission San José del Cabo -, as well as in the ports of San
Blas, La Navidad or Barra de Navidad, Manzanillo and Zihuatanejo. The progressive
development of this network of small ports of anchorage to support the navigation of the
Manila galleon also served the purpose of the Crown of consolidating its presence in
such a vast region, especially during the troublesome - from a warlike point of view 18th century8. In this regard, it should be noted that the first land that the ships on the
Manila-Acapulco route spotted in months was the coast of California, where they could
replenish provisions. “The journey of the Nuestra Señora del Rosario in 1706 can be
considered to be representative. It set sail from Manila on July 6, it left behind the
6

In Manila, during the 16th century, there was a scarcity of doctors, pharmacists and medicines (GarcíaAbásolo Gónzález, 2000: 202). In regard to the Army health facilities on Philippine soil, see: Clavijo y
Clavijo, 1944: 289-306; Clavijo y Clavijo, 1950a: 383-Ss; Clavijo y Clavijo, 1950b; Casero Nieto, 1985:
101-124.
7
Francisco Santiago Cruz tells how the Manila galleons used to leave some of those gravely ill in the
Jesuit Mission San José del Cabo, located on the southern end of Baja California. After the expulsion of
the Order in 1767, the mission was abandoned (Cruz, 1962: 141).
8
The following book is very useful: Pinzón Ríos, 2011.

5

�Embocadero9 on August 3, it crossed the meridian of the Marianas on September 29, it
found “signs”10 on November 16, it sailed past Cabo San Lucas on December 4 and
entered the port of Acapulco on December 20, after a journey of five months and fifteen
days” (Schurtz, 1992: 240).
Religious practices on the high seas: oceanic death and burials
The issue of death on the sea is deeply related to the sailors’ and passengers’
devotions and religious practices, who were obliged to use this uncertain means of
transportation. Orations, prayers, ex-votos, rituals, faiths and legends are plentiful in this
transport. These questions have been addressed very efficiently by specialized
historiography, for different ages and geographical spaces (Gil Muñoz, 2004; Ferrer
Albelda et al., 2012). We are only going to address then the issue of death and burial on
the high seas of the members of the crew and passengers that died during the course of
the navigations. For example, the 1606 galleon registered a total of eighty deaths during
its journey; while the 1629 galleon only had five deaths. A very tragic case is that of the
San José, which was found drifting in 1657, a year after it set sail from Manila, with all
its crew and passengers dead. In 1678, father Cubero Sebastián made the journey to
Acapulco aboard the San Antonio de Padua galleon, where only a hundred and ninety
two men out of the four hundred who left Manila arrived alive. Just on the journey
between the coasts of California and Acapulco he officiated at a hundred and ninety two
funerals (Cubero Sebastián, 1680: 321-339; Schurtz, 1992: 241-242). The ceremonial
followed in these occasions was very simple for the sailors, whereas a more elaborate
funeral could be arranged for distinguished people. The bodies, wrapped in a shroud,
were weighed down with stones or water pots (Tempère, 2002: 115-116). It is not hard
to imagine the terrible feeling that the death of their colleagues might cause among the
persons embarked.
The oceanic death of the marquis of Ovando (1755)
We could mention innumerable examples of all of the aforesaid until now. In this regard,
documentation is well explicit, but we will only focus on one of them 11: the death of the
9

Particular reference is made to the Embocadero of San Bernardino [Strait of San Bernardino].
Natural signs that indicated the proximity of the American coast.
11
In the Archivo General de Indias, we have been able to locate one of them. For example, that referred
to the death of the Bishop of Troas, Friar Ginés de Barrientos (OP), aboard the Nuestra Señora del
10

6

�marquis of Ovando, who died aboard the Santísima Trinidad y Nuestra Señora del Buen
Fin galleon during the return journey to Spain across New Spain. The large ship left
Manila on July 23rd 1755 commanded by the marquis of Villamediana. The diseased
and casualty statistics are highly significant: twenty sick persons on October 1st, sixty
on November 30th, eighty on December 24th, one hundred and two on January 4th
1756; one hundred and fifty on the 13th of the same month. On February 1st, two
hundred sick persons were disembarked in Cabo San Lucas, at the southern end of the
Baja California peninsula, and left to the care of the Jesuits of Mission San José del
Cabo. Out of the four hundred and thirty five crew members that initially left Manila,
eighty two died on the high seas. The cause of such many deaths was a tabardillo or
typhus epidemic outbreak that made a significant dent in great part of the members of
the crew and passengers. William Lytle Schurtz notes that upon arriving in Acapulco,
the ship had no more than twenty seven men able to stand on their own feet.
It was a thankless journey for Ovando since, in addition to the terrible disease and its
fatal outcome he suffered the loss of his infant son, Ignacio José Camilo, on August 5th
born aboard the ship on July 29th. Ovando fell ill on August 16th. On December 6th he
was brought the Viaticum. Finally, death took him on December 9th, 1755 when the ship
was sailing on the same latitude as the Gulf of California, in whose waters, following the
seafaring tradition, he was laid to rest (Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, 1974: 241-242;
Zárate Toscano, 2000: 418). Before his death, he was able to make his will; a document
rich in information in which he wanted to leave his earthly and spiritual matters sorted
out. Among the aspects related to his burial, Ovando ordered to be shrouded in the
habit of St. Francis, to whose Third Order he belonged; to have his heart extracted in
order for it to be placed inside a reliquary at the foot of the Nuestra Señora del Buen Fin
statue in the convent of Santa Clara in Cáceres (Spain), and to have masses celebrated
for the eternal repose of his soul. Ovando’s firstborn son, José Francisco, II marquis of
Ovando12, unable to comply with the request relating to his father’s heart, ordered a

Rosario, San Francisco Javier y Santa Rosa galleon, in 1698 – Archivo General de Indias (Seville),
Filipinas, 119, N. 4-.
12
He himself born aboard the Nuestra Señora del Rosario galleon on April 15 1750, on his parents’
outward journey from Acapulco to Philippines (Zárate Toscano, 2000: 418).

7

�golden heart to be made so it could replace that of his father’s and be placed in the
location stated in his will (Ortiz de la Tabla Ducasse, 1974: 242-243).
Final thoughts
The aforementioned Gemelli Careri’s words in relation to the oceanic voyage may serve
as a good summary of what has been said above: “The voyage from the Philippine
Islands to the American continent can be considered the longest and hardest that exists
worldwide, not only because of the vastness of the ocean to be crossed, almost half of
the globe, against the headwinds, the storms that take place in it, one after the other,
and the diseases that afflict the people on board for seven or eight months, remaining
for a long period of time close to la Línea, sometimes in the cold, sometimes in
temperate weather, sometimes in warm weather, which is sufficient to wreck a man as
tough as iron, and much more a man of flesh and blood, who during the navigation is
not fed very well (…).” (translated from: Schurtz, 1992: 233).
In short, what we have intended is to point out, with several examples, some of the
aspects related to life aboard the Manila galleon, contributing to delve deeper in the
understanding of a sea route that is still in need of new studies of the many aspects
that compose it.
Acknowledgements
I am particularly grateful for the commentaries of José María Fernández Palacios, and
the translation of José Luis Sedano Rosa.
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11

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Biography
Miguel Luque-Talaván is a lecturer at the Department of American History I of the
Complutense University of Madrid. He has directed and taken part in several research
projects, the last one under the title "Ethnohistoric and Topogenetics Atlas of The
Philippine Islands". He has received several grants that allowed him to conduct
researches in Mexico, Peru, Great Britain, USA, Portugal and the Philippines. His
principal areas of specialization are the Derecho Indiano and the Iberoasia's History. As
author or publisher, has published fourteen books and more than one hundred works.

