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                    <text>Maritime Trade between Gujarat and Mesopotamia: The Need for a Reappraisal
Janardhana Bora (Indira Gandhi National Tribal University (IGNTU), Amarkantak-India,
Assistant Professor) janardhanab@igntu.ac.in
ABSTRACT
This paper attempts to portray maritime trade between Gujarat and Mesopotamia by examining cultural
materials during the third millennium BC found in archaeological sites of Indus Valley culture. The early
maritime history of the subcontinent commenced with and it confined mainly to trade links between the Indus
Valley and Mesopotamia, and needed further nuanced by re-examining the role of Gujarat in the light of recent
interpretations. In this article, the author reviews some evidence for Indus external trade of maritime
archaeology. The possible consequences of such a prominent maritime role are explored. The topic of this
abstract fits best within this Session X because observations and deliberations of this study have presented
archaeological shreds of evidence pertaining to maritime trade such as pottery, semi precious stone beads, seals
and sealing, cubical weights, and other numerous pieces of evidence.
Key words: Gujarat and Mesopotamia, maritime trade, and material archaeology

INTRODUCTION
Maritime trade between Gujarat (India) and Mesopotamia (Iraq) has a long history and has many
dimensions-cultural, religious, and commercial. The manifestations of cultural, religious, and
commercial interaction between these two regions have been traced from the archaeological
investigations in Gujarat as well as Mesopotamia, dated back to the 3rd millennium BCE (Mackay
1928, 29; Marshall 1931). This trade was driven by the substantiated archaeological evidence such as
spices, textiles, and precious metals, and played an important role in shaping the economic, political,
and cultural connections between the two regions.
The exact nature and scale of this trade have been the subject of much debate among historians, with
some suggesting that it was a major factor in the development of the economies and civilizations of
both regions, while others have argued that its impact has been overstated (Rao 1974, 70, Dhavalikar
1996, 76, Hegde 1990,152, Sonawane 2003, 4, Bhan 2003, 51-80, Irani 2003, 91-97, Gaur 2003,
57-66, Ansari 1966, Pramanik 2004,133-140).  However, it is generally agreed that the maritime trade
between Gujarat and Mesopotamia was a crucial factor in connecting these two regions and allowing
for the exchange of goods and ideas.
The ships that carried out this trade would have sailed from the ports of Gujarat along the Arabian Sea
and then navigated the Persian Gulf to reach the ports of Mesopotamia. Gujarat's coast is punctuated
by several creeks and seasonal rivers that facilitate safe harbors all along the coast. The waters around
the Gujarat coast are also rich in marine resources, such as shells used as food and export products.
Conch shells have been a primary economic source for many fishermen in Gujarat (Pota and Patel
1991, 445-450).

GUJARAT AND ITS HISTORIC CONTEXT
Gujarat is a state located on the west coast of India and has a rich history that stretches back over
several thousand years. The region has been inhabited since prehistoric times and has been the site of
several important civilizations, including the Indus Valley Civilization. In the ancient period, Gujarat
was an important centre of maritime trade and had links with the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Peninsula,
and the west coast of India. It was also a hub of trade between India and Mesopotamia, with goods
such as textiles, spices, and precious metals being exchanged between these regions. In the medieval
period, Gujarat was ruled by several powerful dynasties, including the Solankis, the Vaghelas, and the
1

�Sultans of Delhi. During this time, the region was an important center of commerce and industry, with
major cities such as Ahmedabad and Surat serving as important centers of trade and culture.
In the early modern period, Gujarat was ruled by the Maratha Empire and was an important center of
trade and commerce, with major ports such as Surat serving as important centers of maritime trade.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Gujarat was one of the centers of the Indian independence
movement, with leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel playing key roles in
the struggle for independence.
Today, Gujarat is one of the most economically developed states in India, with a thriving industrial
sector, a strong agricultural sector, and a rich cultural heritage. The state continues to play an
important role in the economic development of India, and its rich history and cultural heritage
continue to influence the development of the region and the wider world.

MARITIME CONTRIBUTIONS OF GUJARAT
Gujarat has made significant contributions to the development of maritime trade and commerce
throughout history. Its location on the west coast of India and its access to the Arabian Sea and the
Persian Gulf made it an ideal center for maritime trade, connecting India with other regions of the
ancient world. Archaeological evidence shows that the Harappans had an extensive network of ports
along the Arabian Sea coast of Gujarat, including Lothal, Dholavira, and Gola Dhoro, which were
important centers of maritime trade and commerce. These ports played a crucial role in facilitating
trade with other regions and were known for their impressive harbor infrastructure, water management
systems, and production of valuable goods such as agate beads. Overall, the ports along the Gujarat
coast played a significant role in creating a thriving economy and cultural exchange with other regions
of the ancient world.
One of the most prominent Indus Valley sites in Gujarat is Lothal, located in the modern-day Bhal
region. Lothal was a thriving port city and a center of maritime activity. It had a dockyard, which was
a marvel of engineering, with a system of locks and channels that allowed ships to enter and leave the
harbor even during low tide. The dockyard also had a warehouse for storing goods and a factory for
manufacturing beads and other items made of semi-precious stones.
The people of Lothal were skilled sailors and traders, and they had contacts with several other
civilizations in the region, such as Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Bahrain. Archaeological excavations at
Lothal have unearthed evidence of seafaring activities, such as anchors, ship models, and navigational
tools.
Another significant Indus Valley site in Gujarat is Dholavira, located in the Kutch region. Dholavira
was a well-planned city, with a sophisticated water management system, and it had access to the sea
through the Rann of Kutch. The people of Dholavira were also involved in maritime activities, and
they traded with other civilizations in the region, such as Sumeria and Oman. Archaeological
excavations at Dholavira have unearthed evidence of a dockyard, warehouses, and a marketplace.
Rangpur and Surkotada are two other Indus Valley sites in Gujarat that have provided insights into the
maritime activities of the Harappan people. Rangpur was a center of bead-making, and it is believed
that the beads were exported to other parts of the world. Surkotada was a fortified settlement, and it
had a water tank that was connected to the sea.
These ports were strategically located to facilitate trade with other regions, including Mesopotamia,
Central Asia, and the Persian Gulf. The Harappans were known for their maritime skills, and their
seafaring activities played a significant role in their economic and cultural development.
2

�Textiles
Gujarat was known for its production of textiles in the Indus Valley Civilization, and archaeological
evidence suggests that the production of textiles was an important economic activity in the region.
Some of the major Harappan textile centers were located in present-day Gujarat.
The excavations at sites like Lothal, Dholavira, and Rangpur have revealed evidence of cotton
cultivation and the production of cotton textiles. The Harappans used spindle whorls, weaving frames,
and other tools to spin and weave cotton fibers into fabrics. One of the most notable finds related to
Harappan textiles in Gujarat is the discovery of a large number of spindle whorls at the site of
Dholavira. These spindle whorls were made of terracotta, steatite, and faience, and they indicate that
the Harappans were skilled spinners. The Harappans also produced other types of textiles, such as
woolen fabrics made from the wool of sheep and goats, as well as silk fabrics made from the cocoons
of silk moths. However, the production of cotton textiles was the most prominent and widespread in
the region. The Harappans used a range of techniques to decorate their textiles, including dyeing,
printing, and embroidery. The use of indigo for dyeing cotton fabrics was particularly widespread, and
the Harappans were known for their skill in creating intricate patterns on textiles. The textile industry
played an important role in the economy and culture of the Harappan civilization, and their textiles
were highly valued in the ancient world.
Shipbuilding
Shipbuilding was a significant activity during the Harappan civilization in Gujarat, as evidenced by
the discovery of several ship-related artifacts and structures at various Harappan sites in the region.
The Harappans were skilled maritime traders who established trade links with other regions, and
shipbuilding played a vital role in facilitating their seafaring activities. The ships built by the
Harappans were primarily used for the transportation of goods, including textiles, metals, and
agricultural produce. One of the most significant discoveries related to Harappan shipbuilding was
made at the site of Lothal in Gujarat. The excavations at Lothal revealed a well-planned dockyard,
which was equipped with a number of features such as a basin, a wharf, and a tidal lock. The
dockyard was connected to a channel that led to the Arabian Sea, and it is believed that ships were
built and repaired at this site. In addition to the dockyard, several ship-related artifacts were also
discovered at Lothal, including anchors, cargo seals, and fragments of boats. These artifacts suggest
that the Harappans were skilled in designing and building ships. Other Harappan sites in Gujarat, such
as Dholavira and Balakot, have also yielded evidence of shipbuilding activities. At Dholavira, a large
tank was discovered, which is believed to have been used for testing ships. At Balakot, the
excavations revealed a well-planned harbor, which was used for loading and unloading ships.
Cultural Exchange
The Harappans were known for their advanced urban planning, trade, and maritime activities, and
they established cultural contacts with other regions through their trade networks. Gujarat was an
important center of cultural exchange during the Harappan civilization, as it was strategically located
on the Arabian Sea coast and served as a hub for maritime trade. The Harappans had trade links with
other regions, including Mesopotamia, Central Asia, and the Persian Gulf, and they exchanged ideas,
technologies, and cultural practices with these regions (Gensheimer 1984, 65-73, Kenoyer 2008a,
19-28). One of the most significant examples of cultural exchange during the Harappan civilization
was the spread of the Indus script, a writing system used by the Harappans. The Indus script was
found on seals, tablets, and other objects, and it was used for record-keeping and administrative
purposes. The script has not yet been fully deciphered, but it is believed to represent a Dravidian
language spoken by the Harappans.
Another example of cultural exchange during the Harappan civilization was the spread of technology
and crafts. The Harappans were skilled in metallurgy, pottery, and textile production, and they
exchanged these technologies and crafts with other regions through their trade networks (Possehl
3

�1990, 261-282; Ratnagar 1981). For example, Harappan pottery has been found in Mesopotamia,
indicating that the Harappans traded their pottery with this region.
The Harappans also exchanged cultural practices with other regions, including religious beliefs and
practices. For example, the discovery of figurines of Mother Goddesses in the Harappan sites suggests
the presence of a fertility cult. Similar figures have been found in other regions, including
Mesopotamia, indicating the exchange of religious beliefs and practices.

IMPLICATION OF GUJARAT’S ROLE
Gujarat played a crucial role in the Harappan civilization, both as a center of cultural exchange and as
a hub of maritime trade. The Harappans developed sophisticated techniques for shipbuilding and
navigation, which allowed them to establish trade links with other regions, including Mesopotamia,
Central Asia, and the Persian Gulf. Gujarat's location on the Arabian Sea coast made it a vital center
for this trade network, as ships could dock at its ports and exchange goods and ideas.
The implications of Gujarat's role in the Harappan civilization are significant. The maritime trade
routes established by the Harappans facilitated the exchange of ideas, technologies, and cultural
practices between different regions, which contributed to the development of a vibrant and
cosmopolitan culture in South Asia. The Harappan civilization was one of the earliest urbanized
cultures in the world, and its achievements in urban planning, metallurgy, and other areas had a lasting
impact on the region's development.
Today, the legacy of the Harappan civilization can still be seen in the cultural traditions and economic
practices of Gujarat and other regions of South Asia. Gujarat continues to be an important center of
trade and commerce, and its ports are still a vital link in the region's maritime trade networks. The
region's rich history and cultural heritage also make it an important destination for tourism, as visitors
can explore the remnants of the Harappan civilization and other historical sites.

INDUS VALLEY LINKS WITH OTHER MARITIME TRADE MESOPOTAMIA
The Indus Valley Civilization had extensive maritime trade links with other regions beyond
Mesopotamia as well. Archaeological evidence indicates that the Harappans established trade links
with regions such as Oman, Bahrain, and the Persian Gulf. The Harappans traded a variety of goods,
including textiles, precious stones, metals, and agricultural products.
One of the most important commodities traded by the Harappans was cotton, which was grown
extensively in the region. The Harappans were known for their skill in producing high-quality cotton
textiles, which were in great demand in the ancient world. These textiles were exported to other
regions via maritime trade routes, and have been found in archaeological excavations in
Mesopotamia, Egypt, and other regions.
The Indus Valley Civilization also had significant trade links with the Persian Gulf region.
Archaeological excavations at the site of Dilmun, located in present-day Bahrain, have revealed the
presence of Harappan artefacts such as pottery, beads, and seals. These artefacts indicate that the
Harappans had a significant presence in the region, and were involved in a thriving trade network that
spanned the Persian Gulf.
The exchange of ideas and technologies was also an important aspect of the Indus Valley
Civilization's maritime trade links. The Harappans were skilled in metallurgy and produced
high-quality copper and bronze items, which were exported to other regions. The exchange of
4

�knowledge and technologies in metallurgy, as well as in other areas such as agriculture and urban
planning, facilitated the growth of a vibrant and cosmopolitan culture in the ancient world.
Overall, the maritime trade links established by the Indus Valley Civilization had a significant impact
on the development of trade, culture, and technology in the ancient world. The exchange of goods,
ideas, and technologies facilitated the growth of a vibrant and cosmopolitan culture in the ancient
world, and laid the foundations for the development of modern-day South Asia and the Middle East.

