35 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/fae76984ef9ce2b5fcd535b34be3ab83.pdf 436e73331c244d1602a688ff2e75c57b PDF Text Text Monsoon traders lost on the Northern Australian coast – historical evidence for their existence Paul Clark Abstract During the pre-colonial and early colonial period of Australia’s history c.1780–1907, monsoon traders from the eastern part of Indonesia sailed to parts of Australia’s northern coast searching for marine products such as trepang for the Chinese market place. During this period, most of these small ships left the port of Makassar in Sulawesi, one of the larger Sunda Islands of the Indonesia archipelago, with the onset of the west monsoon and returned with their cargo on the south easterly winds of the east monsoon. Despite historical evidence that some vessels were wrecked and lost on the northern Australian coast, no tangible archaeological evidence of their existence has been found and identified to date. This paper summarises the historical evidence for the loss of a number of these vessels and provides some evidence of what some of these vessels may have looked like. In conclusion it explores the possibility of finding the remains of one of these wrecks in the future. Introduction This paper sketches the historical evidence and provides some context for the loss of 28 trading vessels (perahu) on the Northern Territory coast of Australia between 1802 and 1907. It also presents historical evidence of what some of these vessels may have looked like. Known as Macassans (MacKnight 1976:1– 2) or more recently as monsoon traders (Knaap and Sutherland 2004) these mariners were regular visitors to the waters of the Northern Territory coast of Australia during the years 1780 to 1907 (Macknight 1976 and 2008:137). They came primarily to fish and trade for trepang (various species of edible holothurian, more popularly known as sea cucumber), but also to collect other marine products of value to the Chinese markets they served. These products included (amongst others), Hawksbill sea turtle shell (Eretmochelys imbricata), pearl shell (Pinctada sp.) and pearls and were part of a much larger trade network that included the Maluku islands (Moluccas) and west Papua (see Figure 1). Leaving the trading port of Makassar with the onset of the west monsoon (November-December), these fisher traders worked the Arnhem Land coast of the Northern Territory for four or five months before returning with the southeasterly trade winds in April-May. According to Alfred Searcy, Sub-Collector of Customs at Port Darwin (1882–1896), the perahu usually, "sighted Melville Island first before working their way down the coast to the eastward, some proceeding as far as the Gulf of Carpentaria" (Searcy 1907:45–46). In 1882 a licence fee to fish for trepang was introduced by the South Australian Government on Macassan vessels entering Northern Territory waters (Macknight 1969:405). This fee, together with customs duty payable on tradable items such as rice and arrack, was levied and payable on arrival. Captains of vessels therefore needed to obtain clearance papers from the Dutch authorities in Makassar listing their stores and trade goods and were required to produce �this documentation when purchasing their licence. The requirements for these documents indicate that most of the trepang voyages after 1882 began and (probably) ended at Makassar, Sulawesi, the centre of the trepang industry and the China trade in the eastern part of Indonesia. However, prior to this, many voyages (c.1780–1881) may have originated in other places to the east of Makassar and the catch trans-shipped to Makassar from other ports, such as the Tanimbar Islands (Timor Laut) and Aru (Searcy 1905:42) or Sumbawa (Earl 1846:65) and the Maluku islands. In 1882 the South Australian Government set up a revenue station at Bowen Strait near Raffles Bay and employed Edward Robinson as the Revenue Officer (Macknight 1969:403–405). Robinson was tasked with accessing and collecting import duties and licence fees from the visiting perahu captains. The process was administered from Port Darwin by Alfred Searcy, who made several voyages to the area to check on compliance and administer fines when breaches were found. Most of the primary source material available today that relates to wrecked perahu in the Northern Territory comes from the reports written and dispatched by Robinson and Searcy to their superiors in Adelaide. Figure 1. Map of the Indonesian archipelago showing trade routes in plumes and marine products 1500–1900 and trade in marine products to the north Australian coast, c.1780–1900 (after Forrest 1779 and 1792; Searcy 1905 and 1907; Crawford 1969; Macknight 1969 and 1976; Healey 1980; Swadling 1996; Morwood and Hobbs 1997:198; Morwood 2002:35). Cartography, Douglas Hobbs. �The perahu wrecks (1802 - 1907) The earliest written evidence of a wrecked Macassan perahu (proa, prau, prows) located on the Australian coast comes from the diary of Robert Brown, botanist on board HMS Investigator (1795–1872). Brown, engaged as the ship’s naturalist, together with artists Ferdinand Bauer and William Westall, were employed by the British Navy to assist commander Mathew Flinders, who had been sent in 1801 to map the Australian coastline and to record the plant and animal life of the new colony. Flinders, a navigator and cartographer of renown, was the first mariner to circumnavigate Australia (1801 to 1803). In December 1801 while at Vanderlin Island, part of the Sir Edward Pellew Group, Brown writes of finding a wreck on the western side of the island, "one piece of wreck was also picked up on the beach of the same cove in the bight" (Brown 1802– 1803). Amongst the wreckage were bamboo water containers, a wooden anchor and three boat rudders, one of which was taken onboard Investigator (ibid; Flinders 1814:231). A month later, on 17 February 1803, Flinders had a meeting at Malay Road, English Company’s Islands, with Pobassoo, a Bugis perahu captain from Makassar who recognised the rudder as belonging to one of the canoes of a vessel lost the previous year (ibid). Six weeks later, Flinders himself documented another perahu wreck on the southern side of Marchinbar Island in the Wessel Group where he found a ‘Malay proa’ washed up on the beach. He instructed his crew to cut it up for fuel (ibid:345). Forty-two years later, in January 1845, J. Beete Jukes, naturalist on board HMS Fly, another British survey ship, reported the loss of four perahu off the entrance to Port Essington (Jukes 1847:358). A fifth was recorded in 1869 off Escape Cliffs in Adam Bay, near the mouth of the Adelaide River (SAA 21 June 1869:3-4) and a further 12 were documented along parts of the Northern Territory coast over the next 32 years until 1902 (see Figure 2). Another eight wrecks are likely to have occurred during the last few years of the industry (1903–1907), but the references to the loss of these vessels are based on oral histories and have no dates attached (Berndt and Berndt 1954:111–112). The last wreck listed in Figure 2 that may have occurred before 1907, was reputed to have been seen from the air by a Parks and Wildlife Ranger in the 1960s (Baker 1985:42). Apart from recording the event however, most of these accounts from local informants or chance discovery provide little information about the actual location or the size and type of vessel lost. Robinson, while at the Bowen Strait Revenue Station (1884-1899) estimated that on average 25 perahu sailed each year to fish for trepang and trade with the indigenous inhabitants (Searcy 1905:11). It is logical to assume therefore, that up to 375 perahu may have arrived during his 15 year tenure at the station. During this time eight perahu are known historically to have been wrecked (see Figure 2), which represents a 2% yearly loss rate. Without considering any other factors that might affect Robinson’s figures, such as Pobassoo’s assertion that in 1803 alone there were 60 perahu on the �coast (Flinders 1814:228), it is possible to extrapolate and consider that 3,175 perahu voyages (at 25 per year) may have occurred during the 127 years of Macassan voyaging to the Northern Territory coast. If the same loss rate of 2% is applied as was estimated for Robinson’s time at the station, we can expect approximately 62 perahu wrecked or lost, on or off the coast. Given Pobassoo’s comments it seems that this is a conservative estimate, but it does provide a starting point for considering the next question; what did these vessels look like? Date of loss Wreck Reference Brown 1803:345, Macknight 1969:196 & Vallance 2001:329-333 Unidentified perahu 1 Unidentified perahu 2 Unidentified perahu 3 Unidentified perahu 4 Location West side Vanderlin Is., NT Southern side Marchinbar Is., NT off Port Essington, NT off Port Essington, NT off Port Essington, NT off Port Essington, NT 1802 Unidentified perahu 1803 Unidentified perahu 1845 (Jan) 1845 (Jan) 1845 (Jan) 1845 (Jan) 1869 (May– Jun) Unidentified perahu off Escape Cliffs, NT SAA 21 June 1869:3-4 c.1874 Unidentified perahu Mallison Island, NT c.1875 Unidentified perahu False Point, Cape Stewart, NT 1882 (Feb) 1884 (Jan– Mar) 1886 (Dec) 1886 (Dec) 1886 (Dec) 1892 (Jan– Mar) 1895 (Mar 1895 (April) 1896 1902 c.1902-05 c.1902-05 c.1902-05 c.1900-07? c.1900-07? Unidentified perahu (Captain Jago [Djago]) Unidentified perahu timber & large dredging/fishing canoe Lasalasya Erang Poleang (Polea, Polia) (c.17 ton, Captain Using) Melville Island, NT Cotton Island, NT North side Melville Is., NT North side Melville Is., NT Unidentified perahu At sea off Melville Is., NT Unidentifed perahu Brogden Point, between Crocker and Goulbourn Islands, NT Bondeng Patola (c.17 ton Captain Using) Tjinna Mataiya (Tinna Motaya, Malaya, Motava?) Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu – Ahmat from Banda Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu (Captain Jaming) Unidentified perahu (Captain Laululawa) Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu Flinders 1814:345 Jukes 1847:358 Jukes 1847:358 Jukes 1847:358 Jukes 1847:358 Searcy 1884: letter GRS 1/1884/445 SRSA Lorance 1875: letter GRS 1/1876/74 SRSA & MacKnight 1981:139 Robinson 1882: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA Searcy 1884: letter GRS 1/1884/445 SRSA & Searcy 1905:24, 1907:93 Robinson 1886: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA, SAPP 1886 (53):11 & Searcy 1905:10 Robinson 1886: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA, SAPP 1886 (53):11, Searcy 1905:10 & Macknight 1969:485) Robinson 1886: letter GRS 1/1882/346 SRSA, SAPP 1886 (53):11 & Searcy 1905:10 Searcy 1905:40-42 & Berndt and Berndt 1954:118 West side of Truant Is. Robinson 1895: letter GRS 1/1895/175 SRSA, Searcy 1905:10 & Macknight 1969:485 Robinson 1895: letter GRS 1/1895/175 SRSA & Searcy 1905:10 & Macknight 1969:485 GRS 1/1374/6875 SRSA Cape Wilberforce, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:120-121 Rocky Bay, Yirrkalla, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:111 Trial Bay, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:111 Caledon Bay, NT Gulf of Carpentaria, NT Sir Rodericks Rocks, Gulf of Carpentaria, NT Rocky Bay, Yirrkalla, NT Port Bradshaw (1), NT Port Bradshaw (2), NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 �c.1900-07? Unknown Unidentified perahu Unidentified perahu Unknown Unidentified perahu Unknown Unidentified perahu, seen c.1960 Port Bradshaw (3), NT Bickerton Island, NT Angwarigba Point, Dalimba Bay, Groote Eylandt, NT S.E of Sandy Island, Smith Point, Port Essington, NT Berndt and Berndt 1954:112 Cole 1973:46 Cole 1973:23 Baker 1985:42 Figure 2. Table showing perahu wrecks lost off the Northern Territory coast of Australia between the years 1802–1907. What a Macassan perahu may have looked like The earliest written accounts describing watercraft from the region that are known to have existed at the time of the trepang voyages to Australia, appear in three travel books published towards the end of the 18th century. The first two written by Thomas Forrest were published in 1780 and 1792, and the third, by John Splinter Stavorinus, was translated from Dutch and published in English in 1798. Forrest (1779, 1792) in particular, has left a rich narrative of his time and travels through Maluku and New Guinea in 1774–1776. He was employed by the British East India Company and in November 1774 he sailed from Balambangan (Sabah, Malaysia) in the Tartar Galley, a locally built vessel from the Sulu archipelago, fitted with a tripod mast and a tilted rectangular main sail. He was accompanied by two Europeans (a mate and a gunner) and a ‘Malay’ crew, which included Malays, Indonesians, Indians (lascars), Christian Filipinos from Visaya, and Muslims from Mindanao. The purpose of Forrest’s voyage was to explore possible routes into the ‘spice islands’ and gain as much intelligence as he could without antagonising the Dutch, who controlled the clove and nutmeg trade at the time (Bassett 1969:8-11). Forrest made a number of sketches and drawings of boats and canoes that he saw. Often these sketches appeared in the margins or at the bottom of the charts he made of the areas he visited. These included the padewakang (paduwakang, paduakan) from the southern Sulawesi region around the port of Makassar, which Forrest ascribed to the Bugis people of the region (see Figure 3). Forrest also made reference to the Bugis sailing to northern parts of Australia in their perahu padewakang, "I have been told by several Buggesses, that they sail in their Paduakans to the northern parts of New-Holland, possibly Carpentaria Bay, to gather Swallow [trepang], which they sell to the annual China Junk at Macassar" (Forrest 1792:82–83). The larger of Forrest’s drawings, shown in Figure 3, is of a smaller 7-10 ton variety of perahu padewakang with a single tripod mast, although he mentions that they could be as big as 45 tons (Forrest 1792:80). �Figure 3. A Bugis padewakang as described and drawn by Forrest (1792) from the Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, and two similar drawings of different sized padewakang from Forrest (1780:94 plate 7). Our second witness, Stavorinus, originally a captain in the Dutch Navy, transferred to the Dutch East India Company and in 1768 sailed from Zeeland in command of Snoek (Pike), bound for Batavia (Jakarta). His book in three volumes was published in English in 1798 and contains accounts of five voyages (1768, 1771, 1774, 1775, and 1778) in the Southeast Asian region. Of particular interest is his description of the south Sulawesi perahu padewakang, which not only describes parts of the hull (in particular the bow) and the tripod mast, but also the technique of edge joining the planks with dowels, luting with bark and the Indonesian boat building technique of ‘plank-first’ (sometimes called shellfirst) construction (Stavorinus, 1798 Vol II:260). Forrest also noted the plank-first �method and made the point that European ship building was ‘frame-first’ (Forrest 1792: 80). Additionally, Stavorinus states that the largest padewakang could be as much as 50 tons in size, which corroborates Forrest’s observations (Stavorinus, 1798 Vol II: 260).Forrest also documented two other smaller vessel types, the kora-kora (korokoro, cora-cora, corocoro) and the double outrigger canoe both of which, particularly the larger forms, were quite capable of making the voyage to the northern Australian coast (see Figure 4). The kora-kora had a very high stem and stern and was generally fitted with outriggers. They varied in size from small boats to craft greater than 10 tons (Folkard 1863:217). On the cross pieces [outrigger arms] which support the outriggers are often fore and aft planks on which part of the crew sit and paddle when there is no wind; besides which, others who sit in the vessel use long [sweep] oars. In smooth water they are propelled in this manner with considerable velocity (ibid:217–218). The kora-kora were used for intra-regional trade and warfare (as war canoes) and in the 17th century by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) at Ambon (Amboyna) as punitive war ships (guarda costas) to enforce the spice monopoly (Folkard 1863:217; Guy 1998:78–79). Westall from the Investigator in 1803 left two pencil drawings of Macassan perahu that he saw at the English Company’s Islands (Perry and Simpson 1962:54, plates 109 and 110). They are similar in detail to some aspects of Forrests’ drawings, particularly the rigging and sail pattern, but differ slightly in the bow arrangement. Westall’s perahu appear to be more ‘built up’ and have the prominent ‘step in the bow’ noted in Indigenous rock art paintings from the Northern Territory (Burningham 1994; Chaloupka 1996). Figure 4. A kora-kora on the left and an outrigger canoe on the right, as drawn by Forrest off the coast of Selang Island and West Papua respectively (Forrest 1780:82 plate 5, 130 plate 10). Alfred Russel Wallace, who travelled through the eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago nearly a hundred years later (1856–1862), also described the plank-first method (Wallace 1874:419–421). However, he also noted a technique common to many Austronesian peoples that has since become known as the ‘lash-lugged edge-joined’ construction technique (Evans �1927; Gibson-Hill 1952; Horridge 1982; Manguin 1985; Manguin 2009; Clark 1993; Green 1995; The Jakarta Post 2009), Ribs are now formed of single pieces of tough wood chosen and trimmed so as exactly to fit on to the projection from each plank [lug], being slightly notched to receive them, and securely bound to them by rattans passed through a hole in each projecting piece [lug] close to the surface of the plank (Wallace 1874:421). An engraving titled ‘Dobbo in the trading season’ by T. Baines (probably Thomas Baines) clearly shows a lash-lugged vessel under construction (Wallace 1874:472–473). A similar double-ended vessel is also evident in LeBreton’s 1841 lithograph of Pecheurs de Tripang a la Baie Raffles (Trepang fishers at Raffles Bay) (Dumont d’Urville 1846). Although it is not clear whether LeBreton’s vessel is lash-lugged, or if Baines’ is double-ended, it does suggest the possibility that smaller double-ended vessels such as the koro-koro from the eastern part of Indonesia were being built and may have voyaged to the northern Australian coast during the early Macassan period. LeBreton also provides an illustration of a Macassan perahu off Raffles Bay titled ‘Praos bouguis a la voile, Baie Raffles’ but the detail is not as precise in terms of the vessels rigging or sail arrangements as is the case with Forrest or Westall’s work (Dumont d’Urville 1846). Discussion and conclusion Although the evidence is far from conclusive, it is possible that small doubleended vessels, either with or without outriggers, such as the kora-kora described in the previous section also made voyages to northern Australia along with the well documented examples of the padewakang from Makassar (Macknight 1969:484–487). However, with the advent of the revenue station at Bowen Strait and the impost of licence requirements it is likely that the smaller vessel types found in the south, Nusa Tenggara Timur, and to the east of Makassar in the Maluku region, stopped coming once the industry became more regulated. There are at least four references that provide home port origins other than Makassar (Jukes 1847:358; Earl 1846:65; Searcy 1905:42; Berndt and Berndt 1954:120121) and therefore lend support to this argument. Although we have very little information about the 28 wrecks that we know occurred, we have no knowledge of the other potential perahu that may have been lost. It seems logical therefore, to propose that there may have been two phases of voyaging to Australia during the Macassan period. The early phase, 1780-1881, is potentially characterised by a greater range of vessel types and sizes, ranging from 7–10 tons (on average) for the smaller vessel types, to the larger 25–30 ton padewakang that was noted by Flinders (1814:230). The later phase 1882–1907, beginning after licences were introduced and the requirements for visitation became more regulated, is characterised by the larger padewakang vessel type in the range of 15–30 tons, with perhaps the occasional 50 ton example (Macknight 1969:484). �The chance of finding the remains of one of these vessels from either phase in an archaeological context seems remote but not improbable. With a tidal range of six to seven metres and a coastline prone to cyclones it is likely that only the lower hull timbers, protected by ballast and silt, and located in sheltered bays and estuaries will ever be located and identified. Associated with these potential finds, may be hand-held iron-edged tools and weapons, ceramics, (earthenware primarily, but in some cases small amounts of porcelain), bottle glass, coins, and iron cooking pans (shaped like large contemporary Chinese woks) for processing trepang. There is also the possibility of small ordnance such as muskets and bronze swivel guns. Macknight (1976) and Crawford (1969) provide well documented examples of a detailed range and analysis of such materials excavated from Macassan land sites on the northern Australian coast. The challenge for the future discovery of a Macassan shipwreck will be to realise the archaeological potential of such a find and the wealth of information it may contribute to our understanding of this early period in Australia’s trading history. Acknowledgements Thanks to my museum colleagues – Andrea McKey for obtaining reference material and to Ilka Schacht and Richard Willan for reading and commenting on various drafts of this paper. Thanks also to Silvano Jung for research assistance in locating some of the primary sources and Douglas Hobbs for his cartographic skills and deductive reasoning. Abbreviations GRS SAA SAPP SRSA Government Record Series (South Australia) South Australian Advertiser South Australian Parliamentary Papers State Records of South Australia Bibliography Macassan Site Survey and Bibliography, Unpublished Report to the Northern Territory Museum of Arts and Sciences, Darwin. Introduction to the facsimile edition. Forrest T., 1792. 