35 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/5331163ab82870b891ed770de6bfa474.pdf 6ee4d7466115f2d00aac8853e5edd12d PDF Text Text Maritime Activities in Ancient Bali I Wayan Ardika Udayana University, Bali ardika52@yahoo.co.id Abstract Archaeological discoveries at Sembiran and Pacung in Northeastern Bali indicate that contacts between Bali and India, China, as well as Mainland Southeast Asia have already occurred at the late second century BC. At the same time, maritime activities and exchanges of goods might have also existed between these areas. Inscriptional data from the late 9th up to the 12th century describe the regulations concerning the stranded ship. The use of woods of the stranded ship, the treatment of foreign traders who died in the port sites in Bali, as well as the utilization of their inheritances are also mentioned in these inscriptions. In addition, the Balinese inscriptions dated from the 12th century also describe the types of watercraft such as ships (Chinese jong) and boats (bahitra) which encored at Manasa in the northern coast of Bali. The situation of port sites and social disturbances due to pirates are also described in the Balinese inscriptions. Bali seems to be located in the inter-regional trade routes connecting India, Mainland Southeast Asia, and China in ancient times, therefore maritime activities must be very busy in the northern coast of Bali. Key words: Bali, ships, inscriptions Introduction Archaeological discoveries in northern coast of Bali indicate that the island has been involved in maritime activities for nearly 2150 years. The sites of Sembiran and Pacung which was part of ancient port of Julah produced archaeological artefacts mainly potteries of India, mainland of Southeast Asia, and China. In addition, glass, stone beads as well as Han’s bronze mirrors were also discovered at Pangkung Paruk in the northwestern coast of Bali. Two fragments of molds for casting bronze drum and �socketed bronze axe were discovered repectively at Sembiran (Ardika, 1991; Ardika and Bellwood, 1991; Calo et.al, 2015). The discovery of fragments of molds indicate that Sembiran was also an important centre of local craftsmanship. The appearance of those artefacts suggests that long distance or international exchange or trade might have already occurred at the beginning of our century. Inscriptional data from Julah and Sembiran suggest that maritime activities and trade might have continuously occurred in the northeastern coast of Bali at least from the late second century BC until the 12th century AD. The inscription of Sembiran AI dated AD 922 mentions a market (pasar) and a market officer (ser pasar) at Julah. A regulation concerning stranded ships and their cargos (taban karang) was also stated in the inscription (Goris, 1954; Ardika, 1991). It records that people who lived at a fortified settlement (kuta) at Julah were attacked by their enemies (tarahan) and some of them fled to othe villages. On the basis of the inscriptional data, this paper will describe several pieces of information related to maritime activities in ancient Bali from the early 10th up to 12th century AD. Relevance data from later period are also utilised in this paper. Regulation Concerning Stranded ship (Taban/Tawan Karang) Balinese inscriptions from the early 10th century AD stated the regulations (taban karang) concerning stranded ships or watercrafts in northern Bali. The inscription of Sembiran AI states that if there were stranded ships, boats, or canoes within Julah territory, which are known to the villagers, the cargos had to be donated to the temple for welfare. The captives must be reported to Sang Ratu or King Ugrasena who reigned Bali at that time. �In order to maintain and enforce this regulation, worship was to be offered to Bhatara Punta Hyang (Agastya?)(Ardika, 1991: 227). As far as Taban or Tawan Karang is concerned, this regulation was still utilised until the colonial period in the 19th and the 20th century. The Dutch government and the Balinese kings ratified the regulation, however, they did not implement it properly. The case of Tawan karang at Sangsit port in north Bali was the trigger of Buleleng and Jagaraga wars in the 1846 and 1849, between the Buleleng’s king and the Ducth government. The Jagaraga war can be said as the end of the Buleleng souvereignty, and the beginning of colonialization of the Ducth government in north Bali (Wirawan, 2017). Similar phenomena also occurred at Karangasem and Klungkung kingdoms in east and south Bali. Conflict on Tawan karang regulation caused the Dutch government to send a military expedition to Karangasem and Kusamba, Klungkung. The Karangasem palace was occupied by the Dutch on 20 May 1849. Gusti Gede Ngurah Karangasem, the king, and his family members fought against it, causing them to be killed. Klungkung and Kusamba could be occupied by the Dutch troop at 3 pm on 24 May 1849 (Agung, 1989: 327). General Michiels and his troop rested at Kusamba Palace used as the headquarters of the General Commander Michels. At midnight on 24 May or at dawn on 25 May 1849, Dewa Agung Istri Kanya, A.A. Ketut Agung and A.A. Made Sangging planned to attack the Dutch troop. At 3 am on 25 May 1849 the Klungkung soldiers reached the target. When the light bullet was fired, all the camps, which had been dark, became bright. General Michiels could be clearly seen standing in front of the palace. �A gun was fired by the Klungkung troops and the general’s right leg got shot, causing him to be upended. The bone of his right leg turned out to be completely wrecked (Agung, 1949: 328). The health officer suggested that it should be amputated; however, he disagreed. He demanded that he be carried to the command ship where he could be treated. His physical condition was getting worse and finally he died at 11 pm on 25 May 1849. On 26 May 1849 the corpse was carried by the warship “Etna” to Batavia (Agung, 1989, 328). The conflict between the King of Badung and the Dutch East Indies government was triggered by the incident in which the Dutch-flagged ship “Sri Kumala” stranded at Sanur beach controlled by the Badung Kingdom on 27 May 1904. The Dutch East Indies government demanded that the compensation amounting to 7,500 guldens to be charged to the Badung King. The local people did not pay for the compensation as they swore that they had not robbed what the ship had carried including uang kepeng (coin with square hole in center). The Badung King’s refusal caused the Badung waters to be blockaded on 6 January 1905 (Agung, 1989: 5). On 20 September 1906 the final war or Puputan Badung occurred and the kingdom of Badung was conquered by the Dutch. The practice of the tawan karang traditional law was getting weaker when the Bali and Lombok kings were getting familiar with the foreign governments especially the Dutch government (Wirawan, 2017: 2). Different perceptions of the tawan karang tradition led to the blood conflicts and wars involving the Dutch colonial government in Bali and Lombok from the middle of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century. �Since the 19th century, the tawan karang tradition has also been referred to as a legal institution of the traditional countries which could not only be found in Bali and Lombok. According to van Vollenhoven, the tawan karang institution could also be found in the Tanimbar archipelago and Central Kalimantan (Utrecht, 1962: 122). The practice of tawan karang showed the royal waters (kliprecht). Tawan karang was the right of a king and his people who controlled a coastal area. They had the right to detain and own any foreign ship. They also had the right to employ its passengers as the slaves that could be traded or killed. It used to be considered the law of god of the seas (Lord Baruna) who was believed to control the coastal area and sea (Utrecht, 1962: 122). However, it was then flexibly defined and applied. The Regulation for Foreign Trader The inscription of Bebetin dated 896 AD describes the regulations concerning the properties of banyaga (seafaring merchants who died at Banwa Bharu (Goris, 1954: 54). The properties had to be divided into two parts, although it is not mentioned what the two divisions were used for. It is also mentioned that timber from the wrecked ships of the banyaga were used for fences or palisades around the fortified settlement (kuta) at Banwa Bharu. It thus seems that the fortified settlements at Julah and Banwa Bharu were both surrounded by wood or bamboo fences (Ardika, 1991: 141). This was also the characteristic of city in Southeast Asia between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries AD (Reid 1980: 242). It should be noted that the terms kuta and ser pasar (market officer) are also mentioned in the inscription of Bebetin AI dated AD 896 (Goris, 1954: 54). Banwa Bharu could have been another port site in north Bali, possibly �located near the modern village of Sangsit, about 15 km west of Julah, where the small port still exists. Based on the inscriptions of Bebetin AI dated AD 896 and Sembiran AI dated AD 922, it is impossible to find wrecked ship in the northern coast of Bali. It is due to the regulation that the timbers of the wrecked ship was used for fences or palisade of fortified settlement at Julah and Banwa Bharu. The Type of Watercrafts The Balinese inscriptions mentioned several types of watercrafts including perahu, bahitra, jong, lancang, etc. For instance, the inscription of Sembiran AI dated AD 922 mentions: IIIb.3 ... yanada taban karang ditu, parahu, lancang jukung, talaka ... (Ardika, 1991: 227; Goris, 1954). It means if there were ship, boat, canoe and canoe (?) captured based on taban karang regulation at Julah. Based on Sembiran AI inscription at least there were four types of watercrafts at that time. The inscription also indicates the Balinese can make canoe or ship. There are several terms of watercrafts mentioned in Old Balinese inscriptions. These terms are in Table 1 below. Table 1. Several terms of watercrafts mentioned in Old Balinese inscriptions No Balinese inscriptions Terms of watercrafts 1 Bebetin AI dated AD 896 Lancang, parahu 2 Sembiran AI dated AD 922 Parahu, lancang, jukung, talaka 3 Sembiran AIV dated AD 1065 Jong, bahitra, parahu 4 Sembiran C dated AD 1181 Parawu, jong, banawa �The term of parahu or parawu has been mentioned in the four inscriptions namely Bebetin AI (AD 896), Sembiran AI (AD 922), Sembiran AIV (AD 1065), and Sembiran C (AD 1181). The term parahu or parawu literary means boat (Zoetmulder, 1982: 1280). Parahu seems to be the oldest watercraft mentioned in Balinese inscriptions. Lancang was mentioned in the inscriptions of Bebetin AI (AD 896) and Sembiran AI (AD 922). Lancang literary means small boat (Zoetmulder, 1982). The term of Jukung was mentioned in the inscription of Sembiran AI (AD 922). Jukung means small vesel or dug out canoe (Zoetmulder, 1982: 752). Even today, jukung is still made and used in modern Balinese. Similar to Jukung, the term talaka was only used mentioned in the inscription of Sembiran AI (AD 922). Talaka literary means canoe. The term Jong was mentioned in the inscriptions of Sembiran AIV (AD 1065) and Sembiran C (AD 1181). Jong is sea going ship.( Zoetmulder, 1982: 748). It is also associated with the Chinese ship. The term bahitra was only mentioned in the inscription of Sembiran AIV (dated AD 1065). This term literary means boat or vessel (Zoetmulder, 1982:188). The term banawa was mentioned the inscription Sembiran C (AD 1181) which literary means boat or any kind of ship (Ardika, 1991: 262). On the basis of these inscriptions, Julah seems to be one of the most important ports or harbours in the northern coast of Bali. Chinese jong and big ship might have anchored at Julah in the 11th and 12th century AD. During the Song dynasty, China also took part in trade out of China. Piracy in Ancient Bali The kuta or fortified settlement and pasar or market at Julah were attacked by enemy or pirate many times. The attacks caused social disturbance in Julah and the adjacent area. This situation was first mentioned in the �inscription of Sembiran AI dated to AD 922. The inscription states: Ib. 3. ...lagi tawan bunin...they are continously captured by enemies... (Ardika, 1991: 221). The villagers of fortified settlement at Julah were captured by enemies, and some of them might have fled to other villages. Therefore the king Ugrasena asked them who fled to other villages to return to Julah. The inscription of Sembiran AII dated to AD 975 mentions that king Sri Janasadhu Warmadewa gave a grant of copper plates inscription to the market officer at Julah namely Ida Kumpi Dyah Damai, who gathered together the villagers of Julah and those who lived around the fort, being many of those who returned during the reign of Sang Ratu (king) who was buried at Bwah Rangga (Ardika, 1991:228-233). The inscription mentions the regulation concerning the rights and reponsibilities of the villagers of Julah, and those who lived around the fort. It is worth to noticing that the inscription of Sembiran AIII dated to AD 1016 indicates that the village officers of Julah pay respect to Sang Ratu (Queen) Sri Sang Ẫjṅadewi. The villagers told the Queen that the number of families who lived at Julah formerly was 300, but now only 50 remained. Therefore, the villagers asked taxes to be reduced (Ardika, 1991: 334). On the basis of those inscriptions it seems that the fortified settlement and a market at Julah was attacked and the villagers were killed or captured by enemies or pirates? This attack caused the villagers of Julah to flee to other villages. The Queen or central authorities called them to return to Julah. The Queen renewed the regulation and also reduced taxes for those who lived at Julah. The inscription of Sembiran AIV dated to AD 1065 indicates that the village officers of Julah they consulted and paid respects to Paduka haji �or King Anak Wungsu. The village officers of Julah asked for a grant in order to write down their inscription on copper plates, which was a grant of the previous king. Because they did not think that what was described in the palm leaves would be preserved for the future. It should be noticed that the villagers were allowed to destroy coconut trees which blocked and caused it to be seen by a plundering ship which came to Julah at night (Ardika, 1991: 247). This statement suggests that central authority or King Anak Wungsu protected the villagers of Julah from the attack of plunderers or pirates. As far as plunderers or piracy is concerned, it is clear that their activities caused social disturbances as well as economic instabilities. The inscriptions of Sembiran AI, Sembiran AII, Sembiran AIII, and Sembiran AIV suggest that the villagers of Julah were killed and captured by plunderes, and some of them also fled to other villages. This social disturbance at Julah was handled by Queen or King of Bali, Regulations concerning those people who lived at Julah were described at royal edits. From an economic point of view, plunderers or pirates at Julah might search for goods and valuable things. As already noted, there was a market place at the fortified settlement at Julah. The plunderers or pirates at Julah not only killed and captured people, but also robbed goods and materials at the market. Similar stories were mentioned in the inscription of Sawan AI or Bila I dated to AD 1023. The villagers of Bila were reduced from 50 to 10 families who could not pay the full tribute, so they had to ask the king (raja) for a reduction (Goris, 1954: 101-103). Why the villagers of Bila decreased in number was not mentioned in the inscription. Piracy might have already existed in ancient Bali around the 9th up to 11th century AD. The pirate might attack the anchored ships and market at of �Julah. They killed and captured the villagers and possibly robbed the cargos as well as the goods at the ports site of Julah. The coastal villages in the northeastern coast of Bali might have been plundered by pirates. This attack caused the villagers to flee to other villages, and this authomatically brought about the decreasung number of the people in the village. Conclusion Bali has been involved in maritime activities since prehistoric times. The Balinese inscriptions from the late Ninth and early Tenth century indicate the regulations concerning stranded ship (taban/tawan karang) and an inheritance of foreign traders (banyaga) who died at kuta or fortified settlement in the northern cost of Bali. These regulations suggest that the central authority or king/queen has managed to control the coastal areas of Bali at least in the late Ninth and early Tenth century AD. The regulation of taban/tawan karang was still utilized until the 20th century and throughout the colonial period. In other words, the regulation of taban/tawan karang has been used for more than 1000 years. The taban/tawan karang regulation also triggered conflict and war between the Balinese kings and the Dutch Government in the 19th and 20th century Several types of watercraft were mentioned in the Balinese inscriptions such as: parahu, lancang, jukung, talaka, jong, bahitra, and banawa. These terms might have been related to the sizes and measurements of watercrafts. Piracy might have already existed in Bali or in Indonesia in general in the early 10th century AD. The fortified settlement or kuta and pasar or market at Julah were attacked by plunderers or pirates. The villagers were killed �and captured by plunderers, and some of them fled to other villages. The villagers who lived at Julah could not to pay the full taxes and they asked for reductions to the king/queen. Therefore, the king/queen asked them to return to Julah. References Agung, Ide Anak Agung Gde, 1989. Bali Pada Abad XIX. Yogyakarta: Gajah Mada University Press. Ardika, I Wayan. 