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the Indus Valley Civilization's maritime trade links between Gujarat and Mesopotamia
have been the subject of much scholarly debate and speculation. While there is no doubt that the
Harappans engaged in extensive maritime trade with Mesopotamia and other regions, the exact nature
and extent of these trade links remain a matter of interpretation and conjecture.
Recent archaeological discoveries and advances in scientific techniques have shed new light on the
Indus-Mesopotamia trade links, and there is a growing consensus among scholars that these links
were more extensive and complex than previously thought. It is clear that the Harappans were not
isolated from the rest of the ancient world, and that they were actively engaged in a vibrant trade
network that spanned continents and cultures.
A reappraisal of the Indus-Mesopotamia trade links is needed in order to fully understand the
significance of these links for the development of trade, culture, and technology in the ancient world.
Such a reappraisal should take into account the latest archaeological discoveries and scientific
advances, as well as the insights of scholars from a range of disciplines, including archaeology,
history, anthropology, and linguistics.
Ultimately, a deeper understanding of the Indus-Mesopotamia trade links will not only enhance our
knowledge of the ancient world, but also provide valuable insights into the workings of global trade
and commerce in the present day. As such, it is a subject that deserves further research and
investigation.

5

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Bhan K.K. and Gowda D. 2003. "Shell working at Nagwada (North Gujarat) with special reference to Shell Industries of the
Harappan Tradition in Gujarat." Man and Environment, XXVIII, no. 2. (2003): 51-80.
Dales G.F. &amp; J.M. Kenoyer "Shell Working at Ancient Balakot, Pakistan." Expedition no.19/2 (1977): 13-19.
Dhavalikar M.K., Raval M.R., Chitalwala Y.M., Kuntasi: A Harappan emporium on West Coast, Deccan College
Post-Graduate Research Institute, Pune, 1996.
Gaur A.S. and Sundaresh. 2003. "Onshore excavation at Bet Dwarka Island, in the Gulf of Kachchh, Gujarat." Man and
Environment, XXVIII, no.1 (2003): 57- 66.
Gensheimer T.R. "The Role of Shell in Mesopotamia: Evidence for Trade Exchange with Oman and the Indus Valley."
Paléorient no.10 (1984): 65-73.
Hegde K.T.M., Bhan, K.K., Sonawane V.H., Krishnana, K., Shah, D.R. Excavation at Nageswar Gujarat: A Harappan Shell
working site on the Gulf of Kutch, Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Baroda, 1990.
Irani A.B. "Mandovi: an Early Historic Sea Port near the Gulf of Kachchh, Western India", Man and Environment XXVII,
no.1 (2002): 69-72.
Kenoyer J.M. "Seafaring Merchants of Meluhha." South Asian Archaeology 1995, edited by B. Allchin &amp; F.R. Allchin,
87-100. New Delhi,1997.
Kenoyer, J.M. "Trade and technology of the Indus Valley: new insights from
Harappa, Pakistan." World Archaeology no. 29 (1997):262-280.
Mackay E.J.H. "Excavations at Mohenjodaro." Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, (1928-29): 67-75.
Marshall J.H. "Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization: Being an Official Account of Archaeological Excavations at
Mohenjo-daro Carried Out by the Government of India between the Years 1922 and 1927. " A. Probsthain, London, 1931.
Possehl G.L. "Revolution in the Urban Revolution: The Emergence of Indus Urbanism." Annual Review of Anthropology no.
19 (1990): 261-282.
Pota K.A. and Patel M.I. "Exploitation of Chanks from the Gulf of Kutch." Bulletin of Centre of Marine Fisheries Research
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Pramanik S. "Hathab: An Early Historic Port on the Gulf of Khambhat", Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology, no. 1,
(2004):133-140.
Rao Lothal and the Indus Civilization, Asian Publishing House, New York, 1974.
Ratnagar S. Encounters. The Westerly Trade of the Harappa Civilization. Delhi, 1981.
Sonawane V.H., Ajithprasad, P., Bhann, K.K., Krishnan, K., Prathapachandran, S., Majumdar, A., Patel, A.K., and Menon, J.
"Excavations at Bagasra-1996-2003: A Preliminary Report", Man and Environment, XXVIII, no. 2, (2003):21-50.

6

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archaeology. The possible consequences of such a prominent maritime role are explored. The topic of this&#13;
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                <text> Bora, Janardhana. 2023. “Maritime Trade between Gujarat and Mesopotamia: The Need for a Reappraisal.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Arjun Rao. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2031 </text>
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                    <text>Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia during the Early Colonial Period

Bobby C. Orillaneda
Underwater Archaeology Section
National Museum of the Philippines
P. Burgos Street, Manila
Philippines 1000
Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology
University of Oxford
United Kingdom
Email: bobbyorillaneda@yahoo.com

Abstract
The arrival of naval expeditions in the Philippines and Melaka from Spain and Portugal
respectively during the early sixteenth century CE created profound transformations in
patterns of Southeast Asian maritime trade as European markets became available to
Southeast Asian products and vice versa. The production and distribution of Southeast
Asian natural and manufactured products intensified in response to increased supply
and demand. This subsequently led to the discovery of raw material sources and
production centres as well as the emergence and development of maritime polities that
serve as ports of call by various types of watercraft vessels. This paper will present the
archaeological excavation results of sixteenth century shipwrecks in Malaysia (Xuande
and Wanli), the Philippines (San Isidro and Royal Captain junk) and Thailand (KoSamui
and KoKradat) in an attempt to analyse maritime trade patterns as the Southeast Asian
region transitioned from its previous intraregional-focus on maritime trade to participants
of the global trade economy.

Keywords: Shipwrecks, Southeast Asia, Maritime trade, Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand

Introduction
The Southeast Asian region played an important role in the development of global
maritime economy in the sixteenth century. Anthony Reid’s thesis on the ‘Age of
Commerce’ highlighted the economic prosperity in Europe, the eastern Mediterranean,
1

�China, Japan and perhaps India from the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries (Reid,
1988, 1990, 1993). The ‘long sixteenth century,’ Wallerstein (2004) noted, is the period
‘during which our modern world-system came into existence as a capitalist worldeconomy.’ The raison d'etre for this commercial boom was largely the demand for
spices (pepper, cloves, nutmeg, and camphor) and other exotic marine and forest
products in India and Southeast Asia (Reid, 1980, 1993). Although the spice trade
intensified in the fifteenth century, the arrival of the Europeans in Southeast Asia
created new market opportunities and reoriented maritime network circuits as the region
accommodated the new players in addition to the Southeast Asian, Chinese, and Indian
Ocean merchants (Reid, 1980). This led to the emergence of insular and mainland
Southeast Asian-controlled trade centres such as Aceh, Banten, Makassar, Demak,
Gresik, Surabaya, and Hoi An that catered mostly to international seaborne trade (Reid,
1989, 1999; Lockard, 2010). The Europeans later established their own port cities, with
the Portuguese in Melaka and the Spanish in Manila and, a century later, the Dutch in
Batavia (Doeppers, 1972; Andaya, 1992; Thomaz, 1993). Reid (1993: 23) summarised
the range and diversity of exchanged trade commodities in Southeast Asia: “The pattern
of exchange in this age of commerce was for Southeast Asia to import cloth from India,
silver from the Americas and Japan and copper-cash, silks, ceramics and other
manufactures from China, in exchange for its exports of pepper, spices, aromatic
woods, resins, lacquer, tortoise shell, pearls, deerskin, and the sugar exported by
Vietnam and Cambodia”. For non-Southeast Asian traders, Indian cloth and silver were
crucial commodities as these are what Southeast Asians wanted in exchange for spices
and other natural and manufactured products (Lieberman, 2009).
The Southeast Asian Scene in the Sixteenth Century
At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Ayutthaya and Melaka became dominant
trade centres in Southeast Asia (Reid, 1999; Andaya and Andaya, 2001; Lockard,
2010). Melaka underwent a difficult transition as the Portuguese takeover in 1511
caused the exodus of Malay rulers and maritime trade was diverted to other areas. The
Muslim traders who felt the discriminatory policies of the Christian Portuguese opted to
dispatch their goods at Brunei, Johor, Aceh, Patani and Perak (Reid, 1989; Lieberman,
2009). The setback in the Indonesian archipelago was, however, compensated with the
2

�establishment of a trading concession in Macau in 1557 that led to the Portuguese
being the sole carrier of the China and Japan trade that exchanged Chinese silk and
gold with Japanese silver bullion (Boxer, 1953). Ayutthaya benefited from Melaka’s
difficulties in the early part of the century and became the focus for the China,
Southeast Asia and Muslim trade (Reid, 1995; Lockard, 2010). The kingdom’s
expansionist ambitions led to war with the Toungoo rulers of Burma who seized and
destroyed the Thai capital in 1569, transferring the lucrative China trade to Cambodia
(Wade, 2000). Meanwhile China, incognizance of the ineffective implementation of the
previous overseas trade restrictions during the early Ming period, officially lifted its
maritime ban in 1567 and opened the Yuegang ports in Fujian to foreign trade (Lockard,
2010). In its early stages, “fifty junks per year were licensed to trade at first, but this
figure grew to 88 by 1589 and to 117 by 1597” (Reid, 1993: 18). Majority of the Chinese
trading vessels were destined to Southeast Asian markets1.
When the civil wars in Japan came to an end in the middle sixteenth century the
Japanese opened its ports to international trade (Andaya, 1992). The Japanese
merchants sailed into Southeast Asian waters using the Red Seal permit with
accompanying letters and gifts from the shogun. The foreign enterprise was, however,
short lived as the ports were closed again in 1635 due to the Tokugawa government’s
restrictive overseas policy although the Japanese-Siam trade remained open and
continued until the eighteenth century (Lieberman, 2009).
The Entry of the Europeans
The Portuguese appearance in Melaka and the Spanish in the Philippines in the early
sixteenth century was a consequence of European territorial, economic and religious
ambitions in Southeast Asia (Dixon, 1991). Both countries were primarily driven by the
desire to acquire Southeast Asian spices and other natural and manufactured produce
that were in growing demand in Europe (Boxer, 1953; Phelan, 1959). The Portuguese
reached Southeast Asia via the western route through the Cape of Good Hope and
India, establishing trading outposts along the way. By 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque
captured Melaka, Southeast Asia’s premier city in the 15th century in order to take
control of Southeast Asia’s maritime trade (Boxer, 1953; Hall, 2004; Leiberman, 2009).
By the middle sixteenth century, Andaya (1992: 355) notes, “Portuguese trade had to all
3

�intents and purposes become a part of the Asian system”. Melaka continued its role as
a trade entrepôt under Portuguese authority for more than a century albeit in gradually
declining capacity before the Dutch successfully seized the city in 1641 (Dixon, 1991).
Spain’s arrival in the Philippines in 1521 was an extension of its colonial policies that
began in the Americas in the fifteenth century (Phelan, 1959). After initial occupations in
Cebu and Panay, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi finally settled in Manila in the late sixteenth
century (Doeppers, 1972; Reed, 1979). Manila became the commercial centre of the
world in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries due primarily to the galleon trade that
linked the trading commodities of the east and west (Schurz, 1985; Fish, 2011). The
galleon trade would run for 300 years, from 1565 to 1815. The Chinese demand for
American silver from the trade brought Chinese merchants to Manila to trade silk,
porcelain and other manufactured merchandise in exchange for the precious metal
(Phelan, 1959; Andaya, 1992). This is evidenced by the large number of Chinese junks
licenses (wen-yin) to Manila during the period 1589 and 1592 (Reid, 1995). Japanese
merchants also sailed to Manila to exchange their silver for Chinese silk and Southeast
Asian spices and bulk foods. Other Southeast Asian port cities brought spices and other
natural and manufactured produce to Manila in exchange for Chinese, Japanese and
American commodities.
The Shipwrecks
The proliferation of port cities meant new shipping routes and shipping destinations. It is
also logical to assume that the number of ships increased in direct proportion to the
greater demand of foodstuffs, staples and merchandise. Below are the ships that were
excavated in Southeast Asian waters dated to the sixteenth century (Brown, 2009):
The San Isidro
The San Isidro wreck was found in 1996 during an underwater survey approximately
nine km from the shore of San Isidro, Cabangan, Zambales (Goddio, 1997; Dizon and
Orillaneda; 2002). Subsequent excavation of the site in the same year revealed a
shipwreck with predominantly Chinese ceramic cargo. The Chinese ceramics were
predominantly blue and white porcelains of the Zhangzhou ware type, otherwise known
as “Swatow” wares that were dated to the early sixteenth century, during the reign of
4