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Australian Biological Resources Study, Groves E.W., Canberra. 2001 Wallace, A.R., The Malay Archipelago; The Land of the Orang-utang and the Bird of Paradise, A Narrative of Travel with studies of Man 1874 and Nature, 5th edition. Macmillan and Company, London. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Monsoon traders lost on the Northern Australian coast - historical evidence for their existence Subject The topic of the resource Session 4 The archaeological study of ships’ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure Description An account of the resource During the pre-colonial and early colonial period of Australia’s history c.1780–1907, monsoon traders from the eastern part of Indonesia sailed to parts of Australia’s northern coast searching for marine products such as trepang for the Chinese market place. During this period, most of these small ships left the port of Makassar in Sulawesi, one of the larger Sunda Islands of the Indonesia archipelago, with the onset of the west monsoon and returned with their cargo on the south easterly winds of the east monsoon. Despite historical evidence that some vessels were wrecked and lost on the northern Australian coast, no tangible archaeological evidence of their existence has been found and identified to date. This paper summarises the historical evidence for the loss of a number of these vessels and provides some evidence of what some of these vessels may have looked like. In conclusion it explores the possibility of finding the remains of one of these wrecks in the future. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul Clark Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 4 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/ec28e12b41c45c37b9eb472c7d3cc427.pdf 4b983e86c60a5911c3b8876bd21a7003 PDF Text Text Motivating and Enabling Pacific States to Ratify the 2001 UCH Convention Dennis Marita (Director of the Culture Division at the Ministry of Culture and Tourism,Solomon Islands) Ellen Lekka (UNESCO, Samoa) Craig Forrest (University of Queensland) ABSTRACT Ratifications of the 2001 UCH Convention by Pacific States has been poor. Using Solomon Islands and the Marshall Islands as case studies, this paper begins by considering the utility of the 2001 UCH Convention for these States before turning to the difficulties and challenges in enabling ratification. These include not only capacity issues but also the extent to which ratification requires amendment of existing laws and broader policy issues relating, for example, to tourism and international relations. KEYWORDS: Solomon Islands; Marshall Islands; UNESCO INTRODUCTION There are 15 States widely regarded as Pacific States - Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), Marshall Islands, Kiribati, Nauru, Palau, Fiji, Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Samoa, Tonga, Tuvalu, New Zealand, Cook Islands and Niue – and a number of territories belonging to Australia, United States and France. Of these Pacific States only two have ratified the 2001 UCH Convention: FSM and Nuie. With 72 States Party to the 2001 UCH Convention, this is a significant under-representation. The more so when considering the extent of the maritime zones (exclusive economic zones and continental shelf) of these States, which together make up the largest maritime domain in the world’s largest ocean. This non-participation was reflected in the negotiations that led to the 2001 UCH Convention at which only New Zealand, Papua New Guinea and Samoa attended at least one of the four negotiation meeting; the remaining States did not attend at all. UNESCO has sought to educate, facilitate and encourage Pacific States to engage with and ultimately ratify the 2001 UCH Convention. So far this has had limited immediate success. The resulting underrepresentation is not, however, confined to the 2001 UCH Convention, but across all the UNESCO Cultural Heritage Conventions. None are party to the 1954 Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict or the 1970 Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. Of the only three UN Member States not party to the World Heritage Convention, two are from the Pacific – Nauru and Tuvalu. Moreover, other than New Zealand, no Pacific State has more than one World heritage site, and some – Cook Islands, Niue, Samoa and Tonga – have none. And while all are party to the 2003 Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention, engagement in that Convention is also limited, with only four States having a single item each on the World List – FSM, Samoa, Tonga and Vanuatu; the rest have none. In this broader heritage contest, the lack of representation in the World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage lists is both a function of the increasingly complicated processes for nomination, and the concern that Pacific States do not have the resources to effectively manage and protect significant heritage that is subject to the relevant international Convention and the obligations contained therein. It is clear that a lack of human and financial resources constrain the ability of Pacific States to act. It is thus worth contextualising this by noting that the bottom seven positions of the 207 listed States in the World Bank’s 2021 ranking by GDP were taken up by Pacific States: Tonga, FSM, Marshall Islands, Palau, Kiribati, Nauru and in last place Tuvalu (World Bank 2012). Not surprising many of the Pacific 1 �States are also the smallest in the World by pollution, with all but New Zealand and Papua New Guinea having a pollution of less than 1 million, and in some cases considerably less. Palau has a population of around 18,000; Tuvalu 12,000 and Nauru 11,000 (Worldometer 2023). As a region, Oceania has the lowest pollution in the world with a total of less than 20 million, spread over the largest maritime domain (UN World Pollution Prospects 2002). Against the backdrop, there are a range of underlying reasons for a lack of interest in the 2001 UCH Convention. In the context of current challenges faced by Pacific States, UCH is not a priority on the political and national agenda and not surprisingly there is “a lack of visibility, public support and understanding of the values attached to UCH, and the incompatibility with economic development projects.” (Nikishiwa 2017, 20) There is also a basic lack of understanding of the convention and uncertainty as to its relation with the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. This paper considers the difficulties Pacific States face in the process of considering ratification of the 2001 UCH Convention through a review of two case studies – Solomon Islands and Marshall Islands. ADVANTAGES OF RATIFICATION The Pacific States were born by seafarers undertaking significant feats of seamanship and navigation over hundreds of years beginning as far back as 3,500 years ago. Little has been found of the physical remains of these endeavours, but better technology and a greater emphasis on Pacific indigenous heritage bods well for the future. Much more recently, the western age of exploration, colonialisation and a world war have left UCH across the Pacific. Not only is this historically and archaeologically important heritage but is of great tourism potential and requires sustainable management. The 2001 UCH Convention provides the bedrock upon which this UCH can be managed. It contains an internationally agreed legal framework supported by international best practice in maritime archaeology. Perhaps more importantly, the 2001 UCH Convention is essentially a framework for State cooperation, including in the sharing of information, training and in the use and transfer of relevant technology. Only through ratification and ‘membership’ as States Parties, can a State engage in deliberations about UCH in an international context; participate in the UNESCO organs of the 2001 UCH Convention, particularly in the Scientific and Technical Advisory Body and have access to the UCH Fund that supports various activities, including training, workshops, public awareness raising and technical missions. There is little cost to ratification, with representation the only direct cost, and that, in any event, is a matter for each State to decide as to the level of participation. The only indirect cost is the law reform required to ensure a State gives effect to its international obligations arising out of the 2001 UCH Convention. Despite these obvious advantages, Pacific States have not ratified the 2001 UCH Convention. The case of Solomon Islands and Marshall Island may highlight some of the reasons for this. SOLOMON ISLANDS The UCH resources of the Solomon Islands includes caves and sacrificial sites used for shark or crocodile worship, submerged villages and artificial islands, historic shipwrecks including the remains from La Perouse expedition of 1788, and famously, hundreds of planes and shipwrecks 2 �resulting from the fierce battles of the WWII. Indeed, Iron Bottom Sound, between Guadalcanal and Savo Islands, is so named because of the number of WWII wrecks lying there. It is a particularly popular dive tourism site. UNESCO’s bid to encourage ratification of the 2001 UCH Convention in the Pacific began shortly after it came into force in 2009. UNESCO organised an inter-governmental meeting in Honiara, Solomon Islands, attended by representatives of Fiji, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga and Vanuatu (Takahashi 2011, 6). It was designed to stimulate interest and assist States in ratifying the 2001 UCH Convention; reinforce existing cooperation in the Asia Pacific Region and set up new linkages for the protection and management of UCH. While useful in that it introduced the 2001 UCH Convention to Pacific States, little came of this meeting. UNESCO did publish Underwater Cultural Heritage in Oceania in 2010 to raise awareness within the region, and a Feasibility Study on a Pacific UCH Capacity Building programme did follow, but nothing appears to have come of that (Mckinnon and Kimura 2012). Pacific States did not show any real interest in pursuing ratification. In 2021 UNESCO (author Ellen Lekka) and contracted consultants (author Craig Forrest, together with Matthew Carter and Ole Varmer) organised a consultation workshop on the 2001 UCH Convention in the Solomon Islands over two days: 23–24 June, bringing together key stakeholders representing government, industry, development partners and international experts to discuss possible ratification of the 2001 UCH Convention. A draft Gap Analysis was prepared to compare Solomon Islands’ legislation to the requirements of the 2001 UCH Convention, as well as a National Interest Analysis detailing the benefits and obligations should Solomon Islands ratify. At that meeting, the Director of the Culture Division at the Ministry of Culture and Tourism (author Dennis Marita), spoke about the importance of the ocean to Solomon Islanders’ identity, he declared that “Solomon Islands is a maritime country, and a great part of its heritage and history is based on the ocean”. The Director also expressed the desire of the Solomon Islands Government to ratify the 2001 UCH Convention. This has yet to happen, and a number of reasons might explain why. While the 2001 UCH Convention does not impose significant obligations on States Parties, each State does need to ensure that its legislation is capable of giving effect to these obligations. The extent to which each State can respond to this obligation is both a function of the complexity and modernity of its existing legislation and its capacity to amend that legislation or introduce new legislation. The Solomon Islands Gap Analysis revealed that the existing law applicable to wrecks, salvage and maritime jurisdiction (Shipping Act 1998; Protection of Wrecks and War Relics Act 1980) required some amendment, as did aspects of related legislation such as the Environment Act 1998 and Protected Areas Act 2010; though these do provide a sound footing for the implementation of the 2001 UCH Convention – subject to minor amendments. In many respects, while the needs for amendments were modest, the task of coordinating these across multiple legislative instruments (and relevant departments) is time consuming and requires dedicated human resources. Indeed, the age of some of the legislation that required amendment (eg. Protection of Wrecks and War Relics Act 1980) attests to the difficulty in generally keeping legislation contemporary and up to date. The main recommendation from the Gap Analysis was the adoption of a new stand-alone legislative instrument to give effect to the 2001 UCH Convention. Given that the 2001 UCH Convention provides the framework this should not be a particularly difficult legislative instrument to draft but it does require time and resources and a certain level of subject matter expertise. 3 �Time and resources that are not easily directed to heritage, especially heritage like UCH, which is out of sight and not immediately relevant to much of the population, whose cultural traditions often favour intangible heritage (Jeffrey et al 2021, 137). This is hardly surprising when considering issues such as climate change and other threats that challenge a State’s very existence. As such, attempts to address issues related to heritage are often tagged on to broader issues such as sustainable development. And these all compete for limited resources. The nature of UCH in Solomon Islands may also play a role, in that the most obvious examples of UCH are not indigenous Solomon Islander heritage, but rather that from World War II (Forrest and Corrin 2013). It is often perceived in tourism terms and as a financial commodity, rather than genuine heritage. At the very least the idea of it being heritage does exist because of the emphasis placed on it by the two belligerent States: Japan and Untied States. That this heritage will not in fact fall within the scope of the 2001 UCH Convention until the early 2040s is not always appreciated and therefore coloured the view they have of the 2001 UCH Convention as to its role in Solomon Islands. Solomon Islands has also not fared well in terms of its engagement with other international cultural heritage regimes. In 1998, East Rennell was inscribed on the World Heritage List. At the time, the World Heritage Committee noted that adequate long-term legislative, regulatory or institutional protection was not in place. Nevertheless, the property was inscribed on the list with a number of recommendations made to address these issues, but Solomon Islands failed to address them and, in 2003, the property formally entered the non-compliance response system, and in 2013, placed on the List of World Heritage in Danger where it remains (Hamman and Hølleland 2023, 98-99). This illustrates the significant capacity challenges faced in all areas of cultural heritage management and does not bode well for UCH without external assistance. MARSHALL ISLANDS Having been discovered by around 2000 years ago, the Marshallese archipelago, with 1225 islands and islets, is vast. The settlement of this archipelago required extraordinary navigational skills and seaworthy craft. While little physical remains of this early seafaring have been discovered, other traditional sites demonstrate the intimacy Marshallese have with the ocean, including coral reef heads featured in traditional oral history and ancient fish traps, some of which are still in use today. The UCH resources of the Marshall Islands also extend to the Japanese and United States wreckage of WWII; and the material evidence of nuclear testing at Bikini Atoll (Naone 2011, 1). The notion of cultural heritage in Marshall Islands appears to be coloured by its association with the United States. After achieving self-governance in 1979, the Marshall Islands entered into a Compact of Free Association with the United States which allowed, amongst many things, for the Historic Preservation Office to continue its roles as provided for in the 1966 U.S. National Historic Preservation Act. Indeed, four sites are listed on the US National Register of Historic Places: Kwajalein Island Battlefield, Roi-Namur Battlefield, Debrum House and Marshall Islands War Memorial Park (Forrest and Jeffrey 2018). In 1991, the Historic Preservation Act was adopted by the Nitijela as a response to the perceived legal vacuum in relation to indigenous Marshallese historic preservation. This included submerged cultural heritage and was followed by the adoption of Regulations Governing Access to Prehistoric and Historic Submerged Resources. These provide for a reasonable 4 �protective regime, though difficult to enforce given the vast distances involved and the limit enforcement capability (Naone 2011, 1 and 5). Whilst there was therefore some recognition of the importance of UCH, the Marshall Islands was not engaged in the negotiations that lead to the 2001 UCH Convention. Importantly though, it was engaged with the World Heritage Convention and in 2010 the Bikini Atoll Nuclear Test Site was inscribed on the World Heritage List; including the ships that were sunk during the 67 nuclear tests that took place there. These form an integral part of the World Heritage site and are the only UCH specifically protected in Marshall Islands. However, these wrecks are not only cultural resources but also an environmental threat. Other than the affect that atomic tests have had, and continue to have, on these wrecks, a number still have potentially polluting bunker fuel on board, and some still have unexpended ordinance, requiring intervention (Forrest and Jeffrey 2018, 61-64). As part of its commitment to educate, facilitate and encourage States to ratify the 2001 UCH Convention, UNESCO commissioned desk-based reports on the State of the legislative framework and UCH related programme in the