12

�</text>
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                  <text>The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepÃ´ts that stood along the way.</text>
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                    <text>Oil Spill Analysis on Ambon Bay, Moluccas, Indonesia: Its
Influence on the SS Aquila Shipwreck Site
Ulung Jantama Wisha
Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, Ministry of
Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia
email: ulungjantama@gmail.com
Guntur Adhi Rahmawan
Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, Ministry of
Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia
email: guntura06@gmail.com
Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan
Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, Ministry of
Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia
email: niahasanah79@gmail.com
Gunardi Kusumah
Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability, Ministry of
Marine Affairs and Fisheries Republic of Indonesia
email: lrkpl.balitbangkp@gmail.com

Abstract
The Steam Ship (SS) Duke of Sparta or SS Aquila shipwreck site is one
of the underwater cultural heritages (UCH) discovered in Ambon Bay,
Moluccas waters, Indonesia. Currently, this 1940-s British-Italian
shipwreck is threatened by an oil spill contamination on Ambon Bay. In
Ambon Bay, there is Wayaime Port, which is a transit port for ships, and
the port for oil tankers to loading and unloading their oil cargoes. One of
the biggest oil spill incidents in Ambon Bay occurred in August 2005,
when a fishing boat of MV Fu Yuan Fu F66 was exploded. This on-going
oil spill occurrence can affect SS Aquila site sustainability due to
corrosion issue, disrupt marine tourism activities, and harm marine biota
in the surrounding area. One purpose of the study conducted by
Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability in 2016 is to
determine the oil spill distribution inside the Ambon Bay which is
threatening the SS Aquila shipwreck site. The method employed in this

�research is a hydrodynamic modelling approach of oil spill module. The
result of oil spill modeling is then analysed spatially. The study results
show the period of diesel oil distribution is reached ± 285 hours, with the
spread direction is toward to Southwest (outer of the bay). The
processes found in this oil spills event includes a process of dissolution,
evaporation, and vertical dispersion. Based on the study, it can be
concluded that the intake of the oil spill on Ambon Bay waters is
undoubtedly threatening the preservation of the SS Aquila underwater
cultural heritage along with its marine environment, and the development
of marine heritage utilization.
Keywords: SS Aquila, hydrodynamic modelling, oil spill analysis,
underwater cultural heritage preservation

Introduction
The waters of Indonesian Archipelago, both in east and west parts, are
significant on the regional-interregional maritime trade routes, and is wellknown as the center of the spice trade. The eastern part of Indonesian
Archipelago became a vital area of global sea navigation due to abundant
spices resources such as cloves, nutmegs, and cinnamon. While, the
western part was important in the spice trade routes due to its position as
the center of pepper trade (Harkantiningsih, 2013). That condition is
caused by the strategic geographical location and the existence of the
transportation network which facilitated the distribution of these primary
trade commodities since an ancient time (Fig. 1). One of the essential
spice trading spots in Indonesia is the Moluccas, which is also popular as
Spice Islands.

�Fig. 1: Map of Maritime Trade Routes
(Source: http://juliansoplanit.blogspot.co.id/2011/11 modified by authors)
The center city of Moluccas is Ambon city. This city has a long history of
World War II (WWII) incident which involved the Japanese imperial troops
and Allied Forces including Dutch Het Koninklijke Nederlands(ch)Indische Leger (KNIL) and Australia. After WWII was over in 1945, Ambon
city along with other cities in eastern part of Indonesia faced a rebel
movement

incident committed by Perdjuangan Rakjat

Semesta

(PERMESTA) or The Universal People Struggle Army in 1957-1958. This
rebellion to attack the Indonesian central government, and implicitly, to reestablished the Dutch colonialism in Indonesia, was supported by Allied
Forces, particularly Dutch and United States of America (USA). In this
PERMESTA rebellion time, the trade ship of SS Aquila was bombed by a
Douglas B26 Invader plane in 1958 in the northern of Ambon Bay. This
bombing of SS Aquila was planned by the Central Intelligence Agency
(CIA) of USA to clutter up the economic sector from trading activities in
Indonesia (Amal, 2006).

�Today, the location of SS Aquila is well-known as a dive site among the
locals and international divers. It becomes one of the underwater cultural
heritage sites discovered in Ambon Bay1 . This shipwreck is located on a
slope on the seabed off Ambon, with its stern about 15 meters (8 fathoms)
below the surface and its bow about 35 meters (19 fathoms) depth2 .
Besides Aquila, there are some other shipwreck sites which have not been
identified yet found in this bay. Recently, the existence of SS Aquila
shipwreck is threatened by disposal waste, sedimentation, marine litters,
and oil spill contamination which directly stream to SS Aquila and other
UCH sites in the inner of Ambon Bay. A Wayaime Port in Ambon Bay is a
transit port for many types of ships, and also the port for oil tankers to
loading and unloading their oil cargoes. Therefore, oil spill incident
becomes quite common in this bay. In August 2005, a fishing boat of MV
Fu Yuan Fu F66 was exploded3 and became one of the biggest oil spill
incidents in Ambon Bay. This on-going oil spill occurrence may affect SS
Aquila site sustainability due to corrosion issue, disrupt marine tourism
activities, and harm marine biota in the surrounding area. In addition, the
lack of heritage knowledge and awareness of the local community, local
authorities, oil and shipping companies, and general public regarding the
importance of UCH preservation in Ambon Bay require immediate
attention.
Those conditions can endanger the wreck site and inhibit the site
preservation, the development of maritime conservation area, and can
decrease shipwreck diving tourism activities. Due to that reason, the
research which deeply concerns in the oil spill impact to the shipwreck site
is necessary to be conducted. Besides identifying the shipwreck site in
Ambon Bay and researching its current physical condition, the underwater
archaeological study carried out by the research team of Research
Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability in 2016 was also aimed

�to determine the oil spill distribution inside the Ambon Bay which is
threatening SS Aquila shipwreck.

The History of SS Aquila (SS Duke of Sparta)
SS Aquila was a cargo ship which initially named as SS Duke of Sparta.
This Duke of Sparta was launched in 1940 from William Gray Shipyard,
West Hartlepool, and later on, sold to a Napoli Italian company in 1951.
Its name was changed and became SS Aquila. In Indonesian history, SS
Aquila has been targetted to be destroyed by USA to support PERMESTA
rebel movement interest in disrupting an economic sector of Indonesia.
Besides SS Aquila, there are two other cargo ships in Ambon Bay, which
were a Yunani ship, SS Armania, and Panama ship, SS Flying Lark.
Those ships had been raided by Allen Lawrence Pope, a USA
paramillitary aviator who flew CIA bombing missions in the PERMESTA
rebellion. He joined USA Air Force officer, William H. Beale Jr, to operate
a bomber aircraft Douglas B-26 Invader for PERMESTA rebels. In 27th
April 1958, Allen Pope did his first mission at the same time of William
Beale's 3rd bomb mission. The air raid of SS Aquila by Allen Pope was not
resulting in any fatalities, and that ship was sunk one month after bombing
incident on 27th May 1958.