1991. Archaeological Research in Northeastern Bali, Indonesia. Disertation. Canberra: Australian National University. Ardika, I Wayan and Peter Bellwood, 1991. Sembiran: the beginnings of Indian contact with Bali. Antiquity, 1991. 65: 221-32. Ardika, I Wayan et.al. 2016. Archaeological Research at the Blanjong Site, Sanur, Bali. Singapore: Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre. Archaeology Report Series. Calo, Ambra, Bagyo Prasetyo, Peter Bellwood, James W. Lankton, Bernard Gratuze, Thomas Oliver Pryce, Andreas Reinecke, Verena Leusch, Heidrun Schenk, Rachel Wood, Rochtri A. Bawono, I Dewa Kompiang Gede, Ni L.K. Citha Yuliati, Jack Fenner, Christian Reepmeyer, Cristina Castillo & Alison K. Carter. 2015. Sembiran and Pacung on the norht coast of Bali a strategic croassoads for early trans Asiatic exchange. Antiquity. 89, 344: 378-396. Goris, R. 1954. Prasasti Bali I & II. Bandung: Masa Baru. Reid, Anthony. 1980. ‘The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries’. JSEAS, 11,2: 235-250. Utrecht, E. 1962. Sedjarah Hukum Internasional di Bali dan Lombok. (Pertjobaan sebuah studi hukum internasional regional di Indonesia). Bandung: Sumur Bandung. �Wirawan, A.A.B. 2017. Tawan Karang Tradition Law and Conflict of Power in Bali and Lombok in the Middle of the 19th Century and beginning of the 20th Century. Denpasar: Faculty of Arts, Udayana University. Zoetmulder, P.J. 1982. Old Javanese English Dictionary. S’ Gravenhage � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 9: Maritime/Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Southeast Asia (SEA) has been rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) over a long period, from ancient pre-history, through the age of commerce, into the World War II era. Recently, UCH research, survey, and mapping activities; preservation and management efforts; as well as human capacity building programs show the promising progress in SEA countries. However, various threats to UCH preservation and some shortcomings still can be found in many SEA countries, for instance, lack of funds, inadequate technology, limited human resources, and also lack of public and government attention to UCH legal protection and its long-term preservation. This session will highlight some topics, including current status of UCH preservation; current research or investigation on maritime heritage or UCH in SEA countries; maritime history in SEA; current legislations; recent human and natural threats to UCH in SEA countries; raising awareness and public education programs; in-situ preservation of UCH; sustainable shipwreck tourism development and balancing preservation efforts with economic benefit; community and general public engagement in UCH management plan; regional capacity building in Southeast Asia; as well as collaboration opportunities among stakeholders and SEA countries in researching, protecting, preserving, and managing UCH sites. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jenny Craig, Mc Gill University Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Activities in Ancient Bali Description An account of the resource Archaeological discoveries at Sembiran and Pacung in Northeastern Bali indicate that contacts between Bali and India, China, as well as Mainland Southeast Asia have already occurred at the late second century BC. At the same time, maritime activities and exchanges of goods might have also existed between these areas. Inscriptional data from the late 9th up to the 12th century describe the regulations concerning the stranded ship. The use of woods of the stranded ship, the treatment of foreign traders who died in the port sites in Bali, as well as the utilization of their inheritances are also mentioned in these inscriptions. In addition, the Balinese inscriptions dated from the 12th century also describe the types of watercraft such as ships (Chinese jong) and boats (bahitra) which encored at Manasa in the northern coast of Bali. The situation of port sites and social disturbances due to pirates are also described in the Balinese inscriptions. Bali seems to be located in the inter-regional trade routes connecting India, Mainland Southeast Asia, and China in ancient times, therefore maritime activities must be very busy in the northern coast of Bali. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource I Wayan Ardika Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource I Wayan Ardika Language A language of the resource English Asia-Pac Session 9 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/24c7f6d50f8ff654572e1848345c944a.pdf 146d9829abc8e904f819ff756b359377 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2021 Session 7: Submerged War Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region Subject The topic of the resource Session 7 papers Description An account of the resource Abstract While evidence of conflict in the Asia-Pacific Region dates back thousands of years, World War II brought more people into contact with the seas of the Asia-Pacific region than ever before and left a correspondingly large archaeological signature. Today, the ship and plane wrecks, maritime infrastructure and underwater dumping sites from WWII present an archaeological resource of conflicting values ranging from artificial reefs and tourism assets, to war-graves and even ecological threats. Most recently, the different values placed on these sites has been thrown into sharp relief with the illegal salvage of a number of naval ships in South-East Asia and subsequent outcry from former colonial powers. Maritime warfare throughout the Asia-Pacific Region has had a far-reaching impact on the people who lived, and continue to live in these areas that goes beyond the mere recording of battlefields and the machinery involved. Maritime archaeology has significant potential to provide insights into the lives and experiences of those who have been overlooked by traditional war histories including non-combatants and indigenous people. The protection and management of World War II-related Underwater Cultural Heritage (WWII UCH) provides particular challenges in the contemporary Asia-Pacific Region. While the 2001 UNESCO Convention provides a code for internationally recognised best practice, most countries in the region are yet to become signatories. Many countries in Oceania in particular see the current interest in WWII UCH as overshadowing the need to protect and preserve indigenous UCH. A potentially useful framework that could be used to provide a balance in interests and benefits for more of the Asia-Pacific community is the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals that provide a holistic and relevant path for incorporating all UCH into sustainable environmental and development policies and practices. This should lead to an appreciation of all that constitutes Asia-Pacific UCH and their particular challenges. Session Organisers: Matt Carter Bill Jeffery Hans Van Tilburg Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource World War Two Shipwrecks; a toxic legacy? Description An account of the resource During the Second World War over 3,800 ships were sunk throughout the Pacific Region. The legacy of this conflict is still being felt today, with an unconfirmed number of potentially polluting wrecks (PPWs) still containing oil and unexploded ordinance. Many of these wrecks have deteriorated significantly and the threat of a spill is increasing as over 70 years of corrosion is causing collapse of the ships structures. The scale of this threat is largely unknown, however estimates indicate that thousands of tons of oil may remain in these wrecks with several identified as already leaking. Aware of the increasing risk that these wrecks pose, the Major Projects Foundation was established in 2018 with the aim of mitigating this risk. The primary activity was the purchase of the former New Zealand Navy Diving Vessel HMNZ Manawanui as an expedition vessel. With the vessel newly renamed RV Ocean Recovery, and with a Memorandum of Understanding with the Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme (SPREP) and the University of Newcastle, the Major Projects Foundation is dedicated to gathering robust scientific data on the condition of PPWs throughout the Pacific. Using cutting edge and incorporating industry standard technology, high-risk wrecks will be surveyed and assessed. Once wrecks with oil content are identified, commonly practiced subsea engineering solutions exist to mitigate the threat of an oil spill. Furthermore, the information from the survey of these wrecks will be used to educate and mobilise the public and policy makers to the risk such PPWs pose to marine ecosystems and the people who rely on them. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Matthew Carter William Jeffery Ian D MacLeod Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2021 Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Carter, Matthew, Dr. William Jeffery, and Dr. Ian D MacLeod. 2021. “World War Two Shipwrecks; a toxic legacy?.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/683 Asia-Pac Session 7 2021 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Archaeology of Early Maritime Polities of Southeast Asia Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pierre-Yves Manguin Ian Glover Peter Bellwood Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available RoutledgeCurzon Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2004 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author Pierre-Yves Manguin Editor Ian Glover Peter Bellwood Item Type Book Section Book Title Southeast Asia from Prehistory to History Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2004 Pages 282-313 Place London Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available RoutledgeCurzon Title A name given to the resource The Archaeology of Early Maritime Polities of Southeast Asia Southeast Asia Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Coastal States of Champa Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource William A. Southworth Ian Glover Peter Bellwood Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available RoutledgeCurzon Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2004 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author William A. Southworth Editor Ian Glover Peter Bellwood Item Type Book Section Book Title Southeast Asia from Prehistory to History Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2004 Pages 209-233 Place London Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available RoutledgeCurzon Title A name given to the resource The Coastal States of Champa Southeast Asia Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Classical Cultures of Indonesia Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John N. Miksic Ian Glover Peter Bellwood Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available RoutledgeCurzon Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2004 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author John N. Miksic Editor Ian Glover Peter Bellwood Item Type Book Section Book Title Southeast Asia from Prehistory to History Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2004 Place London Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available RoutledgeCurzon Title A name given to the resource The Classical Cultures of Indonesia Southeast Asia https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/8489759771419ea3bf73c8974311c153.mp4 dab650ceb26c651f66a17d12afee19d1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Moving Image A series of visual representations that, when shown in succession, impart an impression of motion. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Video interview with Session 7 chair Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ian Godfrey, Vicki Richards, and Debra Shefi Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6/11/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/c448dc07fc1e004f3e778774444ae52b.pdf 5a5baab2f4bff3476b0dbbb9ff0f13ec PDF Text Text The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project: In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence (1850) and James Matthews (1841)shipwreck sites Vicki Richards Department of Materials Conservation, Western Australian Museum Shipwreck Galleries, 45-47 Cliff St Fremantle, WA 6160 Australia Email: vicki.richards@museum.wa.gov.au Ian MacLeod Western Australian Maritime Museum, Peter Hughes Drive, Victoria Quay, Fremantle, WA 6160 Australia Peter Veth School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, The University of Western Australia, 35 Stirling Hwy Crawley, WA 6009 Australia 1 �Abstract Increasingly archaeologists are opting for on-site examination, reinterment and in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage sites as the first option in the management of sites at risk as opposed to the more traditional excavation, recovery, conservation and display/storage methods. This decision will inevitably be based on significance assessment, degree of perceived risk and resourcing issues. However, long-term monitoring must become an integral part of these management programmes in order to quantitatively evaluate the effectiveness of the in-situ preservation techniques employed. Absence of monitoring is equivalent to abrogation of responsible management and in some cases can be considered tantamount to cultural vandalism. In 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) commenced, having secured funding through a substantial Australian Research Council Linkage Grant with 10 Australian Partner Organisations and three universities. One of the major aims of the project is to develop a protocol for the excavation, detailed recording and reburial of significant shipwrecks under threat, fostering a strategic national approach for the management of underwater cultural heritage sites at risk. Two historically significant shipwreck sites were chosen for this longitudinal comparative study – the Clarence (1850) located in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia. Both sites have been preserved in situ using two very different but innovative remediation strategies. More importantly a long-term monitoring programme has been implemented which will characterise changes in the reburial environment and the effect on the reinterred materials. In this way, the efficacy of both in-situ preservation techniques will be systematically tested, providing a comparative analysis of practical protocols for the long-term protection and management of underwater archaeological resources. Key words: In-situ preservation, Underwater cultural heritage, Shipwrecks, monitoring, Conservation management Introduction The AHSPP is a national collaborative project funded by an ARC Linkage Grant which commenced in February 2012. With ten state, territory and federal Partner Organisations and three collaborating universities, this is the largest multi-government, 2 �multi-institutional maritime archaeological project ever initiated in Australia. The idea of a national collaborative research project arose from the 2008 review of the Australian Commonwealth Historic Shipwrecks Program (HSP). The report suggested that the HSP had not developed a maritime specific conservation management planning process for underwater cultural heritage (UCH) sites including nationally standardised processes and procedures, capacity for the excavation of UCH sites that are considered under threat and general guidelines for site management and in-situ preservation of UCH material. The ASHPP aims to address some of these issues by investigating and preserving in situ, in accordance with the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, the Clarence (1850) shipwreck located in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia. The Clarence was considered an ideal site for this project for a number of reasons. This early colonial Australian built vessel was test excavated and surveyed in the 1980s (Harvey, 1989), providing a baseline for ongoing longitudinal comparative research. The site is relatively small (16.5m length; 6.2m width) and easily accessible as it lies in 5m of water at a location close to the major population centre of Melbourne. The site is subject to continuing anchor damage by illegal recreational anglers as well as the natural impact of the strong currents experienced in Port Phillip Bay and is considered under serious threat. The ex-slaver turned colonial trading vessel, James Matthews was chosen as the second site. It is also relatively small (24m length; 6m width) and located 12km south of Fremantle, lying approximately 100m off shore in 23m of water. More importantly, it has been the subject of a long-term detailed in situ conservation management research programme with more than 10 years of accumulated data on the efficacy of three different experimental reburial strategies trialled on-site (Richards et al., 2009).The synergistic impact of industrial activity and natural near-shore sedimentary processes has resulted in continued exposure and rapid deterioration of the site. The implementation of appropriate long-term in-situ preservation strategies for both sites, supported by an extensive monitoring programme to assess the viability of the different methodologies, was of paramount importance. However, in order for any in-situ preservation strategy to be successful the following points must be addressed in the overall management plan: 3 �1. Ascertain the extent of the site. 2. Assess the most significant physical, chemical and biological deterioration processes occurring on the site. 3. Assess the pre-disturbed local burial environment and the major factors affecting the long-term stability of the site. 4. Identify the major material types present on the site and their extents of deterioration. 