five States of Micronesia – including Marshall Islands (Forrest and Jeffrey 2018). The key recommendation was that Marshall Islands become a party and adopt a new Act to give effect to the Convention, at the same time making consequential amendments to the Historic Preservation Act, Regulation and Control of Shipping Act and Wrecks and Salvage Act, and others as appropriate. In 2021, this was followed by a more detailed consideration of this legislative framework together with a draft National Interest Analysis and a two-day workshop (7-8 December 2021) together with educational material, based on the model used for the work undertaken the previous year for Solomon Islands. The recommendations arising out of that work were substantially similar to those for Solomon Islands: ratification of the 2001 UCH Convention with consequential, but limited, amendments to a range of legislation and the adoption of a new stand-alone legislative instrument to give effect to the 2001 UCH Convention. As yet, no action appears to have been taken following this work and recommendations. Trite, but again the underlying cause is a lack of resources. SUSTAINED INSTITUTIONAL AND STATES PARTIES ASSISTANCE Both Solomon Islands and Marshall Islands would benefit from ratification of the 2001 UCH Convention and both States appear eager to do so. The inevitable effect of consultants working remotely with no ongoing relationship with those in the States responsible for progressing the path to ratification has begun to toll on the momentum generated by the work undertaken in the past two years. Given these States’ significant financial and capacity constraints, and where cultural heritage issues are a low priority given the geo-political and environmental challenges being addressed, it is difficult to criticise lack of progress. It thus falls to those assisting these States to persist in ongoing dialogue, and perhaps just a little bit of pressure, to ensure that momentum does not falter and fade entirely. There is thus a role to play for organisations such as UNESCO Pacific Office, Pacific Islands Museum Association, International Council of Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) - both ICOMOS Pacifika and ICOMOS International Committee on Underwater Cultural Heritage), and the Pacific Heritage Hub at University of the South Pacific. All have an interest in assisting these States, but there appears to be little coordination and sharing of the load, in part because these organisations too face resourcing constraints. Perhaps what is needed is a more coordinated approach with one organisation that takes the lead and coordinates the efforts of all other organisations with an interest in the protection and management of the Pacific UCH. 5 �The 2001 UCH Convention (article 2(2)) is, above all, a cooperative regime and States Parties are bound to cooperate as a fundamental principle of this regime. Australia is edging close to ratification. In 2018, the federal government adopted the Underwater Cultural Heritage Act that is consistent with the 2001 UCH Convention and will allow for Australia to fulfil its obligations following ratification. In March 2003 the Federal government’s Joint Standing Committee on Treaties concluded its hearing and report on the 2001 UCH Convention by recommending ratification. If, as is now highly likely, ratification will take place, Australia will owe obligations to other States Parties, and if those were Pacific States, the benefits of having a relatively well resourced and highly skilled neighbour would be of significant benefit. Pacific States would do well to follow an Australian ratification. Bibliography Forrest, Craig and Corrin, Jennifer. “Legal Pluralism in the Pacific: Solomon Island’s World War II Heritage” International Journal of Cultural Property 20 (2013): 1-21. Forrest, Craig and Jeffrey, Bill. UNESCO Report: Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH)-related legislation and programme review in the five countries in Micronesia United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2018. Guerin, Ulrike, Egger, Barbara and Penalva, Vindha. Underwater Cultural Heritage in Oceania. Paris: UNESCO, 2010. Hamman, Evan and Hølleland, Herdis. Implementing the World Heritage Convention. Cheltham (UK): Edward Elgar Press, 2023. Jeffrey, Bill, McKinnon Jennifer F. and Van Tilburg, Hans. “Underwater cultural Heritage in the Pacific: Themes and Future Directions.” International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 17, no. 2 (2021): 135-168. Mckinnon, Jennifer F. and Kimura, Jun. Feasibility Study on a Pacific Underwater Cultural Heritage Capacity Building Programme. Paris: UNESCO, 2012. Naone, Mary Jane. The Underwater Cultural Heritage of the Marshall Islands; A Discussion of the Resources, the Legislation, the Community, Protection and Preservation. The MUA Collection, 2011 http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1185 Nishikawa, Chihiro. “Underwater Cultural Heritage in Asia Pacific and UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage.” International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 17, no. 2 (2021): 15-38. Takahashi, Akatsuki. “UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage and the Pacific Small Island Developing States (SIDS).” The MUA Collection, 2011 http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1575 World Bank Gross Domestic Product 2021 https://databankfiles.worldbank.org/public/ddpext_download/GDP.pdf Worldometer 2023 https://www.worldometers.info/world-population/population-by-country/ UN World Pollution Prospects 2002: Summary of Results https://www.un.org/development/desa/pd/sites/www.un.org.development.desa.pd/files/wpp2022_summary_of_results.pdf 6 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 17: The 2001 Convention: from ‘constructive ambiguities’ to ‘destructive misunderstandings’ Subject The topic of the resource Session 17 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 17 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Motivating and Enabling Pacific States to Ratify the 2001 UCH Convention Description An account of the resource Ratifications of the 2001 UCH Convention by Pacific States has been poor. Using Solomon Islands and the Marshall Islands as case studies, this paper begins by considering the utility of the 2001 UCH Convention for these States before turning to the difficulties and challenges in enabling ratification. These include not only capacity issues but also the extent to which ratification requires amendment of existing laws and broader policy issues relating, for example, to tourism and international relations. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dennis Marita Ellen Lekka Craig Forrest Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Marita, Dennis, Ellen Lekka, and Craig Forrest. 2023. “Motivating and enabling Pacific States to ratify the 2001 Convention.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Mariano Azna. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1911 Asia-Pac Session 17 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/b7d9aff03a8c0676f5a05b52d4bdbe12.pdf b6dc12bffc52c199e9dac72e2bf88705 PDF Text Text Multidisciplinary Research Potential of Whaling Heritage in the Pacific Region 1 2 Jason T. Raupp , Suzanne S. Finney , Kelly Gleason 3 Abstract From the time that whaleships first rounded Cape Horn at the end of the eighteenth century, the activities of European and American whalers transformed the landscape and seascape of the Pacific region. While systematic hunting had a profound effect on cetacean populations, whaling affected more than just the hunted. The pursuit of new whaling grounds, the need to replenish food, water and firewood, and the frequent occurrence of shipwrecks and desertion, all led to interactions with the indigenous inhabitants and environments of virtually every archipelago. These interactions generated enduring influences, both positive and negative, on the cultural and material heritage of the Pacific. The archaeological evidence of whaling can be seen through the wrecks of whaling ships, the remains of whaling stations, and shipwreck survivors' camps that are found in even the most distant corners of the Pacific. The information contained in such sites has proven potential to inform researchers from a range of disciplines including archaeology, historical ecology, biology, and conservation science. Due to the remote locations of many of these sites and the limited resources available for accessing and studying them, multidisciplinary approaches to their investigation offer researchers and heritage managers cost effective options for gleaning valuable data. Introduction From the time that whaleships first rounded Cape Horn, the activities of European and American whalers transformed the landscape and seascape of the Pacific. The archaeological evidence of whaling operations can be seen through the wrecks of whaling ships, the remains of whaling stations, and the shipwreck survivor camps that are found in even the most distant corners of the Pacific. The information contained in such sites has proven potential to inform researchers from a range of disciplines. Due to the fact that many of these sites are hard to reach and that often resources available for accessing and studying them are limited, multidisciplinary approaches to their investigations offer researchers and heritage managers cost-effective options for gleaning data. This paper provides a discussion of the benefits of such an approach and offers practical examples from studies of wrecked whaleships in the Pacific region. History of whaling in the Pacific region and its legacy In the late 18th century whale ships first entered the Pacific Ocean, where they found new hunting grounds with seemingly endless stocks of sperm whales (Raupp and Gleason 2010:66). Exploration of the Pacific Region soon led to the discovery of new grounds and an understanding of the seasonal movements of whale species. This knowledge brought increasing numbers of 1 Maritime Archaeology Program, Flinders University, AUSTRALIA 2 President, Maritime Archaeology and History of the Hawaiian Islands Foundation (MAHHI), USA 3 Maritime Heritage Program Coordinator, Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument, USA Style Definition: Heading 2: Space Before: 0 pt, After: 0 pt Style Definition: Heading 3: Space Before: 0 pt, After: 0 pt �ships that roamed throughout the region year-round in search of prey, and by the 1850s the grounds extended in a rough triangle from just north of Cape Horn, west to New Zealand and north to the Arctic (Rydell 1952:68). Over the next century, hundreds of ships recorded thousands of voyages from European and American whaling ports to the Pacific Ocean and the islands scattered within (Finney 1999:33; Raupp and Gleason 2010:67). While this systematic hunting had a profound effect on cetacean populations, whaling affected more than just the hunted. The pursuit of whales, the need to replenish supplies, and the frequent occurrence of shipwrecks and desertion, all led whalers to virtually every island in the Pacific region, both populated and not. There they interacted with the local indigenous populations and traded Western consumer goods for food, wood and fresh water. These interactions generated enduring influences on the cultural and material heritage of the islands. Sometimes these interactions resulted in tragic consequences, such as the introduction of communicable diseases like measles, small pox and syphilis; at other times intimate interaction with islander populations led to offspring, who in some instances carry the names of their whaling ancestors to this day (Finney and Graves 2000:9). Intentional or accidental, benign or catastrophic, whaling has left an indelible mark on many cultures throughout the Pacific region. Multidisciplinary approaches to whaling heritage research Whaleships reached some of the most remote parts of the Pacific while hunting for whales. Being nomads of the sea with no fixed course and no immediate purpose for arrival, whalers were content to drift wherever the currents carried them, so long as they found whales (Thrum 1915:135). Such drifting often led them into uncharted areas where they encountered barely visible and treacherous reefs. As a result, many of the known sites of wrecked whaleships, and ensuing survivor camps, are in difficult to reach locations. For archaeologists wishing to study those sites, accessibility is often the largest hurdle. One way to mitigate some of the challenges involved with whaling research is to investigate collaborative opportunities with researchers in complimentary fields. The issue of finding the most cost-effective means to conducting field research is much the same case with wrecks located in deep water. Deep water wrecks are often miles off shore and require large research vessels to travel and stay out at sea for long periods of time. The excessive depths encountered generally means that they are out of reach for conventional archaeological recording methods by divers and consequently require expensive remote sensing equipment, remotely operated vehicles and sometimes autonomous underwater vehicles to investigate sites hundreds of meters below the surface.. Therefore a multidisciplinary approach allows research teams to maximize expensive ship time and draw on a wide range of expertise and equipment for a holistic approach to studying shipwreck sites (Church and Warren 2009:20). An example of this can be seen in the resources needed to reach the shipwreck sites found in Papahānaumokuākea National Marine Monument (PMNM). PMNM is located in the central north Pacific Ocean and is comprised of the northwestern Hawaiian Islands, a chain of islands, atolls, and shoals extending approximately 2,000 kilometers (km) northwest from the th main Hawaiian Islands (PMNM 2011:1). Situated between 19 century whaling ports in Hawaii and the rich hunting grounds of the north Pacific, the region became a trap for whaleships and at least ten are historically reported lost there. These archaeological remains represent the largest known concentration of such sites anywhere in the world and thanks to the protection afforded them by Monument status, their preservation and that of the surrounding reef environments make them ideal for detailed archaeological investigation. However, due to its remote location, accessing the wrecks in PMNM involves a great deal of infrastructure and planning. Access to the northwestern Hawaiian Islands for NOAA maritime archaeologists is facilitated through ship time requests by PMNM for the 68 metre (m) long NOAA ship Hi’ialakai. This ex-US military vessel has been fully converted for marine research and is capable of traversing heavy seas and carrying enough supplies to accommodate the month long expeditions. But while this kind of infrastructure support helps to facilitate maritime heritage goals, it is important to note that such research trips would be cost-prohibitive if ship time was not shared with other scientific teams working on separate, non-heritage related research in the Monument. �Formatted: Font: 12 pt, Not Bold, Not Italic Historical and Archaeological Data As with all historical archaeological research, the archaeology of whaling heritage benefits from collaborative efforts with historians and archivists. The identification of whaling shipwrecks or associated terrestrial sites usually occurs either through active research or accidental discovery. Wrecked whaleships and survivor camps are often mentioned in contemporary accounts and the locations of such sites are usually gleaned through years of searching archives for relevant data. Alternatively, occasionally stars align and wrecks are located through accidental discovery during routine survey work. In those cases divers locate material remains of ships which are later identified as whaling wrecks through diagnostic artifacts found at the sites. Each of the above mentioned situations has occurred in Papahānaumokuākea National Marine Monument. Of the ten whaleships historically known to have wrecked within the Monument’s boundaries, the wrecks of five have so far been located and archaeologically investigated. The approximate locations of four of these sites were identified through data contained in survivor’s accounts and maps drawn by either the wrecked whalers themselves or later voyagers to the region (The Friend, 3 September 1859). Using such sources PMNM archaeologists were able to narrow down survey areas and had little trouble finding two of the sites, those of the British whaleship Gledstanes (1837) and the American whaler Parker (1842). Historic descriptions were also used to positively identify the wrecks of the British whalers Pearl and Hermes (1822) once the sites were identified by NOAA Coral Reef Ecosystem Division (marine debris) divers in 2004 (Van Tilburg 2005:1). On the other hand, as in the case of the Nantucket whaleship Two Brothers, serendipity played a part in site identification. In this case, historical research pertaining to this wrecking event indicated that it was lost at French Frigate Shoals (FFS), within the boundaries of PMNM. Though this presented an enormous search area from which to begin, ultimately the site was located purely by chance while PMNM researchers conducted tow-board surveys near Shark Island, on the edge of FFS. Combined historical and archaeological research can also provide evidence of site formation and indications of the locations of possible survivor’s camps. Due to the weather conditions encountered in the open Pacific Ocean and the shallow nature of the reefs and shoals on which many whaleships came to grief, archaeological remains are scattered for hundreds of meters in pockets and sand channels in various reefs. This not only makes the systematic recording of these sites incredibly challenging, it can also make site identification nearly impossible. However careful scrutiny of historical documents pertaining to wrecking can be compared to the archaeological data to recreate the event and ultimately help to determine site identity. Once determined, the data about the wreck can be further mined to determine if crews were able to escape, and if so, whether a survivor’s camp exists and its approximate location. One particular wreck that shows how detailed research into site formation processes can be useful for site identification is that of the British whaler Litherland. Historic records state that this vessel struck rocks off of Clarke Island in Bass Strait (Australia) and sank in 1853. A detailed account of the wrecking event and a description of the ultimate disposition of the vessel were published in a local newspaper (Hobart Town Courier, 30 June 1853; Nash 1990:14). Physical data recorded about the main site, other remains scattered on the seabed and the locations, and the positions of anchors and chain enabled a number of conclusions to be made concerning the wrecking process and site formation (Nash 1990:20). Thus by combining relevant data contained within historical sources with that recovered during archaeological investigations, researchers were able to not only positively identify the site as that of Litherland, they also recreated the loss of the vessel and deduced information about historical environmental conditions on the day that the wreck occurred. As each of these examples illustrates, the value of combining preliminary historical research into project planning should not be underestimated when it comes to conducting research in remote locations. However heritage management offices are often inundated with massive workloads and lack of staff, and simply do not have the spare time necessary to chase sources listed in logbooks, journals, account ledgers and other archival materials that are scattered in libraries and museums around the world. Because of this, a comprehensive �approach to researching whaling heritage is not feasible for the individual archaeologist; thus building