The Potential of Maritime Archaeological Resources of SS Aquila
The top position of SS Aquila shipwreck was found in the depth of 15-35
meters with the bow position facing to southwest. The shipwreck body was
still intact and several parts has collapsed, such as the crane, chimney,
and the crane wall. Some parts of the shipwreck were damaged due to
human pillaging. The ship engines, which were still intact and covered by
cables and stairs, were found in the depth of ± 40 meters. While, the
profiler cannot be seen anymore. Coral covered the shipboard name.

�According to the information obtained from local people, there were
massive lootings of SS Aquila shipwreck committed by irresponsible
people using makeshift tools. It is assumed that the looters salvaged the
ship profiler which has high economic value. The dimension of SS Aquila
can be seen in Table 1. At the time of diving SS Aquila, the team still could
penetrate some parts of the shipwreck to take a video and photo
documentation. Figure 2 shows the underwater documentation of SS
Aquila, and the location of Aquila shipwreck site is shown in Fig. 3.

Table 1. The Specification of SS Aquila
(Source: Tony, 2013)
Name
Type
The sunken date
Weight
Length
Width
Height
Propulsion
Power

SS. Aquila (1951-1958)
SS. Duke of Sparta (1940-1951)
Cargo ship
27th May 1958 in Wayame, Ambon
Bay
5397 Ton
441.1 ft. (134.4 m)
57.8 ft. (17.6 m)
25.4 ft. (7.7 m)
3-cylinder triple-expansion steam
engine
492 NHP

�Fig. 2: SS Aquila and its current condition.

Fig. 3: The location of the SS Aquila.

There were a lot of biota living in the shipwreck site including 42
types of reefs which are covering the ship's body. Additionally, some types
of fish can also be seen around the site. Local communities and foreigners

�have known the presence of Aquila shipwreck. However, even though
today it has been utilized for diving tourism, this Aquila site has not been
managed properly by government, both local and central.
The underwater cultural heritage potential in Indonesia is tremendously
huge (Ridwan, 2011) in the form of shipwreck sites. This includes some
shipwreck sites discovered across the Moluccas waters which related to
the significance of sea trading activities in the maritime history of
Moluccas waters. According to Amal (2006), the trading strategy
implemented was expropriated the spice production area to facilitate
monitoring. While, they also developed the collecting area of spices, such
as Ambon waters, where the spices later on will be sent to Europe.
Therefore, it is clear that the Moluccas is one of the most important regions
of spice sea trading at that time with large number of sailing ships from
many countries and regions. This situation added by many incidents from
WWII until the PERMESTA rebellion caused the richness of UCH found
in this area.
The Oil Spill Problem in the Inner of Ambon Bay
The presence of oil spill in the inner of Ambon Bay was severe alarming.
The ships daily activities in Waiyame Port in Ambon Bay affect and
increase the oil concentration in this sea waters area. This condition which
is also supported by the weak water mass dynamics can result in the
deposition of the oil spilled. According to Huang (1983), nine processes
(including the physical, chemical, and biological processes) can cause the
providence and behavior of spilled oil such as advection, spreading,
evaporation,

dissolution,

emulsification, dispersion, auto-oxidation,

biodegradation, and sinking/sedimentation. The spilled oil does not only
inhibit the environmental condition but also affects negatively the biota.
Moreover, all of part of sea water in the area will be polluted, and

�consequently will also affect SS Aquila site sustainability and cause a
corrosion issue on the shipwreck.
The explosion incident of MV Fu Yuan Fu 66 resulted in the water pollution
in Ambon Bay (Research Center of Biotechnology, 2009), which
widespreaded along the coastline around the exploded ship. The source
of explosion was an engine room and caused the ship's engine leaking,
therefore, the oil spilled into the sea water (Helut, 2015). The prevention
action was done by the local people using an oil boom net. However, the
effort did not really work in reducing the impact of this oil spilled incident.
Oil Spill Simulation Result
The oil spill simulation was supported by a hydrodynamic flow model
implementation which simulated to determine the oil spill distribution. The
simulation applied for 15 days to represent the oil distribution period until
the oil degraded and deposited in the bottom of the water. Flow model
was employed to build a hydrodynamics simulation which is shown in the
form of two-dimensional form (Warren and Bach, 1992; Mehdiabadi et al.,
2015). The input of the model is using winds, bathymetry, and coastline
data digitized using Google Earth image 2016. The surface elevation is
obtained from NAOtide tide forecasting in the form of time series data.
Acoustic Doppler Current Profiler (ADCP) was deployed in shipwreck site
area for 2x24 hours. ADCP records several physical data such as tide,
temperature, and current data. The tides data are used for the verification
of the results of the hydrodynamic modeling which employed Root Mean
Square Error (RMSE) formula.
The simulation applied only used one scenario which employed the diesel
oil with the oil viscosity of 6.9 %v/v. The distribution velocity of oil that
spilled in the surface is based on the viscosity of that oil. Oil with low

�viscosity will be easier to flow and vice versa (Mukhtasor, 2007). The
source of diesel oil spill was implemented as well as the sunken point of
MV Fu Yuan and Wayame Port. The model simulated the oil
contamination from the source which is modeled based on the release of
the particles.
The model result must be validated. The model validated by comparing
the model data and field measurement data obtained. The graph of model
validation is shown in Figure 4, which shows that the fluctuation of surface
elevation has the same phase between two data. The RMSE value
obtained of 4.57 %. The current speed obtained by retrieving the ADCP
measurement result, which ranged from 0.1-0.3 m/s. According to Wang
et al. (2008), the amount of oil released at sea is distributed among a large
number of particles which are tracked separately. These particles are
driven by a combination of induced currents, waves, and wind velocities.

Fig. 4: Model validation using Surface Elevation.
Exposure time is the time needed by the oil spilled to move from one grid
to another grid (DHI, 2007). Based on the 15 days simulation resulted the
distribution pattern of spilled oil, it shows that the diesel oil has the
exposure time of ± 285 hours. According to Simonato et al. (2010), the
diesel oil is easier to be exposed due to the unsupported of residual
fraction. Fig. 5 shows the spilled diesel oil which well distributed around

�the border of inner and outer Ambon Bay. The oil flows gradually following
the current direction. For 15 days simulation, the oil exposed to the area
of UCH preservation in Ambon Bay. The processes found in this oil spills
event includes a process of dissolution, evaporation, and vertical
dispersion. McCAy and Paine (2001) stated that the dissolution rate of
hydrocarbons in water is useful in predicting both weathering pathways
and possible biological harm. The oil evaporation effects on the formation
of emulsification which the different types of emulsification are formed
under different condition (Xie et al., 2007). Li et al. (2008) pointed out that
the effectiveness of dispersion can be found in the water column oil
concentration and size distribution of dispersed oil droplets. It dispersed
and diluted under the regular wave and breaking wave condition.