5. Implement an appropriate in-situ preservation strategy or combinations thereof, to mitigate continued deterioration and stabilize the site long-term. 6. Implement a long-term monitoring programme to evaluate the efficacy of the implemented in-situ preservation strategy. 7. Provide alternative plans and procedures if the implemented in-situ preservation strategies are unsuccessful. 8. Conservation, storage and curation of any recovered artefacts. Each of these points is integral to a process-based approach when assessing underwater cultural heritage sites and establishing successful long-term conservation management plans (Richards, 2011). All eight points were addressed through application of previous research results and during the development of comprehensive research designs that included extensive methodology components and monitoring programmes for each site prior to the implementation of any reburial strategies. Clarence - Excavation, Conservation and In-situ Preservation The first fieldwork period on the Clarence occurred from 16 April to 15 May 2012. All activities were conducted from a 18m x 12m jack-up barge, set 3.5m above sea level, located directly adjacent to the site. The deposition of 1700 UV stabilised polypropylene woven sand bags onto the site was Fig. 1 Biological growth on the Clarence site in November 2013. (J. Carpenter) 4 �executed from support vessels. Adverse weather limited the excavation to only 9m of the starboard side, which was fully recorded. Only 35 artefact assemblages were recovered and kept wet at all times with seawater as opposed to fresh water to avoid osmotic shock when reburied. After full documentation the artefacts were prepared for reburial by wrapping them in polyester geotextile (Bidim A14), followed by a high density polyethylene shade cloth protective wrapping (Coolaroo Exterior Fabrics - Extra Heavy (84-90% UV Block) secured by cable ties. The artefacts were then placed in wet storage until the reburial phase of the project commenced. Previous research has established the 50cm datum as the minimum depth of burial for the protection of recovered artefacts (Nyström-Godfrey et al., 2011). It was decided that the few, smaller metal, glass and ceramic artefacts could be reinterred on the wreck site as it would be possible to obtain greater than 50cm of sediment coverage. However, because they were different material types they had to be separated by at least 50cm in order to minimise the chances of unwanted chemical interactions. Owing to the larger size of the packed organic artefacts, it was not possible to rebury them on-site, therefore they were reburied in an off-site storage depot in order to obtain the minimum depth of burial. A proprietary 2000L high density polyethylene water tank was purchased, the ends cut off and the tank sawn in half. This cylinder (1.0m height; 1.2m diameter) was then dredged into the seabed about 10m south of the stern. The sand was dredged from within the confines of the cylinder and the least degraded organic artefacts placed at the bottom of the depot, covered with 10cm of surrounding sand then the more fragile organics were placed on top of this layer. The depot was then backfilled with surrounding sediment, covered with shade cloth and anchored with polypropylene sand bags. Towards the end of the fieldwork period, the excavated area including the reinterred artefacts was backfilled with dredged sediment from the site, however due to the fine nature of the clay deposit some was lost from the sediment traps and therefore the forward section of the excavation trench was backfilled with proprietary sand emptied from the sand bags on the site. Unfortunately, the weather deteriorated so it was not possible to adequately rebury the entire excavation trench and the off-site reburial depot 5 �to the minimum 50cm datum. These areas were stabilised with a layer of shade cloth and additional sand bags as an interim remediation measure. Three weeks later saw the reburial of the excavation area and the depot with further proprietary sand so that an average reburial depth of 1m was achieved. This was considerably deeper than the pre-disturbance sediment profile. The backfilled areas were then stabilised with a layer of shade cloth, anchored with more sand bags until the final phase of the remediation strategy could be completed later in the year. In November 2012 the final phase of the in situ preservation strategy commenced. This entailed filling and depositing a further 1800 sand bags on the site, removing the sand bags and shade cloth deployed in June, repositioning and adding more sand bags to adequately support some of the higher profile structural features on the port and starboard side of the wreck, covering the site with a shade cloth mat and finally protecting the site with polyvinyl chloride (PVC) tarpaulins. A pre-prepared 250m2 shade cloth mat (3 x 25m long x 3.66m wide sections joined together by cable ties) was deployed flush over the entire site conforming to the undulations of the wreck profile. The shade cloth was folded in a concertina fashion, which allowed the entire mat to be fanned out, starting down current, without recourse to deploying it in separate sections. The mat was then anchored with approximately 250 sand bags. The shade cloth mat will encourage the formation of an anaerobic environment in a relatively short period of time. However, because the shade cloth could be severely damaged by anchors it was covered with three 7m x 14m x 2mm PVC tarpaulins for further protection. The tarpaulins could not have been placed directly onto the site without the underlying shade cloth mat because a) the PVC was just negatively buoyant and relatively inelastic so the tarpaulins could not conform closely to the site profile leaving large water spaces around the higher profile structures, which would take too long to become anaerobic and b) the polyethylene mesh allowed the tarpaulins to slip and be easily moved into the correct position so they could be joined together with minimal gaps. Most importantly, 6 �the tarpaulins will minimise the continuing physical damage to the wreck site and should further encourage anaerobic conditions on-site. Each tarpaulin was deployed individually, with each end unrolled from the mid-section of the site. When all three tarpaulins were in the correct position they were joined together with cable ties through pre-prepared plastic eyelets and heavy duty nylon tabs. Sand bags were then tied in place along the seams and edges of the mats with previously installed nylon straps. Another layer of sand bags was then placed on top of these to minimise any gaps along the seams. Approximately 3-6 lines of sand bags were then placed along the bow and stern edges of the tarpaulin and another line of bags along the port and starboard side edges to seal any gaps and minimise water movement under the tarpaulin by strong currents and potential lifting by anchors. Finally, the entire interior of the tarpaulin was covered with approximately 1300 sand bags for added protection. The same procedure was followed for deploying the shade cloth and PVC tarpaulin (2m2) over the off-site reburial depot. Subsequent visits in March, September and November 2013, indicated that the in situ preservation strategy had been successful to date. All sand bags were still in place, there was extensive biological growth on the site and considerably more sediment buildup around the sand bags on top of the tarpaulins (Fig. 1). In addition, the sediment under the shade cloth was grey/black in colour indicating a low oxygen environment. The inspections showed that two of the higher profile ribs had broken through the protection and these will be wrapped in geotextile followed by impermeable black plastic. Any additional breakouts will be managed in the same fashion. Obviously, regular monitoring of any in-situ reburial strategy is essential in order to ensure continued longterm protection of the site. James Matthews – In-situ Preservation A comprehensive pre-disturbance survey and research into broader scale coastal processes and localised sediment level monitoring began in 2000. This work was extended in 2002 to assess the efficacy of sand bags, sediment trapping experiments 7 �using artificial seagrass and shade cloth mats and a cofferdam consisting of four environmentally inert, interlocking, medium density polyethylene ‘road crash barrier’ units (2m length; 0.9m height) filled with surrounding sediment, as site management methodologies. Long-term monitoring of the sediment to changes in micro-environment via microbiological and physico-chemical analyses were initiated (Richards et al., 2009).The crash barrier cofferdam technique appeared to be the best solution. Preparations for this large-scale reburial commenced in April 2013 with a total of 22 personnel(AHSPP Chief Investigator and Acting Project Manager, Western Australian Museum staff, practitioners from Partner Organisations and volunteers) involved duringthe intensive five day fieldwork period from 18-22 November 2013.Personnel were divided into 2 to 4 smaller teams dependent on the activities of the day. The two main teams consisted of a land-based team, which filled 1400 x 20kg sand bags with clean, washed proprietary sand (20m3 or 28 tonne) and the boat-based team, consisting of divers, boat handlers and support crew carried out all sea-based work on the wreck site. In addition two smaller teams were organised during the course of the fieldwork;a sand-barge team, which assembled and dismantled the sand barge and a shore-based team, which transported sand bags from the Museum to a beach about 100m from the wreck site and loaded the barge. Prior to the main program all previous site stabilisation equipment of anodes, sand bags and shade cloth were removed and a rope guideline was placed around the periphery of Fig. 2 Snorkelers sinking a RCB on the James Matthews site. (P. Baker) the site, which assisted in the 3 day deployment of the road crash barriers (RCBs), about 0.5-1.0m away from the wreck site in a semi-elliptical arrangement. Each RCB unit and connecting pin (0.9m length; 0.09m diameter) was filled with 20 kg and 5kg of blue metal (14mm), respectively on board a rented dive boat. The floating RCB and pin were then transported upright to the appropriate position on the wreck site using a small tender, then three snorkelers slowly sank the barrier via air displacement (Fig. 2). Two 8 �divers received the sinking RCB and the connecting pin and physically manoeuvred the barrier into the correct position, inside the guideline and then locked it in position with the pin. The RCBs weighed approximately 15kg under water and were easily manoeuvred on the seabed. Following this procedure 36 RCBs were individually deployed on-site before they were permanently anchored in place with a minimum of 120kg of blue metal per barrier. The initial sealing of the gaps in the Fig. 3 Plastic damp coursing anchored over the gaps between the RCBs with zinc tek screws. (J. Carpenter) coffer dam with 2m long; 1m wide black plastic strips proved to be ineffective due to wave action across the site so they were replaced with high density, plastic roof damp coursing (450mm width; 500µm thick) about 1.5-2.0m in length, placed over the gaps and anchored flush against the inner surfaces of the RCBs with zinc alloy tek screws (Fig. 3). Operation of the sand barge, designed to bring clean, washed sand to the enclosed wreck inside the RCB ring, proved that a beach based operation was not efficient since it involved multiple handling steps and took one day to deliver 3.5 tonnes of sand. The best method involved directly loading the barge from the rented dive boat moored adjacent to the site to minimise the distance the sand barge would need to be towed (Fig. 4).Twenty tonnes (1015 x 20kg bags) of sand was delivered to the site over the last two days of the fieldwork leaving8 tonne of sand at the Museum. The second phase of fieldwork was conducted over four days in early to mid-December 2013. By direct loading from the museum truck alongside the sand barge at the nearby Jervoise Bay Yacht Club, then towing the device to the wreck site a total of 8 tonne of sand was dumped on-site in one day with only 9 personnel. Dead seagrass that had begun to accumulate within the confines of the cofferdam was placed in bags and removed from the site. 9 �A total of 165m3 or 230 tonne of sand is required to achieve the desired 0.8m sediment height within the confines of the cofferdam. The enormity of this task became apparent after dumping28 tonne of sand which only produced a 5-15cm sterile sand layer. By deploying 4m wide strips of Fig. 4 Dumping of sand from the sand barge on the James Matthews site. (J. Carpenter) Armashade70% UV block shade cloth top over the top of the coffer dam it was hoped that the natural entrapment of fine sand particles suspended in the water column will assist in filling the cofferdam and also prevent ingress of dead seagrass. Seven panels with a 30cm overlap were sewn together with cable ties, which also enabled attachment to the RCBs (Fig. 5). In early 2014, the cofferdam will be filled to the required depth by dredging local surrounding sediment onto the site ensuring that minimal organic matter is incorporated within the backfilled sediment. Conservation Monitoring Programme Pre-disturbance Surveys The environmental characteristics of the pre-disturbed local burial environment should be assessed prior to reburial in order to assist in determining the inherent stability of the site and the major degradation mechanisms occurring on-site. In addition, this predisturbance information will be used as baseline data to assist in determining if and when the reburial environment returns to its original pre-burial state and the rate at which this occurs following the changes that necessarily accompany reburial. Analyses on both the Clarence and James Matthews sites included the chemistry of the seawater, pore water and sediments [pH; redox potential (Eredox); salinity, dissolved oxygen levels, total iron and organic content; sulphide and sulphate concentrations; nutrient (nitrogen and phosphorus)levels], the type and nature of the sediments (loss on ignition; particle size distribution; porosity) and the level and type of microbiological activity within the sediment. A 3,000km separation between the Clarence site and specialist microbiological assays in WA precluded microbiological analyses of those sediments. 