relationships with historical researchers is extremely important. Geophysical Survey As mentioned previously, whaleships hunting in the Pacific were occasionally lost on shallow reefs and crews were forced to abandon their vessels and seek refuge. In some cases they narrowly escaped and drifted in whaleboats until rescued, but in others they were able to find suitable locations to establish camps where they lived until rescued. Martin Gibbs (2003:128) has shown that the study of shipwreck survivor camps can provide a range of information related to human behavior in crisis situations including social organization, salvage, subsistence and rescue strategies. Examples of such occurrences from the Pacific region include whaleships wrecked in Fiji, Palau and Hawaii (see Holden 1836; Twynings 1850; DuPont 1954). Accounts of each of these incidents exist which provide details of life at the camps, contact with indigenous cultures, and the construction of rescue vessels. Archaeologically such sites can be difficult to detect due to the low lying nature of the islands and their tendency to be washed over in heavy weather conditions. However, impacts and alterations made to the physical environment by activities such as shipbuilding can often be revealed through remote sensing surveys. Clark and de Biran (2010) recently conducted a geophysical and archaeological survey of the shipwreck survivor camp for the British packet ship Antelope, which wrecked in Palau in 1783. By combining terrestrial remote sensing techniques with traditional archaeological investigation and historical research, the researchers were able to accurately identify and interpret the remains of the camp. The positive results of this project are encouraging and provide evidence that geophysical surveys make an important contribution to successful archaeological research into shipwreck survivor camp sites. Historical Ecology Historical ecologists use a range of information to understand the histories of past ecosystems which in turn may be used in helping to better manage current ecosystems and resources. Included in their data sets are archaeological data, anecdotal historical accounts, ethnographic information and modern ecological and social data (Kittinger 2010). It has been postulated that fishing and whaling were the first massive human-induced alteration of the marine environment and preceded other impacts such as pollution and climate change (Jackson, et al. 2001; Worm, et al. 2007:333). Historical information pertaining to whaling activities in the Pacific region has great potential to inform studies of historical ecology throughout the region. Whalers are known to have kept detailed records of their catches, of daily activities such as subsistence fishing, and of sightings of other animals in their logbooks and journals; thousands of these sources exist in museums, libraries and private collections around the world and can be scoured for ecological data that is invaluable to researchers. As the editors of the International Whaling Commission’s report on Historical Whaling Records stated, they were “… enthralled by the discovery of the rich treasure of biological data which resided within old, musty whaling logbooks and journals”, (Tillman and Donovan 1983:ii). The potential for archaeologists and historical ecologists to work together is evident in their use of the same historical sources. Such sources record not only whale catches but also information about shipwrecks, shipwreck sightings, and exploitation of other biological resources on land and on the sea. Historical ecologists have the ability to supply archaeologists with sets of data that outline the numbers and species of whales spotted and their movements, to which whaling captains would have inevitably responded. As a result some predictive modeling for shipwrecks, whaling stations and survivor camps may be drawn from this data. Alternatively, archaeologists studying shipwrecks and their shipwreck survivor camps may provide historical ecologists with evidence of diet and utilization of native wildlife through faunal remains recorded during excavations (Nash 2005:19). One such study is currently underway using data pertaining to the northwestern Hawaiian Islands, where university researchers and an agency archaeologist are collaborating to better understand the effects that shipwreck survivors had on island ecology (Kittinger, et al. 2011). �Biological Science For many years the assistance of biologists has been requested on archaeological projects because they can provide species identification and condition assessments on shipwrecks. However in the past decade there has been a growing interest among maritime archaeologists and marine biologists to work together to gain a more holistic understanding of how shipwrecks have altered site environments through the addition of unintentional artificial structure and changes to the natural reef structure. There are a variety of scientific techniques for collecting data that biologists can contribute to archaeological sites including site formation studies and the dating of shipwrecks through schlerochronology, or dating of associated coral via core examination (Smith, et al. 2005:10). And just as biological studies can aid archaeologists in better understanding site environments and the processes acting upon the wrecks, archaeological and historical information gives biologists insight into the structure of artificial reefs (i.e. shipwrecks) and the temporal contexts of their formation (Church and Warren 2009:21). Such is the case with a recent study on biodiversity in the ecology of shipwrecks in PMNM (Smith 2010). This innovative project aimed to determine whether shipwreck sites supported distinct ecosystems and if residual effects from disturbances caused by the wrecking create differences between wreck sites and surrounding coral communities. Data recovered from this project not only provided answers to questions about reef recovery, it also proved invaluable for archaeologists investigating site formation processes and served as the foundation for longterm monitoring protocols. The study found that the growth and health of a reef system on a shipwreck can provide clues as to its age and the amount of cultural or natural interference that may occur short and long-term (MMP 2010). The results of this research exemplify the value of multidisciplinary research through the various types of practical information that can be gleaned from viewing shipwrecks from a different perspective. Conservation – In Situ studies The remote locations in which many whaling shipwrecks have been found would provide an excellent opportunity to undertake baseline in situ conservation studies. In situ conservation surveys involve collecting data to assess the preservation of sites, and the value of these surveys to managers cannot be understated (Richards and McKinnon 2009:i). Most of the whaling sites identified in Pacific waters are subjected to very little cultural disturbance due to their remote nature. They are not impacted by recreational divers or souvenir collectors and in many instances were not contemporarily salvaged. This lack of cultural disturbance means that only natural impacts are affecting these sites. This presents an excellent case for conservation scientists who study preservation and deterioration rates. Additionally, due to the dynamic nature of the environment and the conditions in which these vessels wrecked, their archaeological remains are represented by collections of artefact clusters generally dispersed over large areas. According to David Gregory (2010:3) in open seawater the physical effects of scouring and biological processes are the major causes of deterioration of wooden and organic materials. This explains the almost complete lack of wooden structure encountered on several whaling wreck sites that have been identified in the Pacific region. Instead, these sites are characterized by the heavy iron objects associated with the various industrial activities involved in onboard whaling operations such as trypots and blubber 4 hooks. Metal submerged in seawater corrodes in a micro-environment that prevents the formation of protective oxide layers normally associated with terrestrial corrosion processes (Carpenter, et al. 2010:34). Thus corrosion processes are constantly weakening and breaking down these metal artefacts. 4 Pelagic whaling operations involved activities that centred on preparing and processing whale blubber into valuable oil. Known as “cutting in” and “trying out”, these processes employed sturdy iron hooks and reinforced rigging tackle to lift blubber pieces onto the deck, where they were further trimmed and then placed into large cast iron trypots built into brick hearths for rendering the oil. In most cases when wrecked whaleships have been located, the presence of these artefacts provides diagnostic evidence. �In situ conservation surveys and monitoring programs are becoming a commonly used method for managing site preservation in many parts of the world. Its relatively low costs when built into a research design at the early stages would be a suitable option for whaling wreck sites and would allow conservation scientists the ability to study sites affected only, in many cases, by their natural environment. Conclusion This paper has attempted to highlight the nature of whaling shipwreck sites found in the Pacific region and the usefulness of multidisciplinary approaches to their investigation. In an age when budgetary restrictions are the norm and fuel costs are on the rise, archaeologists must think laterally about the way they organize their field research. Collaboration has been a strong suit of the discipline of archaeology for many years and this paper illustrates how this type of collaboration is successful and can continue to be cultivated in future explorations of the impact of whaling in the Pacific and throughout the oceans of the world. Formatted: Font: 12 pt, Not Bold Bibliography Carpenter, J., MacLeod, I., and Richards, V., 2009 Church, R.A. and Warren, D.J., 2009 Clark, G. and de Biran, A. 2010 DuPont, R.P. 1954 Finney, S.S., 1999 Finney, S.S. and Graves, M.W., 2000 Gibbs, M., 2003 Gregory, D., 2009 Holden, H. 1836 “Conserving the WW II wrecks of Truk Lagoon”, in (eds.) Vicki Richards & Jennifer McKinnon, In-situ Conservation of Cultural Heritage: Public, Professionals and Preservation, PAST Foundation Publications, pp.32-39. Deep-water archaeology in the Gulf of Mexico: a multidisciplinary approach. Proceedings of the US Hydro 2009 Conference, Norfolk, VA. “Geophysical and Archaeological Investigation of the Survivor-Camp of the Antelope (1783) in the Palau Islands, Western Pacific”, in The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 39(2), pp. 345-356. “The Holder Borden”, The New England Quarterly 27(3), pp. 355-365. “Whaling and the expansion of the University of Hawaii maritime archaeology and history program into the Pacific”, in Underwater Archaeology, pp. 33-38. “Site identification and documentation of a Civil War shipwreck thought to be sunk by the C.S.S. Shenandoah in April 1865”, Unpublished report prepared for The American Battlefield Protection Program, National Park Service, Washington D.C “The Archaeology of Crisis: Shipwreck Survivor Camps in Australasia”, in Historical Archaeology, 37(1), pp. 128-135. “In situ preservation of marine archaeological sites: out of site but not out of mind”, in In-situ Conservation of Cultural Heritage: Public, Professionals and Preservation, (eds.) V. Richards and J. McKinnon, PAST Foundation Publications, pp. 1-16. Hobart Town Courier, 30 June 1853. A narrative of the shipwreck, captivity and sufferings of Horace Holden and Benj. H. Nute; who were cast away in the American ship “Mentor”, on the Pelew Islands, in the year 1832; and for two years afterwards were subjected to unheard of sufferings among the barbarous inhabitants of Formatted Table �Lord North's Island. Russell, Shattuck, and Co., Boston, Mass. Jackson, J.B.C., Kirby, M.X., Berger, W.H., Bjorndal, K.A., Botsford, L.W., Bourque, B.J., Bradbury, R., Cooke, R., Erlandson, J., Estes, J.A., Hughes, T.P., Kidwell, S., Lange, C.B., Lenihan, H.S., Pandolfi, J.M., Peterson, C.H., Steneck, R.S., Tegner, M.J., and Warner, R., 2001 Kittinger, J.N., 2010 Kittinger, J., Raupp, J.T., 2011 Gleason, K and Nash, M., 1990 Nash, M., 2005 Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument, 2011 Raupp, J. T. and Gleason, K., 2010 Richards, V. and McKinnon, J., 2009 Rydell, R. A., 1952 Smith, D.M., 2010 Smith, R.C., Scott-Ireton, D., McKinnon, J., Beckwith, S., Altmeier, B., and MacLaughlin, L., 2006 “Pacific Wrecks” Thrum, T.G., 1915 Tillman, M. F. and Donovan, G. P., (eds.), 1983 “Historical overfishing and the recent collapse of coastal ecosystems”, in Science, 293, pp. 629–638. “Historical ecology of coral reefs in the Hawaiian Archipelago”, Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawaii at Mānoa, Honolulu. The Ecological impact of shipwreck survivor camps in the Northwest Hawaiian Islands. Unpublished paper presented nd at the 22 Annual Symposium on Maritime Archaeology and History in Hawai’i and the Pacific, Hilo, Hawaii. “Survey of the historic ship Litherland (1834-1853)”, in Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 14(1), pp. 13-20. “Investigation of a survivor camp from the Sydney Cove shipwreck”, in Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 29, pp. 9-24. Maritime heritage research, education, and management plan: Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument. Honolulu, Hawai‘i. “Submerged whaling heritage in Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument”, in Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 34, pp. 67-76. “Forward”, in In-situ Conservation of Cultural Heritage: Public, Professionals and Preservation, (eds.) Vicki Richards & Jennifer McKinnon, PAST Foundation Publications, pp. 32-39. Cape Horn to the Pacific: the rise and fall of an ocean highway, University of California Press, Los Angeles. “The ecology of shipwrecks in the Hawaiian Archipelago: an assessment of biodiversity”, Unpublished Master’s Thesis, University of Hawaii at Mānoa, Honolulu. “Archaeological and biological examination of ‘The Mystery Wreck’ (8MO143) off Vaca Key, Monroe County, Florida”, Unpublished Report, Florida Keys National Marine Sanctuary, in Fulfillment of a NOAA Maritime Heritage Program Mini-grant. The Friend, 3 September 1859. Hawaiian almanac and annual: the reference book of information and statistics relating to the Territory of Hawaii, or value to merchants, tourists and others, Published by Author, Honolulu. Historical whaling records. Report of the International Whaling Commission (Special Issue 5). �Twyning, J.R. 1850 Shipwreck and adventures of John P. Twyning, among the South Sea Islanders: giving an account of their feasts, massacres, etc., etc. London, England. Van Tilburg, H.K. 2005 “Activity report for Hawaiian Islands National Wildlife Refuge, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service Department of the Interior, maritime heritage resources assessment 2005”, Unpublished submitted to National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration/National Ocean Service National Marine Sanctuary Program and U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service. “Ecosystem effects of fishing and whaling in the North Pacific and Atlantic Ocean”, in Whales, whaling and ocean ecosystems, (eds.) James A. Estes, Douglas P. DeMaster, Daniel F. Doak, Terrie M. Williams & Robert L. Brownell, Jr., University of California Press, Berkley. Worm, B., Lotze, H.K., and Myers, R.A., 2007 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Multidisciplinary Research Potential of Whaling Heritage in the Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Session 11 Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas Description An account of the resource From the time that whaleships first rounded Cape Horn at the end of the eighteenth century, the activities of European and American whalers transformed the landscape and seascape of the Pacific region. While systematic hunting had a profound effect on cetacean populations, whaling affected more than just the hunted. The pursuit of new whaling grounds, the need to replenish food, water and firewood, and the frequent occurrence of shipwrecks and desertion, all led to interactions with the indigenous inhabitants and environments of virtually every archipelago. These interactions generated enduring influences, both positive and negative, on the cultural and material heritage of the Pacific. The archaeological evidence of whaling can be seen through the wrecks of whaling ships, the remains of whaling stations, and shipwreck survivors' camps that are found in even the most distant corners of the Pacific. The information contained in such sites has proven potential to inform researchers from a range of disciplines including archaeology, historical ecology, biology, and conservation science. Due to the remote locations of many of these sites and the limited resources available for accessing and studying them, multidisciplinary approaches to their investigation offer researchers and heritage managers cost effective options for gleaning valuable data. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jason T. Raupp Suzanne S. Finney Kelly Gleason Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 11 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Murakami Suigun Hakubutsukan (Murakami Suigun Museum) 村上水軍博物館 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10:17:59 Language A language of the resource Japanese Type The nature or genre of the resource Web Page Museum Zotero Item Type Web Page Access Date 2011-10-07 10:17:59 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10:17:59 Language A language of the resource Japanese Title A name given to the resource Murakami Suigun Hakubutsukan (Murakami Suigun Museum) 村上水軍博物館 URL http://www.islands.ne.jp/imabari/bunka/suigun/ Website Title Murakami Suigun Hakubutsukan Website Type Museum Attachment Title 村上水軍博物館 Attachment URL http://www.islands.ne.jp/imabari/bunka/suigun/ Japan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dalley, Stephanie Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Oxford University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Translator Dalley, Stephanie Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 Place Oxford Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Oxford University Press Title A name given to the resource Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Myths of Enki, the Crafty God Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Samuel Noah Kramer John Maier Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Oxford University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Editor Samuel Noah Kramer John Maier Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 Place New York Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Oxford University Press Title A name given to the resource Myths of Enki, the Crafty God https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/e2aab0de88cebe447b8c489c2cd48e0c.pdf 73386499175b6a1b9b5dc8585b9f6c9f PDF Text Text Nagappattinam – A medieval port of South India S. Rajavelu Department of Maritime History and Marine Archaeology Tamil University Thanjavur, 613010 India Email: rajavelasi@gmail.com Abstract Nagappattinam, a famous sea port of the imperial Cholas, is presently the headquarters of a District in Tamil Nadu, India. During the medieval Period, under the imperial Cholas, this port city played a vital role politically, commercially and culturally. From the time of the Pallavas of Kanchipuram around 8th century CE, the port city was referred to as Nagai. Though we do not get any direct reference from the records of the Pallavas, there is an inscription on a stone slab in the Naganathar temple at Nagappattinam that refers to donation of gold to the temple of Naganathar by a big smith probably a goldsmith of the town Nagai. The sacred saivite literature Teevaram refers to the port city as being fortified by big walls and the ships like vangam anchored in the harbor of Ten Nagai. In the succeeding period this city flourished as a main port of the imperial Cholas where the Chola Navy was stationed. During the time of Rajendra Chola I (1012-1018 CE) the son and successor of Rajaraja Chola I (985-1014 CE) crossed the Bay of Bengal with his Navy from seaport of Nagappattinam and conquered Kedah in the year 1017 CE. During the times of Vijayanagar, Nayaks and Dutch East India Company, the port was busy with foreign trade. This paper traces the emergence of the port city and Maritime contacts to Southeast Asian Countries in the medieval period in the light of available inscriptional and literary evidences in detail. 