�Chinese emperor Zhengde (1506 - 1521 CE) (Goddio, 1997; Tan et al., 2007). The
other ceramic wares were two stoneware jarlets from the Sisatchanalai kilns in Thailand
and a blue and white box possibly from the Chu Dau kilns of Vietnam. Other artefacts
included iron bars that may have been used as ballast, iron-cooking cauldrons, a knife,
betel nuts that were found in a small jar, a coconut a sap of the Agathisphilippinensis
Warb or almaciga tree used for caulking.
Initial measurements of the timber remains estimated that the length of the ship could
be 15 m and ‘clinker’ ship construction type, with the planks connected with ropes made
from plant fibers (Goddio, 1997). Much of the hull was constructed using material
commonly found in the Philippines. Analysis of the hull structure and the wood
composition indicated that the San Isidro ship may have been a local boat used to
transport trading commodities from bigger trading ships to land-based merchants and
equipped with sails, no outriggers and similar to the indigenous Garay, Parao and
Barangay Philippine boats (Santiago, 1997; Tan et al., 2007).
The Xuande
The Xuande site was found in 1996 between the coasts of Malaysia and Pulau Tionam
(Brown and Sjostrand, 2002; Sjostrand et al., 2006). Chinese blue and white porcelains
and monochrome white-glazed wares were found, as well as Thai ceramics from the
Sisatchanalai kilns and the Sukhothai kilns (Sjostrand et al., 2006). Other finds include
bracelets and glass beads that were found inside a stoneware jar. It is notable that no
shipwreck remains were found despite deeply probing the seabed and sub bottom
profiling. This could be due to the soft wood composition of the vessel (Brown and
Sjostrand, 2002). The cargo mound, however, formed on the outlines of a ship that led
to estimation that the shipwreck could have measured 28 m long and 8 m wide. The
initial fifteenth century date of the site based on the Xuande reign marks turned out to
be misleading (Brown, 2009). The presence of sixteenth century blue and white
ceramics along with two bronze cannons that could not have been manufactured earlier
than 1520 CE revealed that the shipwreck was 100 years later than previously assumed
(Brown and Sjostrand, 2002; Sjostrand et al., 2006). The porcelains with Xuande reign
inscriptions were actually copies made by potters who worked during the reigns of later

5

�Chinese emperors, most probably during the Zhengde (1506 - 1521 AD) and Jiajing
(1521 – 1567 AD) reigns (Brown, 2009).
KoKradat
This shipwreck was discovered in 1977 by a Thai-Danish team and excavated in 1979
and 1980 as part of a training course in maritime archaeology sponsored by the
Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization Project in Archaeology and Fine
Arts (SEAMEO-SPAFA) (Green et al., 1981; Prishanchit, 1996). The site lies near
KoKradat Island, Trat Province, southeast Thailand (Green et al., 1981). The ship
remains comprised fragments of the lower hull, its planks edge-joined by wooden
dowels, indicating Southeast Asian shipbuilding construction (Green et al., 1987). The
wood was also identified as of the genus Terminalia found in Africa and Southeast Asia
(Prishanchit, 1996). Approximately 35 tons of ballast stones were found scattered
around the site. The majority of the recovered artifacts comprised of Thai stone wares
from the Sisatchanalai kilns and earthen wares from possibly Thai kilns, as well as
different types of Chinese blue and white porcelains. Based on the stylistic analysis of
the ceramic cargo, the shipwreck was dated to the mid-sixteenth century (Brown, 2009).
After examination of the circumstances of the wreck and its cargo, Green (1981:42)
concluded that ‘the vessel may have been carrying an additional light cargo, or, she was
returning home in ballast, with a small proportion of her cargo unsold, or undischarged’.
The site was deemed significant as it showed the association of Sisatchanalai wares
with Chinese blue and white materials, indicating the continued operation of the Thai
kilns well into the sixteenth century (Green et al., 1987).
KoSamui
The KoSamui shipwreck was excavated by the Thai Fine Arts Department in 1984 off
the shores of SuratThani (Intakosi, 1984). The wreck contained mostly earthenware
pots, lids, stove, kendi, from local Thai kilns as well as small and large stoneware jars
and celadon bowls, plates, bottles and jarlets from the Sisatchanalai kilns (Green et al.,
1987). A few pieces of Chinese blue and white wares were also recovered. Similar large
storage jars were also found in other 15th and 16th centuries shipwrecks in Thailand
such as the Pattaya, Ko Si Chang III, and KoKhram. The meagre amount of large
6

�Sisatchanalai jars were found in the shipwreck, indicating that these were utility wares
and not used for trade. Storage jars from the Mae Nam Noi kiln site in Singburi Province
were also recovered (Charoenwongsa and Praicharnjit, 1990). The ship was reported to
be double planked and without a keel.
The Wanli
A fisherman accidentally discovered the site in 1997 approximately six nautical miles off
Tanjong Jara, in the state of Terengganu, on the east coast of Malaysia (Sjostrand et
al., 2006; Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007). Exploration and cargo recovery in 2004 revealed
a site extensively damaged by fishing trawlers and as high as 90% of the ceramics have
been damaged (Sjostrand et al., 2006). The blue and white ceramic pieces were of the
‘Kraak’ type wares, manufactured in the kilns of Jingdezhen. Other artefacts included
two iron cannons, various bronze and brass objects, a sounding lead, and tons of
ballast stones (Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007).The parts of the wooden ship found appeared
to be joined by iron nails (Sjostrand and Idrus, 2007). Based on the measurements, the
ship was approximately 18 m long and 6 m wide and constructed with a ribbed
framework, suggesting a European style of shipbuilding. However, the wood used was a
tropical type most frequently found in the Philippines and India. It appeared that this is a
European type vessel that had been built in South-East Asia or India and had later
additional ‘sacrificial’ planks added in China to compensate for woodworm damage
(Sjostrand et al., 2006). Sjostrand (2006) surmised that the ship belonged to a
Portuguese merchant based in Macao and may have been used on the Estado de India
route that serviced the Macao, Melaka, Goa and Manila route and may have carried the
whole range of Chinese ceramics that were traded during the period. It is believed that
the Kraak wares were primarily destined for Europe; while others could be traded in
local South-East Asian markets.
The Royal Captain Junk
The Royal Captain junk, found in 1985, was located west of Palawan Island in the
Philippines (Alba, 1988; Goddio, 1988). A wide range of ceramic wares, predominantly
blue and white porcelain wares of various shapes, sizes and decoration was recovered
along with stoneware jars, coloured glass beads, bronze gongs, iron bars, copper
7

�bracelets, and other metal objects. Goddio (1988: 115) concluded that “(the style of the
ceramic wares) very clearly points to the Wan Li Period (1573 - 1620 AD)”. The nature
of the recovered material evidence indicated the Royal Shoal junk to be an Asian vessel
despite the very meagre wooden remains. Its small size meant it travelled shorter
distances, possibly from Borneo to Manila, carrying trade goods in exchange for other in
demand merchandise back to its home port (Goddio, 1988).
Conclusion
The study of shipwrecks and its associated cargo is just a part, albeit an important one,
in untangling the complex and multi-layered maritime trade of sixteenth century
Southeast Asian maritime trade. Based on the shipwreck material evidence, two general
themes are examined:
The ships
The ships enumerated in this paper are of a wide range of type, size and construction.
The information gathered from documents is insufficient to generate conclusive
statements about vessel types and destinations but some information can be gleaned
from them. The San Isidro, KoKradat and KoSamui wrecks appears to be examples of
local, coastal traders that engaged in commercial activities within their immediate
sphere. The San Isidro ship may have transported merchandise from bigger junks to
local ports and carried out local trade between small ports and polities within the
Philippines. The KoSamui ship was reportedly double-planked with no keel, an
indication that the vessel is not built for long-distance, ocean-going voyage, as keels are
needed to survive in a more hostile open sea environment. The KoKradat, meanwhile,
is constructed using the local Southeast Asian tradition as evidenced by the use of
wooden dowels in edge-joining the planks. Both the KoSamui and the KoKradat also
carried predominantly local Thai ceramic wares. The Wanli, on the other hand, was
constructed with a ribbed framework; a diagnostic European style of shipbuilding built
for long distance trade. Sjostrand (2006, 2007) posited that the vessel serviced the
Macao, Melaka, Goa and Manila route. The Royal captain junk and the Xuande did not
yield any wooden vestiges due to various reasons. It is speculated that the Xuande was
constructed using soft wood that deteriorated over time while the Royal Captain timber

8

�remains also deteriorated and widely dispersed as it sits on top of a shallow reef and
exposed to natural elements.

The cargo
Although historical documents emphasise the importance of spices as the primary
driving force of the global maritime economy, the enumerated shipwrecks also show
other types of artifacts that have been circulated and exchanged throughout Southeast
Asia. Ceramic wares, mostly porcelain and stone wares from China seemed to be an
important trading commodity as all the ships contained significant amounts in its holds.
This gives tangible evidence of the re-exportation of these wares for Southeast Asian
markets and beyond. From the late fourteenth century and most of the fifteenth century,
these wares were largely absent outside China when the country restricted overseas
trade and economic exchange can only be carried out through official and diplomatic
foreign missions. The European demand for Chinese ceramics is also apparent in the
Wanli shipwreck that carried porcelains made for the European market. There are also
significant amounts of Thai stone wares but are mostly storage jars that contain liquids,
foodstuffs and spices except for the Thai ceramics found in the KoSamui with
Sisatchanalai celadon bowls, plates, bottles and jarlets and the Xuande that consisted
of jarlets from Sisatchanalai and bowls from Sukhothai kilns that may be for trade. The
presence of the Thai wares in sixteenth century shipwrecks also meant that some Thai
kilns were still in operation during this century. The Wanli shipwreck on the other hand,
carried predominantly Chinese blue and white porcelains destined for Europe that, at
this time, was in great demand for Chinese ceramics. Iron bars were also found in the
lower hulls of most ships as paying ballast and are used to manufacture other metal
objects. Other items of trade included copper bracelets, glass beads and bronze gongs.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology (OCMA) especially my
supervisor, Dr. Damian Robinson, for allowing me to engage in a research that, at first
glance, may be outside the immediate scope of my thesis topic but is also equally
important in terms of Southeast Asian maritime trade elucidation. Thanks also to my
9

�colleagues at the Thailand Underwater Archaeology Division (UAD) for permitting me
access to their valuable shipwreck data and most importantly to the National Museum of
the Philippines for permitting me to go on study leave to pursue my graduate studies.
Endnote
Reid (1993:19) further noted: “roughly half the Chinese junks in 1589 were licensed for the “Southern
Seas”—the Philippines and Borneo. Spanish-controlled Manila was an important destination due to the
galleon trade that brought American silver that the Chinese highly desired (Andaya, 1992). Of the half
licensed for the “western seas,” the principal destinations were west Java (8), Cochin-China (8), southern
Sumatra (7), Siam (4), Cambodia (3), and Champa (3). Japanese merchants began engaging in maritime
trade in the fifteenth century, bringing silver to Chinese and Southeast Asian markets (Lockard, 2010).

References
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Andaya, L. Y., 1992. Interactions with the outside world and adaptation in Southeast
Asian Society 1500-1800.The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, 1(Part 2),
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Andaya, B. W., and Andaya, L. Y., 2001. A History of Malaysia. University of Hawaii
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Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
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Dixon, C., (Ed.), 1991. Southeast Asia in the world economy (No. 16), Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.

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�Dizon, E., and Orillaneda, B., 2002. Ming Blue and Whites found from Shipwrecks in the
Philippines. In Yuan and Ming Blue and White Ware from Jiangxi, Jiangxi Provincial
Museum and the Art Museum and the Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong kong:
211-223
Doeppers, D. F., 1972.The development of Philippine cities before 1900. Journal of
Asian Studies, Vol. 31(4): 769-92.
Fish, S., 2011. The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific: With
an Annotated List of the Transpacific Galleons 1565-1815. Author House. Bloomington,
Indiana.
Goddio, F., 1988. Discovery and archaeological excavation of a 16th century trading
vessel in the Philippines. World Wide First, Lausanne, Switzerland
Goddio, F., 1997.San Isidro Wreck ’96: Excavations’ preliminary report and ceramic
cargo’s study. Unpublished excavation Report, National Museum of the Philippines,
Manila.
Green, J. N., Harper, R., and Prishanchittara, S., 1981. The excavation of the KoKradat
wreck site, Thailand 1979-1980. Special Publication, Dept. of Maritime Archaeology,
Western Australian Museum.
Green, J. N., Harper, R., and Intakosi, V., 1987. The Maritime Archaeology of
shipwrecks and ceramics in Southeast Asia (No. 4). Australian Institute for Maritime
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Hall, K. R., 2004. Local and International Trade and Traders in the Straits of Melaka
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Intakosi, V. 1984. The Excavations of Wreck sites in the Gulf of Thailand. SPAFA
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Lieberman, V., 2009. Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context 800-1830.
Mainland Mirrors: Europe, Japan, China, South Asia and the Islands, Vol. 2, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.