10 �It is also important to obtain an understanding of the extent of deterioration of the major material types present on a site prior to reburial. Moreover, it is essential to collect this baseline data for long-term comparative analysis to quantify the effect the mitigation strategy is having on the reburied materials. A full pre-disturbance corrosion survey [pH, corrosion potential Fig. 5 The RCB cofferdam prior to the last length of shade cloth being deployed.(J. Carpenter) (Ecorr), total depth of concretion and corrosion (dtotal), the total depth of corrosion (dc)] was performed on the James Matthews site but no such survey was conducted on Clarence due to the lack of exposed metal objects. In addition, in situ pH profiles and pilodyn measurements were taken on exposed structural timbers on the James Matthews site, however only pilodyn data was collected from timbers on the Clarence site. Wood samples were collected from both sites for wood identification, maximum water content (Umax), microscopic and Fourier transform infra-red spectrometric (FTIR) analysis. Post Reburial Surveys The biological and physico-chemical environment of the reburial mound should be monitored at regular intervals. Hence, the same suite of analyses will be performed on sediments recovered annually from the Clarence and James Matthews sites post reburial as was previously described for the pre-disturbed environment. However, since destructive sampling of reburied archaeological materials is inherently invasive, sacrificial modern samples, such as wood blocks and metal coupons, were included in the reburial mounds (Fig. 6). 11 �Fig. 6 The sacrificial wood and iron samples on the Clarence site prior to reburial.(J. Parkinson) Sacrificial wood samples and modern ferrous alloys were reburied on both wreck sites. There were significant amounts of copper alloys (e.g. fastenings, sheathing, etc) present on the James Matthews site, therefore duplicate copper alloy coupons were also reburied on-site. One of the duplicate wood, iron and copper sacrificial samples were wrapped in Bidim A14 geo textile to ascertain its protective effect on reburied artefacts. Each set of samples had to be reburied at least 1m apart to ensure there would be no influence of the metal corrosion products on the degradation of the wood samples and to minimize proximity corrosion. The sacrificial samples will be recovered and analysed annually. The same suite of insitu and ex-situ analyses will be performed on the samples post reburial as was previously described in the pre-disturbance surveys. However, additional analyses [i.e. weight loss, scanning electron microscope/energy dispersive x-ray analysis (SEM/EDAX) and x-ray diffraction spectroscopy (XRD)] will be performed on the metal coupons. The results of the biological and physico-chemical analyses of the sediments can then be correlated to the extents of deterioration of the sacrificial samples and extrapolated to the condition of the reburied archaeological material. Conclusions One of the major aims of the AHSPP is to develop a protocol for the excavation, detailed recording and reburial of historic shipwrecks under threat by anthropogenic or natural forces. On-site monitoring of the sediment and analysis of sacrificial samples on the Clarence and James Matthews sites will continue until early 2015to test the efficacy of different reburial and stabilisation techniques and provide a comparative analysis of practical protocols. This work will be critical to the future development of national policy, 12 �methodology and technical guidelines for in-situ preservation and management of endangered historic shipwrecks. Acknowledgements The AHSPP is supported by the Australian Research Council through Linkage Partner Grant LP110200184. The Partner Organisations are: the Australian Government Department of Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities, the Victorian Department of Planning and Community Development, the Western Australian Museum, Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, NSW Office of Environment and Heritage, Tasmanian Parks and Wildlife Service, Northern Territory Government, Queensland Department of Environment and Heritage Protection, the Norfolk Island Museum and the Australian National Maritime Museum. We are very grateful to our Partner Organisations and particularly their staff and to our phenomenal volunteers for contributing their time, expertise and equipment to the project. Bibliography Harvey, P., 1989.Excavation of the Shipwreck Clarence: Port Phillip Bay, October 1987.Unpublished Report. Victoria Archaeological Survey, Melbourne. Nystrom-Godfrey, I., Bergstrand, Y., and Petersson, H., (Eds.), 2011.Reburial and Analyses of Archaeological Remains – Phase II Results from the 4th retrieval in 2009 from Marstrand, Sweden. The RAAR Project, Bohusläns Museum and Studio VästSvenskKonservering, Uddevalla, Sweden. Richards, V., 2011.In-situ preservation – Application of a process-based approach to the management of underwater cultural heritage. In M. Staniforth, J. Craig, S.C. Jagoon, B. Orillaneda and L. Lacsina (Eds.),Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November 2011, Manila, Jericopim Publishing House, Manila: 769-785. Richards, V., Godfrey, I., Blanchette, R., Held, B., Gregory, D., and Reed, E., 2009.Insitu monitoring and stabilisation of the James Matthews site. In K. Straetkvernand D.J. Huisman (Eds.), Proceedings of the 10th ICOM Group on Wet Organic Archaeological 13 �Materials Conference, Amsterdam, 10-15 September 2007, RijksdienstvoorArcheologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten (RACM), Amersfoort: 113-160. Biography Vicki Richards has been a Conservation Scientist in the Materials Conservation Department of the Western Australian Museum for the past 27 years. One of her primary research areas is devising and implementing appropriate on-site management plans for the long-term in-situ preservation of shipwreck sites. Ian MacLeod has extensive experience in the analysis and interpretation of corrosion products and in-situ corrosion measurements on historic shipwrecks and archaeological sites. His current role is Executive Director of the Western Australian Maritime Museum in Fremantle Peter Veth has directed numerous archaeological projects on the evolution of maritime societies in Australia, Maluku and East Timor. He has published widely on site formation models and heritage conservation strategies. He is Winthrop Professor of Archaeology at the University of Western Australia. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas: • In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices • Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring • Conservation treatment case studies • Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials • Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region • Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project: In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence (1850) and James Matthews (1841)shipwreck sites Description An account of the resource Increasingly archaeologists are opting for on-site examination, reinterment and in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage sites as the first option in the management of sites at risk as opposed to the more traditional excavation, recovery, conservation and display/storage methods. This decision will inevitably be based on significance assessment, degree of perceived risk and resourcing issues. However, long-term monitoring must become an integral part of these management programmes in order to quantitatively evaluate the effectiveness of the in-situ preservation techniques employed. Absence of monitoring is equivalent to abrogation of responsible management and in some cases can be considered tantamount to cultural vandalism. In 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) commenced, having secured funding through a substantial Australian Research Council Linkage Grant with 10 Australian Partner Organisations and three universities. One of the major aims of the project is to develop a protocol for the excavation, detailed recording and reburial of significant shipwrecks under threat, fostering a strategic national approach for the management of underwater cultural heritage sites at risk. Two historically significant shipwreck sites were chosen for this longitudinal comparative study – the Clarence (1850) located in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia. Both sites have been preserved in situ using two very different but innovative remediation strategies. More importantly a long-term monitoring programme has been implemented which will characterise changes in the reburial environment and the effect on the reinterred materials. In this way, the efficacy of both in-situ preservation techniques will be systematically tested, providing a comparative analysis of practical protocols for the long-term protection and management of underwater archaeological resources. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vicki Richards Ian MacLeod Peter Veth, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 7 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/d57ed3d4a256bb16fcf29a276d4c89c9.pdf dd21585de62507eb045b9432dc382821 PDF Text Text The Lashings and Knots of the Chau Tan Shipwreck Ian McCann ABSTRACT The Chau Tan shipwreck is the oldest ocean-going cargo ship yet found in Vietnam dating from around the 8th9th century CE. It provides a unique opportunity to study the construction methods of a lashed- lug ship from that period. Over 40 of the ship’s timbers were retrieved but unfortunately all the lashings connecting the lugs were severed during the salvage and no record was made of the salvage. There was still enough in situ ropes to start to build a small list of the types of simple knots and complicated flat braided lashings that were used in its construction. For this paper ropes were made using simple technology that may have been available at the time the ship was built. The two knots used on the Chau Tan ship are widely used, even today. The braided lashings are a different matter, they do not appear in any maritime archaeology or sailing literature that the author could access. First the author had to work out how the lashing was tied. It was then tested for strength to try and further understand it's utility. The results were surprising and emphasised the value of experimental archaeology. Keywords: Lashed-lug, rope strength, experimental archaeology List of figures Figure 1. Lashings on timber CT-T3 Figure 2. Lashing loops Figure 3. Lashing model of some of the Punjulharo lashings and Chau Tan Figure 4. Lashing after the stringer was removed and after the lashing was removed from the through holes. INTRODUCTION The Chau Tan vessel was carrying a cargo of mainly ceramics from Changsha, Ding and Yue kiln sites in Hunan province, China (Kimura 2015:3; Kimura 2016:51, Giang 2016:74). The shipwreck was discovered close to the village of Binh Chau in the province of Quang Ngai in Central Vietnam in the early 2000’s. Severe weather had stripped metres of sand from the seabed, allowing the salvage of its cargo. Over 40 of the ship’s timbers were also recovered and sold to a local collector, Lam Du Xenh. THE LASHINGS When found, the wreck was in a remarkable state of preservation with nearly all the lashings that held the vessel together intact. Later, the salvors cut the lashings to facilitate the removal of the timbers. The boat’s internal structure, such as the frames, thwarts etc. had been removed during salvage operations and not saved. The few intact lashings were of one type, a woven lashing that may have held longitudinal round battens with a flattened face that may have held some form of caulking in direct contact with and along the join of the hull planks. This lashing has also been found in Thailand on the Bueng Kum shipwreck inspected and recorded in early 2023 by Wongsakorn Rahothan and Naphat Piromrak (2023, 8). These lashings and their position on the timbers can be seen in Figure 1. Most of the lashings are located within 70mm of the corner of each lug. On top of the lashings are overhand knots and a single fisherman’s knot (Figure 1 lower right). These helped determine how the lashings were tied. 1 �Figure 1. Lashings on timber CT-T3 circled in red and two intact lashings. (Photo Kevin Edward and Author). Each of the hull timbers have through holes drilled in the face and the side with matching holes on adjacent timbers. During Vietnam Maritime Archaeology Projects (VMAP) fieldwork in 2017 the author selected 26 through holes where the quantity and diameter of ropes that were threaded through the holes were measured. Each of the matched holes has a rope of two strands threaded through them and this rope appears to be one continuous length that is wrapped around from between 18 to 26 times. The difference in the number of wraps is due to the variation in the thickness of the rope, being from between 3.2 mm to 5.49 mm. This variation may indicate that the strands were crudely made by hand or with simple tools. ROPE HISTORY Rope has been a staple technology for humans for millennia and rope making techniques, through trial and error, have resulted in different cultures constructing rope in similar ways. The longevity of techniques used in rope making is demonstrated by a painting on a wall in the tomb of Nefer at Saqqara, Egypt, circa 2465–2323 BCE. It shows a method of making ropes using a rope spinner to twist the ropes (Wendrich 2008, 1909). A photograph taken in Egypt before 1916 shows the same process (Mackay 1916, 126). In both illustrations the person making the strands is using a rope spinner. This illustrates an unchanged method of rope making spanning over 4000 years. It is likely that this long use of an unknown rope making methodology has been repeated in the Indo Pacific region. This rope spinner method was chosen by the author to make the ropes due to its longevity of use, not that it may have been a method of rope production used in the Indo Pacific region. 2 �Early rope making in Asia is shown in two photographs from the Bristol Historical Photographs of China website, pictures pa01-24 from the W. Palmer Collection and picture ba05-120 from the Bannister Family Collection. These two photographs show rope being woven by hand from a stiff fibre, possibly bamboo. A 1960s photograph of a Vietnamese rope factory in Qui Nhon in the (Dalby and Thede 1962, A11-18) shows two rope makers extending the length of a thick coiled rope, each working from opposite ends. Again, the material used is a stiff fibre and again the twisting is done by hand. What these three photographs demonstrate is that ropes can be made with basic tools and wherever flora with suitable fibres are found. ROPE FIBRES One of the complications of studying flora used to make rope is the lack of a database of identified waterlogged material (Haw 2019, 510). Allied with this is the variety of plant species in each genus. Palm trees are a common source of natural fibre for making ropes but there are between 2400 (Eiserhardt 2011, 1392) to 2600 known species (Baker and Dransfield 2016, 209). Fibres from the palm tree Arenga pinnata have been identified by archaeologists as being used on the construction of Southeast Asian boats, (Lacsina 2016, 9; Mochtar 2018, 15). We need to differentiate between palm species as this may help narrow down the geographic region of where the ropes were made and help to determine where the boats using those ropes may have been constructed or repaired. It must also be a consideration that rope may have been traded. Multiple types of rope fibre have been used, and still used, on boats. Different parts of a palm tree, such as the upper trunk and leaves, will produce a fibre of different colour, the latter being dark and the former being lighter, as well as of different texture and strength. This further complicates species identification. During a visit in 2016 to the island of Taumako in the Duff Island group, the author recorded a recently built Vaka, a large ocean voyaging outrigger canoe. Four different types of rope were used in its construction: two from palm trees, the leaves and upper trunk; one coconut fibre rope and the third, bamboo. After the Vakas first sea trial some palm fibre rope lashings were strengthened using strips of bamboo, indicating that different materials from possibly different locations may be used on any given vessel. MAKING THE ROPE In attempting to make rope the author constructed a rope spinner similar to the example seen on the Egyptian tomb and photograph and a simultaneously rotating three-hook system were the rope making ‘machines’ used. The only fibres that could be sourced were sisal (Agave saliana) and hemp (Cannibis sativa). Both rope makers worked well with around 10 metres of 3.5mm two strand rope being made in 45 minutes and 30 minutes respectively and with a little practice, a uniform rope could be made. Two of the most important things learnt by making rope is that a tightly spun, uniform diameter rope will produce a better-quality lashing, and when tightly spun, a rope will expand in diameter and tangle once the rope is released of any tension. If the tension is maintained on the rope for several hours by stretching it between two fixed points, the rope maintains the same diameter, does not tangle and is a stiffer, denser rope. When discussing the modern rope manufacturing process with Kent Mills from WA Ropes and Hardware, he explained that the diameter of a natural fibre rope will expand after manufacture. A 14 mm diameter hemp rope could measure up to16mm when on a spool, as the diameter of the rope is measured during manufacture when it is still under tension. 