1 �Key words: Dutch East India Company, Nagappattinam, Teevaram, Rajaraja, Rajendra, Naganathar temple Introduction Nagappattinam (10° 79’06” N, 79° 84’28” E) was a major port city of the imperial Cholas of the medieval period. At present the city Nagappattinam is the headquarters of the District of the same name in the State of Tamil Nadu, India. The origin of the port city is quite obscure in the beginning of the early Common Era, since Tamil literature of the Sangam period never mentions this city although it provides more information on the other port cities on the Coromandel Coast. The early name of the city Nagappattinam is referred to in the sacred literature Teevaaram of 7th century CE., and an inscription of 8th century CE, was found engraved on a stone slab which is now preserved in the complex of Naaganaathar temple at Nagappattinam. Colonel Henry Yule (1873) identified the city with Ptolemy’s metropolis Nigama. referring to a mercantile group or community. Nigama is a common term The term nigama is found in the inscriptions of 1st century CE on stone and pottery engravings (Subbarayalu, 2008). In the later period, the settlement of merchants was known as Niyamam which is the corrupt form of nigama. The identification of Ptolemy’s nigama with the place name Nagai needs further collaborative evidence. Teevaram is the sacred literature of the Tamils sung by the Saiva saints (Naayanmaars) of 7th century CE in praise of the lord Siva of various temples in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Sri Lanka. They personally visited these temples and made vivid descriptions of the places and their significance. Nagappattinam is mentioned in this literature as Naagai or kaTal Naagai (Naagai along the Sea). The city Naagai was situated in a coastal area and it had many huge multi storied buildings (neTu maaTam, MaaTa neTu viiti) and long streets (neTu viiti) with huge fortification walls (maamatail) surrounding it alluded by saiva saints Tirunavukkarasar and Sundaramurthi of 8th century CE, (Devaram, 1961). All these descriptions clearly suggest that the city was a harbor in which the merchant community lived. The traders who lived in this city engaged in maritime trade. Further, it is gleaned from the above literature that the city was busy with anchoring of 2 �many kinds of ships and vessels (kalam and vangam vangamali kadal nagai). Thus the port of Nagai became one of the major sea ports of Tamil Nadu around 6th-7th centuries CE. The port was located between the two outlets of Kaveri, namely, the Kudavaiyar and the Uppanar to anchor ships safely (kazi suuz kaTal naagai). Origin of the name Naagai The above sacred literature teevaram and the inscription of the 8th century refer to the city as Naagai not as Nagappattinam. Thus Nagai is the early name of the place. When the city became a major sea port of the Cholas around 9th century CE, it became Nagappattinam. (Nagai+Pattinam) The place name Nagai in all probability derived its origin from Naagu, a Tamil word meaning Conch, (i.e., Chank- Xancas pyrum (Linnaeus). It shows that the city Naagai in all probability was once famous for its chank fishing centre. Chank fishing Chank is considered as an auspicious object in the Hindu pantheon. The manufacture of chank bangles is one of the major industries in India from time immemorial. Manimegalai, a Tamil epic of 6th century CE, refers to the Naga nadu which was ruled over by Valai vanan. The queen of the Naga nadu was vaasamayil. They had a daughter known as pili valai (Nattar and Duraisamy, 2007). Pili valai married a Chola prince and had a son named Tondaiman Ilantiraiyan. Later Tondaiman Ilantiraiyan became the king of Tondaimandalam, a northern part of Tamil Nadu, with a capital city, Kanchipuram, around 2nd century CE. The name Piili valai has two components. The first part piili means chank and Valai refers to a bangle (bangle made of Chank). The area in and around Nagai in the early common era was known as Naga nadu. All these suggest that the naga nadu or nagai was famous for chank fishing as well as manufacturing of chank bangles and it was ruled over by the Naga clan in the early period of the Common Era. Kaveripumpattinam and Nagappattinam Before the emergence as a port city on the eastern coast, the city Nagai as narrated above, served as a small port for chank fishing. Kaveripumpattinam or Pumpuhar, the 3 �celebrated port city of the early Cholas on the East coast, was famous as a maritime trade centre in the early Common Era. The Sangam literatures, especially the post Sangam work Pattinappalai of second century CE, describes the city Kaveripumpattinam in detail. Accordingly, Kaveripumpattinam was famous for sea trade from where, the articles like horses, gems, gold, sandal, pearls, food stuffs from Sri Lanka and other articles from Kalagam (Burma) were imported and exported. According to this work many traders from this city spoke different kind of languages (Tamilannal and Annamalai, 2003). The twin Epics Silappadigaram and Manimekhalai of 4th-5th centuries CE, give vivid pictures of the port city Kaveripumpattinam and according to the Manimekhalai the city was destroyed by the sea (aninagarantannai alaikadal kolga) (Nattar and Duraisamy, 2007). The port city Kaveripumpattinam was also famous for Buddhism. Further, the epic Manimekhalai and the excavations carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India attested to the fact that this city was a flourishing centre for Buddhism prior to 5th century CE (Soundararajan, 1994). The destruction of the port city Kaveripumpattinam by the sea paved the way for the emergence of Nagappattinam, which is located on the south of Kaveripumpattinam, as an important port city during the time of the Pallavas around the 6th-7th centuries CE. Naagai as a busy port and an international centre for Buddhist religion The port city Naagai became a prominent port city around 7th century CE during the rule of the Pallavas. When the Saiva saints Appar and Sambandar visited a temple Naagai Kaaronam they witnessed many big ships anchored in the harbor of Naagai. The ships were big in size: the vangam, a type of big ship, is vividly compared with mountains by these two saints. The fortified city port was spacious enough to accommodate many big vangam and kalam vessels. Gold (kanakam), camphor (kaRpuram), and elephants were important goods for trade in this port. The ships or vangam carried elephants along with shores and the taxes (sungam) were levied for the goods which were stored in the port (Teevaram No.7.101.5, 8). Pallava Period During the rule of Rajasimha II, the Pallava King of Kanchipuram (CE 691-729) sent an embassy to China. Due to this cordial relationship with China the traders and Buddhist 4 �monks visited South India and influenced the king to construct a china pagoda at Nagappattinam. In the year 720 CE, the 9th month, the king of South India Che-li-na-loseng-kia-pas-to-pa (Sri Narashimha Varman i.e, Rajasimha II) constructed a temple to honour the China Empire: he addressed to the emperor a request asking from him an inscription giving a name to this temple; by decree it was decided that the name should be “which caused return to virtue” and the emperor sent Narashimha a placard or tablet with the inscription “Koci hoa se,” so that it might be placed on the front of the temple erected in India by Narashimha for the benefit of China (Minakshi, 1977). From the above remarks, it is known that the King Narashimha Varman alias Rajasimha II constructed a Buddhist vihara at Nagappattinam for the benefit of merchants and pilgrims arriving from China and elsewhere in his kingdom. The existence of a Buddhist vihara of the Pallava period, which was popularly known as China-pagoda, at Nagappattinam is referred to by Yule in his ‘Marco Polo’ (Yule and Cordier, 1993). The Chinese pagoda or Jaina pagoda was noticed by Walter Elliot (1878) until its demolition in 1867 by the local Jesuit mission. This edifice was known as the Chinese or Jaina Pagoda at Nagappattinam. A large number of bronze images were discovered before and after the demolition of the above said vihara in 1867 by Jesuit mission of Nagappattinam. These were catalogued by the Madras Museum (Ramachandran, 1965). When Marco Polo visited the place he witnessed the ruined Buddhist vihara at Nagappattinam. The Kalyani inscription from Burma records that the Theeras and Chitraduta travelled on foot to Nagappattana and visited the place Padarikaaraama monastery and worshipped the statue of Buddha (Yule, 1873). Chola Period After the decline of the Pallavas around 9th century CE, the imperial Cholas came to power under the founder ruler Vijayalaya. Nagappattinam came under the direct control of the Cholas and they made the port the headquarters of the Chola Navy. It was referred to in the inscriptions of Cholas as Nagappattinam alias Cholakulavallippattinam (in the name of a queen of Chola race) (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1956-57: 157). Rajaraja Chola I inscriptions clearly suggest that the city became both commercial and religious capital of that period. At the request of the Srivijaya king Vijayotunga Varman, Rajaraja I allowed him to build a Buddhist vihara in Nagappattinam in the 5 �name of the latter’s father Chulaamani Varman (Aiyar, 1934). Rajaraja allowed this and also granted a village, Anaimanagalam, as tax free village (pallichandam). The construction of the vihara was started during the time of Rajaraja I and completed during the reign of Rajaraja-I’s son Rajendra I. This vihara also had another name, Rajarajapperumpalli, at Nagappattinam named after the King Rajaraja I. The larger Leiden plate as well as inscription of late 13th century CE from Naganatha temple at Nagappattinam refers to this vihara. Anaimangalam grant was renewed during the time of Kulottunga I for the Buddhist vihara. Besides, we come across in the inscriptions of later period that there were several such viharas of Buddhist pantheon at Nagappattinam, such as Rajendra Perumpalli (in the name of either Rajendra Chola I or Kulottunga Chola I) and Akkasalai Perumpalli. The smaller Leiden grant of Kulottunga I refer to Rajaraja Perumpalli and Rajendra Perumpalli. From this we can presume that Rajendrapperumpalli constructed during the time of Rajendra I or Kulottunga I. The Akkasalaip perumpalli in all probability was yet another Buddhist vihara, contemporaneous to Rajendra Perumpalli. In the collection of Rockefeller’s bronzes, there are some images of Buddha which originally belonged to Nagappattinam Buddhist vihara. Among Rockefeller’s collection, interestingly, a standing image of Buddha yields an inscription engraved on the pedestal referring to the bronze image which belonged to the viharas of Rajendra Perumpalli – Akkasalai Perumpalli of Nagappattinam (Karashima and Subbarayalu, 2002). The image of Buddha was taken for procession from these two Buddhist viharas. Further the name Akkasalai denotes “mint”. Nagappattinam had a mint for coins from the time of the Cholas. This Buddhist vihara might have been an exclusive worship centre for the goldsmiths working in the mint; hence it earned the name Akkasalaipperumpalli. The second line of the above inscription which records the mercantile community known as padinen vishayattar in the pedestal inscription supports our view. During the Chola period there were a number of mercantile communities who engaged in foreign trade. They were called naanadeesi, tisaiayirattu ainnurruvar, senamugam, nagarattaar and padinen(bhumi) vishiayattaar. Many of the above names appear in the inscriptions of Sri Lanka, Malay Peninsula and Sumatra (Karashima and Subbarayalu, 2002). Besides, the port was used by the merchants who came from the western coast of Peninsular 6 �India especially from Kerala to Southeast Asian countries and China, who anchored their ships at Nagappattinam port midway through their voyage. They gave several donations to the temple of Naganatha at Nagaippattinam while they stationed at this port (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1956-57: 155-7). Two inscriptions from the temple of Naganatha mention the merchants Taamandaiyan and Tiruccirrampalam udaiyan from Kollatturai or kurakkeeni Kollam or kollapuram which was identified with the modern Quilon port on the Arabian Sea in Kerala. All these suggest that the port city of Nagappattinam became the international centre for Buddhism for the pilgrims and traders of Buddhist faith of Southeast Asia and China. The mercantile group padinen vishaiyattar had close contacts with Southeast Asian countries through sea voyage from Nagappattinam and some of the inscriptions from Malay Peninsula refer to the above merchant group (Nilakanta Sastri, 1949). During the reign of Rajendra Chola I, the son of Rajaraja I, around 1015 CE, an officer in the court of Srivijaya namely Eran Sadaiyan made a donation of precious stones to Nagai Azhavar temple at Nagappttinam. He was a native of Melthonrippattinam, a place in Ramanathapuram District of Tamil Nadu (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 195657, No 164). It could be possible that he was appointed by the king Rajendra I in the court of Srivijaya after his conquest. The Navy of Cholas went to Southeast Asian countries under the able leadership of Rajendra I and conquered almost all countries in Southeast Asia. Rajendra Chola I inscriptions clearly suggest that he made a naval expedition from the port of Nagappattinam to Southeast Asian countries around 1025 CE. His eulogy of the king (prasasti) in the inscriptions gives the list of places in the Southeast Asian countries that were attacked by the navy of Cholas. The eulogy says “alaikadal naduvil palakalam celutti” meaning having dispatched many ships in the midst of the rolling sea. The inscriptions from Naganatha temple suggest that Nagai was the main seaport for the dispatch of the Chola Navy. The inscription from this place mentions the officers of Srivijaya kingdom who frequently visited Nagappattinam. The agent of the king of Srivijaya namely KaNTan Nimalan Agattiswaran (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1956-57, No 161) donated several gifts to the temple of Srikayarohanaswamin temple at Nagappattinam. As already pointed out, Eran Sadaiyan an officer of Srivijaya king also donated precious stones to the temple. Another 7 �inscription of the same temple in this place records certain Sri Kuruttan Kesuvan alias Akralekai, a royal writer of the King of Kedaram (modern Kedah of Malaysia) installed a siva and Uma image Ardhanariswara in the temple and gave (Chinak kanakam) the gold coins of China (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1956-57, No. 166). Nagappattinam in the late medieval period As discussed earlier, the port of Nagappattinam was frequently visited by many travellers and merchants from Southeast Asian countries who were later followed by Westerners. The Portuguese established their settlement here with the concurrence of the Nayak King Sevappa Nayaka of Thanjavur in AD 1542. They found that the port was well suited for their trade since it was located between two outlets of Kaveri namely the Kudavaiyar and Uppanar. The Nayaks of Tanjore allowed the Portuguese Captain of Nagapattinam to collect a revenue . They built a fort in Nagapattinam in order to prevent a possible attack from the Dutch in 1594. The Vijayaragava Nayak of Tanjore did not allow the Dutch settlement in this region. However, the Dutch took Nagapattinam from the Portuguese in AD 1658 (Kovai, 1996). The Batavia Museum’s Silver plate inscription refers to an agreement made by the Dutch and the Marathas of Tanjore to establish their trade at Nagapattinam in 1676 (Raju, 1988). The Tanjore Maratta king Ekoji accepted their plea after the intervention of the able agent Chinnanna Chetti. Chinnanna Chetti, a Malay merchant, had already established his trade on the Coromandel coast and helped the Dutch in their trade activities. Initially, the Marathas of Thanjavur accepted the Dutch trade at Nagapattinam for a period of three years. However the agreement was renewed in the year 1661 AD. Accordingly, the Dutch received some privileges and villages in and around Nagapattinam and in lieu of that they agreed to give 4200 Pon and 1 tusker elephant. The Dutch continued their trade activities in this port until the British occupied it in the year 1781 AD. An inscription found engraved on a loose stone slab kept in the courtyard of the Naganatha swamy temple (Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1990, No 57) is significant, since this is the first stone inscription mentioning the Dutch occupancy of the port city Nagappattinam and their liberal donation to the Hindu temple at Nagapattinam. The inscription starts in praise of the God of Nagappattinam's Nagalingam. It is dated in 8 �the Saka year 1695, Kali era 4875 and the Dutch year 1774 (ulaandesu kumpanir anntu) in the month of Chittirai corresponding to AD 1775. The Dutch year mentioned in the inscription is nothing but the Gregorian year (English calendar system). It records the gift of some land and revenue which were under the control of the Dutch for the renovation of the temple of Naganatha. The Dutch Governor Captain Bilichingan made an oral order (yethalooReyi nirpam) after the local authorities (maniyam) approached (civalentoyini pelattu) him. The Dutch company is referred to as Ulandesu kumpanir. From the above, it is evident that Nagapattinam was functioning as a strong Dutch port city controlled by the Dutch captain Bilichingan, and they were actively involved in the local affairs of Nagapattinam port for a considerable period in 18th century AD. The Dutch East India Company's Governor’s name occurred in the inscription in the tamilized form (Maharaja Bilichingan) of the Nagapattinam Governor Christian Van Teylingen. He was a governor of seventh government of the Dutch which had factories at other ports like Sadras, Bimlipatam, Palkole and Jaganadhapuram with their capital at Nagapattinam itself. Accordingly the following revenue was given for the above renovation and for conducting Sivaratri festival in the temple. 1. Daily kuttagai from the Company. 2. Revenue from the Harbour (pusa mugattuvarattu kuttagaippanam) 30 3. Maganmai revenue from the Mint (kampattattu maganmai) 4. On areca- net (pakku maganmai) 2 in number per day from the Kalasakarar. 