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�Lockard, C. A., 2010. "The Sea Common to All": Maritime Frontiers, Port Cities, and
Chinese Traders in the Southeast Asian Age of Commerce, ca. 1400–1750. Journal of
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Phelan, J. L., 1959. The hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish aims and Filipino
responses, 1565-1700. University of Wisconsin Press, Wisconsin.
Prishanchit, S., 1996. Maritime Trade during the 14th to 17th Centuries: Evidence from
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Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Bangkok: 275-300.
Reed, R. R., 1979. The Foundation and Morphology of Hispanic Manila: Colonial
Images and Philippine Realities. In D. K. Basu (Ed.), The rise and growth of the colonial
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centuries. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 11(2): 235-250.
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Wreck’96: Excavations’ preliminary report and ceramic cargo’s study. Unpublished
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�Sjostrand, S., Bin Haji Taha, A., and Bin Sahar, S., 2006. Mysteries of Malaysian
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Sjostrand, S., and S. LokLok., Syed, I., 2007. The Wanli shipwreck and its ceramic
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the Philippines: "Swatow" export ceramics from Fujian 16th-17th centuries. Art Post
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Biography
Bobby C. Orillaneda is currently studying for a doctorate degree in maritime
archaeology at the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology in the University of Oxford.
He is also a Museum Researcher at the Underwater Archaeology Section of the
National Museum of the Philippines and has been involved in underwater
archaeological projects since 1999 and has worked in the Philippines, Thailand,
Indonesia, Taiwan Sri Lanka and Egypt.

13

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                  <text>The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepÃ´ts that stood along the way.</text>
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                <text>The arrival of naval expeditions in the Philippines and Melaka from Spain and Portugal respectively during the early sixteenth century CE created profound transformations in patterns of Southeast Asian maritime trade as European markets became available to Southeast Asian products and vice versa. The production and distribution of Southeast Asian natural and manufactured products intensified in response to increased supply and demand. This subsequently led to the discovery of raw material sources and production centres as well as the emergence and development of maritime polities that serve as ports of call by various types of watercraft vessels. This paper will present the archaeological excavation results of sixteenth century shipwrecks in Malaysia (Xuande and Wanli), the Philippines (San Isidro and Royal Captain junk) and Thailand (KoSamui and KoKradat) in an attempt to analyse maritime trade patterns as the Southeast Asian region transitioned from its previous intraregional-focus on maritime trade to participants of the global trade economy. </text>
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                    <text>Mauritius Maritime Heritage through GIS Mapping of Wrecks for Environmental Impact
Assessment.
Stefania Manfio (Department of Anthropology, Stanford University)
ABSTRACT
Due to frequent naval battles and inclement weather conditions, Mauritius has been the site of an extensive number
of shipwrecks. Research-based on historical and archival sources carried out over more than thirty years seeks to
record this extraordinary heritage resource, the number of shipwrecks is estimated at over 1200, demonstrating the
great potential of the island’s maritime context. Starting from this impressive database, a new GIS project,
“Mauritius_shipwrecks_GIS”, is mapping all these shipwrecks. The aim is to create varied mechanisms to visualize
the potential of maritime heritage for Mauritius, serving as a concrete example for future development in this region,
and the wider​​Indian Ocean.
This endeavour is particularly relevant and timely, given that the Mauritian government has started
promoting the development of an oceanic economy to make this sector one of the pillars of its economy. This
initiative is replicated regionally. Therefore, the mapping of all wrecks in Mauritian waters, as a collaborative
endeavour with the Department for Continental Shelf, Maritime Zones Administration and Exploration, had the
potential to serve as a significant impetus for the formulation of a systematic approach that can guide the
decision-making process not only for the protection of these wrecks but also to mitigate potential impacts on the
environment as might occur through unsympathetic development.
Keywords: Geographic Information Systems (GIS), Maritime Archaeology, Historic Shipwrecks, Seascapes,
Mauritius

INTRODUCTION
This paper presents a possible way to integrate the environmental impact assessment of fishing, tourism
(especially the diving industry), and coastal use into Mauritius’s GIS platform for the Underwater Cultural
Heritage (UCH).
The study of maritime heritage involves knowing the interactions between man and water, whether in a
river, lake, or sea (Westerdahl 2013, 754). The need to manage this immense heritage finds a powerful
ally in the Geographic Information System (GIS) (Mather and Watts 1998). Although GIS has taken
longer to enter the field of maritime archaeology than in land archaeology, its application nowadays is
more than essential for the following four approaches: survey, site specific surveys, management of
cultural resources, and predictive models and exploration data analysis (Mather and Watts 2002, 681).
The number of shipwrecks discovered each year grows so rapidly that it requires a systematic way of
storing and managing all this information. As Ford (2011, 5) recalls, the study of shipwrecks is only a
component, and to understand better the maritime cultural landscape, we must take into account not only
the sites but also includes a “wide range of interrelated and often ephemeral phenomena.” In light of this
statement, a noteworthy case study is the use of GIS in interpreting maritime cultural space in the coastal
waters of South Australia, where this tool demonstrated a spatial correlation between shipwrecks,
navigational lights, and shallow waters (Kimura 2006, 148).
Thus, this paper not only presents the usefulness of the GIS application in mapping wrecks to understand
the maritime cultural landscape but also its benefit in environmental impact assessment. It will especially
1

�present the importance of the macro scale in interpreting the seascape and the environmental impact of the
activity around and on the wrecks. It is essential to highlight that maritime archaeology requires more
careful management and conservation strategies because the underwater environment is potentially at risk
due to the impact of natural and anthropogenic changes resulting from increasingly accelerated coastal
development and recreational activities. Just to name a few, these human activities include fishing,
commercial salvage operations, looting by treasure hunters, dredging operations, harbor developments,
and oil spills from large bulk carriers. The latter case will be considered in this paper.
CASE STUDY
The case study under consideration is Mauritius and its islands. Mauritius was a pristine island before the
arrival of the Europeans (Seetah et al. 2022), and it was only with the arrival of the Dutch that permanent
settlements were established in 1638 ce (for the history of Mauritius, see: Allen 1999; Teelock 2009;
Vaughan 2005). Since then, the island has been coveted by Dutch, French, and British to prevent other
colonial powers from taking advantage of this strategic military and mercantile position (Carter 2006,
808).
For an island like Mauritius, historical maritime archaeology constituted a rich resource. Since the day it
was placed on Western nautical maps, Mauritius has represented a nodal and vital stop-over for European
navigation. Thus, Mauritian history and its maritime cultural heritage are intertwined with colonialism
and European influence. Everything needed to constitute a colony, including the population, must be
brought through the sea. In light of all these voyages, Mauritius waters and its islands conceal a wealth of
maritime heritage of significant historical importance. Naval battles, adverse weather conditions, and
navigation errors were the determining factors for the sinking of numerous vessels.
Maritime archaeology formally began in Mauritius in 1933 CE with an investigative exploration of the
shipwreck HMS Magicienne (1781 CE) (von Arnim 2003). Following the introduction of scuba diving in
the 1960s, archaeological studies were carried out intermittently over the ensuing six decades. Major
archaeological investigations and excavations of shipwrecks include two Dutch East Indiamen, Banda
(1606 CE) (Dumas 1981) and Geunieerde Provincien (1603 CE); two British frigates, HMS Magicienne
(1781 CE) and HMS Sirius (1797 CE) (von Arnim 1998); two French flutes Diligente (1809 CE) and
Ambulante (1762 CE) (von Arnim 1998) and the French East Indiaman Saint Geran (1736 CE) (Blot
1979); the pirate ship Speaker (1699 CE) (Lizé 1984); the British bark Maria (1869 CE); and the illegal
slave trader the Coureur (1818 CE) and the French slave trader the Victoire (1804 CE). Furthermore,
many other underwater heritage sites have recently been identified and studied by local and international
teams of divers mandated by the Mauritius Museums Council, the National Heritage Fund, the Mauritius
Marine Conservation Society, the Mauritius Underwater Group, and the Mauritian Scuba Diving
Association (von Arnim 2013).
FRAMEWORK AND RESOURCES
The GIS mapping project was initiated as part of a National Geographic Grant to render visible the
valuable maritime heritage of Mauritius (Manfio and von Arnim 2020, 505). The project further
developed a collaboration with the Department for Continental Shelf, Maritime Zones Administration &amp;
Exploration (CSMZAE), creating a working jointly under the MUCH project to map all information
regarding the shipwrecks around the Republic of Mauritius and developing an E-platform for the
inventory and dissemination of UCH (Mamode et al. 2022). The MUCH project emerged to respond to
the mandate of the Mauritian government to promote the development of an Ocean Economy, which aims
to make this sector one of the future pillars of its economy. With the increasing demand for marine space
2

�for different purposes, particularly fishing, aquaculture, tourism, and leisure, it has become necessary to
plan its use. In this context, using the GIS project, CSMZAE is developing a Marine Spatial Plan to
ensure respect for international commitments as well as national policies and legislation, considering the
preservation, protection, and improvement of the marine environment.
The information introduced into this mapping was gathered from over 30 years of archival research by
local expert Dr. Yann von Arnim, who collected data on wrecks that have sunk around the coast of the
Republic of Mauritius and beyond. This collection’s considerable potential leads to a GIS project
intending to map the shipwrecks and draft a plan for Managing Cultural Resources (MCR). This endeavor
resulted in a systematic database containing valuable information - to name a few: location, name, date of
construction, date of sinking, type of vessel, purpose, and primary and secondary source. The resources
consulted were coming from numerous archives located in Mauritius and internationally from Dutch,
British, and France libraries, but also historic newspapers and gazettes. The database consisted of over
800 wrecks recorded in archival resources, a number that increases to 1200 shipwrecks if we include its
Exclusive Economic Zone (Manfio and von Arnim 2020, 497) (Figure 1).

Figure 1 - Mauritius shipwrecks GIS project

To create the inter-site project entitled ‘Mauritius_shipwrecks’ GIS project used the QGIS platform, an
official program of the Open-Source Geospatial Foundation (OSGeo).
The most complex phase of the project was the positioning of the shipwreck point. Of the 800 wrecks
recovered from archives, only 50 have been identified today. Hence, how to indicate these uncertain data
in the GIS? From the archive research, it is possible to assume the navigation path that the ship was
following and/or the indicative place of the shipwreck. Furthermore, numerous rocks and reefs in
Mauritius have been named after the ship that crashed on them. Therefore, it was agreed to position the
point indicatively in the area which is presumed where lie remnants of the ship. In the attribute table,
under the wording ‘site’ and ‘feature’ is indicated how approximate the point is.
The location of any historical wreck is of fundamental importance in the evaluation phase of the
archaeological potential of a specific maritime area.
3

�The development of the coasts for tourist purposes or industrial use, for example, the expansion of docks
and warehouses, leads to an irreversible modification. Without an archaeological assessment, this heritage
could be lost. During the compilation of the GIS, it was noted that several wrecks sunk in Port Louis may
now be lost or buried. In future developments, the buried wrecks could emerge during digging works; as a
result, the GIS is turning out to be fundamental for the government to assess potential heritage
underground.
The historical images collected from the archives showing the presence of wrecks do not contain spatial
coordinates. Hence, using the well-known Georeferencing tool QGIS, it was possible to manually assign
the coordinates (Kimura 2006, 88–92; Rumsey and Williams 2002). The superposition of these maps in
the GIS allows us to study different aspects, including the modification of the coasts, the understanding of
how the various ports of the island have developed, and the analysis of commercial routes. A particular
case is the capital’s port. Port Louis, where more than a hundred shipwrecks are registered’. For many
shipwrecks, the causes of the sinking are unknown. Thanks to the overlapping of historical maps, the
hypothesis that seems more plausible is that ships were sunk intentionally to create a solid basis for the
expansion of the port.
Additionally, particularly prominent is the study of the lagoon and port mouths by combining satellite and
historical nautical charts. The coral reef that makes this island attractive has certainly been a challenge for
the sailors of the time. After the Dutch occupation, the French moved the main port on the west coast,
where the entrance to the port was much easier. Navigating the waters inside the coral reef was certainly a
challenging task. This is confirmed by the discovery of the wreck of the Coureur sunk because of a wrong
maneuver while trying to escape from English ships commissioned to capture it. Thus, we have reason to
believe this may not be an isolated case, thanks to the interpretation of the GIS, we can identify other
archaeologically interesting areas.
In addition to the ‘Shipwrecks’ groups, two other groups have been created: ‘Dive site’ and ‘Business
activity.’ In the former, we have created two other layers containing: 1) GPS points of the naturalist dive
sites, and 2) GPS points of the artificial shipwrecks that were sunk by scuttling (Devault, Beilvert, and
Winterton 2017). In the latter group, we entered information about the hotels, resorts, and the locations of
the diving centers. Implementing the GIS with other information not strictly related to historical wrecks.
This will also allow us to understand the environment and tourism impact. An analysis that can be carried
out is: What is the level of pressure that the historical wreck faces due to its proximity to frequented
tourist sites?
RESULTS AND APPLICATIONS
Wakashio disaster and the HMS Sirius (1797) shipwreck
On the 25th of September 2020, while Mauritius and the world were already suffering from the pandemic
outbreak, a large bulk carrier ran aground on a coral reef. In the following week, the Wakashio started to
spill oil, and almost a month later, it broke up into two parts (Rajendran et al. 2022). Finally, during the
cleaning operation, these two parts were pulled out and scuttled in the middle of the Indian Ocean.
This accident led to an estimated 1,000 tonnes of oil spilling into the ocean in what was called by some
scientists the worst environmental disaster ever in Mauritius. Day after day, the Wakashio oil spill began
to enter the Mauritian lagoon. The grounding happened in an area listed under the Ramsar Convention on
wetlands of international importance and near the marine park of Blue Bay. Tourism plays a significant
role in the economy of Mauritius and is centered around marine scenery and animals likely to be
endangered by the oil spill.
4