3 �LOAD TESTING THE ROPE A device was set up to measure the breaking strain of the rope. A 5,000 lb capacity analogue Dillion dynamometer to measure the load, and a high ratio yachting winch or a 1,500 kg lever block to apply the load, were used. Ten samples from each batch of two strand rope were tested for their breaking strain. Next the ropes’ breaking strain was tested first with an overhand knot and secondly a single fisherman’s knot. The figures were rounded to the nearest kilogram. The average breaking strain for the sisal rope was 24kg and for the manila rope, 29 kg. The overhand knot in both the sisal and manila reduced the strength of the rope by an average of 33 per cent, the single fisherman’s knot by 21 per cent. Commercially produced rope made from sisal, manila, jute, bamboo, nettle, seagrass, raffia, Egyptian flax and an artisanal coir rope from Vietnam were also tested. All these ropes had a similar percentage reduction in breaking strains when knotted. Comparing the breaking strains of different ropes made from different materials is problematic. Fibre strength, length and the aging process are a few of the factors that can affect the results. One of the main factors observed during these tests that impacted the breaking strain of the rope is the manufacturing process. Refined rope with a consistent density and diameter, such as the Egyptian flax, nettle and bamboo broke just outside the knot. The Vietnamese coir, handmade sisal and hemp often broke where there was a visible defect in the rope, such as a point where the diameter of the rope was noticeably thinner or where coarser fibres could be seen. To help set some meaningful benchmark strength for the different fibres, the weight of a given section of rope in relation to its diameter was recorded. A 100 mm length of rope from each test was weighed and this provided a strength, diameter and weight ratio. For example, the two-strand spinner made rope, when held under stress after making, would be between 15-30 per cent thinner than when the same type of rope was immediately released from any tension. With the tension released, the rope would tangle and expand in diameter. REPRODUCING THE LASHING A wooden model was made by reproducing a section of the hull, the model was made using short timbers and were joined by wooden dowls or treenails with through holes for the lashing. The hull planks were made from a hardwood and the stringer from a softwood. The intact lashings on the Chau Tan wreck had an internal diameter of approximately 47 mm which indicates the diameter of the wooden stringer that it held. A piece of wooden pole representing a stringer was carved to this size for the lashing to be woven around (Figure 2). The rope made from sisal and made using the rope spinner was chosen to make the lashing. Two 3800 mm lengths of rope were wound around the stringer and through each of the through holes 24 times, creating a continuous bundle of loops that were secured with an overhand knot, (Figure 2 bottom left). Two wooden wedges were placed between the round wooden stringer and the hull planks creating a gap of approximately 10 mm. This gap was needed to allow the binding rope to be fed around the bundles of loops. As the weaving of the lashing progressed, this gap would be gradually reduced to where the lashing had drawn the stringer tight onto the hull planks. Two 1,200 mm lengths of rope were secured to the top of the looped bundles on top of the stringer (12 o’clock) and secured with an overhand knot (A). These ropes were then woven around the bundles as figure two lower left and right. One of the 120 mm ropes is passed on the inside of the bundles, between the bundles and the stringer (B), over the top of the bundles (C) and fed under itself (D), in effect making an overhand knot (E). The knotted rope is pushed up to the top of bundles (F) then pulled tight. The same process is repeated on the opposite bundle with the same rope. This sequence is repeated until the lashing is formed a quarter of the way around the wooden stringer. Then the second 1200 mm rope is woven from the top down on the opposite side of the stringer until it formed a quarter of the way around the other side of the stringer. Now both 120 mm ropes are at the maximum diameter of the stringer (three and nine o’clock) and the bundles of loops now are vertically above the through holes. The ropes can be threaded through and 4 �pushed up the lashing as there is a growing gap between the round stringer and the vertical ropes of the loops. The remainder of the 1200 mm ropes are used in the same fashion until the stringer is held tight against the hull timbers. Once the lashing was completed, (Figure 2 top right), the stringer was held fast. A total of 10 metres of rope was needed to make the lashing. Figure 2. Above left. the lashing loops set up, right the lashing completed, and lower right and left the sequence used to make the lashing. PURPOSE OF THE LASHING This lashing appears to perform two functions; it pulls the stringer hard against the hull planks and at the same time, pulls the two planks together. This is a unique feature of the Chau Tan vessel; other lash lugged vessels have longitudinal stringers sitting on top of the ribs or frames leaving a gap between the stringer and the hull planks. As an intact internal structure from the Chau Tan shipwreck does not exist it is not known if the timbers were stringers or if they serve different functions. Figure 3 is a photograph of a model with a combination of lashings from the Punjulharo boat (1 and 2) with the large frame sitting across lugs and the stringers on top of one of the large frames (Lacsina 2016, 130; Mochtar 2018, 52). The small lashing (1) is securing a small batten that is at 90 degrees to the joins of the hull planks (Manguin 2019, Figure 7, Mochtar 5 �2018, 58). Three and four show how the Chau Tan stringers might have been placed under the frames, between the lugs and in direct contact with the hull planks seams. Figure 3. Lashing model of some of the Punjulharo lashings (1 and 2) and how the Chau Tan stringer or batten may have been lashed (3 and 4). (Model and photo by the author). The small lashing (Figure 3, 1) has some of the same physical characteristics as the Chau Tan lashing. Two bundles of loops are threaded through opposite holes on opposing planks. These bundles are then bound together with another rope that passes over a small batten with a continuous loop. The batten is sitting across the hull plank seam and its purpose is to provide a physical link between the two hull timbers and hold them tightly together at that point. The Chau Tan lashing and stringers also join the two hull planks tightly together, adding strength to the internal frame from the sizable stringer and helping to distribute loads across the internal structure. They could also be used as another system of caulking if the bottom of the round stringer was flattened. There are examples of battens lashed along the seam lines of a boats hull timbers as part of the caulking system. The bronze age Ferriby boat has a wooden batten or capping lath lashed with yew along the joins of the hull planks, (Wright 2104,16), with caulking moss between the batten and the hull planks. These thin battens would not provide much additional strength to the vessel. LOAD TESTING THE LASHING When weaving the lashing four 2,200 kg sewn slings were placed between the stringer and the hull timbers. Two of the tapes were attached to the 1,500 kg lever block and anchor point, the other two to the dynamometer and a second anchor point. This set up was used for the static load test of the lashing. A load was gradually applied until a measurement of 1,160 kg was reached, there was no movement of the lashing and no gap between the stringer and the hull timbers. The test was stopped at this stage due to the lever block starting to malfunction and concern in case the lashing failed as the author had to be close to the test rig to apply the load. 6 �With the testing model intact and with no visible damage a second load test was set up, this time applying a dynamic load. A peak load of 1,270 kg was reached. The lashing was still intact but both sides of the lashing had stretched; the left by 4mm the right by 18mm. None of the fibres had broken; however, where the strands passed over the edge of the wooden holes, a slight flattening of the fibres could be seen. This is the point where the lashing would most probably fail if the lashing was tested to destruction. The stringer could now be slid out from the lashing, (Figure 4 left) and by cutting two of the bundles of loops the whole knot could be removed from the model (Figure 4 right). This allows the structure of the knot to be clearly seen. Figure 4. Figure 4. Lashing after the stringer was removed and after the lashing was removed from the through holes. CONCLUSION The Chau Tan lashing has been proven to be a very strong lashing and simple to make. The gap between the curve of the stringer and the lashing would allow a rope to be bound around the looped bundles to tighten the lashing if it stretched. If damaged at sea it would be possible to completely replace the lashing whilst underway. Making rope using simple technology is straight forward and surprisingly quick. By following a few basic principles, a uniform rope of good quality can be made. Making rope can be as simple as rolling fibres in the hands to form strands and then twisting those strands to form rope. Alternatively, a simple wooden device, such as a wooden rope spinner, could be used. What this shows is that rope can be made almost anywhere, even on board a sailing vessel, if suitable material is at hand. More research is needed on identifying the species of plant used to make ropes particularly those that have been waterlogged. A comprehensive comparison of the strength of the different lashings systems in relation to the internal structural configurations of strakes, thwarts, stringers, knees and frames that have been used to construct lash lugged vessels is needed. This will give us a better understanding of the strengths, weaknesses, and flexibility of the lash lugged tradition of boat building. 7 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Baker, William J., and John Dransfield. "Beyond Genera Palmarum: progress and prospects in palm systematics." Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society 182, no. 2 (2016): 207-233. Conard, Nicholas J., and Maria Malina. "Außergewöhnliche neue Funde aus den aurignacienzeitlichen Schichten vom Hohle Fels bei Schelklingen." Archäologische Ausgrabungen in Baden-Württemberg 2015 (2016): 60-66. Dalby, M., and W. Thede. "The Junk Blue Book." A Handbook of Junks of South Vietnam (1962). Eiserhardt, Wolf L., Jens-Christian Svenning, W. Daniel Kissling, and Henrik Balslev. "Geographical ecology of the palms (Arecaceae): determinants of diversity and distributions across spatial scales." Annals of Botany 108, no. 8 (2011): 1391-1416. Giang, Do Truong. "Diplomacy, trade and networks: Champa in the Asian commercial context (7th-10th Centuries)." Moussons. Recherche en sciences humaines sur l’Asie du Sud-Est 27 (2016): 59-82. Haw, S.G., “The genus Afzelia and the Belitung ship.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 29, no. 3 (2019):505-518. https://hpcbristol.net/ Historic Photographs of China, Bannister Family Collection ba05-120 and W. Palmer Collection pa0124. Last accessed 22/3/23. Kimura, J. Shipwrecked? New developments in Southeast Asian maritime archaeology and the safeguard of shipwrecks in the region. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 44 no. 1(15), pp. 1–4. Kimura, Jun. "Maritime archaeological perspectives on seaborne trade in the South China Sea and East China Sea between the seventh and thirteenth Centuries." Crossroads: Studies on the History of Exchange Relations in the East Asian World 11 (2016): 47-61. Lacsina, Ligaya. "Examining pre-colonial Southeast Asian boatbuilding: An archaeological study of the Butuan Boats and the use of edge-joined planking in local and regional construction techniques." PhD diss., Flinders University, School of Humanities and Creative Arts., 2016.Mackay, E., 1916. Note on a new tomb (No. 260) at Drah Abu'l Naga, Thebes. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 3(1), pp.125-126. Lacsina, Ligaya. "Examining pre-colonial Southeast Asian boatbuilding: An archaeological study of the Butuan Boats and the use of edge-joined planking in local and regional construction techniques." PhD diss., Flinders University, School of Humanities and Creative Arts., 2016. Manguin, Pierre Yves. "Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: the stitched-plank and lashed-lug tradition." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 48 no. 2 (2019): 400-415. Mackay, E., 1916. Note on a new tomb (No. 260) at Drah Abu'l Naga, Thebes. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 3(1), pp.125-126. Mochtar, Agni Sesaria. "The Seventh-Century Punjulharjo Boat from Indonesia: A study of the early Southeast Asian lashedlug boatbuilding tradition." PhD diss., Flinders University, College of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences., 2018. Wendrich, Willemina. "Ancient Egyptian Rope and Knots”. Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures. Springer. pp 1908-1909. 2008. Rahothan, Wongsakorn and Piromrak, Naphat. Bueng Kum Ancient Shipwreck. Unpublished report Division of the Thai Fine Arts Department, 2023. Wright, E.The Ferriby Boats: seacraft of the Bronze Age”. City: Routledge, 2014. 8 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 6: Lashed-lug boats: Emerging research from Southeast Asia and the Pacific Subject The topic of the resource Session 6 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 6 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Lashings and Knots of the Chau Tan Shipwreck Description An account of the resource The Chau Tan shipwreck is the oldest ocean-going cargo ship yet found in Vietnam dating from around the 8th9th century CE. It provides a unique opportunity to study the construction methods of a lashed- lug ship from that period. Over 40 of the ship’s timbers were retrieved but unfortunately all the lashings connecting the lugs were severed during the salvage and no record was made of the salvage. There was still enough in situ ropes to start to build a small list of the types of simple knots and complicated flat braided lashings that were used in its construction. For this paper ropes were made using simple technology that may have been available at the time the ship was built. The two knots used on the Chau Tan ship are widely used, even today. The braided lashings are a different matter, they do not appear in any maritime archaeology or sailing literature that the author could access. First the author had to work out how the lashing was tied. It was then tested for strength to try and further understand it's utility. The results were surprising and emphasised the value of experimental archaeology. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ian McCann Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. McCann, Ian. 2023. “The Lashings and Knots of the Chau Tan Shipwrecks.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Ligaya Lacsina, Agni Mochtar, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1941 Asia-Pac Session 6 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/dab36d5761458b4aef132ab88a8fbc49.pdf 64a8abfbd7fc88468d4e1235312e633e PDF Text Text The Barragup Mungah – A site so well known that there's nothing left to learn? Kevin Edwards1 and Ian McCann2 1 PhD researcher at Flinder University; 2 Independent researcher ABSTRACT The Barragup mungah, is situated on Gnaala Karla Boojas land, it is a well-researched site and oral history from both traditional owners and settler communities. Traditional owners and Western academics emphasise the importance of the site to indigenous people for fishing, social and ceremonial activities. Survey maps from the early nineteenth century of the region, and photographs that may be of the mungah, indicate the general location of the mungah. Despite all this information and research, the mungahs exact location on the Waangaamaap Bilya or Serpentine River is still in doubt. Ethnohistorical data which include indigenous and Western oral history, newly digitised early maps of the region and extensive fieldwork, may have relocated the mungah. In addition, it has raised the intriguing possibility of there being more than one mungah at Barragup.   