4. Tax on betel leaves (verrilai kuttagai) 20 leaves per day. 5. Monthly Rent on the onion shop at Big bazaar belonging to the temple. The inscription also refers to the early maniyam Nagamallu Chinnayya Nayakkar who was a friend of the Company (Kumpani toluggu) and his successors Mayaludai Ganapathi Chettiyar and his son Subhramanya Chettiyar. Subhramanya Chettiyar was alive when the donation was made. Nagamallu Chinnayaa Nayakkar in all probability was the agent Chinnanna who helped the Dutch in the establishment of their maritime trade in Nagappattinam. From the Battavia Museum Silver plate it is known that the Dutch had possessed 10 villages including Nagapattinam in the year 1676. Among 9 �them the lands from the two villages were given for the renovation work as evident from this present inscription. Pudur is identified with Puttur and Anthonipettai is the same as Anthonipettai referred to in the Battavia Museum Silver Plate: the village Neyveli mentioned in our present epigraph is referred to as kumpanir gramam indicating that it was a new occupancy by the company after 1676. From the above silver plate it is also evident that the Naykas allowed the Dutch to Mint Panam and Varagan for circulation at Nagapattinam. The word Kampattam occuring in record also attests to this fact. Conclusions From the above discussion it is evident that the port of Nagai or Nagappattinam played a vital role in maritime contacts with Southeast Asian and Western countries in the late medieval period. It was also one of the international (Buddhist) pilgrimage centres starting from the times of Pallavas to the late 18th century CE. The Chinese Pagoda i.e., the Buddhist vihara in this place received royal patronage from the kings of Southeast Asia, especially the king of Srivijay who constructed the Rajarajapperumpalli alias Rajendra Perumpalli. The merchants of foreign trade made significant contribution and they constructed a buddhist vihara, namely Akkasalai Perumpalli, in this port city. The navy of the Cholas stationed in this port and went to Far East up to Southeast Asian countries under the leadership of able King Rajendra Chola in 11th century CE. The port Nagappattinam had enough facility of anchoring large size of vessels like Kalam and Vangam type of ships. Acknowledgements The author acknowledges Dr. M. Thirumalai, Vice-Chancellor, Tamil University for his constant support, guidance and permitting to present at the Asia Pacific Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Honolulu, Hawaii on 12th - 16th May 2014. I am also thankful to my colleagues Drs. N. Athiyaman and V. Selvakumar of Tamil University for their encouragement suggestions on this paper. References Aiyar, Subrahmanya, K. V., 1934. The Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. 22 (34): 222. 10 �Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy (AREp.) Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. Walter, E., 1878. Jaina Pagoda at Nagappattinam. Indian Antiquary, Vol. 7: 224-27. Karashima, N., and Subbarayalu, Y., 2002. Goldsmiths and Padinen vishayam: A bronze Image of Nagappattinam. In N. Karashima (Ed.), Ancient and Medieval Commercial Activities in the Indian Ocean: Taisho University, Tokyo: 57-61. Kovai Ilancheran, I., 1996. Nagappattinam. Manivasagar publishers, Chennai. Kumara Gurubaran., 1961. Devaram. Kasimadam Publishers, Tiruppanandal. Minakshi, C., 1977. Administration and Social Life under the Pallavas. University of Madras, Madras, p. 85. Nattar, V., and Duraisamy, V., 2007. Manimeghalai, Cantos, 24; line 57, 27 line 179, 29 line 4; Saradha publications, Chennai. Nilakanta Sastri, K. A., 1949. South Indian influence in the Far East. Hind Kitabs Ltd, Bombay. Ramachandran, T. N., 1965. The Nagappattinam and other Buddhist Bronzes in the Madras Museum of the Madras Government Museum. New Series, General Section, Vol. 7 (1): 19-20. Raju, S., 1988. Copper plates of Marathas. Tamil University, Thanjavur. Soundararajan, K. V., 1994. Kaveripumpattinam Excavations 1963-73, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. Subbarayalu, Y., 2008. Mankala Tamil-Brahmi ezuttup porippugal. Avanam, Vol. 19: 189-221. Tamilannal and Annamalai., 2003. Pattinappalai, Kovilur Madalayam, Kovilur, Yule, H., 1873. Nagappattinam. Indian Antiquary, Vol. 13: 332. Yule, H., and Cordier, H., 1993. The book of Ser Marco Polo. Munshiram Manoharlal publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi. Biography S. Rajavelu, presently, heads the Department of Maritime History and Marine Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur, India. He has widely explored over South India and discovered a large number of Palaeolithic, Megalithic, Early Historic sites and 11 �inscriptions in Tamil Nadu. To his credit he has published 8 books and 75 research articles in various national and International journals and participated and presented research papers both national and International conferences. He is the recipient of Tamil Nadu State Award in the year 1990 for his book, Archaeological Excavations in Tamil Nadu in Tamil. Currently, he is the Editor of Avanam, a journal published annually by the Tamil Nadu Archaeological Society. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 13: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 13 chair Dr. Sila Tripati and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as ‘underwater’, ‘marine’ and ‘nautical’ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports. Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to ‘Underwater Archaeology’, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature ‘Hydro-archaeology’ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations. Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Sila Tripati Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nagappattinam - A medieval port of South India Description An account of the resource Nagappattinam, a famous sea port of the imperial Cholas, is presently the headquarters of a District in Tamil Nadu, India. During the medieval Period, under the imperial Cholas, this port city played a vital role politically, commercially and culturally. From the time of the Pallavas of Kanchipuram around 8th century CE, the port city was referred to as Nagai. Though we do not get any direct reference from the records of the Pallavas, there is an inscription on a stone slab in the Naganathar temple at Nagappattinam that refers to donation of gold to the temple of Naganathar by a big smith probably a goldsmith of the town Nagai. The sacred saivite literature Teevaram refers to the port city as being fortified by big walls and the ships like vangam anchored in the harbor of Ten Nagai. In the succeeding period this city flourished as a main port of the imperial Cholas where the Chola Navy was stationed. During the time of Rajendra Chola I (1012-1018 CE) the son and successor of Rajaraja Chola I (985-1014 CE) crossed the Bay of Bengal with his Navy from seaport of Nagappattinam and conquered Kedah in the year 1017 CE. During the times of Vijayanagar, Nayaks and Dutch East India Company, the port was busy with foreign trade. This paper traces the emergence of the port city and Maritime contacts to Southeast Asian Countries in the medieval period in the light of available inscriptional and literary evidences in detail. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S. Rajavelu, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 13 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/1607734e8aac4fcd789611ec2446f364.pdf 9ec03298ae0ed2b582fb0e9513fa374f PDF Text Text National Shipwreck Database of Sri Lanka: A non-Intrusive Documentation of Maritime Heritage in Sri Lankan Water Anuradha Piyadasa1, Rasika Muthucumarana2, Indika Hewage2, Dharshana Jayawardena3 1. Director, Institute of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, Sri Lanka. 2. Senior Archaeology Officer, Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central Cultural Fund, Sri Lanka. 3. Independent Underwater Explorer ABSTRACT The creation of the National Shipwreck Database of Sri Lanka (NSDSL) was initiated by the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) to address the fragmented state of data collected from various shipwreck sites around the country. Established in 2001 in Galle under the Central Cultural Fund, the MAU teamed up with the Institute of Archaeology and Heritage Studies and the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands to centralise the data and make it accessible to interested parties. The primary objective of the database was to effectively administer the data amassed from maritime wreck locations and distribute this information to pertinent stakeholders while concurrently heightening public cognisance. The NSDSL is valuable for diverse stakeholders, such as marine researchers, the tourism industry, the Sri Lanka Navy, universities, the public, and the media. It plays a critical role in protecting shipwrecks, preventing illegal activities like salvage work, and preserving heritage significance. The database contains comprehensive information on 109 wreck sites, including 103 shipwrecks and six aircraft remains, curated by qualified researchers and professionals. Detailed data, such as name, operation period, wreck type, depth, and legal status, are provided for each site. Additionally, over 80 sites feature supplementary materials like videos, photos, descriptions, and research information. A user-friendly web-based application was developed for data collection and entry, with a visually appealing front end for easy navigation. Key features include an interactive map of shipwreck locations; a maritime timeline; details on the oldest shipwreck in the Asia-Pacific region; a searchable shipwreck dashboard with interactive charts; publications by the MAU, and restricted access for researchers upon request. The NSDSL successfully achieved its objective by implementing the database, thus facilitating effective data administration and stakeholder engagement. Keywords: Underwater Cultural Heritage Documentation, Shipwrecks, Relational Database, Web Application List of Abbreviations CCF Central Cultural Fund GIS Geographical Information System IAHS Institute of Archaeology and Heritage Studies MAU Maritime Archaeology Unit NSDSL National Shipwreck Database of Sri Lanka RCE Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands List of Figures and Tables Figure 1 Methodology employed in developing NSDSL Figure 2 The Front End (Left) and the Back End (Right) of the NSDSL Figure 3 Interactive Map of NSDSL Table 1 Overview of National Legislation and International Conventions Relevant to UCH in Sri Lanka Table 2 Historical Milestones in the Development of the NSDSL Table 3 Principal Stages in the NSDSL Development, Organised by Approach Category 1 �INTRODUCTION This paper introduces the importance of Sri Lanka's underwater cultural heritage (UCH) and the need to document and preserve it. Sri Lanka has a long history as a trading hub, connecting civilizations and facilitating cultural exchange. Consequently, numerous submerged archaeological sites and shipwrecks in the surrounding waters provide valuable insights into the nation's history and contribute to understanding global maritime history. Recognising the significance of documenting UCH, the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Central Cultural Fund (CCF) initiated the National Shipwreck Database of Sri Lanka (NSDSL) project in 2001. Although the MAU had been collecting data in physical copies, this limited accessibility for various stakeholders. To address this issue, the MAU collaborated with the Institute of Archaeology and Heritage Studies (IAHS), the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands (RCE), and the CCF to develop a web-based NSDSL launched in December 2021. This paper focuses on the collaborative process of constructing the online database and explores its impact and potential outcomes for maritime archaeology and preserving Sri Lanka's UCH. UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE Under the UNESCO 2001 Convention on the Protection of the UCH, UCH is defined as all human traces with cultural, historical, or archaeological significance, wholly or partially submerged for a minimum of 100 years. This encompasses sites, structures, artefacts, human remains, vessels, aircraft, prehistoric objects, and their respective archaeological and natural contexts (UNESCO 2001, 1-21). Sri Lanka's legislative framework currently does not encompass a distinct national definition of UCH. Consequently, while formulating the NSDSL, a comprehensive understanding of UCH and the policies and practices employed by other nations were considered. LEGISLATION AND INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS RELATED TO THE UCH OF SRI LANKA The Antiquities Ordinance legally protects the UCH in Sri Lanka, which defines archaeological heritage as all aspects of human existence, activity, and related material, including subterranean and underwater sites. The legislation and international conventions related to the UCH of Sri Lanka are listed below (Mandawala 2017, 50-80). Table 1 summarises the national legislation and international conventions pertinent to UCH in Sri Lanka. Table 1 Overview of National Legislation and International Conventions Relevant to UCH in Sri Lanka Type Title Description National Legislation 1. Antiquities Ordinance (1940) Sri Lanka's primary legal framework for protecting cultural heritage covers all "antiquities" found within its territory, defined as objects or structures over 100 years old with cultural, historical, or scientific significance (Antiquities - An ordinance to provide for the better preservation of the antiquities of Ceylon 1940 n.d.). Introduced in 1998 and 2005, these amendments explicitly encompass underwater sites and artefacts, requiring permits for any activity involving UCH (Antiquities - An ordinance to provide for the better preservation of the antiquities of Ceylon 2005 n.d.). Approved in 2011, this comprehensive plan, proposed by the Minister of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Development, aims to manage Sri Lanka's maritime wrecks and UCH (Office of the Cabinet of Ministers, Sri Lanka 2011). The ratification process was initiated in 2010, the convention establishes guidelines for the management, research, and conservation of UCH, including the in-situ preservation of underwater sites, the prohibition of commercial exploitation, and the facilitation of international cooperation (UNESCO 2001, 1-21). 2. Amendments to Antiquities Ordinance the 3. Long-Term Management Plan for Maritime Wrecks and UCH International Conventions 1. UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage 2001 2 �DEVELOPMENT HISTORY OF THE NSDSL The MAU has endeavoured to advance the development of the NSDSL framework through three distinct iterations, leveraging collaborative partnerships and securing financial support from external stakeholders. (Muthucumarana 2018, 30). Table 2 on the next page summarises the historical milestones in developing NSDSL. Table 2 Historical Milestones in the Development of the NSDSL Year Initiative / Development Description 2009 Site Recorder Acquisition by MAU 2012 Establishment of a Rudimentary Shipwreck Database (Excelbased) 2014 Development of a GIS Database for the UCH of Sri Lanka The MAU acquired the Site Recorder program, a comprehensive software integrating Geographical Information System (GIS), finds database, dive log, and image management. It is suitable for small to large-scale excavations and evaluation projects due to its flexible and easy-to-use interface (Software n.d.). In 2012, the MAU enhanced an Excel spreadsheet encompassing rudimentary data from 50 shipwrecks originally supplied by Dharshana Jayawardene. These dialogues were expedited under the auspices of the Indian Ocean Maritime Affairs Cooperation. The RCE provided funds for developing a dedicated GIS database for Sri Lankan shipwrecks, accumulating geographical data and other relevant information that served as a foundation for the NSDSL. Program THE NECESSITY FOR A NEW NSDSL A pervasive limitation in previous attempts to develop the NSDSL was the reliance on stand-alone databases, which precluded remote access by interested parties. This constraint undermined a fundamental objective of the NSDSL: to facilitate access for various stakeholders. The 2009 and 2014 iterations of the database necessitated specialised software to retrieve information, while the 2012 version lacked a relational database structure. These factors severely impeded collaborative efforts to enhance the NSDSL. Incorporating innovative Non-Intrusive Documentation techniques, such as 3D models, 360-degree photos and videos, and virtual tours, proved challenging within the constraints of these earlier databases. To address these issues, the MAU sought a web-based solution that could resolve the concerns above and be easily managed by individuals without specialised IT expertise. OTHER SHIPWRECK DATABASES Koutsi and Stratigea (2021) analysed 51 shipwreck databases, emphasising the vast diversity of information on global maritime incidents. The majority were characterised by national (35 per cent) and regional (33 per cent) coverage, indicating prevalent localised data sources. The Australian National Shipwreck Database uniquely combines a legislative management module with diverse stakeholder requirements, catering to the public, tourists, historians, archaeologists, managers, agencies, students, researchers, curators, and conservators. (Luckman and Viduka 2013, 76–86). In creating a shipwreck database, it is crucial to consider the intricate environment of the shipwreck site, employing various visual aids such as diagrams, tables, and maps to convey the information effectively (Craig 2015, 34-41). RESOURCES A combination of accurate data, historical records, visual materials, and advanced imaging techniques played a crucial role in the success of the NSDSL. 3 �The MAU contributed over two decades of collected information to developing the NSDSL. Universities, Sri Lanka Navy and other government agencies shared their resources to enrich the database's content. The contributions of both professional and amateur divers were also indispensable in gathering and documenting valuable data on shipwrecks. Technical resources constituted another crucial aspect of the NSDSL's development, and the IAHS supplied the necessary technical expertise and hosting facilities to support the database. Furthermore, RCE’s financial assistance was pivotal in enabling the MAU to gather and process the extensive information required for the NSDSL. AN INTEGRATED APPROACH TO DEVELOPING THE NSDSL The following approach was used for the NSDSL development to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the complex interrelationships between shipwrecks and their surrounding environments, fostering responsible stewardship and appreciation of these valuable cultural and natural resources. The methodology employed can be succinctly classified into five overarching categories, as illustrated in Figure 1. Research and Planning Preliminary Research Stakeholder Engagement Technical Development Platform and Infrastructure Database Development User Experience and Accessibility Web-based Publication Maintenance and Sustainability Maintenance and Updates Environmental Integration Environmental Considerations User Interface and Accessibility Data Management Figure 1 Methodology employed in developing NSDSL The Table 1 gives principal stages of the NSDSL development categorised based on the approach given in the Figure 1. 