�Fig. 5: Simulation for exposure time to diesel oil for 15 days.
The thickness of the diesel oil surface layer ranged from 105-185mm. It
shows that the surface layer of diesel oil is 60% wider in the surface water,
and the diesel oil is more readily exposed by hydrodynamic factors. The
influence of spilled oil is threatening the existence of SS Aquila including
the biota around it. This on-going vertically dispersed oil might be evoking
the corrosion issue of the shipwreck impacted.
The impression of SS Aquila is dominated by the remains of the boiler,
engine, and frames which are formed from steel and iron. In the tropical
seawater which is warm, the corrosion of steel and iron are faster due to
the support of encrusting organism’s encapsulation such as bryozoan,
corals and coralline algae (MacLeod, 2002). The occurrence of oil spilled
aggravated the corrosion issue. The oxidation processes occurred
beneath the marine growth and oil compound separation is the major

�factor in the seabed corrosion. Supporting by the high rate of
sedimentation will destroying the UCH of SS Aquila.

Conclusion
Based on the study of oil spill incident in the area of SS Aquila shipwreck
site in Ambon Bay, it can be concluded that the distribution of diesel oil
dominantly caused by hydrodynamic factors which evoke the process of
dissolution, evaporation, and vertical dispersion. The water column
dispersed oil triggers corrosion of the iron material such as a sunken ship
in Ambon Bay. The intake of the oil spill on Ambon Bay is undoubtedly
threatening the preservation of the SS Aquila underwater cultural heritage
along with its marine environment, and disrupting the development of
marine heritage utilization.
This study can be useful as a basis for the preservation of SS Aquila and
other UCH sites in Moluccas waters. This research can also raise
awareness of the local government to give more attention to oil spill
incident, sea water pollution, and plundering activities of shipwreck sites
cpommitted by local communities in Ambon Bay. The rich history and
potential of UCH sites in Ambon Bay can be utilized for the sustainable
tourism development that gives opportunities to prosper the society in the
vicinity.
A lot of method to resolve oil spill problems has been developed by
researchers around the world such as by using oil booms, organic
solvents, and superhydrophobic and superoloephilic sponges. It is
recomended that the local government in particular the environmental
agency to periodically control the condition of the waters and the
symptoms of oil spills in Ambon Bay. Preventive action to safe the marine
environment is urgently necessary to overcome the corrosion effects

�which occur in SS Aquila. The corrosion and site destruction on shipwreck
site are unavoidable. However, it can be reduced through monitoring effort
of ships movement on shipwreck site, decrease oil spill incidents and
other pollutants, and use cathodic protection method .
Endnotes
1

Information related to SS Aquila shipwreck diving can be found in some
blogs of local divers. http://www.divingmaluku.com/2017/03/ambonwreck-diving-ss-aquila-duke-sparta/. The integrated scientific research
regarding SS Aquila shipwreck has never been done before the research
conducted by Research Institute of Coastal Resources and Vulnerability
in 2016.
The specification of SS Aqulla can be found in the Lloyd’s Register,
Streamers &amp; Motorships. London: Lloyd’s Register 1941.
2

3

This information was retrieved from http://www.m.liputan6.com.
(Tumpahan minyak di perairan Ambon meluas/11 July 2017)
Acknowledgements
The acknowledgement and gratitude are given to Research Institute for
Coastal Resources and Vulnerability (LRSDKP) for DIPA research budget
2016 in the Ambon Bay. We pay tribute to all research member team and
everyone who have assisted the completion of this work, particularly Nia
Naelul Hasanah Ridwan who has supervised the writing of this paper.

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Biography
Ulung Jantama Wisha is Oceanography Research Scientist who has
been working in the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries since 2015.
He was graduated from Oceanography Department of Diponegoro
University in 2014. Until present, he has contributed in several research
projects on underwater cultural heritage (UCH) sites in Indonesia which
conducted by Research Institute of Coastal Resources and Vulnerability.
In 2015, he attended an underwater archaeology summer school
organized by Institute of Archaeology-ICOMOS-ICUCH-SEAMEO
SPAFA-UNESCO in Vietnam. His research interest is an applied
oceanography area, including maritime archaeology, ocean modeling,
environmental aspects, as well as ocean climate issues. He has published
17 writings until today.

Guntur Adhi Rahmawan is Geomatics Research Scientist working in
Indonesian Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries since 2015. He was
graduated from Department of Geomatics Engineering, Diponegoro
University. His research interest is a coastal resources and vulnerability,
particularly in Hydrography area. Last year, he and his team have
conducted research maritime archaeological resources for conservation

�area in Ambon Bay which eventually provided the basis data of this paper.
He also frequently contributed to other archaeological researches in
RICRV and assisted in the making of shipwreck sketches in
complementary analyzes of coastal resources.

Nia Naelul Hasanah Ridwan is Maritime Archaeology Researcher
working in Ministry of Marine Affairs since 2005. She hold a Master of
Social Science in Environment and Heritage from James Cook University.
Until present, she has led some research projects on underwater cultural
heritage (UCH) sites throughout Indonesian Water. For her dedication,
The President of Indonesia awarded Satya Lancana Wira Karya Award in
2015. Nia's interests include the relationship between UCH and its
environment; threats to UCH; UCH long term protection; maritime
museum affairs, community engagement; marine-heritage tourism; and
illicit trafficking. Nia had attended some trainings held by UNESCO,
ICCROM-SEAMEO SPAFA-The Getty Foundation, and The Netherlands
Cultural Heritage Agency. She has published 51 her research results.

Gunardi Kusumah has been working in the Ministry of Marine Affairs and
Fisheries. In 2010, he was assigned as a Head of Research Institute for
Coastal Resources and Vulnerability (RICRV) until present. His research
interest is an Environmental Geology area. In recent years, he has
focused his research on hydrogeology and groundwater resources,
especially their characteristics and potency, as well as the interaction with
coastal environment. He was also involved in all maritime archaeological
researches conducted by RICRV from 2012-2017, and dedicates his
expertise on sedimentation process and marine geological aspects to
examine the vulnerability of shipwreck sites.

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                    <text>On-going archaeological researches on shipwrecked junks in the Philippines
Franck Goddio¹, David Fabre¹, Marie-Amande Coignard²
¹Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology, Manila
²Archaeological Artefacts Conservator
FEFNA. 125, Suerte Street, Pasay City, 1300 Metro Manilla, Philippines
Email: dfabre.ieasm@yahoo.fr, marieamande.coignard@gmail.com

Abstract
The Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA) have been working with
the National Museum of the Philippines for twenty-eight years. The researches aim at
illustrating the maritime history of the Philippines through excavations and studies of
shipwrecks lying in their territorial waters. This presentation on junks focuses on a case
study, with few conservation points. Some of the junks have been discovered during a
systematic research campaign alongside historical trade routes. Some excavations
have also been performed at the request of the National Museum. Our knowledge of the
“Nanhai trade” is enhanced by the cargoes study: a large panel of Asian production
disclosing a dynamic network of cultural influences and commercial exchanges lasting
from the 11th to the 16th centuries. Some historical maritime trading roads have been
revealed. The Santa Cruz junk, late 15th century, is representative of a transitional time in
Nanhai maritime trade. In a way, this ship is a landmark of the last inter-Asian trading
phase in the Chinese “Mediterranean” area, before the 16th century “globalization”. In
addition, the Santa Cruz hull’s condition enabled completion of the existing
documentation and a larger scale reflexion on cargo stowage and shipbuilding process.
Specific analyses on construction details and hypothesis on assembly methods result in
original data on the evolution of nautical techniques and on reciprocal influence and coexistence of shipbuilding technologies. Hence, the construction study contributes to the
renewal of Nanhai maritime transport understanding, as it shows some original
characteristic and a perfect appropriateness to inter-Asian maritime trade organization.
Keywords: Chinese Trade, Junk, Naval Architecture, Nanhai Trade, Santa Cruz junk

Introduction
Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology undertakes, with the National Museum of
the Philippines, archaeological missions in the Philippines since 1985. This work is centred
on the search for, and the study of, territorial waters’ shipwrecks. These junks were found
either during systematic surveys1, either while searching for Spanish galleons and East
India Company vessels2, or found by following up information given by fishermen3. To date
these include the Breaker (11th century), Investigator (13th century), Lena (about 1490),

1

�Española and Santa Cruz (both from the end of 15th century), San Isidro (about 1510),
and Royal Captain Shoal (1573-1619)4.