�A compelling study has demonstrated how GIS software made it possible to understand the magnitude of
the oil spill, and it can be an essential tool to support management and decision-making regarding oil spill
(Sunkur and Bokhoree 2021). The creation of these shapefiles then came in handy for our project as well
to understand the impact on the UCH. Indeed, in that lagoon also resides one of the most famous and
emblematic wrecks in Mauritian history, i.e HMS Sirius (1797 CE) shipwreck.
HMS Sirius is also a shipwreck of international importance. She was launched in April 1797 CE at
Dudman’s yard on the River Thames at Deptford (UK) and rated as a 5th-class frigate of the Royal Navy.
In 1805 CE HMS Sirius was part of the British fleet commanded by Admiral Lord Nelson fighting against
the Napoleonic Navy at Trafalgar. In the following years, the HMS Sirius was deployed in the Indian
Ocean to keep the French operations under control. Indeed, France had launched several attacks on British
India from Mauritius and used the island to supply their ships; the British capture of Indian Ocean bases
would have been a severe blow to the French forces (Carter 2006, 808). Consequently, in 1810 CE, the
British navy decided to attack the Île Bourbon (Réunion), capturing it in July and then advancing in
August to the Isle de France (Mauritius). The Battle of Grand Port, which took place in Mauritius between
27 and 28 August 1810 CE, saw the complete defeat of the English fleet where two ships were scuttled
(HMS Sirius and HMS Magicienne), two captured (HMS Nereide and HMS Iphigenia), and numerous
prisoners and deaths (Taylor 2007). This battle was the only Napoleonic naval victory and was
consequently commemorated in the Arc de Triomphe in Paris. Despite this victory, in December, the Isle
de France passed under the British administration that renamed it Mauritius and ruled until 1968 CE, the
year of independence.
The HMS Sirius shipwreck lies on a muddy bottom at a depth ranging from 20 to 79 feet (6 to 24m) near
a small coral bank in the middle of a deep channel within the reef. Its discovery and excavation
consecrated the interest in maritime archaeology in Mauritius. Although the early archaeology campaigns
of 1965-68 CE were not methodologically accurate due to the use of explosives, valuable information was
collected in subsequent campaigns (von Arnim 1998). To date, most of the remains and artifacts are on
display at the National History Museum of Mahebourg, where an entire room is dedicated to the Battle of
Grand Port and the HMS Magicienne, the other shipwreck scuttled during the conflict. Parts of the hull,
numerous artifacts, and artillery pieces such as cannons still lie at the bottom of the sea today.
Once the more recent archaeological campaigns (2003-2005) were completed, guidelines were placed
around the main part, and between the main part and the deeper aft section to pilot the diver throughout
the wreck. Numbered floating labels have been placed on each cannon or other artifacts, some of which
also provide information. Initially, a plate with text on the ship and site protection was placed in the center
of the wreck. Given the importance of this battle and to commemorate the fallen sailors and the
bicentenary of the Battle of Grand Port, the small plate was replaced by a large and heavy plaque in 2010.
A guest book was placed in a basket next to a cannon for ten years, encouraging visitors to leave
messages and their names. Furthermore, the diving centers were provided with brochures containing not
only information on the ship, the wreck, and the underwater path but especially with rules to be respected
in order to visit the site. The wreck of the HMS Sirius automatically became an unofficial maritime
museum, where today, numerous diving centers bring tourists and locals to dive, offering a unique
experience. The challenge was to balance the preservation and protection while simultaneously allowing
the usability and development of tourism around the underwater site. The continuous monitoring carried
out by volunteers and Yann von Arnim, who directed the latest excavation campaigns, showed no
vandalism or looting.
The HMS Sirius site has been used as a training site in the past few years under the MUCH project to
achieve capacity building directly on UCH in Mauritius, involving numerous local stakeholders (Mamode
et al. 2022).
5

�Therefore, this oil spill disaster had not only seriously impacted the environmental heritage of the lagoon
“Grand Port” but also the UCH. Hence, studies and research have been launched to understand the
post-oil spill effects on the UCH. For example, the government immediately implemented the “ATBA Recommended Areas To Be Avoided (ATBAs) around Mauritius - Merchant Shipping Notice Ref: 21 of
2020”1. A GIS shapefile has been created to outline the area merchant vessels should avoid when
approaching Mauritius.
Understanding the environment and its potential risks to maritime cultural heritage is an important aspect
that needs to be addressed. This assessment helps to make appropriate management and conservation
decisions.
CONCLUSION
GIS has become one of archaeology’s most important technological innovations in the last twenty years
(Ebert 2004, 320). Like all technologies, it constantly improves, promising features that could solve
current constraints.
Accordingly, GIS is beneficial for Managing Cultural Resources (MCR). On the one hand, we can
manage the massive amount of data obtained from collaboration with local experts, archival sources, and
archaeological excavations. On the other hand, we can work on interpretations and create a plan to
safeguard the underwater heritage of this island.
Another key component for further development of this project is the ethnographic aspect. The
involvement of the local population, in particular fishermen and dive operators, who are repositories of
important information, is helping to build and improve the database of maritime cultural heritage. Thus,
not only is the aim of the GIS project to systematize and organize data for the analysis and study of the
maritime heritage of the island but also to create a collaboration with local authorities and raise awareness
of the population and tourists.
Although the ‘Mauritius_shipwrecks’ GIS is still under development, the expectations of this project are
high. Once we have all data, the goal is to create an action plan that allows multidisciplinary
collaborations, as follows.
a. Managing Cultural Resources (MCR) through collaborations with:
Government to build a Marine Spatial Planning with the main purpose of preserving and
protecting the archaeological areas.
- Diver operators to build the Blueprint project based on sustainable tourism.
- Fishermen and fishing industry to develop models for ecosystem-based approaches to
ocean exploitation.
b. How heritage could fit into the Blue Economy mandate and contribute to resilience in Small
Island Developing States (Small Island Developing States – UNESCO’s Action Plan).
c. Heritage management designed by GIS programs that provide people with access to cultural
heritage resources on the Internet.
d. Collaborations with the Museums through the creation of interactive stations for learning
maritime heritage.
This is a substantial, but certainly not exhaustive, list of activities that can be achieved in Mauritius thanks
to a Maritime Cultural Landscape GIS.

1

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6

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7

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                <text>Due to frequent naval battles and inclement weather conditions, Mauritius has been the site of an extensive number&#13;
of shipwrecks. Research-based on historical and archival sources carried out over more than thirty years seeks to&#13;
record this extraordinary heritage resource, the number of shipwrecks is estimated at over 1200, demonstrating the&#13;
great potential of the island’s maritime context. Starting from this impressive database, a new GIS project,&#13;
“Mauritius_shipwrecks_GIS”, is mapping all these shipwrecks. The aim is to create varied mechanisms to visualize&#13;
the potential of maritime heritage for Mauritius, serving as a concrete example for future development in this region,&#13;
and the wider Indian Ocean.&#13;
This endeavour is particularly relevant and timely, given that the Mauritian government has started&#13;
promoting the development of an oceanic economy to make this sector one of the pillars of its economy. This&#13;
initiative is replicated regionally. Therefore, the mapping of all wrecks in Mauritian waters, as a collaborative&#13;
endeavour with the Department for Continental Shelf, Maritime Zones Administration and Exploration, had the&#13;
potential to serve as a significant impetus for the formulation of a systematic approach that can guide the&#13;
decision-making process not only for the protection of these wrecks but also to mitigate potential impacts on the&#13;
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                <text>Manfio, Stefania . 2023. “Mauritius Maritime Heritage through GIS Mapping of Wrecks for Environmental Impact Assessment.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Brian Fahy. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1988 </text>
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                    <text>Meaningful Applications of Photogrammetry on Shipwreck Excavations - Not Just
for Recording! Using 3D Data to Understand the Ships Kotaro Yamafune (President of A.P.P.A.R.A.T.U.S. LLC) apparatus.japan@gmail.com
Dimitra Voutyrea (Doctoral Candidate of Austrian Archaeological Institute at Athens of
the Austrian Academy of Sciences) dimitra221996@gmail.com
Irena Radić Rossi (Assistant Professor of University of Zadar) irradic@unizd.hr
Javier Rodríguez Pandozi (Director of Instituto Balear de Estudios en Arqueología
Marítima) jrpandozi@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
Photogrammetry has rapidly gained attention in the field of underwater archaeology since around 2011,
largely due to significant time constraints associated with underwater excavation. Photogrammetry is a
technique that utilizes photographs taken with a digital camera to create precise 3D digital models. It has
now become possible to replace some of the manual recording tasks with this technique, which offers
both speed and high accuracy. As a result, underwater recording work can now be completed in a fraction
of the time it once required, while still maintaining accuracy.
However, the most significant advantage of photogrammetry lies in the flexibility of the data it
generates, which subsequently enhances archaeologists' research and facilitates hypothesis formulation. In
this paper, the authors present several case studies where photogrammetry is used not only as a recording
tool but also as a support for scientific research, specifically to enhance our understanding of historical
ships. The case studies to be discussed in this paper include the Fournoi Shipwreck 15 from Greece (5th
century A.D.), the Letavica shipwreck from Croatia (1st century B.C), and the Ses Llumetes shipwreck
from Spain (1st century A.D.). In the context of these three case studies, the authors will explore the use
of photogrammetry as a research and analysis tool in shipwreck studies.
Keywords: Photogrammetry, Shipwreck, GIS, Ship Reconstruction
List of Images
Figure 1. Fournoi shipwreck 15’s QGIS baselines.
Figure 2. Fournoi shipwreck 15’s QGIS database at the end of 2021 fieldwork.
Figure 3. Hypothetical shape of the Letavica shipwreck.
Figure 4. Hypothetical shape of the Ses Llumetes shipwreck.