4 �Table 3 Principal Stages in the NSDSL Development, Organised by Approach Category Category Step Description Research and Planning Literature Review Review of existing literature, legislation, international conventions. Engaging with diverse stakeholders to collect data. Technical Development Stakeholder Consultation and Information Gathering Platform Selection User Experience Accessibility and Database Design Implementation and Data Population Validation and Web-based Publication Web GIS Integration Multimedia Integration Choosing a cost-effective, maintainable platform with open-source solutions for flexibility, scalability, and compatibility. Designing and implementing a relational database schema based on literature review and stakeholder consultation findings. Populating the database with the collected information and implementing data validation and quality control measures. Publishing the database on the chosen platform and ensuring ease of use and accessibility for diverse stakeholders. Integrating a Web GIS tool to enhance the visualisation and accessibility of shipwreck information and enabling spatial queries. Supporting various multimedia formats enriches the user experience. Implementing a robust access control system safeguards sensitive data and prevents unauthorised access. Access Control Maintenance and Sustainability Ongoing Maintenance and Updates Environmental Integration Identifying Environmental Components Establishing a plan for regular updates and maintenance involving stakeholder engagement, data verification, and periodic evaluation. Documenting and integrating information about marine flora, fauna, and ecosystems associated with shipwrecks to contribute to a holistic understanding of shipwrecks. RESULTS The frontend and Backend of the NSDSL The NSDSL is a comprehensive digital resource designed to facilitate the study and preservation of the country's rich UCH. To accommodate the diverse needs of various stakeholders, the NSDSL is structured into two primary components: the front end and the back end. Individuals with internetenabled devices may access the NSDSL by navigating to the following web address: https://nsd.ccf.gov.lk/. Figure 2 The Front End (Left) and the Back End (Right) of the NSDSL The front end serves as a public-facing interface, granting access to a wealth of information on Sri Lanka's shipwrecks to a broad audience, including the public, tourists, and students. In contrast, the backend is tailored to the needs of authorised system users and researchers, offering enhanced functionality and access to more detailed or restricted information. By implementing this dual-component structure, the NSDSL effectively balances the need for public accessibility and education with specialised research and data management requirements, fostering a multidimensional understanding of Sri Lanka's maritime heritage. 5 �Currently, the NSDSL encompasses records of 103 shipwrecks and six aircraft wrecks. Key features of the NSDSL Interactive Map The NSDSL has developed an interactive web-based GIS map, allowing users to explore shipwrecks with geospatial referencing and basic filtering options. The interact map is illustrated in Figure 3. Figure 3 Interactive Map of NSDSL Shipwreck Dashboard The NSDSL features a shipwreck dashboard, which serves as an essential research instrument for scholars in the field. This dashboard presents analysed data through interactive visualisations, encompassing various aspects such as administrative areas, access restrictions, operational periods, depths, and historical periods of shipwrecks. Maritime Archaeology Timeline The development of Maritime Archaeology in Sri Lanka is comprehensively chronicled through an interactive timeline spanning from the 1960s to the present. This resource serves as an invaluable tool for individuals seeking to gain insights into the evolution of this field. The Story of Godawaya The NSDSL would be incomplete without a dedicated section addressing the Godawaya shipwreck, the oldest known wreck site in the country and, to date, the most ancient in the Asia-Pacific region, with an estimated age of 2,100 years (The Nautical Archaeology Digital Library n.d.). To effectively convey the fascinating narrative of the Godawaya Shipwreck, the NSDSL utilises a story map. 6 �Biodiversity information Currently, the system documents the environment's biodiversity surrounding shipwrecks, including species names, taxonomic groups, orders, families, conservation statuses, feeding types, visiting frequencies, and the economic significance of the species. While this information is not yet accessible to the public, plans entail making these data publicly available. DISCUSSION Through establishing the online NSDSL, the MAU has triumphantly realised its decade-long ambition of disseminating contemporary knowledge concerning UCH. This achievement transcends geographical boundaries and temporal constraints, ensuring round-the-clock accessibility to any interested party. The user-friendly backend facilitates efficient collaboration and expeditious sharing of findings, catering to many users. Including interactive features, such as the map, story map, timeline, and dashboard, enriches the user experience, making exploring shipwreck-related data more engaging and informative. The modularbased design of the NSDSL can be used to encompass other aspects of UCH beyond shipwrecks. In essence, implementing the NSDSL has not only fostered interdisciplinary collaboration but paved the way for sustainable development within the maritime domain. Impact of the NSDSL The NSDSL was officially launched by the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, in December 2021. At this event, the Secretary to the Prime Minister revealed that a cabinet paper had proposed salvaging forty shipwrecks, in light of the new information provided by the NSDSL, the Secretary announced the decision to halt the proposed cabinet paper. During a meeting to formulate a marine tourism master plan for Sri Lanka, the NSDSL was showcased. Impressed by the NSDSL's features, the Sri Lankan Tourist Board expressed their interest in collaborating with the CCF to enhance the NSDSL, making it more conducive for tourism. The NSDSL's meticulous documentation of all known shipwrecks and surrounding biodiversity, achieving comprehensive coverage, earned commendation in the inaugural meeting of the Marine Spatial Planning and "Ocean 30x30 Campaign," signifying a significant contribution to marine conservation and the ambitious targets of the campaign. At the e-Swabhimani National Award Ceremony 2021, conducted in March 2023, the NSDSL was duly honoured with a merit award. CONCLUSION In conclusion, the primary aim of the National Shipwreck Database of Sri Lanka was to amalgamate and centralise the diverse information held by multiple agencies and individuals whilst effectively disseminating this knowledge to pertinent stakeholders. The objective has been unequivocally accomplished through the successful implementation of this comprehensive database, paving the way for enhanced collaboration and informed decision-making within the maritime domain. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We are deeply grateful to Prof. Gamin Ranasinghe, Director General of the CCF, for his steadfast support and invaluable guidance. We want to thank Vishmi Gunasinghe, Chathurika Munasinghe, Tharushi Pitigala and Dr Amal Karunaratne for their significant volunteer contributions. We would also like to recognise the valuable contributions of the diving community in Sri Lanka. We sincerely appreciate the IAHSs’ generosity in providing the hosting facilities. Lastly, we acknowledge OpenAI for granting access to ChatGPT, a state-of-the-art language model that significantly contributes to our writing process. 7 �Bibliography n.d. Antiquities - An ordinance to provide for the better preservation of the antiquities of Ceylon 1940. Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.lawnet.gov.lk/antiquities-2/. n.d. Antiquities - An ordinance to provide for the better preservation of the antiquities of Ceylon 2005. Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.lawnet.gov.lk/antiquities-4/. Craig, Jennifer. Value of Shipwreck Data in Database. Journal of Indo-Pacific Archaeology 36 (2015): 34-41. Accessed April 20, 2023. doi:https://doi.org/10.7152/jipa.v36i0.14915. Government of Sri Lanka. n.d. Antiquity Ordinance No 9 of 1940 | Sri Lanka Archaeology. Sri Lanka Archaeology. Accessed 04 20, 2023. https://www.archaeology.lk/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Antiquity-Ordinance-No-9-1940-sri-lanka-ceylon.pdf. Koutsi, Dionisia, and Anastasia Stratigea. Shipwrecks’ Underwater Mysteries—Identifying Commonalities Out of GloballyDistributed Knowledge. Heritage 4, no. 4 (2021): 3949–3969. doi:https://doi.org/10.3390/heritage4040217. Luckman, Grant, and Andrew Viduka. The new Australian National Shipwreck Database - its development, features, functionality, potential and utility for regional capacity building. Journal of the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology 37 (2013): 76-86. https://search.informit.org/doi/abs/10.3316/informit.741874306194447. Mandawala, Prashantha. Protection of the underwater cultural heritage of Sri Lanka through international cooperation. (2017) 50-80. Amersfoort: Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands. Accessed April 24, 2023. https://openarchive.icomos.org/id/eprint/2191/. Muthucumarana, Rasika. National Database for Underwater Cultural Heritage: building awareness for better management. Fourth National Symposium on Maritime Environment Proceedings - 2018. Colombo: Marine Environment Protection Agency 30. 2018. Office of the Cabinet of Ministers, Sri Lanka. 2011. “Press briefing of Cabinet Decision taken on 2011-02-15.” Office of the Cabinet of Ministers, Sri Lanka. 15 December. Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.cabinetoffice.gov.lk/cab/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=16&Itemid=49&lang=en&dID=388 9. Software, Site Recorder 4. n.d. Site Recorder http://www.3hconsulting.com/ProductsRecorderMain.html. 4 Software. Accessed April 23, 2023. The Nautical Archaeology Digital Library. n.d. “Godawaya Shipwreck.” The Nautical Archaeology Digital Library. Accessed April 28, 2023. https://shiplib.org/index.php/landscapes/projects-2/sri-lanka/godawaya-shipwreck/. UNESCO. 2001. “Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage.” Accessed April 23, 2023. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000126065. 8 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource National Shipwreck Database of Sri Lanka: A non-Intrusive Documentation of Maritime Heritage in Sri Lankan Water Description An account of the resource The creation of the National Shipwreck Database of Sri Lanka (NSDSL) was initiated by the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) to address the fragmented state of data collected from various shipwreck sites around the country. Established in 2001 in Galle under the Central Cultural Fund, the MAU teamed up with the Institute of Archaeology and Heritage Studies and the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands to centralise the data and make it accessible to interested parties. The primary objective of the database was to effectively administer the data amassed from maritime wreck locations and distribute this information to pertinent stakeholders while concurrently heightening public cognisance. The NSDSL is valuable for diverse stakeholders, such as marine researchers, the tourism industry, the Sri Lanka Navy, universities, the public, and the media. It plays a critical role in protecting shipwrecks, preventing illegal activities like salvage work, and preserving heritage significance. The database contains comprehensive information on 109 wreck sites, including 103 shipwrecks and six aircraft remains, curated by qualified researchers and professionals. Detailed data, such as name, operation period, wreck type, depth, and legal status, are provided for each site. Additionally, over 80 sites feature supplementary materials like videos, photos, descriptions, and research information. A user-friendly web-based application was developed for data collection and entry, with a visually appealing front end for easy navigation. Key features include an interactive map of shipwreck locations; a maritime timeline; details on the oldest shipwreck in the Asia-Pacific region; a searchable shipwreck dashboard with interactive charts; publications by the MAU, and restricted access for researchers upon request. The NSDSL successfully achieved its objective by implementing the database, thus facilitating effective data administration and stakeholder engagement. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Anuradha Piyadasa Rasika Muthucumarana Indika Hewage Dharshana Jayawardena Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Piyadasa, Anuradha, Rasika Muthucumarana, Indika Hewage and Dharshana Jayawardena. 2023. “National Shipwreck Database of Sri Lanka: A non-intrusive documentation of maritime heritage in Sri Lankan Waters.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2034 Asia-Pac Session 19 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/f0fc64ddc4060318fd30b06bc6a58ef2.pdf 1ba4650c58fcd675a897fd9b12be9613 PDF Text Text Native navigation traditions in Mexico Central Plateau: a study between archaeology and ethnology Alexandra Biar University of Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne Paris, 75005 France E-mail: alexbiar@hotmail.com Abstract In the Americas, long before the Conquest, existed various native navigation techniques (coastal, lacustrine and fluvial), aboard numerous and diversified wooden boats. Among these, stands one that was made by carving a tree trunk: the dugout canoe. As an evidence of human ingenuity, it acquired its importance by being the bridge between land and water, representing the bond between the human and the aquatic world. Similarly, this means of transportation played a primordial part in the native civilizations as it was involved in daily activities at different levels: transportation (people, goods, raw material), natural resource exploitation (hunting, gathering and fishing), rituals and war. These activities implied the organization of the lacustrine areas, thanks to adapted facilities such as channels, piers, bridges and warehouses. In Mexico’s Central Plateau, in the endoreic basins of Mexico and Pátzcuaro, flourished two of the most powerful contemporaneous and rival empires in all Mesoamerica: the Mexica and the Tarascan (Fig.1). Based on their respective lacustrine surroundings and specific methods, they accomplished the edification of their capitals, Tenochtitlan and Tzintzuntzan, through the use of navigation. Nowadays, some remains of these antique and powerful civilizations naval technology still exists, allowing us, thanks to a multidisciplinary method, to approach a broad vision of their history and transformation. Key words: cross-cultural, navigation, Americas, Mexico, dugout, naval, technology Introduction Contrasting with other civilizations of the ancient world such as those of the Mediterranean or South-East Asia, Mesoamerican cultures are not particularly renowned for their maritime history or naval architecture. We owe the first in-depth studies of Mesoamerican navigation in the 1980s to the British archaeologist Norman Hammond, who focused largely on the transportation of goods 1 �and traffic along the entire coastline of the Gulf of Mexico and the Yucatán Peninsula. Historical sources show us that, along this maritime navigation studied by Hammond, another very important form of navigation existed, on rivers and lakes. Unfortunately, few researchers bore attention to these freshwater examples, even though, according to the cultural ecology theory, numerous writers, such as Sanders and Price (1968), Fig.1-Endoreic Basin of the Mexico’s Central have confirmed that they favored the Plateau (lakes of Mexico and Patzcuaroand) development of highly complex and the Post-classic Empires (Mexica social Tarscan) and structures. It is indeed in the center of the closed-water basins of Mexico’s central plateau that we see the flourishing of successive great civilizations such as Teotihuacan, the Mexica s and the Tarascans, and a key correlation between their development and lake navigation has been systemically asserted. Nevertheless, scientific investigation about the dugout canoe as an indispensable tool in a navigation system, specifically in the Basin of Mexico, is only due to Margaret Leshikar as late as 1982. She wrote her PHD Thesis about a dugout canoe discovered in 1959 during a preventive excavation in the heart of Mexico City, using this artifact as an important source to collect new data about the Mexica Empire’s organization. Unfortunately, concerning the Tarascan Empire, there exist no scientific investigation about the navigation system or the dugout canoes, even if nowadays, some of the Lake Pátzcuaro fishermen still use this traditional craft to work. The only evidence we have comes from the CREFAL, an international organism founded in1951 by the UNESCO to approach and educate isolated community about sanitary, social and educative problems. This is why all the available investigations bear on the fishermen’s skills and way of life, rather than on navigation techniques. Due to the perishable raw materiel used to build the canoes and most lacustrine installations, wood, archaeological remains are scarce. The only examples of prehispanic boats from the Basin of Mexico found to date are a wooden one-man canoe 2 �on display in the Mexica Hall of the National Anthropology Museum (Fig.2a) and a miniature model found in Offering 41 of the Templo Mayor (Fig.2b), though we know other similar examples have been found in other parts of Mesoamerica, in Belize for instance. The single-person canoe of the Anthropology Museum was discovered in the 1960s along the actual Calzada de Tlalpan. Judging from its dimensions and carrying capacity, we can estimate it was able to carry about a ton of weight – by our reckoning, after studying similar examples, a vessel able to transport large monoliths, such as several Mexica monuments. Tying together several canoes could of course allow for larger and heavier charges. But this implies sufficient breadth, both of the canoe and of the canals along which it travelled. This is why ethnology and history are the best way to compensate the shortcomings of archaeological research, because native navigation in Xochimilco canals and in Lake Pátzcuaro (Michoacán) is always practiced. Fig.2a-Dugout canoeof Tlalpan causeway in the Mexica Hall of the National Anthropology Museum, Meico City - A.BIAR Fig.2b-Miniatures models founds in Offering 41 of the Templo Mayor, Templo Mayor Museum General environment adaptation Establishment Around 1325, two of the main Mesoamerican empires founded their capital in direct connexion with a lacustrine environment. Tenochtitlan, capital of the Mexica Empire, was built on a small island within Lake Texcoco. Tzintzuntzan, capital of the Tarascan Empire, was established on the northeast shore of Lake Patzcuaro. In order to assert themselves as the centers of the two powerful empires later confronted by the Conquistadors, both cities’ inhabitants had to learn to dominate their environment – to exploit it to economic, political and religious ends. Not only did they took maximum 3 �advantage, like their contemporaries and others before them, of one-man canoes carved from a single log of wood, but they developed complex technological systems in order to control their lakeside world, the supply of goods and the growth of towns and cities. But each one, due to their distinct location, used the lake with different goals. Mexica space engineering The Mexica s soon shaped their environment to suit their needs and to consolidate their power. The major hydraulic works that they and their neighbors on the lakes of the Valley of Mexico engineered fulfilled different objectives. The first and best documented of these was clearly to reclaim land from the lakes using the ingenious system of ‘Chinampas ’ and canals, artificial physical extensions of preexisting islands. As is well known, the invention of Chinampas is probably due to the inhabitants of Lakes Xochimilco and Chalco, in the south of the Mexico Basin, and was intended originally as a means of developing intensive agriculture. It is worth remembering here something clearly illustrated in the Plano en Papel de Maguey, which is that the Chinampas of Tenochtitlan served not only as plots of cultivated land, but also as a residential zone, implying control over the soil dampness. The second objective of Mexica engineering was to control the disastrous fluctuations in lake water levels, by constructing canals, dykes and even aqueducts - public works that also helped reduce the (previously high) water saline levels. The benefits these environmental changes brought complemented each other, but needed daily maintenance, with the use of lake crafts and a large, well organized labor force. The canals of the island of Tenochtitlan, which earned the city the nickname of Venice of the New World, crisscrossed