Development of Chinese commerce
The cargoes of these merchant ships offer an overview of Asian products and trade routes
with their development over more than six centuries, not only in Southeast Asia – the
“Nanhai trade” –, but also in the Indian Ocean, and the Middle East. About Far East trade
we knew, until recently, only the final and European phase, which began with the arrival of
the Portuguese in Asia in the 16th century. The study of the shipwrecked junks in the
Philippines contributes to the understanding of exchanges and the wider political and
economical circumstances that led to the development of trade in the China seas and
beyond, from the 11th century, when China established important and constant
commercial links with the archipelago, up to the 15th century. Factors included improved
navigational techniques, the apparition of a mercantile class, the reform of taxation, the
unification of coinage, the development of new routes, the use of the monsoon system, the
fight against piracy, the reforestation for shipbuilding, the expeditions of Zheng He, etc.
Furthermore, the richness and variety of junk cargoes from the 15th century belies the
restrictions on maritime trade implemented by the Ming Dynasty. Either the decrees
prohibiting maritime trade caused an explosion in the price of South-East Asian products
and thus created an incentive for smuggling, which is difficult to prove archaeologically, or
there was considerable movement of goods to and from China within the category of
official tribute5.
It is also at this time that exchanges between China and the Philippines experienced a
considerable expansion, formalised through tributary relations and the sending of
ambassadors. Successful trading operations between the two countries meant that many
Chinese settled there, especially at the end of the fifteenth century and the sixteenth
century. In the Mingshi6 the Philippines are the subject of the following comments: “Luzon
(...). Because of the fertility of the island, thousands of merchants from Zhanzhou went
there. Many settled there... A large number of vessels visited Mindoro which became
prosperous. The Chinese who traded with the island were treated with fairness and
respect”.

2

�In the beginning of the sixteenth century, the arrival of Europeans would increase the
volume of trade off the southern Chinese coast. The Spanish settled in the Philippines and
massively imported, in 'Manila galleons', coins minted with silver mined in Mexico and
Peru. To absorb this silver, the Chinese developed a very active trade with the Philippines,
reaching as far as the Sultanate of Jolo.

Navigation to the Philippines
The Sulu Sea, south of the Philippine archipelago, between Mindanao, Borneo and the
Moluccas, was an area of passage and exchange, certainly from the Tang period on (618907). According to Chinese written sources, one of the main routes to reach Borneo, a
junction of major shipping routes (Manguin, 2001: 8), utilised the interior sea of the
archipelago and thus provided opportunities for interaction with the local populations. The
Shung Feng Hsiang Sung7 states that starting from the southern ports, navigators could
choose from two routes: the western coastal route, along the coast of China until the
Malay Peninsula and then into the Indian Ocean, or the maritime route to the east, across
the South China Sea to the islands of Luzon and Mindoro, then continuing along the east
coast of Palawan to reach either Balambagan, Borneo and Java, or the Celebes or Maluku.
Before the end of the seventeenth century written sources do not mention a route along
the west coast of Palawan.
But it is precisely in this
“Palawan Passage” that
the

junks

Investigator,

Breaker,
Lena,

and

Royal Captain shoal were
found, providing evidence
of a “Nanhai Trade” route
along the west coast of the
island (Goddio et al., 1987;
Fig. 1 View of the junk Lena during excavations. (© Christoph Gerigk Goddio et al., 2002).
and Franck Goddio/FEFNA).

3

�Merchandise and cargoes
The Chu-fan-chi, written by Zhao Rugua, inspector of trade in Fujiang Province in the early
thirteenth century (Southern Song), describes the lands visited by Chinese merchants and
also gives valuable information on the products traded8. Silks and ceramics were the main
goods sold or bartered in exchange for spices, fragrant products and medicines. Luxury
goods were very present: fine beads, precious stones, ivory, precious woods, etc. The
Chinese reports from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which describe tributes sent
from the Philippines to the Ming court, list substantially identical products. The excavations
of the junks offer unique insight of this international Asiatic trade, and most especially an
overview of Chinese ceramic production for export (Goddio, et al., 1987: 22-73; Goddio et
al., 2002; Dizon and Orillaneda 2002; Orillaneda, 2008).

Under the Song Dynasty (960-1276), the production of ceramics is clearly motivated by
intellectual and aesthetic concerns (Breaker). The conquest of China by the Mongols in
the thirteenth century, and then the “Tartar peace”, favoured the reopening of the great
trade routes by land and sea. The ports of southern China, such as Guangzhou,
Quanzhou or Whenzou, exported Qinghai and shufu porcelain, as well as celadon and
4

�stoneware (Investigator). In return, the Chinese probably imported, amongst other goods,
a form of prepared cobalt from the region of Kashan in Persia, which, in the workshops in
Jingdezhen, produced large quantities of “blue and white”, in many forms and styles, in the
late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Lena, Española, Santa Cruz).
The cargo of the junk Lena (Figs. 1-2) is dominated by Chinese porcelain from the last
decade of the fifteenth century (the reign of Emperor Hongzhi), mainly decorated in
underglaze cobalt blue, some white monochrome pieces sometimes incised with floral
motifs, a dish exceptionally richly decorated with enamel overglaze, and some fragments
of fahua porcelain and stoneware with “celadon” glaze. Much of this material is similar to
that in the collections of the Topkapi Saray in Istanbul and the sanctuary of Ardebil in Iran.
Beyond the typological study of the ceramics, there is the question of the destination of the
Lena. The large “blue and white” and celadon dishes, from the workshops of potters in
Jingdezhen and Longqan are generally considered to be export ceramics for the Middleeastern market. The jugs, bottles, large boxes, and the writing cases could confirm this
hypothesis. However, the numerous Thai celadon, the large brown glazed jars, and some
porcelain never noticed in the Near and Middle East, together with woks, basins and
bronze bracelets suggest that an Asian destination is most probable. Moreover, since
Islam, already installed in the Indonesian archipelago, had entered the Pacific Islands at
the end of the 15th century, it is conceivable that the Lena was sailing towards one of the
sultanates in the region9. In the beginning of the sixteenth century two types of porcelain
predominate. The first keeps the classic designs but the composition tightens and often
becomes overloaded, the blue has a grey tone, and the glaze is clouded (San Isidro). The
second category, made for a Muslim clientele is decorated with Arabic and Persian
characters. These are small pieces designed for the use of a scholar. In the last quarter of
the sixteenth century, quality deteriorates – the clay is less fine, the drawing crude, the
blue is less intense – like the china in the Royal Captain shoal, certainly intended for
markets in South East Asia.
As evidenced from both texts and archaeology, beads formed a traditional part of the
“Nanhai trade”. The Lena and the Santa Cruz transported many thousands of beads of
different sizes, shapes and colours, fired in the Tao Maenam Noi kilns and packaged in
small ovoid jars from Sawankhalok (Goddio et al., 2002). Several hundred have been
5