With low visibility and thick mud in parts of the river, side scan sonar was used as a screening tool to help identify potential locations. The sonar also indicated possible site formation processes that may prove useful in detecting fish traps in riverine environments. Future work will be directed by the Gnaala Karla Booja people. INTRODUCTION Mungah or fish traps were an important method of catching food for indigenous people living near water and were used throughout Western Australia. While some river sites are yet to be relocated such as the Como and Guildford mungahs in the Derbarl Yerrigan (Swan) River, others such as the Kalganup (Kalgan) River mungahs are well recorded (Dix and Meagher 1976:183). The Barragup and Como mungahs were being used by traditional owners during the early colonial period. Fish were traded or sold from Barragup (Hammond 1933, 46) while the Como fish trap was being worked by one indigenous family and the fish sold to settlers in Perth (Kelvin Garlett pers comm 03/09/22). The Barragup mungah is situated somewhere on the lower reaches of the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River, approximately 2.5 km from the Djilba (Peel) Estuary. Gibbs states that his mungah was used to trap marine fish that moved up the river as the salinity increased during the summer and then left the river systems when the first rains of autumn fell, and the salinity decreased (Gibbs 2011, 6). This cycle of fish movement is disputed by Weaver who states the movement of the fish has more to do with the mullet spawning (Weaver 1997, 91). When the traditional owners noticed the fish moving along the river, they would first rebuild parts of the mungah as it was sometimes partly dismantled after a seasons use and sometimes was damaged by seasonal rains (Gibbs 2011, 8; Hammond 1933, 46). Indigenous people from the surrounding areas were invited to the site to take part in this annual event. It is suggested that up to 300 people may have camped at the site in mias or huts (Gibbs 2011, 9). Hammond wrote: “To make this trap they chose the narrow neck of the river, at Barragup on the Serpentine, where the water was up to about four feet in depth. A wicker fence was built across the stream, completely closing it from bank to bank, except in the centre, where a small opening was left. Through this opening a race was constructed by driving two rows of parallel stakes in the riverbed. The bottom of the race was filled with bushes, until there was only about eight inches of clear water above the bushes for the fish to swim through. On either side of this race was built a platform, about two feet six 1 �inches below the top of the water. On these platforms the natives stood to catch the fish as they swam through the race.” (Hammond 1933, 46). Hammond also drew, from memory, a plan of the weir (Figure 1). Figure 1. Barragup Mungah Serpentine River (Hammond 1933:47) There are also two photographs taken at around 1900 and both are described as showing a mungah on the Murray River (Figure 2). Gibbs suggests that Figure 2 (right) may portray the Barragup mungah. Figure 2. Left, fish trap on the Murray River, c. 1900, Western Australian Museum (Dortch 1997, 29 plate 5). Right, Aboriginal fish trap, Murray River, c.1900, Western Australian Museum, Anthropology Department collection (Gibbs 2011, 8). Indigenous Oral History The Gnaala Karla Booja people have several recorded stories relating to the Barragup mungah. Collard and Palmer have captured some of this information and included them in The Gcayut Research and Training Project. This document contains input from eight elders and knowledge holders of the region. Within this document are descriptions of the construction of the mungah, how it was used and the fish that were caught. There are details of ceremonies and songs performed at the site and the implements and goods that were made to trade with the other tribes who were invited to 2 �Barragup to share the trapped fish. Collard and Palmer mention that the elders: “… obtained a Ngoonjook… interwoven wire grass used as a 'net', also used in the construction of the weirs” (Collard and Palmer 1996, 21). Another fish trap is also mentioned: “The narrow creek joining Goegrup Lake to the smaller south-eastern lake was blocked by a Mungah or fish trap” (Collard and Palmer 1996, 26). In a video called Barragup Yarns George Walley describes a: “… fish trap as being made of sticks” (Lyons, Barragup Yarns 2104) And: “… small trees, skinny ones placed vertically into the mud. And from there, there's horizontal pieces of wood that’s tied up and you can make the small ropes from what we call Wagyls whiskers, from the reeds that grow along the waterways” (Our Knowledge Our Land 2016) The website Our Knowledge Our Land Ngalang Kaadadjan, Ngalang Boodja includes a page on the Barragup mungah that contains a piece of information regarding the mungahs consteuction: “… the stones that once formed the base of the fish mungah on the bottom of the riverbed are not visible from the surface.” (Our Knowledge Our Land 2015/6) On the same website it locates the mungah: “… where the Serpentine River forks in two directions, is Mungah on Serpentine”. Bilya cultural trail (Our Knowledge Our Land 2015/11) Harry Nannup, in an interview transcribed from Stretch Festival Mandjar Dreaming Audio recording states: “I don’t think a lot of people know… where the real fish trap was. Just there on the Serpentine River, by the bridge there, in Barragup” (Stretch River Festival Mandjar Dreaming 2015), Frank Nannup has also recorded interviews in July 1995 with the Winjan Aboriginal Centre about his early life living around the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River. Though not directly mentioning the Barragup mungah his interview provides an insight into how local indigenous people caught fish in the river (Our Knowledge Our Land 1995). When at school he sometimes played with a local, Charles Norton, and they would talk about the fish trap and its location (Charles Norton pers comm 13/06/21). In 2020 when discussing the use of fish traps on the Swan coastal plain, an individual who only wants to be identified as a Wadjuk Noongar person, mentioned that there was a method of trapping fish using two fish traps. The first weir would have an access point for the fish and would be upstream of a second continuous barrier. Once sufficient fish had entered through the first weir it would be blocked leaving the fish trapped in a small area where they could be kept alive and only removed when they were to be eaten. This technique has been recorded being used throughout Eastern Australia (Kelly 2014, 18; Kreij et al 2018, 149; Martin et al 2022, 108; Rowland et al 2011, 3). This possibility should therefore be considered when assessing potential fish trap sites. These accounts build a picture of a site that is of great importance to the traditional owners. They describe aspects of its construction, general location and state that the mungah is part of a larger system of trapping fish. This includes another mungah north of the Barragup site at Goegrup Lake. Hammonds description of the munga matches the traditional owners oral histories, but the traditional owners add three additional pieces of information. First, that stones were placed at the base of the munga, second, that ‘small ropes’ were used to tie parts of the fish trap together and third that woven 3 �nets were used to assist trapping the fish. Gibbs cites Stranger from a 1972 letter to the West Australian Museum stating that nets were used to catch fish that were strung across a six-foot gap that was made in the mungah. This was to allow boats to pass (Gibbs 2011, 13). It’s not known if this is the use of nets that traditional owners mention. Modern Oral Histories The authors contacted a local, Charles (Charlie) Norton, after discovering he had first-hand information about the Barragup mungah. Charlie was born on the 20th of July 1940 and lived on his family's 500-acre farm situated on the north side of the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River. Charles recalls seeing some of the fish trap wooden stakes still in situ in the mid 1950’s. His father told him about the fish trap and how the indigenous people used it and it was made from casuarina sticks that were pushed into the riverbed at random angles. Charlie took one of the authors to the location of where the sticks were seen. Charlie revealed that the riverbanks have lost around 4 metres from each bank due to erosion. The river at this location is now 36 metres wide so it was approximately 28 metres when Charlie first saw the sticks. Modern Netting At Nortons mungah location are two drill rods that have been driven into the south side of the riverbed. They are set at 90 degrees to the riverbank and angled at approximately 60 degrees towards the riverbank. These may have been used as anchor points for setting nets across the river. The removal of the wooden stakes that Norton reported seeing in the 1950’s may have been removed modern as they could have snagged modern nets set off the drill rods. Early Maps Early colonial maps that include the Barragup area were produced in the 1840’s, the accuracy of which can be seen when compared to a modern map (Figure 3, Left). Browne’s copy of a Watson map from 1841is of particular interest (Figure 3, right. SRO 3844-250). The cartographer’s notation on this map reads ‘Barragup fishing ground’, underlined in red by the authors. Both maps show little change in the river course over the past 183 years. Brownes map has locations added by the authors marked by numbers from one to six. Position one on Brownes map is where some traditional owners indicate the mungah was (Our Knowledge Our Land 2015/11). Position two, the approximate position as the State Heritage office place number 09017 and the Department of Planning, Lands and Heritage site 3314. Positions three and four is where the authors suspect the fish traps are. Both Browne and Creerys maps show limited access for a boat trying to navigate the small branch of the river at position five. The unnavigable small creeks, position six, are still visible today. An 1840 map by Creery of the Geerginup estate, (SRO 3869-018), also matches the river course shown in Brownes map. It can be said with some confidence that since the 1840’s the main river channel is where the Barragup Fishing Ground is noted on Brownes map. This is likely to be the place where the Barragup fish trap was positioned as it would restrict boat access, and this is the reason given for it to be repeatedly damaged and finally removed in 1937 CE (Collard and Palmer 1996, 29; Gibbs 2011,13). If the mungah was at location one, there would be no reason to remove it as maps from the period clearly show this branch of the river is a dead end and not navigable for boats. Charlie Norton 4 �mentioned that he had widened the ‘dead end’ at position five to increase waterflow, but this was well after the fish trap was removed. Figure 3. Left, Google Maps accessed 20/03/23. Right, Browne after Watson. 1841 SRO 3844-250 This is not discounting the possibility that there was once another mungah at location one. The river and lake system may have formed as early as the Late Pleistocene (Gibbs 2011,13) and over the millennia the river would have changed course many times. Any oral history locating the mungah elsewhere may be a reference to an earlier mungah. First Site Visit Barragup was first shown to McCann by David Austin, Michael McGee and Nicholas Reynolds from the Mandurah Museum Maritime Museum. The first trip to the area was aboard one of the tunnel boats that the group had restored. These boats have an inboard engine with a propeller that is recessed into the hull allowing the boat to navigate the shallow waters of the river. Subsequent Surveys Due to the shallow nature of the waterways, the initial visual surveys were conducted using canoes. Over 34 kilometres of river and lake banks were inspected with particular attention taken of any narrow sections of the waterways as well as any evidence of wooden structures. The only wooden structures found were fence lines that extended into the lakes made up of closely spaced, split timber posts. The Dortch Stake The only physical evidence said to be from the Barragup mungah is a short wooden steel cut stake found by Charlie Dortch when diving in the area in the late 80’s (Email Charlie Dortch 17/02/2020 and O’Connor et al. 1989, 14) and reported in the West Australian newspaper on the 18/02/89. Over the past three years McCann has found seven wooden stakes within the surveyed area and all are of a similar size and shape to the one found by Dortch. They have been found along the riverbanks of 5 �the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River and one in the Djilba (Peel) Estuary 1800 metres south of the Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River mouth. All were steel cut, had a rough point at one end and the other end was cut flat. They were between 450mm to 550mm long and between 40mm to 70mm in diameter. The stake from the Estuary was driven vertically into the inlet bank. Unfortunately, the authors have been unable to inspect the Dortch stake, which is currently held by the West Australian Museum Boola Bardip who have not yet provided access. These wooden stakes may have been used as land anchors for recreational and commercial netting of fish. The commercial set, haul and boat netting of fish in this region started around the third quarter of the nineteenth century (Worsley et al 2012, 334) and was one of the largest estuarine fisheries in Australia (McComb and Lukatelich 1995, 5). McCann has used this technique of a land anchor when assisting commercial fishers in Western Australia. This method of using land anchors for netting has been used for millennia, a mosaic from the Roman villa of La Vega Baja de Toledo, third-fourth centuries BCE, show a net set onshore and a fishing boat deploying the net it in a curve (Lopez 2010, 167 Figure 1). Interviewing the retired commercial fishers who operated in the Djilba (Peel) Estuary may well help confirm if wooden stakes were used in this fashion. Side Scan Sonar On later surveys the authors used a Lowrance HDS Carbon 9 with a Totalscan transducer to scan the river and lake beds. This unit has a transducer that is bolted to a boat's hull and was chosen as the river has numerous obstacles, particularly sunken trees, that could snag a towed side scan transducer. Over a period of four years, thirty-three kilometres of side scan sonar survey lines were recorded. These were from the Waangaamaap Bilyas (Serpentine) River junction with the Djilba (Peel) Estuary and upriver for 8500 metres. Scanning was conducted during different seasons as the rainy season allowed the boat to access shallower parts of the river. There are limitations to using a side scan in shallow water as the effective range of the sonar is quite short, often requiring multiple runs to scan a small area. Also, any remnant wooden stakes or stones from the mungah would be in a line at 90 degrees to the transducer meaning the return signal would show multiple objects as one signal (Blondel 2009, 15 and 37-38). Targets are illuminated from the side, consequently only the surfaces facing the sonar will be seen. Interpretation of the side scan images can be difficult and requires practice. Basically, soft objects, mud, sand and wood, return a weak or dull signal and hard targets, such as rock, a strong or bright signal (Blondel 2009, 78). The side scan sonar picked up two sections of the riverbed where a bank had formed across the river (Figure 4, A, B and C) In the same areas rocks could be seen at the topmost part of the bank, these are circled in red. These are the only sections of the riverbed where a bank forms across the river. The side scan screenshots (Figure 4, B and C) are taken at the same location but different times of the year. Note the difference in the signal from the rocks, in B only one rock is visible, in C, three. The position of these rocks were confirmed by wading across the river and seven rocks, in two lines, set at 90 degrees to the riverbank, were detected. The rocks vary in size from approximately 300mm to 800mm in diameter. These banks and stones seem to fit the description of where the traditional owners say the mungah should be, a narrow section of the river, a shallow bank with a deeper central channel and rocks in a line on the riverbed. The two banks and two lines of rock may indicate two mungahs. 