1. INTRODUCTION
The topic of this paper fits best within this Session 19. Database, monitoring, non-intrusive
documentation techniques and new technologies applied to underwater cultural heritage because
this paper will discuss the potential of photogrammetry as an effective tool for the scientific
analysis of shipwreck sites. Over the past decade, photogrammetry has become an indispensable
tool for maritime archaeology. (McCarthy et al. 2019) This technique allows archaeologists to
record underwater archaeological sites quickly, which is particularly beneficial for underwater
archaeology, as the underwater environment imposes certain time constraints on work
(Yamafune et al. 2017). Photogrammetry, which requires only a digital camera and does not
necessitate expensive scanning tools like LiDAR (three dimensional scanners) or total stations
often used for terrestrial site recording, is relatively low cost. For these reasons,
photogrammetry has emerged as one of the most frequently used tools for recording underwater
archaeological sites.
However, the application of photogrammetry and the utilization of the resultant three
dimensional (3D) digital models are often limited to producing orthomosaics and two

1

�dimentional site plans. The authors of this paper, however, see greater potential in the use of
these 3D photogrammetry models for site analysis, excavation planning, and ultimately, for ship
reconstruction to understand the original shapes of the ships. In this paper, the authors present
three different shipwreck excavation projects to discuss the more efficient use of
photogrammetry for understanding shipwreck sites, beyond just site recording and site plan
production. The three archaeological sites where the authors have applied experimental
methodologies, and which are discussed in this paper, are the Fournoi Project Shipwreck 15
from Greece (fifth century CE), the Letavica shipwreck from Croatia (first century BCE), and
the Ses Llumetes shipwreck from Spain (first century CE).
2. CASE STUDIES
The case studies under consideration are the following shipwreck excavation projects where the
authors have applied experimental research methodologies.
The Fornoi Project and The Shipwreck 15 (Greece)
The primary objective of the Fournoi Project is the documentation of the underwater cultural
heritage of the Fournoi archipelago in the Aegean Sea. Since 2015, the underwater
archaeological survey of the waters around Fournoi has uncovered evidence of fifty-eight (58)
shipwrecks spanning a broad timeframe, from the Archaic period to the 20th century. Moreover,
a multi-period anchorage site and several individual finds have also been discovered, indicating
an area of “high maritime activity” (Campbell and Koutsouflakis 2017, 10-15; Campbell and
Koutsouflakis 2021, 281-284). In 2021, the site known as Shipwreck 15, a remarkably
well-preserved complex, underwent its first season of excavation.
Shipwreck 15 was discovered during the 2015 campaign along the eastern front of the Aspros
Kavos promontory, a stark, sheer, rocky cliff at the northeastern edge of the central island of
Fournoi. The primary deposit lies on a sandy steep sloping seabed at a depth of 43 to 50m. The
exploration of the site so far has revealed a heterogeneous, unorthodox cargo, consisting of at
least eight different types and variants of amphorae, mainly of Black Sea origin, along with a
secondary load of Phocaean Red Slip Ware (LRC). According to the currently available data,
the wreck-assemblage should be dated to somewhere between the last quarter of the fifth
century and the first quarter of the sixth century CE.
Letavica Shipwreck (Croatia)
In 2018, the well-preserved remains of an ancient sunken ship were discovered near Cape
Letavica on the island of Pag. Approximately 400 wine amphorae of the Lamboglia 2 type,
dating back to the 1st century BC, rest on the slope of the seabed, outlining the shape of the
sunken ship. Judging by the research so far, the bow of the ship points to the northeast. The ship
appears to have come to rest on its starboard side, with the keel on the shallower part of the site.
The total length of the visible ship's cargo is about 21 m, suggesting it was a merchant ship
approximately 25 m long. In 2022, roughly twenty pieces of ceramic and metal vessels from the
ship's galley were discovered in the stern part of the ship, and two completely preserved
amphorae were raised from the site.
Ses Llumetes Shipwreck (Spain)
Porto Cristo, a small coastal town on the eastern side of the island of Mallorca (Spain), is part of

2

�the municipality of Manacor. The geography of its coastline makes this cove a perfect natural
harbor for boats needing to replenish water or carry out repairs during their journey. However,
this seemingly ideal anchorage can become a deadly trap for anchored ships when winds blow
from the East or Northeast. As evidence of this, there are the five shipwrecks documented by the
team of the Balearic Institute of Studies in Maritime Archaeology (IBEAM).
Since 2015, IBEAM has focused its efforts on studying the wreck of Ses Llumetes, a Roman
vessel dating back to the 1st century CE. Cargo of the ship consisted of amphorae corresponding
to productions from southern Hispania, mainly Dressel 7-11 types, alongside Haltern 70 and
Dressel 20 types. The amphorae are complemented by Italian materials, including a
representative collection of oil lamps, which give the site its name.
3. RESOURCES
The resources available to conduct the work include digital 3D photogrammetry models created
within Agisoft Metashape Professional Edition photogrammetry software during the field
expeditions of the three above-mentioned projects. The authors primarily applied
photogrammetry to record archaeological sites and create 2D site plans of the underwater
shipwreck sites. For areas of interest, the team tagged, recorded, and occasionally raised
artifacts under the supervision of conservators, anticipating the need for storage and
conservation facilities. To record all proveniences of these removed/raised artifacts, the teams
applied photogrammetry recording before moving any artifacts. As such, photogrammetry
recording was conducted almost every working day, and the 3D photogrammetry models were
produced each day.
All the created photogrammetry 3D models were scaled and locally georeferenced. 'Local
georeferencing' means that depths and inclinations of the shipwreck sites were determined by
depth measurements taken by dive computers. Additionally, archaeological baselines were
established by north-south or west-east directions, or the bow-stern direction if the ships' keel
orientation was known. All daily created photogrammetry 3D models were aligned/overlaid
correctly once created, allowing archaeologists to track the progress of the excavations.
In all these case studies - excavations in Greece, Croatia, and Spain - photogrammetry was used
as a primary recording tool and proved its efficiency as a rapid yet accurate recording method.
However, the authors sought to explore further potential applications of photogrammetry, using
it to understand and analyze shipwreck sites, not just as a recording tool.
4. FRAMEWORK
The research question of this paper is “Can photogrammetry serve as a useful tool for
archaeologists to understand shipwreck sites and the original ships, beyond simply recording the
site?" The authors conducted various case studies to explore this question.”
Fournoi Project Shipwreck 15: GIS-Based Cargo Analysis Using Geo-Referenced
Orthomosaics and Photogrammetry-Based Site Plans
The authors managed to produce geo-referenced photogrammetry 3D models every working day
and also developed geo-referenced orthomosaics each evening based on these 3D models. Once
created, these orthomosaics were imported into GIS software. The primary goal of a GIS

3

�database in a shipwreck context is the intra-site spatial analysis – determining spatial relations
among archaeological remains, which aids in reconstructing the site and understanding the
assembly as a unit. Furthermore, this tool facilitates archiving, management, and monitoring of
every archaeological task undertaken at a wreck site, thereby aiding both fieldwork and data
analysis (Bartoli et al. 2012, E3; Theofanous 2017, 32-33, 38).

Figure 1. Fournoi shipwreck 15’s QGIS baselines: georeferenced orthoimages, site plan with isobaths and
DEM Model. (Image: K. Yamafune and D. Voutyrea).

For the Fournoi Project Shipwreck 15 case study, the authors used QGIS, a free, open-source
desktop software. The database was constructed based on a satellite map, multiple
geo-referenced orthomosaics, black-and-white-rendered 2D site plans, and Digital Elevation
Models (DEMs). (Fig. 1) Vector datasets were created from multiple orthomosaics, which
provided temporal data to identify what came earlier and what came later. To examine the
arrangement of the heterogeneous containers and make preliminary interpretations of the
shipwreck’s findings, the authors used color-coding indicative of various amphora types and
other artifacts (Voutyrea 2022). (Fig. 2) Each amphora was outlined by a polygon feature of a
specific color, corresponding to a particular type. A separate point layer was designed to track
the positioning of wooden remains and fine ware. All necessary information for every individual
object (e.g., material, typology, recovery date) was added in the attribute table categories.
This process resulted in a multi-layered geodatabase, providing different kinds of archaeological
and spatial information. The archaeologists can track, observe, and compare data from
numerous perspectives and ask distinct questions of the database, such as "which amphorae
belong to the X type?" or "which finds were raised on the X date?" The database's digital
environment can be updated regularly to accommodate, organize, and handle new
archaeological data as the excavation progresses. The authors anticipate adding new data
categories in the future, such as the conservation status of raised finds and sampling of
amphorae for archaeometrical analysis. The ultimate goal is to combine the GIS database with
other open-source tools, like CloudCompare, to manage workflows, compare, and visualize
results in an integrated manner.

4

�Figure 2. Fournoi shipwreck 15’s QGIS database at the end of 2021 fieldwork. The archaeological objects are
featured by a color - coding. The different layers are providing various information about every single artefact
(Typology, Label number, Inventory number - raised finds etc.). (Image: D. Voutyrea)

Letavica Shipwreck: Understanding Unexcavated Ship’s Size and Positions of Wooden
Structures
The Letavica shipwreck site has only been partially excavated, but the information gathered, and
subsequent analysis provide clear insights into the original ship's size and the locations of
wooden structures, even those that are still buried. (Fig. 3) During the 2022 field expedition, the
team focused on the portside in the bow area and the starboard in the stern area. The bow
section excavation measured approximately 2m x 6m, reaching the bedrock at a depth of 1m
from the surface sediments. The stern area, around 2m x 8m in size, reached the bedrock at a
depth of 1.5m. Beneath the amphorae in the bow area, segments of hull planks were discovered,
featuring distinct pegged mortice-and-tenon joinery. The stern area yielded a variety of pottery,
including oil lamps and cooking pots.
Utilizing photogrammetry 3D models of the entire site, the authors conducted a detailed analysis
to develop a hypothesis regarding the original ship's size and its final resting position on the
seabed. The initial step involved creating a photogrammetry 3D model of a raised and preserved
amphora from the 2018 field expedition. This model was duplicated, color-coded based on size
(in red and blue), and overlaid on the photogrammetry 3D models of the Letavica shipwreck
site. The authors deduced from the positions and inclinations of the amphorae that the ship had
tilted to the starboard side and that most amphorae had also fallen on that side. Further analysis
of the amphorae's arrangement and the height of the piles, coupled with the reconstructed
bedrock topography based on the excavated areas' depths, allowed for the reconstruction of the
original stacking pattern of amphorae in the ship's cargo hold. The pattern appeared to form 3 or
5

�4 layers. Considering the dispersion pattern of the amphorae pile, the length and width of the
original cargo hold were estimated, which in turn helped determine the ship's original
dimensions. Based on these measurements, it was hypothesized that the ship was 24m in length
and 5m in width, and was carrying approximately 920 amphorae when it sank. The
reconstructed hypothetical ship and its cargo provide archaeologists with a clearer vision for
future excavation planning.

Figure 3. Hypothetical shape of the Letavica shipwreck. This reconstructed shape of the hull is primarily based
on data derived from 3D photogrammetry. (Image: K. Yamafune)

Ses Llumetes: Reconstruction of Hull Lines from Excavated Ship Structures/Fragments
Different from above two shipwreck sites, 95% of its preserved hull structures of Ses Llumetes
shipwreck site has been excavated. Unfortunately, only forward half of the portside structure
survived, and the entire starboard structures and the aft half of the portside was not preserved (it
must be noted that there is a possibility that the preserved area is starboard of the stern). In 2022
field expedition, the team removed ceiling planking, and all survived frames and hull planking
were recorded in situ using photogrammetry. Using this 3D photogrammetry model of Ses
Llumetes from 2022 field expedition, the authors experimentally reconstructed the original
shape of the ship. (Fig. 4)

Figure 4. Hypothetical shape of the Ses Llumetes shipwreck. This reconstructed shape of the hull is primarily
based on the curvatures of frames extracted from the photogrammetry 3D model of the Ses Llumetes
shipwreck site. (Image: K. Yamafune)

6

�Research methodology that reconstructs original shapes of the shipwreck is called ‘Ship
Reconstruction.’ Traditionally, ship reconstruction had done by archaeologists using manual
recordings. First, curvatures of exterior face of each frame, positions of each frames, positions
of fastenings has to be carefully recorded. Using all those archaeological information from the
shipwrecks site, archaeologists can reconstruct ‘hull lines’ that represents ships’ original shape
with series of curvatures. Hull lines are 2D plans composed with three different orthogonal
vies/plans, namely sheer plan, half breadth plan, and body plan. From this reconstructed
representation of the ship shapes, or hull lines, archaeologists also can understand, cargo
capacity, sailing abilities, and other characteristics of the ship.
For Ses Llumetes shipwreck, the authors used the photogrammetry 3D model instead of manual
recording to do Ship Reconstruction. First, completed photogrammetry 3D model of Ses
Llumetes is exported to Rhinoceros 3D CAD software. In Rhinoceros, the wooden structures of
Ses Llumetes were re-oriented based on keel and angle of frames according to its entering angle
to the keel in the body plan, or section profiles. In other words, the ship structures are
re-positioned as if it is on plans of hull lines. Then using Rhino’s commands, curvatures, or
section profile of the ship structures are extracted. Then from these curvatures, the authors find
out the most broad curvature, and this curvature must be the external shape of the master frame.
Master frame is the key component of the ship designs, and the most cases it is placed in the
widest points of the full. And in ancient shipbuilding, master frames can be found in the
amidship area. Henceforward, the authors duplicate curvatures of the forward frame and
mirrored those to the aft parts of the master frame. Although, the stern half of Ses Llumetes was
not preserved, the author made curvatures of stern-half slightly narrower and higher based on
many other ship examples. Once all curvatures, or section profiles, of the portside was created,
the author also created horizontal curvatures which pass through the frame curvatures, or section
profile curvatures, at the same height. These horizontal curvatures are called water lines.
Initially water lines were not smooth because the wooden structures of shipwrecks, including its
frames, were distorted while its was pressed by cargos and buried nearly 2000 years under the
seabed. The angles of frame curvature have to be re-angled and modified observing conditions
of frames from photogrammetry 3D models of Ses Llumetes. This adjustment process of the
water line and the frame curvatures is called ‘Fairing.’ After this fairing process is completed,
all curvatures of the portside are, finally, duplicated and mirrored to the starboard side to form
complete hull lines. Furthermore, the authors created surface, or digital 3D model, by
connecting those curvatures of hull lines; and from this digital 3D model, characteristics of the
Ses Llumetes can be calculated inside the software. (Fig. 4)
5. RESULT
The authors believe the most significant advantage of using photogrammetry 3D data for
analysis lies in its repeatability. Once the 3D models are created, archaeologists can extract
measurements and information from the 3D models, rather than directly from the underwater
shipwreck site. These measurements, obtained from the digital 3D models, are uniform,
meaning the data available for analysis and research remains consistent over time.
Consequently, the research and analysis are repeatable, and the results reliable. This
repeatability is crucial for archaeologists to conduct scientific research.