�uncovered during excavations of the Royal Captain shoal (Goddio et al., 1987: 74-75).
While the typology of these beads is not sufficient to identify their place of production,
chemical analysis indicates a significant proportion of lead and barium, which could
suggest a Chinese origin10. Ethnological studies conducted since the late nineteenth
century, particularly in Borneo and the Philippines, have recorded that the beads, used for
a long time and in large quantities, were often from China11.
The metal objects allow us to
see the regularity of this trade
over the centuries (Goddio et
al., 1987: 76-81; Goddio et al.,
2002: 235-248). All the junks,
from

the

sixteenth

eleventh
centuries,

to

the

carried

cast iron ingots and pans.
Wrought iron needles were
Fig. 3 Ceramics stacked in the hold compartments in the junk also found in a small porcelain
Santa Cruz. (© Christoph Gerigk and Franck Goddio/FEFNA)
“blue and white” vase carried

on the Lena. Needles were traditionally exported by China, as still recorded at the end of
the sixteenth century by the governor of Manila, Antonio de Morga. In addition, more than
180 tin ingots were distributed within the junk. The production of this metal was located
east of Sumatra, on the island of Banca, on the Malay Peninsula and adjacent islands.
Textual sources indicate that the tin was imported at Calamian Islands, Busuanga and the
Palawan region. Among the recurring finds are bronze gongs, were sold throughout South
East Asia by the Chinese (Wang Ta-Yuan, Tao-i Chih-Lioh, 1350). Some thirty years after
the sinking of the junks Lena and Santa Cruz, Pigafetta, who accompanied Magellan
during his visit to the Sultan of the island of Cebu, Homahon, reported several Chinese
bronze gongs of Chinese origin12.
The quantity of ivory loaded on the Lena has been estimated at a minimum of eighty tusks
of various sizes and weights (Goddio et al., 2002: 249). Written sources provide details
about the trade in this product from the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, Java and Coromandel.

6

�During the Song Dynasty, its importation was heavily taxed, and it had to be made
available to the official market and could only be purchased by licensed traders. The cargo
of the Lena also contained combs and precious lacquer boxes.
Cargo stowage and organization
The remains of the junks evidences contribute to determine stowage techniques and cargo
organization (Figs. 3-4). The Lena shows us that ceramics, selected by shape and not by
decoration, were stacked in the hold compartments. No trace of protective cases has been
found; only residual bark and rice straw used as packing materials. The Santa Cruz had
sub-compartments formed by a small bamboo fence, held by poles, wooden hurdles and
bamboo links (Goddio and Fabre, forthcoming). One characteristic of the cargo of the
wreck of the Lena is the accumulation of small globular jars with the green glaze of
Sawankhalok from the kilns of Satchanaloi. In one compartment of the ship, 297 of them
remained stacked against each other. It is to be noted that the porcelain was not packed in
jars (Goddio et al., 2002: 1-41). Jars of glazed clay, which the Chinese were the first to be
able to make, were however the appropriate packaging for the transport of fragile goods.
From the eighth to the sixteenth century, Chinese ceramics exported overseas were
nested inside each other
and then stacked in jars. In
the estuary of the Pearl
River

fishermen

have

recovered Tang Dynasty
(617-907) jars, used to
package bowls and pots.
Excavation

of

the

junk

Breaker correlates the data
from Pinszhou Ketan on
merchant

ships

loading Fig. 4 Stowage of the cargo in the junk Santa Cruz. (© Christoph
during the Sung (960-1279). Gerigk and Franck Goddio / FEFNA)

7

�Naval Architecture
Analysis of the junks discovered in the Philippines began to fill the gaps left by standard
documentation. The junk Lena display a hull bottom 18 meters long and 5 meters wide –
overall length being estimated at 24 m, that of a medium-sized vessel (Goddio et al., 2002:
1-41). Unfortunately, a thick layer of concretion, product of iron ingots shipment now
welded

to

the

remains,

complicated the study. The hull,
23

strakes

of

which

are

preserved, is double, confirming
Marco Polo's observation that
Chinese junks had “a hull with a
double skin formed by two
superposed planks throughout
the length of the ship, carefully
caulked with tow on both sides
and held together with good iron Fig. 5 Prow of the junk Santa Cruz. (© Christoph Gerigk and
nails”. The ship has a hull with

Franck Goddio/FEFNA)

planks, made of Shorea sp., which are fully assembled from the freeboard, using small
cylindrical tenons of Palaquium sp., spaced at eleven to twelve centimetres. The planks
are fitted edge to edge and cut so that they fit into each other. To form the strake, the
planks are joined with “Jupiter scarfs”. The absence of ribs is not surprising; texts and
archaeological excavations show a subdivision of the hold with perpendicular bulkheads
constituting the transverse frame of the boat.
Discovered off the west coast of Luzon, the merchant junk Santa Cruz, also from the Ming
Dynasty, late fifteenth century, has a hull 80% preserved under the waterline (Fig. 5). This
rare state of preservation is partly due to sand burial and partly to wood species used for
the construction and known to be chemically and physically water resistant, as the long
lasting Vitex sp., Verbenaceae, the shipworms-proof Mimusops sp., Sapotaceae or the rotproof Afzelia sp., Caesalpiniaceae. Teakwood also contributed, since its oleoresin is
abrasion-resistant and helped preventing corrosion of the nails. With three masts and a
compartmented hold acting as frame, decked and supporting a castle, its length is about
8

�25 m with a 5.8 m width. A detailed study of the construction techniques has been made
(Fig. 6) (Goddio and Fabre, forthcoming).

Fig. 6 Plan of the junk Santa Cruz. Transverse bulkheads with compartmented hold serving as frame. (©
Patrice Sandrin and Franck Goddio/FEFNA)

Discussion

The case of the Santa Cruz
In considering the details of construction and their assumed assembly methods, points of
analysis related to the evolution of naval technology appear, as the contamination of one
technique by another, the coexistence of different processes of construction, etc. Thus, the
Santa Cruz architectural study opens up the question of the nature of shipping in the China
Sea before Portuguese and Spanish galleons arrival, showing the originality of certain
techniques, and an efficiency and technology perfectly adapted to intra-Asian maritime
trade organization.