the entire metropolis, creating a grid-like landscape structure and allowing fast communication both within and outside the city. Thanks to the historian Edward Calnek (1972) and the architect Jorge González Aragón, we know that two kinds of canals existed: regular ones that followed labyrinthine [maze-like] routes and which measured up to two meters width, and main canals, facing East-West and measuring 3-5 meters in width. When we consider that the largest Aztec monoliths – such as the goddess Tlaltecuhtli weighing 12 tons and measuring 4.19 x 3.62 m – 4 �were transported on the lake and to the city’s heart, it stands to reason that some of the principal canals must have been at least 6 meters wide. The main canals, epitomized by the famous Acequia Real (Royal Channel) that ran along the length of today’s Corregidora Avenue in Mexico City Historic Centre, were ideal for carrying large boats - used as much for transporting tribute items to Moctezuma’s palace as for bearing religious monuments and processional celebrants. By contrast, the regular canals carried a still larger volume of smaller boats with their daily loads of passengers and goods. Of course, we shouldn’t forget that a significant part of urban traffic took place on land, suggesting the existence of fixed and moveable bridges – a fact confirmed in the accounts of the Spanish defeat during the Sad Night. The broad and lengthy causeways connecting the island of Tenochtitlan with the mainland served several purposes: first, as a means of communication by land; secondly, they acted as dykes to hold the water at bay, and complemented the great stone levee-bridge constructed under the leadership of Nezahualcóyotl, the wise king of Texcoco. The three main causeways were those from Tepeyac (to the north), Tlacopan (to the west) and Iztapalapan (to the south). It’s worth noting that this last one was built by the Xochimilcas, clear proof of the political power of the Mexica s and of their influence over neighboring peoples. A fourth, smaller, causeway was that of Chapultepec. This uniquely supported the aqueduct constructed in the decade following 1420 and re-built on the orders of Nezahualcóyotl two decades later, supplying fresh water to the island city of Tenochtitlan, surrounded by salty water. In the construction and maintenance of these great public works, it’s obvious that single-man canoes played a key role, helping to ferry materials and every-day goods. It’s impossible to imagine life in Tenochtitlan and the coastal communities of the Basin of Mexico without navigation. While navigation is hardly mentioned in the historical accounts of great hydraulic works, its crucial role is evident from the descriptions of daily life and commerce, first and foremost in the southern lakes of Chalco and Xochimilco. As a matter of fact, the pictographic and historical documents describe the movement of products along lacustrine routes that remained in use even into the first half of the 20th century, as in the case of the Canal de la Viga. These routes were 5 �privileged with installations such as harbors and jetties to control the flow of people and goods. Cortés (1983) wrote: ‘At each entrance to the city, where the canoes unload [...] there are houses where live officials in charge of supervising and taxing every product […]’ This organization level demanded the construction and fitting-out of facilities and buildings tailor-made for the moving, storing and monitoring of goods and people by government authorities. These installations included (Fig.3):  Harbors: natural or artificial havens suitable for the (un) loading of cargo and (dis) embarkation of passengers by boat, and for carrying out maintenance.  Quays: places suitable for loading goods and people. Port installations are in effect groupings of architectural several structures complementary that roles: combine custom points for the receipt and control of goods; warehouses and storage facilities; stalls Fig.3-Location of nautical installations in the lake of and posts for buying and selling; jetties for Mexico that contributed to the control and the transfer of goods from dry land to lake regulation of canoe traffic in the Post-classic transportation, etc. The construction of period. these facilities requires both manpower and materials (wood, stone, lime, etc.). Unfortunately, to date, few archaeological remains exist of such facilities, making it harder to draw firm conclusions regarding their construction and purpose. Given their importance to the Mexica economy and government, more archaeological work is badly needed in the search for port installations, several of which should be located at the periphery of Tenochtitlan and the surrounding lake shores. A quay is generally an impermanent construction requiring considerable space, with a jetty whose size would be relative to the breadth of the canal serving it and to the volume of goods passing through. The archaeologist Francisco González Rul (1998) 6 �identified two types of quay: stone and wood. Remains of these have been found under the present Palacio Nacional of Mexico. We also have a few descriptions of them in historical records from the 16th and 17th centuries, and litho-/photographs from the 19th and 20th centuries. On the site of the famous prehispanic and colonial quay (pic 10) at the corner of Alhóndiga Street and Corregidora Avenue stands today a stone bridge, evocative of Mexico City’s bygone lakeside past. Dockyards: military or private establishments dedicated to boat building, repair, maintenance and equipment. These facilities had to be located near large bodies of water and must have resembled hangars, capable of housing several small canoes as well as larger, more important vessels. Fray Bernardino de Sahagún (1978) refers to these last items in his description of the ceremonies and sacrifices at the disposal site of Pantitlán, in the center of Lake Texcoco: ‘When all were sacrificed, we took all the offerings... and we carried them to the place where the lake is called Pantitlán, which is found not far from the dockyards.’ And later (Book 2, Florentine Codex) he indicates: ‘and when [the fire priest] had cast away [papers in an incense ladle], then they turned the boat about [...] And when they had come to reach Tetamacolco, where there had been embarking at the place of embarkation, thereupon there was bathing; then there was [returning] on the part of each [boat].’ What’s interesting in these passages is the specific reference to places for the keeping and return of craft, and in particular those for ritual or military use, suggesting the existence of different types of lakeside storage facilities around the Basin of Mexico – for trade, for military purposes and for religious ceremonies. It would also imply different types of boats, for specific uses. We know, for example, that some vessels were of large dimensions, used in festivals to carry the priests with their offerings, or the emperor and his court. According to historical sources, these boats were kitted out with benches and awnings to offer protection from the sun and the rain. We may then contemplate the existence of larger canoes, or even of rafts. Finally, we should also recall the probable existence of large vessels for military use, as mentioned in the accounts of the Noche Triste (Sad Night) and of the victorious sally of 7 �the Mexica against the Spanish at the beginning of the siege of the city. The simple fact that the Conquistadors had to build brigantines proves the critical role these were to play in achieving eventual control of the lakes. Tarascan space organization The Tarascans used the lacustrine world as an economic space, to provide them part of their basic alimentation, and as a center of distribution, but not to protect and centralize their power. Their capital, Tzintzuntzan, according to its location on the lakeshore, didn’t face the same environmental problems as the Mexica ’s, even if navigation was also used for religious and sometimes political matters. The most important historical data is the Relation of Michoacán and the Lienzo de Jucutacato, studied by Hans Roskamp (1998). Their economic and politic organization turned around three axes: the lake, the shore and the surrounding mountains. Each one provided the capital with basics needs: food, clothes, building materials. The islands of Janitzio, Jaracuaro, Yunuen y La Pacanda have their Fig.4-Spatial organization and principal proper fishing areas, which permit them to communication ways in the lake of Patzcuaro control all the pisicultural resources. Thanks to in the Post-Classic period. this monopole, they were able of supply the more important shore side markets: Tzintzuntzan, Pátzcuaro, Asajo and Erongaricuaro, which allowed distributing local and regional goods. Pollard (1993) considers that the site of Ihuatzio played an important part in storage activities (Fig.4). The only way to transport all merchandise and passengers to these places was by using dugout canoes. Boarding canoes was made from both lake and island natural beaches, today transformed as harbors. From the post conquest period to nowadays, canoes were used during religious ceremonies to transport saints from a village to another one. The canoe transporting the saint’s effigy was decorated with flowers and conducted by the chief of the community, followed by other embarkations with musicians, incense, and singers. This ethnological 8 �evidence allows us to imagine the native ceremonies, including matrimonial ceremony where the pretender had to navigate to the island to receive blessings from his family in law before marrying his wife. This sacred bond between religion and navigation is the same, even if more important in the Tarascan life and ritual than among the Mexica s. But as exemplified in the Mexica ritual calendar, numerous ceremonies involved lacustrine rituals or navigation. Finally, we just have a testimony of a naval battle between the lords of the lakeshore city against the island lords: “Las embarcaciones se dividen en tres grandes flotas mandadas cada una por uno de los principes […] Hirépan dirige sus proas rumbo a Jaracuaro. Hiquingari lleva la dirección de Janitzio. Tangaxhuan hace deslizar sus ágiles piraguas […] en las playas de Pacanda. […] El aire cubrió de flechas, el silencio del lago fue interrumpido por una estruendosa gritería, y cuando las embarcaciones llegaron al abordaje, se oía el duro choque de las macanas […] y bien pronto, el agua cristalina se tiño con la sangre de los heridos y de los moribundos” (Ruiz, 1891, Chapter XVIII) This event, as the “Noche Triste” (Sad Night) in Mexico, reveals the naval military power of these empires. Both of them used their aquatic environment as an economical, political, religious and military way to build, assert and maintain their power. The arrival of the Spaniards in the 1520’s ruined for good the equilibrium created by these two empires. Vessel typology The 16th century sources tell us much about the vessels used by the Mexica s and their neighbors, from the construction materials they used, through their shape and trim, to details such as their form of propulsion, carrying capacity and uses. A careful analysis of the data suggests that, as in the case of the boats spotted by Columbus on the open Caribbean Sea, those of the Basin of Mexico were mainly one-man canoes. 9 �Based on detailed study of the different depictions of canoes represented in the codices – some of which show a wide variety of shapes and styles even on a single page - we are today in a position to draw up a typology of canoes in use in the basins of Mexico and Patzcuaro in the 15th and 16th centuries, including a list of sources consulted for this study, amounting to 63 identified boats (Fig.5). Fig.5-Table of the 16th century sources used to establish the vessels typology Our own research shows that all vessels sported a flat bottom, perfectly adapted to lake use, allowing their crews to maneuver them easily and speedily. To this canoe typology (Fig.6), we need to add another for the vital propulsion tools. In the codices, two different types of paddle are shown: one in the form of a long, broad spade, the other a heart-shaped spade. We should of course add the pole, mentioned in the texts, though not shown graphically. Conclusion This paper is a summary of my PhD research to promote the importance of archaeological and ethnological studies of native navigation in Mesoamerican lakes. The relation between these civilizations and the use of wood as an indispensable material to adapt their customs to a lacustrine environment proves that their engineering capacity and organization were far more complex and elaborate than we imagine. Both material and techniques are underestimated by the scientific world because of the few 10 �archaeological remains. This is why a multidisciplinary approach is necessary. These native navigation traditions are about to disappear because the world is changing too fast for these communities, to be able to adapt every aspect of their culture and traditions. I hope to be able to organize, with the help of the Mexica n archaeologist, Mariana Favila, to create a symposium around the theme of Native’s navigation tradition in the Americas to. It will be interesting to join specialists of navigation in one place to highlight this underestimate aspect of our investigations. Fig.6-Typology of Mexico’s Central Plateau canoes: a first attempt to identify and classify canoe styles shown in the historical sources. Pictures map and table: A.BIAR Bibliography BIAR, A., 2011, La navigation Mexica dans la lagune de Mexico : navigation et prise du pouvoir, master thesis, Université Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris CALNEK, E., 1972, Settlement patterns and chinampa agriculture at Tenochtitlan. American Antiquity, vol. 37, nùm. 1 CORTES, H., 1983, Cartas de Relación, Porrúa, Sepan Cuantos, México 11 �FAVILA VAZQUEZ, M., 2011, La navegación en la Cuenca de México durante el Postclásico tardío: la presencia de la canoa en el entramado social Mexica , license thesis, ENAH, México GONZALEZ RUL, F., 1998, Urbanismo y arquitectura en Tlatelolco, colección científica, seria antropología social, INAH, México D.F. HAMMOND, N.,1981, Classic Maya Canoes. The International Journal of Nautical Archeology and underwater exploration, nùm. 10 (3), pp.173-185 LESHIKAR, M., 1982, The Mexica canoe: an archeologicaland historical study of its design, uses, and significance, PhD thesis, University of Texas, Austin POLLARD, H., 1993, Tariacuri’s legacy, the prehispanic Tarascan State, University of Oklahoma Press, Ed Norman and London ROSKAMP, H., 1998, La historiográfica indígena de Michoacán: el lienzo de Jucutacato y los títulos de Carapan, Research School CNWS publication, Vol.72, School of Asian, African and American Studies, Leiden University, Holland RUIZ, E., 1891, Michoacán: Paisajes, tradiciones y leyendas, Oficina Tip. De la Secretaria de Fomento, Mexico, D.F. SANDERS, W. T. and Barbara J. PRICE,1968, Mesoamerica: the evolution of a civilisation, Random House, New York SAHAGUN, B. de, 1978, Florentine Codex, Dibble et Anderson, The school of American research and the University of Utah, Etats-Unis Biography Alexandra Biar started her studies in archaeology in 2005 at the University of Bordeaux3 to obtain, three years later, a Bachelor in Art History & Archaeology. She started a Master in the University oh Paris1 Panthéon-Sorbonne in 2008, her thesis was supervised by Eric Taladoire, Leonardo Lopez Lujan y Eric Rieth, and titled Navigation in the Basin of Mexico in the Post-classic period. She graduated in 2011 with honours. After beginning her investigations on this theme, she decided to extend her research on the Basin of Pátzcuaro for her PhD, which is supervised by Brigitte Faugère. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 14: Pre-Hispanic Navigation Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 14 Chair Carlos Ausejo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Navigation was not unknown in the Americas, at the Spaniards arrival different kind of vessel were in use both in the Pacific and the Atlantic shores, as well as in lakes or rivers. Canoe, reed rafts, balsa log raft and others skin based watercraft have been described mainly on historical records and gave us an idea of this technologies. Although it is clear that long and short distance maritime trade routes were in use and watercraft were also involve in war activities and other maritime activities, archaeological evidence related with actual boats has been elusive to find. Still some of these traditions have survived time and in use with some changes and others were incorporated to European navigation traditions. During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent. The aim of this session is to show research advances on this topic mainly in the Pacific shores and inland waters through different perspectives up to the Spanish arrival. It will focus primarily in the Andean and Mesoamerican region, however other regions would be accepted. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carlos Ausejo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Native navigation traditions in Mexico Central Plateau: a study between archaeology and ethnology Description An account of the resource In the Americas, long before the Conquest, existed various native navigation techniques (coastal, lacustrine and fluvial), aboard numerous and diversified wooden boats. Among these, stands one that was made by carving a tree trunk: the dugout canoe. As an evidence of human ingenuity, it acquired its importance by being the bridge between land and water, representing the bond between the human and the aquatic world. Similarly, this means of transportation played a primordial part in the native civilizations as it was involved in daily activities at different levels: transportation (people, goods, raw material), natural resource exploitation (hunting, gathering and fishing), rituals and war. These activities implied the organization of the lacustrine areas, thanks to adapted facilities such as channels, piers, bridges and warehouses. In Mexico’s Central Plateau, in the endoreic basins of Mexico and Pátzcuaro, flourished two of the most powerful contemporaneous and rival empires in all Mesoamerica: the Mexica and the Tarascan (Fig.1). Based on their respective lacustrine surroundings and specific methods, they accomplished the edification of their capitals, Tenochtitlan and Tzintzuntzan, through the use of navigation. Nowadays, some remains of these antique and powerful civilizations naval technology still exists, allowing us, thanks to a multidisciplinary method, to approach a broad vision of their history and transformation. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alexandra Biar, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/16/2014 Asia-Pac Session 14 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/198a5e7dddd7043fb413267eee938194.jpg 78f590dbf8e9bbef8be6bee2402ab935 Omeka Image File The metadata element set that was included in the `files_images` table in previous versions of Omeka. These elements are common to all image files. Width 517 Height 365 Bit Depth 8 Channels 3 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples of still images are: paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type "text" to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nautical Angkor: The Social Life of Boats in the Khmer Empire Subject The topic of the resource Poster Description An account of the resource <h2>This poster examines boats as depicted in bas reliefs in the Bayon temple that represent the everyday life of the Khmer empire during the 12th century.</h2> <p>&nbsp;</p> <h2>Click here to see the poster: <a title="Angkor Boats Poster" href="http://www.uri.edu/artsci/his/mua/posters/Angkor_Boats.pdf" target="_blank">http://www.uri.edu/artsci/his/mua/posters/Angkor_Boats.pdf</a></h2> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Poster