7

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bartoli, D., M. Capulli and P. Holt. 2012. “Creating a GIS for the Underwater Research Project ANAXUM: the Stella
1 Shipwreck”. In The New Technologies for Aquileia: Proceedings of the 2nd Workshop on The New Technologies for
Aquileia, Aquileia Italy 25 June 2012, edited by L. Fozzati and V. Roberto, E1-E9 Aachen.
Campbell, P. B., and G. Koutsouflakis. 2021. “Aegean Navigation and the Shipwrecks of Fournoi. The archipelago in
Context.” In Under the Mediterranean I: Studies in Maritime Archaeology, edited by S. Demesticha and L. Blue,
with K. Baika, C. Beltrame, D. Blackman, D. Cvikel, H. Farr &amp; D. Sivan, 279-298. Leiden: Sidestone Press.
Campbell, P.B. and G. Koutsouflakis. "Shipwreck Capital of the Aegean - The Fournoi Underwater Survey." The
INA Quarterly 44, no. (2017):9-15.
McCarthy J., Benjamin J., Winton T., van Duivenvoorde W. 3D Recording and Interpretation for Maritime
Archaeology. Coastal Research Library 31. Springer, Cham. 2019.
Theofanous, P. “Ανάπτυξη GIS Αρχαιολογικών Πληροφοριών με Βάση Ορθοφωτογραφίες στο Ναυάγιο του
Μαζωτού Κύπρου.” Διπλ. Εργασία, ΕΜΠ. (“Development of GIS Archaeological Information system based on
Orthophotos in the Shipwreck of Mazotos, Cyprus.” Master dissertation, National Technical University of Athens.)
2017.
Voutyrea, D. “Fourni, Shipwreck 15: Documentation and analysis through the creation of an integrated geodatabase.”
Poster presentation in “Under the Mediterranean II”, 2-6 November 2022, Valetta, Malta.
Yamafune, K., Torres, R., and Castro, F. “Multi-Image Photogrammetry to Record and Reconstruct Underwater
Shipwreck Site” in Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 24, no. 3 (2017) : 703-725.

8

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                <text>Yamafune, Kotaro . 2023. “Meaningful Applications of Photogrammetry on Shipwreck Excavations – Not just for recording! Using 3D data to understand the ships.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, and T. Kurt Knoerl. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2014 </text>
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                    <text>Media Curiosity and Underwater Cultural Heritage
Asmaa Elsayed (Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology &amp; Underwater Cultural Heritage,
Alexandria University, Egypt. MA Student)

ABSTRACT
Underwater cultural heritage (UCH) faces multiple threats, as stressed by UNESCO through the 2001 Convention on
the Protection of Underwater Cultural heritage and by the Ocean Decade Heritage Network (ODHN), such as treasure
hunting, looting, and commercial exploitation. Therefore, raising awareness about underwater cultural heritage and
engaging the public in its preservation and protection are vital points.
There are many ways of engaging the public with UCH, one of the most obvious ways is through the media.
The goal of media is to convey messages to the audience through the media channels most appropriate for them, which
include printed media, internet media, and broadcast media, which are known as mass media. Different media deliver
different messages in various ways, but the most powerful medium is films.
Films have worldwide reachability. They are the most effective type of mass media to promote cultures and
spread social awareness.
Keywords: films, cinema, documentaries, treasure hunting.

INTRODUCTION
Media, especially films, have long played an essential role in shaping culture, influencing society and
shaping public opinion, and the ability to reach a large audience and deliver powerful messages. Films,
usually called motion pictures or movies, refer to a medium of visual storytelling that uses moving images
and sound to create a narrative. Films were quickly recognized as perhaps the first truly mass form of
entertainment. Not only that, but they also educated and inspired people for over a century and have the
power to shape cultures, societies, and public opinions; they reflect our collective experiences and can
evoke strong emotional responses from audiences and indirectly engage them. Hence, films can have an
effect on people’s thoughts, attitudes, and behaviors
Films can be fictional or non-fictional and cover a wide range of genres, including drama, comedy, horror,
action, and documentary. With the advancement of technology, films are easily distributed across various
platforms and can be accessed by people from all over the world. This makes films a highly influential and
impactful form of Mass Media. Which is the means of communication reaching a large number of people
and refers to a diverse array of media, including print media (newspapers and magazines), broadcast media
(radio and television), and digital media (websites and social media platforms).
Archaeology, in general, and underwater archaeology, in particular, have struggled historically to be
distinguished from the early misrepresentations of it as adventure-seeking, treasure hunting, and underwater
salvage (Gately and Benjamin 2018,15-16). This misconception led to a lack of public understanding of the
true nature of this field, which involves scientific research and the preservation of cultural heritage.
Films that depict underwater treasure hunting, shipwreck exploration, and looting, while entertaining, can
reinforce these misrepresentations and make it even harder for the public to understand the true nature of
archaeology and underwater heritage. However, it is important to note that some films, such as
documentaries, can serve as a way to educate the public about the importance of this field and the real work
that is done by archaeologists. But here lies an issue.

1

�DOCUMENTARIES vs. MOCKUMENTARY
A documentary is a "reality-based" movie. In fact, a documentary film is a broad term used to describe a
non-fiction movie that, in some way, tries to capture, recreate, or "document" reality or scientific versions
of ‘an event’ or ‘a person’. Documentaries bring viewers into new worlds and experiences through the
presentation of factual information about real people, places, and events, generally—but not always—
portrayed through the use of actual images and artifacts (Bernard 2011, 1). Not all documentaries are
entirely reality-based, as there are certain things which go into the making of documentaries that viewers
may not even be aware of, and which could lead to great misunderstandings about the people and events
featured in them. These are the “re-enactment footage”, or other enhancements, which are added by
filmmakers to the events of the story.
According to Yates (2018) in the Jonestown Report documentaries that use actors and re-enactments should
be rated for their veracity so that viewers know what weight to give to the information presented in
them. “The viewers didn’t question the veracity of what they had seen on screen. They didn’t even think
that they might need to do so. They believed that they had seen a true (i.e., truthful) documentary” (Yates
2018.). It is important for the documentary audience to understand that these reenactments may not be
entirely factual and are being used to create a more dramatic or compelling narrative. The effects of these
re-enactments on documentary viewers can be varied. It might help to bring the events being documented
to life and make them more interesting for viewers or to fill in gaps in the original footage, or provide
context for the events being documented. On the other hand, these re-enactments may also be inaccurate or
misleading and could potentially lead viewers to have an incorrect conclusion or a misunderstanding of the
events being portrayed. The most recent example which sparked controversy even before its release is the
new Netflix docudrama series, Queen Cleopatra, due to the disagreement in the depiction of the main
character, Cleopatra, Queen of the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt. The portrayal of Cleopatra in the
documentary has caused a debate over her race and ethnicity. The series has been accused of historical
inaccuracy. The new series has drawn the ire of online users reacting to it since the release of its trailer. The
Mini- Series documentary caused many controversies that led to many arguments and opinions. For most,
that may lead us to highlight that the temptation in the use of re-enactments is to recreate historical
occurrences that are not completely faithful to the facts or which speculate or go beyond what is known
about a subject. It is up to documentary filmmakers to use re-enactments responsibly and to be transparent
about it, so that viewers can make informed decisions about the accuracy and reliability of the information
presented in the documentary. That leaves us to wonder if the use of reenactments in documentaries affect
how the viewers of such films view historical people, places, and events?
Documentaries are supposed to be as truthful as possible, so people assume that any film that is labeled as
a documentary is exactly that; they documented the truth. However, another genre of film is known as False
Documentary "Mockumentary". It is a documentary-style film with a fictitious subject. For the most part,
mockumentaries present their subjects sarcastically. It is a comedy made and edited in the style of a
documentary. Mockumentaries are made to look like real documentaries; the purpose of mockumentaries
is typically to mock or critique current events, pop culture trends, modern society, lifestyles, religion, and
politics (“Production Notes: Mockumentary | Nevada Film Office” 2018). Uncovering Damien Hirst's
treasures in Netflix's false documentary ‘Treasures from the Wreck of the Unbelievable’ (2017). Despite
being marketed as a documentary; the film is a work of fiction. Documenting the discovery and excavation
of a fictional Roman-era wreck, presenting numerous recovered faux artifacts as authentic. The film adds a
further feel of authenticity by intercutting footage of well-known academics and maritime archaeologists.
The entire project frames maritime archaeology as the hunt for treasure (Learey 2018, 4). Damien Hirst and
the crew recount the moments various discoveries are made and the myths and legends surrounding the
finds. It was not a real archaeological excavation or documentary. Although "Treasures from the Wreck of
the Unbelievable" is pure fiction, it could potentially confuse the audience into believing it is a real
documentary as it is also labeled as a documentary genre. This could lead viewers to believe that the events
2

�depicted in the film are real and not fictional. Such films raise some important concerns. There are many
film examples about shipwrecks and salvage-treasure. Do such movies affect people's perception of
archaeology and underwater cultural heritage? Is the film industry trying to market heritage as just finding
treasures? Established and trusted documentary shorthand can be manipulated through the misuse of
stereotypes or by presenting only partial truths.
IT IS JUST FICTION
The archaeological work and the nature of the ancient human past were variously sketched in the early
decades of cinema (Hiscock 2014, 2779). The popularity of archaeology as a storytelling medium and the
historical events that archaeologist’s study have inspired the cinema industry. So, we find many fictional
films that are either based on archaeological themes or have a main character who is an archaeologist. There
is a massive list of films featuring Archaeology, or at least a fantasized version of it, in many popular
fictional films, with the first Indiana Jones film, launched ‘Raiders of the Lost Ark’ (1981); it brought
archeology and archaeologists into the mainstream. There are also ‘The Mummy’ (1999) sequels, ‘National
Treasure’ (2004), and ‘The Mummy: Tomb of the Dragon Emperor’ (2008) sequels.
The common thread between many of these films featuring archaeology, is the adventure and the quest for
the lost treasure. Much recent research indicates that Indiana Jones and Lara Croft are the most famous
archaeologists in the world. That is why today's popularity of archaeology is based on fictional heroes rather
than real archaeologists (Kobiałka 2017, 213). Indiana Jones and Lara Croft have indeed become wellknown and influential archaeologists in popular culture. They shape public perceptions more than real
archaeologists and archaeological history, as being a fast-paced race to find treasure or showing the
archaeologist as either the scruffy eccentric scholar or the rugged action hero antiquarian. Indiana Jones
himself described perfectly what archaeology seems to be truly about in ‘Indiana Jones and the Last
Crusade’ (1989), "Archeology is the search for facts, not truth. If it's truth you're interested in, Dr. Tyree's
philosophy class is right down the hall. So, forget any ideas you've got about lost cities, exotic travel, and
digging up the world. We do not follow maps to buried treasure, and X never ever marks the spot. 70% of
all archaeology is done in the library. Researching. Reading. We cannot afford to take mythology at face
value." Archaeology does not involve following maps of buried treasures or other mythical objects. That is
not real archaeology. Archaeology aims to understand history and culture, not uncover lost treasures and
chests of gold.
The presentation of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) in fictional films is not much different from that of
archaeology in general; the portrayal of the discipline and the archaeologist is almost the same, although
the representation of UCH in fictional films is still quite limited. Not many films have focused on UCH as
a main theme, but there are few examples, such: As the ‘Treasure of Jamaica Reef’ (1974), the ‘Deep’
(1977), ‘Into the Blue’ (2005), ‘Fool's Gold’ (2008). These few examples of films that do feature UCH
often showcase the "unreal exotic" and adventurous aspects, discovering lost treasures or shipwrecks and
creating a stereotypical image that matches treasure hunters.
The Titanic, “unsinkable ship”
The Titanic myth draws from its own historical position (Singh 2020). The sinking of the Titanic is an event
whose mythical significance has eclipsed its historical importance. James Cameron's ‘Titanic’ (1977) film
can be debated as the closest example of representing underwater cultural heritage in a fictional film.
Skipping the primary plot, focusing on the fictional romance story, the film sparked an interest in the RMS
Titanic wreck. The tragedy inspired countless works of fiction across many platforms and numerous novels,
TV dramas, documentaries even computer games where Titanic is the main theme. For many people, the
‘Titanic’ (1977) film has been the mass provider of information about the ship. In my opinion, the film was
3

�a good representation of the underwater cultural heritage; despite the fact that it is a fictional film, The film
provides a culturally significant artifact, exploring the wreck, depicting of the ship's passenger class
differences and behaviors, using remotely operated vehicles (ROVs) to explore the wreck site and shows
the expedition team. The film achieved a balance of fact and fiction.
DISCUSSION: FILM EXAMPLES OUTSIDE AMERICA
Another example that represents the real side of archaeology under a fictional event is ‘The Dig’ (2021)
film by Netflix, exploring the story of the excavation of the Great Ship Burial at Sutton Hoo in 1939. The
film is based on a novel of the same name. Many of the events and characters depicted in both the film and
the novel are inspired by real events and real people (The Dig , Sutton Hoo, Suffolk, n.d.) The Sutton Hoo
ship burial was one of the greatest archaeological finds. The film highlights how the archaeology sites are
constructed, the documentation of finds - it reflects scientific archaeology work, and the portrayal of
archaeologists.
Taking a closer look at the fictional movies that represent archaeology and underwater cultural heritage in
Asian cinema, one will notice that there are rare examples, ‘The Treasure Hunter’ (2009) is a Chinese film
with a famous archeologist embarking on a dangerous journey to recover the map and find ancient treasure.
Another movie is the Korean film ‘The Pirates: The Last Royal Treasure’ (2022); a search takes place over
the ocean to find the lost treasure of the Goryeo royal family, which disappeared without a trace. The rare
fictional portrayal of archaeology and underwater cultural heritage in Asian cinema, and the rare examples
depicting treasure hunting as a main theme, make it hard to cultivate the idea of treasure hunting.