9

�Vessel architecture, date and nature of unearthed material as well as shipwreck location
(west of the island of Luzon), make it highly to be a “Chinese” wreck – in the broadest
sense of the term, namely travelling to or from China. Certainly built outside of China –
most likely in the Philippines – it was loaded with an eclectic cargo of goods from all the
major production centres of the Celestial Empire, collected in the harbour warehouses of
southern China, but also Siam, Vietnam and elsewhere, before travelling to their final
markets .The junk was as “Chinese” as the ships in the western Mediterranean from the
imperial era were “Roman”.
The junk was also “Chinese” in its construction, with a hull shaped as a piece of split
bamboo, transverse bulkheads with a compartmented hold serving as frame, hull planks
joined with iron nails but also, following the traditional hybrid Southern China Sea style,
with the keel playing an essential structural role, and using timber of tropical origin. All the
wood species used in the construction of the Santa Cruz are found in the Philippine
archipelago and most of the islands in the South China Sea, but not in China. The
merchants who had chartered it therefore could not belong to the provinces of Fujian and
Guangdong, sailing on ships built in China. The essentially “Chinese” architecture seems
to rule out the possibility that it was chartered by the peoples of South East Asia, very
active on the eastern route between Melaka and Manila Bay (Reid, 1996: 34-35), but who
sailed on craft built with local traditional techniques (Manguin, 2001).
Ultimately, given the assumed departure port of the ship, wrecked off the coast of Luzon,
and the fact that its ceramics all date from a period when the prohibition to build ships and
trade abroad was strictly applied by the Ming, it is highly unlikely that the ship and its
charterers were of continental origin. It is much more likely that they belonged to a
Chinese community located in the commercial towns of the archipelago. Certainly made in
collaboration with local shipbuilders, the junk benefited from their particular expertise. Its
construction is consistent with a “tendency to crossing, identified in shipbuilding technology
evolution, with a new type of ship in archaeological sites from between the fourteenth and
sixteenth centuries, probably coinciding with the increasing role played by Chinese trade
and ‘merchant adventurers’ in Southeast Asia” (Manguin, 2001: 15).
The Santa Cruz marks out the final phase of the intra-Asian trade in the late fifteenth
century Chinese “Mediterranean”, before the sixteenth century “globalization”, when a new
10

�global geography emerges from expanding traffic and desires for domination. While this
future changes did not effect the Santa Cruz, it is poignant to note that it was wrecked a
few miles northwest of Manila, the future Spanish colony that would be installed on the
already well established maritime trade route. Is it possible that Manila (Luzon), on the
eastern “Nanhai Trade” route played the same role as Maleka, on the western route?
Before the Spanish conquest, Maleka took advantage of the Chinese emperor's closure of
the seas. Located on a key point of Chinese Eastern trade route, the city was well placed
to assert itself as an unavoidable stop for the tributary exchanges between Asia SouthEast and China, and as a regional depot for goods travelling to or from the Empire13. Like
the Portuguese in Maleka in 1511, the Spaniards were not mistaking in settling down in
Manila in 1571 in order to become the preferred trading partner of China. It was there,
even before the lifting of the Ming ban in 1567, that Fujian merchants, deprived of their
main source of income, foreign trade, rushed to build junks capable of transporting goods
from both China and South East Asia.

Conservation
While hulls remain in situ, excavated artefacts are conserved in land. If some have been
sent overseas for treatment, most of them have been treated in Manila, in partnership
which the National Museum. Experts have been called sporadically for interventions, but
all the long-term tasks, as desalinisation process, are in charged of local staff, with good
maintenance and very good results. It is noticeable that standard European treatments
for metals protection have to be reinforced to fit with the Philippines very high relative
humidity, while ceramics will benefit of a low risk of salt crystallisation due to the same
factor.
In-situ preservation is facilitated by usually calm deep water and sand burial but
cyclones and pillars are a threat (i.e. pillars damaged the Lena site before excavation
and stole the metal foils maintaining reburial sand on the Santa Cruz site). The Lena
hull was reburied under 150 centimetres of sand, from the site itself, with no system to
maintain the sand in position. Last checking on the Santa Cruz site shows that the sand
was still in position despite the lack of holding devices.
Given the complexity, the cost and the constraints of waterlogged ship conservation,
there are no current plans to unbury and treat the hulls. Even with recent developments
11

�in waterlogged wood conservation, raising a ship should not become a standard
operation unless it’s under direct destruction threat. Iron-saturated wood of the Lena
would still be a nightmare to conserve. Researches may eventually solve problems due
to iron sulphates, consolidation products, and sensibility to relative humidity. Currently,
we better stand with in-situ conservation and scientific data compilation.
Endnotes
1

Geophysical surveys notably led to the discovery of junk San Isidro. Goddio et al., 1997.

2

As for the Royal Captain shoal (Goddio et al., 1987).

3

As for the junks Breaker, Lena and Santa Cruz (Goddio et al. 1997; Goddio et al. 2002; Goddio
and Fabre, forthcoming).
4

Named after the site of their discovery.

5

Official “tribute” trade did not prohibit trade market exchange. Lam, in Goddio et al, 2002: 50. In
particular, in the early fifteenth century, the Muslim city-states that developed in Southeast Asia
became prosperous thanks to embassies sent to China which wove strong economic ties with the
continental power, i.e.: Brunei. Karim Osman, 2001: 21-22.
6

The official history of the Ming dynasty. Quotes from Lam, in Goddio et al, 2002: 52.

7

An anonymous compilation written in 1430, with additions in 1571, the Shun Feng Hsiang Sung is
one of the most important sources for sea routes followed between South China and the
Indonesian archipelago, the Malabar Coast, Yemen, the Red Sea, the Sunda Islands or the Sulu
Sea. Shun Feng Sung Hsiang, Laud MS, Or 145, Bodleian Library, Oxford. Needham, 1971: 581;
Mills, 1979.
8

Hirth and Rockhill, 1911

9

In the fifteenth century, relations between China and Brunei developed considerably. At the end of
the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth century, Brunei experienced a golden age
and became the hub of the region, collecting at its port most of the forest products of western
Borneo, as well as those of the neighbouring Muslim communities of Sulu and Mindanao. Karim
Osman, 2001: 20; Manguin, 2001: 9-10.
10

Spectrographic analysis has also shown the role of metal oxides in the colouration of the beads.
However one should be cautious as bacterial reduction following the shipwreck might have
changed the colour of the beads by reducing the metal oxides in the paste.
11

We know the extremely important role that the beads played and continue to play in the lives of
indigenous people of Borneo. The Philippines also imported glass beads, just as they did porcelain,
gold, lead and iron needles (Rugua Zhao Chu-fan-chi, 40 trad. Hirth &amp; Rockhill, 1911). The
distribution of these beads has been identified in the archaeological sites along the western side of
Luzon and the south-western fringe of the Philippines.

12

�12

Pigafetta, Voyage autour du monde, Ms. Fr. 24224 B.N. Paris. Musical or ritual instrument, and a
sign of opulence, gongs were also used on boats to sound the hour and to announce the arrival of
a trading junk to the local population. Among the metal objects discovered not directly related to
trade were the guns found on the Lena, of great significance for the study of the armament carried
by Asian ships and its technology, especially before the arrival of Europeans (Goddio et al., 2002:
237-241). Three staff guns were found during the excavations of the Santa Cruz (Goddio and
Fabre, forthcoming).
13

Not to mention Brunei and Banten on in the South China Sea which played an important role in
international trade, being termini for navigation in the South China Sea.