6 �Figure 4. Screen shots of cross riverbanks and lines of stones (circled in red). CONCLUSIONS Through a combination of investigative methods, the authors may have relocated the position of the Barragup mungah and suggest that a second mungah may be in the same area. The side scan sonar data clearly show two sand and mud banks that cross the river from bank to bank. These are the only locations on the lower Waangaamaap Bilya (Serpentine) River where this occurs. Each of the banks have stones set in a line on top of the bank, a feature of the mungah mentioned by traditional owners. These banks and stones were located prior to meeting Charlie Norton. This discovery was not mentioned to Charlie until he indicated where he last saw the mungah sticks. This proved to be in the same spot as one of the banks and line of stones that is at position 3, as shown on Brownes map (Figure 3, right). The use of side scan sonar may be a viable screening tool for locating wooden or stone barrier fish traps in limited visibility environments. If in position for a long time they can change the deposition of sediment thus altering the topography of a lake or riverbed. This will be evidenced by sedimentation along the length of the structure (Van Denderen et al. 2022, 2), such as the two sandbanks found by the authors. There is still plenty of research that needs to be done before we can definitively say that the mungah has been relocated. Some of the mungah wooden stakes may have snapped off and could still be implanted under the mud on the riverbed. These could be found with a non-invasive fingertip survey by divers. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Thanks to the Gnaala Karla Boojas people who allowed us to research their mungah (fish trap) on their land. 7 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Blondel, Philippe. The handbook of sidescan sonar. Springer Science & Business Media, 2010. Collard, L, and D. Palmer. "Gcalyut Research and Training Project." Unpublished, (1996): 1-107. Dix, W. C., and S. J. Meagher. "Fish traps in the south-west of Western Australia." Records of the Western Australian Museum 4, no. 2 (1976): 171-187. Dortch, C. E. "New perceptions of the chronology and development of Aboriginal fishing in South‐Western Australia." World Archaeology 29, no. 1 (1997): 15-35. Gibbs, Martin. "An Aboriginal fish trap on the Swan Coastal Plain: the Barragup mungah [Paper in:'Fire and Hearth'Forty Years on: Essays in Honour of Sylvia J. Hallam. Bird, Caroline and Webb, R. Esmee (eds).]." Records of the Western Australian Museum 79 (2011): 4-15. Hammond, Jesse E., and Paul Hasluck. "Winjan's people: the story of the South-West Australian Aborigines." (No Title) (1933). Kelly, Damian. "Archaeology of Aboriginal Fish traps in the Murray–Darling Basin, Australia." Charles Sturt University, Sydney (2014). Kreij, Anna, Jason Scriffignano, Daniel Rosendahl, and Sean Ulm. "Aboriginal stone-walled intertidal fishtrap morphology, function and chronology investigated with high-resolution close-range Unmanned Aerial Vehicle photogrammetry." Journal of Archaeological Science 96 (2018): 148-161. López Monteagudo, Guadalupe. "Nets and fishing gear in Roman mosaics from Spain." Nets and fishing gear in Roman mosaics from Spain (2010): 161-185. Lyons, Karen 2014. Barragup Yarns https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7U4fWs3n71E last accessed 20/03/23 Martin, Sarah, Hubert Chanson, Badger Bates, Duncan Keenan‐Jones, and Michael C. Westaway. "Indigenous fish traps and fish weirs on the Darling (Baaka) River, south‐eastern Australia, and their influence on the ecology and morphology of the river and floodplains." Archaeology in Oceania (2022). McComb, A. J., and R. J. Lukatelich. "The Peel-Harvey estuarine system, Western Australia." CRC Press, 1995. Nannup, H. https://soundcloud.com/user-427497721/mandjar-dreaming/s-6DhqH 2015. 2015 Last accessed 15/04/23 O'Connor, Rory Pearse, Corrie Bodney, and Gary Quartermaine. Report on an investigation into Aboriginal significance of wetlands and rivers in the Perth-Bunbury region. Western Australian Water Resources Council, 1989. Our Knowledge Our Land. 1995. Our Stories. https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/story/frank-nannup/ last accessed 01/04/23 Our Knowledge Our Land. 2015/6. Mungah on the Serpentine. https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/mapitem/12-barragup-fish-mungah/ Our Knowledge Our Land. 2015/11 Bilya Cultural trail Mungah https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/mungah.pdf location last accessed 18/01/23 Our Knowledge Our Land. 2016. Mungah on the Serpentine https://www.ourknowledgeourland.com.au/experience/walking-in-history/bilya-country-story-trail-map/ Last accessed 06/03/23 Rowland, Michael J., and Sean Ulm. "Indigenous fish traps and weirs of Queensland." Queensland Archaeological Research 14 (2011): 1-58. Van Denderen, R. Pepijn, Emiel Kater, Luc H. Jans, and Ralph MJ Schielen. "Disentangling changes in the river bed profile: The morphological impact of river interventions in a managed river." Geomorphology 408 (2022): 108244. Weaver, Paul R. "An ethnohistorical study of the Swan-Canning fishery in Western Australia, 1697-1837." (1991). Worsley, J. P, Worsley, Green, J. "Capes of Sunset: Western Australia’s Maritime Heritage between Peel Inlet and Flinders Bay." (2012). 8 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Barragup Mungah – A site so well known that there's nothing left to learn? Description An account of the resource The Barragup mungah, is situated on Gnaala Karla Boojas land, it is a well-researched site and oral history from both traditional owners and settler communities. Traditional owners and Western academics emphasise the importance of the site to indigenous people for fishing, social and ceremonial activities. Survey maps from the early nineteenth century of the region, and photographs that may be of the mungah, indicate the general location of the mungah. Despite all this information and research, the mungahs exact location on the Waangaamaap Bilya or Serpentine River is still in doubt. Ethnohistorical data which include indigenous and Western oral history, newly digitised early maps of the region and extensive fieldwork, may have relocated the mungah. In addition, it has raised the intriguing possibility of there being more than one mungah at Barragup. With low visibility and thick mud in parts of the river, side scan sonar was used as a screening tool to help identify potential locations. The sonar also indicated possible site formation processes that may prove useful in detecting fish traps in riverine environments. Future work will be directed by the Gnaala Karla Booja people. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kevin Edwards Ian McCann Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. McCann, Ian and Kevin Edwards. 2023. “The Barragup Munga – A site so well known that there's nothing left to learn? Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Paul Montgomery, and Bill Jeffrey. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2008 Asia-Pac Session 11 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/b3b82e38c75d40beea529659e1f2432c.pdf 8a15184ed9434709f4ee8f5cdb005343 PDF Text Text Tanzania's Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Assets: Strategies Towards Sustainable Conservation and Management Ichumbaki, E.B1 Abstract Tanzania has a long and unique maritime history. This shared history left various signatures which are needed by present and future generations for their cultural, scientific and economic significance. However, despite such maritime potentiality, very miniature has been done by scholars to research, identify, document and assess the cultural significance of the Tanzanian maritime and underwater cultural heritages. It was until rescently that the country has started some initiatives to identify and manage her maritime and underwater heritage assets. This is done by the established Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) program which officially started in february 2009. Among others, the program initiatives has resulted to documenting some of the country‟s maritime and underwater cultural heritage assets as well as establishing a strong team from various Government‟s departments and institutions. Introduction Tanzania possesses cultural heritage assets that span from the 2.5 million years ago to the present. These assets include but not limited to Palaeoanthropological, Paleontological, Rock shelters with arts, Urban and Architectural complex sites, Ethnological and Historic sites. The assets do assist in understanding the origin and development of humanity both culturally and biologically. Also, the country is surrounded by water bodies at which human activities have had been taking place throughout history. These activities have left signatures that make Tanzania have important maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) assets. They include historic towns such as Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, Kilwa, Pangani and Mikindani all of which rose as a result of commercial contact between the Tanzanian and others traders of the Indian Ocean. Noting the assets‟ significance, the Government of Tanzania and other heritage stakeholders have taken some initiatives to protect them. These measures include the establishment of various legislations and institutions. Such legislations are the Antiquities Act No. 10 of 1964 (amended in 1979) and the National Museums Act of 1963 (amended and 1980). The institutions are such as the Antiquity Division (1954) and Archaeology section of the University of Dar es Salaam (1985) responsible for cultural heritage preservation, monitoring and research and training respectively. This paper therefore shall explore the potentiality of Tanzania in maritime and UCH and provide the current strategies towards sustainable conservation and management. 1 (ichumbaki@udsm.ac.tz), Unversity of Dar es Salaam 1 �Tanzania: Geographical Considerations Tanzania covers the previous British protectorate and a Germany Colony which united together to become a republic in April 1964 (Chami 2009). It roughly stretches between 5˚ and 11˚ with approximated total population of about 40 million people (Census 2003). The country is bordered by Kenya and Uganda in the north; Mozambique, Malawi and Zambia in the south and Rwanda, Burundi and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in the west. In the eastern part, Tanzania is demacated by the Indian Ocean which has been connecting it to the external world since probably the 6th century (Wheatley 1975; Chami 2002; Chami 2009; Christie 2011). The country is the custodianship of fresh water resources found in the form of lakes and rivers. Moreover, the coastal part has numerous bays, inlets, offshore islands and the associated archipelagos (Lane 2005; Christie 2011; Ichumbaki 2011). Tanzania’s Maritime and Underwater Potentialities Maritime and underwater archaeology are two concepts which have been discussed and distinguished from each other, along with the related concepts such as nautical and shipwreck archaeology (Bass 1966; Gould 2000; Parker 2001; Lane 2005). Although maritime and UCH assets might be different, in this paper the concepts refer to material traces and physical remains of people who at one time engaged in maritime activities. These activities may range from cultural, technology, economic to other related practices. They include but are not limited to diverse features as habour installations, tidal mills, fish traps, coastal settlements, submerged landscapes, naval defences and inundated sites (Lane 2005). This paper therefore, shall use either maritime or UCH assets to mean the same. That is, to refer to material traces, manifestations and physical remains that signify the interactions between past humans and water bodies such as ocean, sea, lakes and rivers (see Westerdahl 1992; Christie 2011). Having a long coast from the north to the south and varieties of lakes and rivers, Tanzania has much to offer as a means to understand past maritime cultures. Although there has not been a maritime based study along the Tanzania‟s lakes and rivers, I believe there are important traces that tell a lot about past societies. For instance, there should be interaction among the communities surrounding lakes such as Victoria, Tanganyika, Nyasa, Natron, Rukwa and many others. A study by Nancy Alexander (2010) at Kanazi village near Lake Victoria in Kagera region for instance, shows how communities used water resources to sustain their livelihoods. In this study which aimed at explicitly establishing the subsistance strategies of the lucustrine society during the Iron Age period, Alexander found that fishing outweighs domestication as distinguished from many areas where domestication were preferred by Iron Age people. This is one of the evidence which shows that implementing maritime studies to the Tanzanian marine environments (lakes and rivers) may contribute much towards understanding the marine cultures. Thus, for a better understanding of the cultures of people 2 �living near fresh water such as rivers and lakes, for that purpose Tanzania should be considered. Apart from lakes and rivers, the coastal area has much and robust evidence of social and economic interactions among the communities of the Indian Ocean. However, very little has been done to reconstruct the maritime culture. Also, the majority of works done (Chittick 1965; Chittick 1975; Chami 1994; Chami 2002; Kwekason 2010) be it in the form of historical, ethnographical or archaeological are according to Paul Lane (2005:97), “are themselves not „maritime‟ in nature”. In a nutshell, here are some of the maritime potentialities which should be considered for studying and finally reconstructing past human maritime cultures. These potentialities are found but unlimited to sites with robust maritime evidence such as Mbwamaji, Kunduchi, Bagamoyo, Mafia, Zanzibar, Pangani, Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara, Ngurumahamba, Mingoyo, Sudi and Mikindani, to mention just a few. All these sites have unique and strong histories that have not been studied in a maritime perspective. Some of these sites have been discussed elsewhere (see Chami 2003; Masele 2007; Ichumbaki 2009; Ichumbaki 2011; Biginagwa forthcoming) but neither exhaustively nor with a maritime focus. Therefore, I shall briefly explain a few sites and show their potential for study to reconstruct past maritime cultures. In this case sites of Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara, Sudi, Mikindani, Mingoyo, Ngurumahamba, Kitunda, Msanga, Mtandi and Mwitingi shall be considered. Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara These are two islands with complexes of ruins. The islands were visited by the great traveller Ibn Batutta in 1331 – 1332 and described them as the most beautiful cities of the world (Chami 1994; Karoma 1996; Sasi 2006; Kimaro 2006). Due to their unique and outstanding history, the islands were declared World Heritage Sites (WHS) in 1981 (http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/). However, due to both physical and human induced problems (Karoma 1996), the sites have been deteriorating year after year. To be able to solicit support from various partners to provide financial support and technical skills, the Department of Antiquities made a deliberate move to add Kilwa to the WHS „in danger‟ list (Kimaro 2006; DBSA and AWHF 2009). The most significant ruins include numerous mosques, the prison, palaces, cemetery and tombs of the sultans. The ruins (mosques, palaces and residences) tell of the rise and fall of the islands under various colonial authorities‟ influences. The time at which settlement began in the islands have been controversial among scholars. For instance, Neville Chittick (1965, 1975) and Karen Moon (2005) argue that these islands were inhabited since at least the ninth century A.D. Moon (2005) explains that the islands, and especially Kilwa, were at one point ruled by an independent African Sultanate. According to her, Kilwa was at its most prosperous during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and the present ruins are what remains of a great Swahili city-state. Other scholars (Sasi 2006; Chami 2009; Kwekasoni 2010) argue that communities lived within the islands as early as Stone Age periods (40K). These scholars use the recovered cultural materials running from 3 �Later Stone Age (LSA) 40K – 1K, Early Iron Working (EIW 4th – 7th C) to days of active trading. Also, wattle and daub style2 settlement has been dated to the beginning of the ninth century (Moon 2005; Kimaro 2006a). The islands became major trading centers and developed major trading routes linked to Persia and Southern Arabia in the north, as well as Mozambique in the south, and the interior. Gold, ivory, rhino‟s horns and slaves were amongst the traded products (DBSA and AWHF 1999:7). Materials such as earthernware, cowrie shells, carnelian and pearls of glass (Kimaro 2006b:1– 3) are indicators of commercial and cultural exchanges between Kilwa and other inhabitants of the Indian Ocean. These are some of the evidence which show involvement of the Kilwa society in maritime business. However, nothing has been done in a „maritime‟ perspective. It is a call by this paper to investigate this site and provide education for the local communities to better appreciate its rich maritime culture both in its proximity and to the wider Indian Ocean and global context. Sudi This is an important maritime site located at about 14 km north east of Madangwa junction on the Dar es Salaam – Mtwara road (Ichumbaki 2011). This site has important maritime cultural remains which include but are not limited to inscribed tombs of the 12th/13th century, old mosque of the 17th/18th centuries and old port of the 18th centuries. The site has irrefutable evidence that it was at one time (somewhere between 7th and 12th centuries AD) trading with China, India and many Arabic countries. Moreover, Sudi has signatures of a fight between Germans and other European nations which happened during the 1st and 2nd World Wars. Also, at this site there are courts used during both Germanic and British colonial period between 19th and 20th centuries. In addition, Sudi is one site amongst the area where wars of resistance (Maji Maji war of 1905 – 1907) took place (Ichumbaki 2011). This is a good and unique history which needs to be reconstructed in a maritime perspective. Mikindani A town situated along the protected bay in Mtwara region, southeastern Tanzania (figure 1). It is one of the Swahili historic towns that flourished between 15th and 19th centuries (Pawlowcz 2009). Mikindani‟s advantage was its location, whereby boats move fast along the coast due to strong monsoon winds. It was a trade centre with internal links whereby traders were coming from as far as Zambia, Malawi, Angola and DRC (Ichumbaki 2011). These internal links were destroyed due to interference from the Portuguese. However, once again the town became famous whilst the Sultan of Zanzibar (Seyyid Said) was ruling East Africa starting from 1840s. The major trade goods involved were ivory, skins, tortoise shells, copper, hides and slaves exchanged with clothes, household utensils and weaponry metals (Pawlowicz 2009:41–51). The town also experienced the influence of 2 . Traditional houses built of wood and stones bonded together by using mud or clay 4 �Europeans via the works of both missionaries and explorers. All these events resulted in growth and glorification of the town, for which the results are different architectural buildings. The buildings include Old Boma, the Agakhan House, the Gavonor‟s house, the bank house, Livingstone‟s house, old prison and the slave market. Figure 1. Map Showing Location of Mikindani and its Heritage Assets (Ichumbaki 2011) Ngurumahamba and Mingoyo (Figure 2) Ngurumahamba has tombs and a mosque. One of the tombs is famously known in Lindi and Mtwara regions. It is called Kaburi la Mtu Mrefu loosely meaning a grave of the tallest person. The so called Kaburi la Mtu Mrefu is a rectangular pile of stones measuring 16 m long and 4 m wide (Ichumbaki 2011). Meters from this tomb is a ruined mosque attacked by vegetations. Around the area there are scatters of potsherds of Triangular Incised Wares (TIW) traditions, European wares and LSA artifacts made from chert. Presences of imported ceramics such as European wares indicate the presence of interactions via the Indian Ocean. Mingoyo is found at about 25 km from Lindi urban following the Lindi – Mtwara road. It is located at the landward end of the Lindi estuary and has been hypothesized to have small fortified trading stations built by French traders (Akinola 1969; Gray 1964; Lane 2005). Documentary sources (Lane 2005; Akinola 1969; Gray 1964) explain the area to have various trading 5 �posts, warehouse and gun-boat of four cannons. A survey made by Elgidius Ichumbaki (2011) to this area identified heritage assets including the court built during the German colonial times (still in use), Swahili tombs mixed with Indian tombs and an abandoned jetty. The abandoned jetty is collapsing as only few pillars and walls remain. At about 100 m from the jetty towards inland there is a foundation. This foundation is orally explained as a collapsed sisal bundle warehouse (MA Athman). Sisal bundles from Mangawanga, Narunyu, Lua and other places of south eastern Tanzania were stored in this warehouse before being exported. Figure 2. Map Showing Location of Mingoyo and Ngurumahamba Sites (Ichumbaki 2011) Kitunda This is another site which is rich in maritime heritage assets with technological, scientific and economic value especially within the area formally known as Kitunda Sisal Estate. These assets include an old port and ruins at various locations (see figure 3). The port which is now collapsing is the one used by the Germans to import necessary sisal production requirements and export sisal bundles. Apart from the visible historic port, the area has buildings of 19th and 20th century built of stones, lime, mud and 6 �wattle. According to oral information it was at this site where charcoal run engine was firstly installed in the 1890s (YM Mpanjilu). Msanga An important site with maritime heritage potentials found to the east, about 8 km, of Lindi Municipality. The area has few tombs and many potsherds scattered over the landscape. One of the tombs is roofed and has triangulated decorations as well as Chinese porcelains. The pillared tombs found at this area are similar to those found at Kunduchi ruins site (Masele 2007) and may date to between 15th and 19th centuries. The majority of potsherds are of TIW tradition and few have incisions and ffing ted decorations. According to oral information, this area attracts many people who come to request good luck in their normal undertakings (YM Mbaraku). This means that, the area and its built heritage assets has both spiritual and cultural significance. Moreover, these tombs are located near the beach with white sands and coral caves. Thus, the area has tourism potential if well developed and promoted. Mwitingi and Mtandi Two maritime sites located close to one another. At this area there are big baobab trees (Adansonia digitata). The area is orally explained to be the port where slaves were brought before they were taken to other areas, probably Zanzibar, Mauritius and Reunion Islands (Ichumbaki 2011). How valid this information is has not been reconstructed. This marks a call for the need to undertake a maritime study to better reconstruct this unknown maritime history. The assets found at these two close areas are two ruined mosques and various tombs. However, about 75-90% of the mosques have collapsed and the area is currently used as a burial. Also, the mosques are in ruined state although sewage outlets of the Mtandi mosque are clearly seen. The local people do not know the age of the Mtandi mosque and have Thus come up with a myth that the mosque was built by an unknown architect (YM Mbaraku). It is probably due to this myth the mosque is used for spiritual purpose. 7 �Figure 3. Map of Lindi Municipality Showing location of some Heritage Assets (Ichumbaki 2011) Available Strategies towards Sustainable Management and Conservation Despite all the evidence of Maritime/UCH assets, until very recently, Tanzania had not been able to either intensively research on or even document those which are known. Strategies and plans to establish a maritime program started in early 2000 and its real implementation began in 2008. Thanks to the Centre for International Heritage Activities (CIE) for initiating the program. In November, 2008 CIE representative, Robert Parthesius came to Tanzania and made initial informal communication with three bodies. These are Antiquities department – Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism (MNRT), Archaeology Unit of the University of Dar es Salaa and National Museum of Tanzania. Also, Parthesius wrote the proposal to the MNRT to request for the establishment of the Maritime Archaeological Unit of Tanzania (MAUT). In early 2009 the proposal was accepted and strategies to establish the MAUT started. Important program stakeholders and „appropriate‟ staff were identified and signed the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU). The identified stakeholders and the relevant staff were: MNRT – 2, National Museums – 2, Marine Parks – Dar es Salaam – 2, Marine Parks – Mafia – 1, Archaeology Unit University of Dar es Salaam – 2 and Archives, Museums and Antiquities, Zanzibar – 5. After finalization of all bureaucracies among the stakeholders, the implementation of the program began in February 2009. The program started with public lectures at the University of 8 �Dar es Salaam between February and March 2009. Identified staff from the stakeholders attended Nautical Archaeology society (NAS) Part I training in Dar es Salaam and went for dive training in Zanzibar. The training was important as it provided trainees with dive qualifications. Also the trainees learned how to implement a site survey and compile a database and fill the site inspection form. Moreover, the trainees were also introduced to the UNESCO 2001 Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001 Convention). This training also provided a forum for the stakeholders‟ to meet and discuss the program‟s future prospects. In December 2009, the team members were also brought together for one week. They met at the Dar es Salaam National Museum and House of Culture. The aims of the meeting were two: 1) to conducted NAS Part II training: and 2) complete the preparation of the Great Northern Shipwreck report (see Mahudi this volume). The meeting also initiated strategies to establish a database for the UCH of Tanzania. During this meeting, the trainees were equipped with more knowledge on maritime studies and each made a presentation on various aspects of Tanzania‟s maritime story. Moreover, the team members continued to undertake various training both within and outside the country. For instance, in April 2010, four members of the team went to South Africa. They were equipped with relevant knowledge for both diving, conservation and management of UCH assets. In November 2010 the team and other archaeologists from South Africa and Namibia, conducted a project at Kilwa Kisiwani and Songo Mnara World Heritage Sites. This project at Kilwa identified some potential sites for future research and raised public awareness. The report for this work is underway to be published. After the Kilwa project, the team met in Dar es Salaam and set up work plans for 2011. Among the planned works is to develop a database and do more surveys in Mafia, Kilwa and other sites. In April 2011, the team met in Zanzibar for two days to initiate the development of a database. The meeting was conducted at the House of Wonders on 4th and 5th April 2011. It was purposely organized to familiarize team members on the establishment of databases for TMUCH. The team spent considerable time discussing the relevance of and developing the database. The samples from other countries like South Africa was also used as models for developing the database and the strategies for this still continue. Among other things, the workshop participants planned the survey in Mafia and agreed that some participants should be facilitated to attend the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila. Generally, the team members in collaboration with other heritage stakeholders still have the duty to accomplish the following tasks: 1. Develop a comprehensive database for Tanzanian Maritime assets; 2. Request and convince the Government to ratify the 2001 Convention; 3. Do survey of other sites e.g Mafia, Kilwa, Pangani, Rufiji and others surrounding lakes of Tanzania; 4. Attend more training and conferences on maritime heritage; and 5. Introduce maritime related courses at undergraduate and master‟s degree levels. Other requirements and research avenues for the development of 9 �maritime history of East Africa, and Tanzania in particular, are outlined by others scholars elsewhere (see Lane 2005; Christie 2011). Acknowledgements I wish to thank the following: Conference organizers for accepting and approving my participation in this conference, Prins Claus Fund for granting me a return air ticket and my employer (the University of Dar es Salaam) for permitting and facilitating me attend the conference. Also, I thank CIE for initiating the maritime program in Tanzania and TMUCH team members and stakeholders for their endless support. 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Situational Analysis: Kilwa Kisiwani World Heritage Site Archaeology and the Social History of Ships, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge “A French Account of Kilwa at the End of the Eighteenth Century”, in Tanganyika Notes and Records, 63, pp. 224 – 228. Ichumbaki, E.B., “Improving Collaboration in World Heritage Management: 2009 A case of Ruins of Kilwa Kisiwani and Ruins of Songomnara”, In Tanzania and UNESCO, Magazine No. 6 / 2009 – 2010, UNESCO National Commission, United Republic of Tanzania, Dar es Salaam Ichumbaki, E.B., The State, Cultural Significance and Management of Built Heritage of Lindi and Mtwara Regions, Tanzania, 2011 Unpublished Masters Dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam. Lane, P.J., “Maritime Archaeology: A Prospective Research Avenue 2005 in Tanzania”, in (eds) Betram Mapunda and Paul Msemwa, Salvaging Tanzania’s Cultural Heritage, Dar es Salaam University Press. Dar es Salaam. 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Parker, A.J., 2001 11 �Pawlowicz, M., 2009 UNESCO 2011 URT 1964 URT, 1979 URT, 1980 URT, 2003 Westerdahl, C., 1992 Wheatley, P., 1975 “Archaeological Exploration of the Mikindani Region of the Southern Tanzanian Coast”, in Nyame Akuma, Bulletin of the Society of Africanist Archaeologist, No. 72. Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, UNESCO, Paris. Antiquity Act No. 10 of 1964, “An Act to to Provide for the Preservation and Protection of Sites and Articles of Palaentological, Archaelogical, Historical or Natural Interest and for matters connected therewith and Incidental thereto”. United Republic of Tanzania. Antiquities (Ammendiment) Act No. 22 of 1979, United Republic of Tanzania. The National Museum of Tanzania Act 1980, United Republic of Tanzania. 2002 Population and Housing Census General Report. National Beaural of Statistics. Government Printer, Dar es Salaam "The Maritime Cultural Landscape", in The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 21, pp. 5-14. "Analecta Sono – Africana Recensa", in (eds) Neville Chittick, and Robert Rotberg, East Africa and the Orient, pp. 76 – 114, Africana Publishing House, New York. 12 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Tanzania's Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Assets: Strategies Towards Sustainable Conservation and Management Subject The topic of the resource Session 6 Empowerment and relevance in maritime and underwater cultural heritage programs in developing countries Description An account of the resource Tanzania has a long and unique maritime history. This shared history left various signatures which are needed by present and future generations for their cultural, scientific and economic significance. However, despite such maritime potentiality, very miniature has been done by scholars to research, identify, document and assess the cultural significance of the Tanzanian maritime and underwater cultural heritages. It was until rescently that the country has started some initiatives to identify and manage her maritime and underwater heritage assets. This is done by the established Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) program which officially started in february 2009. Among others, the program initiatives has resulted to documenting some of the country‟s maritime and underwater cultural heritage assets as well as establishing a strong team from various Government‟s departments and institutions. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ichumbaki, E.B Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 6