References
Dizon, E., Orillaneda, R. 2002. Ming Blue and Whites from Shipwrecks in the
Phillippines. In Yuan and Ming Blue and White Ware from Jiangxi. Jiangxi Provincial
Museum and the Art Museum: 211-223.
Goddio, F. et al. 1987. La fouille de la jonque du Royal Captain shoal. Dossiers
d’Histoire et Archéologie 113. Paris.
Goddio, F., Desroches, J.-P., Crick, M., 1997. Weisses Gold. Göttingen.
Goddio, F., Crick, M., Pierson, S., Scott, R., Lam, P.Y.K., 2002. Lost at sea, The
strange route of the Lena shoal Junk. London.
Goddio, F., Fabre, D. (dir.), forthcoming. The Ming Dynasty Santa Cruz junk shipwreck
in the Philippines. Oxford.
Hirth, F., Rockhill, W., 1911. Zhao Rugua, Chu-fan-chi. Saint Petersburg.
Karim, Pg. Dr., Osman, Pg. Haji, 2001. L’épave de Brunei et sa contribution à l’histoire
maritime de Brunei. In M. L’Hour (dir.), La mémoire engloutie de Brunei. t. 2. Paris: 1927.
Manguin, P.-Y., 2001. Réseaux marchands et navires en mer de Chine méridionale. In
M. L’Hour (dir.), La mémoire engloutie de Brunei. t. 2. Paris: 7-17.
Mills, J.V. 1979. Chinese navigators in Insulinde about A.D. 1500. Archipel 18: 37-62.
Needham, J., 1971. Science and Civilization in China. Cambridge.
Orillaneda, B.C., 2008. The Santa Cruz, Zambales Shipwreck Ceramics: Understanding
Southeast Asian Ceramic trade during the late 15th Century C.E. University of the
Philippines. Diliman Quezon City.
Reid, A., 1996. Sojourners and settlers: Histories of Southeast Asia and the Chinese. St.
Leonard.

13

�Biography
Franck Goddio is the founder and president of the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical
Archaeology (FEFNA), Manila, of the Institut Européen d’Archéologie Sous-Marine
(IEASM), Paris, and co-founder of the Oxford Center for Maritime Archaeology. Under
his direction the FEFNA excavated wrecks in the Philippines in collaboration with the
National Museum of the Philippines : trading junks and native boats dating from the 11th
to the 16th century, Spanish galleons – the San Diego (1600) and the San José (1794)
–, vessels of the British East India Company – the Griffin (1761) and the Royal Captain
(1773).
David Fabre is Doctor in Archaeology, he graduated from Montpellier University in 2003
and has participated to numerous archaeological excavations in France and elsewhere
the world, specifically in Egypt which he concentrated on maritime trade shipwrecks. In
2004, he joined European Institute of Underwater Archaeology (IEASM), directed by
Franck Goddio. He coordinate the publication of the junk Santa Cruz – discovered in the
Philippines by The Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA, Manila) in
collaboration with the National Museum of the Philippines.
Marie-Amande Coignard is graduated from Sorbonne University Master degree in
archaeological artefacts conservation. After holding internships in France, Greece and
Western Australia, she worked mainly on underwater archaeological heritage, in France
(Arles, Roman boat excavation and conservation; Marseille, museum artefacts and
Roman boats conservation), in Egypt (Alexandria, underwater excavation artefacts),
and in the Philippines (Manilla, mainly Santa Cruz junk artefacts). After a winter-over in
Antarctica, working on historical frozen heritage, Marie-Amande is currently conserving
another antique shipwreck at ARC-Nucleart conservation centre.

14

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                  <text>Session 12: Underwater Cultural Heritage of Southeast Asia</text>
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                  <text>Video interview with Session 12 chair Nia Hasanah and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>The richness of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) in the Southeast Asian region has been very well known throughout the world. Various shipping activities, trade, warfare, piracy occur in Southeast Asian waters since prehistoric times to the present, causing many archaeological relics in the bottom of the sea in that region, such as shipwrecks which are a traditional ships owned by countries in Southeast Asia and also foreign ships from various countries in the world which sank due to various causes in Southeast Asian Waters. UCH in Southeast Asia has become a very important resource for science, history and even for economic interests relating to the welfare of the local communities which in some areas, UCH shipwreck sites serve as diving attractions.&#13;
UCH in Southeast Asia have also attracted treasure hunters both the international big companies and national companies in Southeast Asian countries. In many areas, in particularly in small islands and coastal areas with low level economic life, the locals often plunder the UCH sites, raise up the cargoes, and also take the ship parts mainly made of metal materials to be sold for sustaining their lives. Treasure hunt problem; looting by local people; the lack of human resources, facilities, and funds for research, monitoring, and conservation; as well as the lack of understanding and awareness of the central government, local government, civil society, and local communities make the problems associated UCH in Southeast Asia being very complex.&#13;
The UCH richness and the complexity of the problems associated with it in Southeast Asia make this being one of critical theme to be highlighted in this conference. There is a need to share a current information betweeen the countries to strengthen the bond and to foster the regional and international cooperation.&#13;
This session will discuss:&#13;
&#13;
â€¢ Current issues, problems, and challenges faced by Southeast Asian countries in efforts to study, to protect, and to preserve the UCH.&#13;
â€¢ The threats faced by UCH i.e. the human factors, climate change, and changes in the physical environment in the waters of Southeast Asian countries.&#13;
â€¢ The results of resent research conducted in the field of UCH in Southeast Asian countries.&#13;
â€¢ Protection and conservation measures in accordance with the UNESCO Convention 2001 which can be applied in Southeast Asian countries. </text>
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                  <text>Nia Hasanah </text>
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                <text>On-going archaeological researches on shipwrecked junks in the Philippines</text>
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                <text>The Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology (FEFNA) have been working with the National Museum of the Philippines for twenty-eight years. The researches aim at illustrating the maritime history of the Philippines through excavations and studies of shipwrecks lying in their territorial waters. This presentation on junks focuses on a case study, with few conservation points. Some of the junks have been discovered during a systematic research campaign alongside historical trade routes. Some excavations have also been performed at the request of the National Museum. Our knowledge of the â€œNanhai tradeâ€ is enhanced by the cargoes study: a large panel of Asian production disclosing a dynamic network of cultural influences and commercial exchanges lasting from the 11th to the 16th centuries. Some historical maritime trading roads have been revealed. The Santa Cruz junk, late 15th century, is representative of a transitional time in Nanhai maritime trade. In a way, this ship is a landmark of the last inter-Asian trading phase in the Chinese â€œMediterraneanâ€ area, before the 16th century â€œglobalizationâ€. In addition, the Santa Cruz hullâ€™s condition enabled completion of the existing documentation and a larger scale reflexion on cargo stowage and shipbuilding process. Specific analyses on construction details and hypothesis on assembly methods result in original data on the evolution of nautical techniques and on reciprocal influence and co- existence of shipbuilding technologies. Hence, the construction study contributes to the renewal of Nanhai maritime transport understanding, as it shows some original characteristic and a perfect appropriateness to inter-Asian maritime trade organization. </text>
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                <text>Franck Goddio</text>
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                <text>David Fabre</text>
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                <text> Marie-Amande Coignard, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                <text>5/15/2014</text>
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        <name>Asia-Pac Session 12 2014</name>
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