CONCLUSION
The portrayal of archaeology and underwater cultural heritage with emphasis on stereotypical and
mysterious-unreal events, adventure-filled "treasure hunt" style in fictional films, reflects the reality that
cinema explores the interests of the public rather than the nature of archaeological practices or discoveries
(Hiscock 2014, 2781). Portraying archaeology and UCH in the treasure-hunting frame leads to
misconceptions about archaeology. Hence the need for good documentaries to diminish misconceptions.
Good documentaries can help to diminish these misconceptions by providing a more accurate and
informative portrayal of archaeology. However, it is important for documentary filmmakers to be aware of
the potential for historical inaccuracies in reenactments. Reenactments should be clearly labeled in all films,
especially documentaries, which should be rated for their accuracy.

Bibliography
Bernard, Sheila Curran (3rd ed.). Documentary storytelling: creative nonfiction on screen, London: Routledge, Taylor &amp; Francis
Group, 2011.
Castro, Filipe. "Archaeologists, Treasure Hunters, and the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural
Heritage: A Personal Viewpoint." Odyssey Papers 13 (2010): 7-9.
Fallenbuchl, Aleksandra Urszula. "Damien Hirst's Treasures from the Wreck of the Unbelievable: Parafiction in the Age of
Truthiness." PhD diss, University of Guelph, 2020.
Gately, Iain, and Jonathan Benjamin. "Archaeology hijacked: Addressing the historical misappropriations of maritime and
underwater archaeology." Journal of Maritime Archaeology 13 (2018): 15-35.

4

�Greene, Elizabeth S., and Justin Leidwanger. "Damien Hirst’s Tale of Shipwreck and Salvaged Treasure." American Journal of
Archaeology 122, no. 1 (2017): 2-11.
Gritten, David. “Egyptians Complain over Netflix Depiction of Cleopatra as Black.” BBC News, April 19, 2023.
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-65322821.
Hall, Mark A. "Romancing the stones: archaeology in popular cinema." European Journal of Archaeology 7, no. 2 (2004): 159176.
Hiscock, Peter. “Film, Archaeology In.” Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, (2014). 2779–2781.
Holtorf, Cornelius, and Bodil Petersson. "The archaeology of time travel: Experiencing the past in the 21st century." The
Archaeology of Time Travel (2017): 1-330.
Jacobs, Norman, ed. Mass Media in modern society. Transaction Publishers, 1992.
Kobiałka, Dawid. "Between what is presented and how it is presented: historical re-enactment through popular culture." (2014).
Learey, Mark, "Filmed documentaries: How has western imagery of maritime archaeology influenced the creation and reception
of Damien Hirst’s Treasures from the Wreck of the Unbelievable? "(2018)
McGeough, Kevin. "Heroes, mummies, and treasure: Near Eastern archaeology in the movies." Near Eastern Archaeology 69, no.
3-4 (2006): 174-185.
Morgan, Colleen. "Archaeology and the moving image." Public Archaeology 13, no. 4 (2014): 323-344.
Singh, Apoorva. "A Biography of the Titanic: Reuse, Rumours and Myths; Constant Sinking and Resurrections Through Stories
Spectacular." (2020).
Yates, Bonnie. “On the Use of Actors and Re-Enactments in Documentaries.” Alternative Considerations of Jonestown Peoples
Temple, 2018. https://jonestown.sdsu.edu/?page_id=81711. Accessed: April 29, 2023
“Production Notes: Mockumentary.” Nevada Film Office, September 28, 2019. https://nevadafilm.com/productionnotes-mockumentary/.
“The Dig: Sutton Hoo: Suffolk.” National Trust. Accessed April 20, 2023.
https://www.nationaltrust.org.uk/visit/suffolk/sutton-hoo/digging-the-dirt-at-sutton-hoo-the-true-story-behind-the-dig.

Films in the text:
The Deep. (1977). [film] Directed by P. Yates.
The Dig. (2021). [film] Directed by Stone. S. Netflix
The Mummy: Tomb of the Dragon Emperor. (2008). [film] Directed by R. Cohen.
The Pirates: The Last Royal Treasure. (2022). [film] Directed by J.H.Kim.
The Treasure Hunter. (2009). [film] Directed by K.Chu.
Titanic. (1977). [film] Directed by J.Cameron.
Treasure of Jamaica Reef. (1974). [film] Directed by V. Stone.
Treasures from the Wreck of the Unbelievable. (2017). [film] Directed by D.Hirst.
National Treasure. (2004). [film] Directed by J. Turteltaub.
Queen Cleopatra (promotional trailer). (2023). Netflix
Raiders of the Lost Ark. (1981). [film] Directed by S. Spielberg.
Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade. (1989). [film] Directed by S. Spielberg.
Into the Blue.(2005). [film] Directed by J.Stockwell.
Fool's Gold. (2008). [film] Directed by A.Tennant.

5

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hunting, looting, and commercial exploitation. Therefore, raising awareness about underwater cultural heritage and&#13;
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                <text>Elsayed, Asmaa. 2023. “Media Curiosity and Underwater Cultural Heritage.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Bill Jeffery. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1964 </text>
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                    <text>Medieval Ports and Maritime Activities on the North Malabar Coast of India

V. Selvakumar
Department of Epigraphy and Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur 613010, India
Email: selvakumarodi@gmail.com

Abstract
The Malabar Coast of India (Lat. 8° and 13° N, and Long. 74° 50’ and 77° 50’E) is
strategically positioned in the navigational network of the Indian Ocean region. From
Early Historic times, this region witnessed intense maritime activities. While there exist
many studies on the Early Historic (300 BCE to 600 CE) and Modern period (1500 to
1950 CE), medieval maritime activities of Kerala have not received due attention. The
Arab and Chinese sources and the Geniza documents help us to understand the
maritime history of this region. Indian, Chinese, Arab and Jewish merchants were
active, with Kozhikode and Pantalayini Kollam emerging as important ports on the North
Malabar Coast. This paper discusses the maritime activities on north Malabar Coast
(from ca. 600 CE to 1500 CE) in general, and the dynamic around the above-mentioned
ports in particular, based on textual and archaeological sources.

Key words: Maritime Archaeology, Ibn Batutta, Malabar, Ports, Indian Ocean Trade

Introduction
India is strategically positioned in the navigational networks of the Indian Ocean region
that connect the eastern and western worlds. The landscape of India is like a
honeycomb that hangs in the “Indian Ocean-scape,” fanned by the southwest and
northeast monsoons, which facilitate cultural exchanges and cross-fertilization across
the ocean. India has been a source of ideologies which have influenced, and natural
resources that have attracted people from different regions of Asia, Europe and Africa.
Because of proximity, variation in the internal and external cultural factors and the
1

�available natural resources, the Indian coastal landscapes have had different microregions. The North Malabar Coast of India (Fig. 1) is one such micro-region that
witnessed the rise of many maritime centres, and it has occupied a significant place in
the maritime history of India. An overview of the maritime history of this region from ca.
600 to 1500 CE is presented in this paper.
The Region
North Malabar lies (Lat. 11° and 13° N, and Long. 74° 50’ and 77° 50’E) in the
southwestern corner of India. This
region, bounded by the Arabian
Sea in the west and by the
Western Ghats in the east, is
drained by several rivers, and
along the sea coast, bays and
backwater lakes occur. The river
mouths serve as landing points for
ships and the rivers support inland
Fig. 1 Location map of Kerala. (Selvakumar, 2014)

navigation. Important loci on the
coast have been the promontory-

like features with bays near Koyilandy, Kannur and Ezhilmala, which offer secure
contexts for the ships. The region is favored by the Southwest Monsoon and it has an
annual rainfall of around 3000 mm. Kerala has forests with resources such as wood and
spices, including pepper. Presence in the terminal zone of the Indian subcontinent gives
Kerala an advantageous position in the Indian Ocean maritime networks.
Previous Research
A few studies are available on the maritime history of North Malabar Coast. History of
the port towns of Kozhikkode (Narayanan, 2006) and Pantalayini Kollam (Raghava
Varier, 2003) has received scholarly attention. The medieval commercial activities of
this region are discussed by Karashima (2002), Chakravarti (2008, 2012) and Habib
(2011) as part of developments in the Indian Ocean region. Sila Tripati et al., (2005)
discuss about a stone anchor found near Hydross Palli Mosque. None of the medieval

2

�ports have been excavated. A surface survey of the ports of this region was undertaken
by the author from 2005 to 2007.
Sources
Historical

texts

assist

in

understanding the maritime history of
the Malabar Coast. The inscriptions
from southern India published under
South Indian Inscriptions and Annual
Report on Indian Epigraphy are
useful for studying the commercial
activities.

The

Mushika

Vamsa

Kavyam, considered to the earliest
known historical text of India, is Fig. 2 Ports of the Malabar Coast. (Selvakumar,
useful for understanding the history 2014)
of North Malabar. For reconstructing maritime history, external sources are very crucial,
as they provide an Oceanic perspective, which is absent in the local sources. Foreign
accounts of Macro Polo (Murray, 1845) and the Moroccan traveler Ibn Battuta give
details on the ports of Malabar (Gibb et al., 1971). The Chinese sources (Raghava
Varier, 2003) and the Geniza documents are very important for understanding the trade
dynamics of the Malabar Coast (Goitein and Friedman, 2008).
In this paper, the maritime activities are visualized in terms of: A) ports/settlements and
landscape features, B) communities and the agencies, C) commodities, D) maritime
corridors and E) navigation and shipbuilding.
A. Medieval Ports/Maritime centers and the Landscape of the North Malabar Coast
The landscape of Kerala is very rich in natural resources, especially pepper, cardamom,
timber and iron. In addition, Malabar Coast is strategically located facing the ports of
West Asia and North Africa. Besides, its congenial climate was a factor that attracted
migrants and maritime agencies.

Calicut (Kozhikkode), Pantalayini Kollam and

Mangalore were the major medieval ports of the North Malabar Coast (Fig. 2), besides
the smaller ports such as Cumbala, Kasaragod, Nileshwar, Eli, Baliapatnam,
3

�Dharmapatam, Chombaye, Badagara, Pantalayini Kollam, Parappanangadi and
Ponnani (Kurup, 1997). A few specialized centers, e.g. Beypore, which served as a
major shipbuilding centre in the late historical period, also perhaps existed in the
medieval period. The smaller ports and the hinterland settlements also had an important
role in the economic system and they supported the larger ports. The larger ports-cumpolitical-commercial centers developed due to the resource concentration, external
demand for commodities, and the nature of organization of local polities.
Mangalore
Mangalore (12°51'35"N, 74°49'57"E) was an important port catering to the hinterlands of
Karnataka region and northern Malabar, and it was a major commercial centre, as it
figures in many travelers’ accounts. It is identified with Ibn Battuta’s Manjarun, a major
estuary of Malabar. It is said to have had 4000 Mohammedan merchants including the
greatest merchants from Yemen and Persia and was rich in spices and ginger. It was
here that the Jewish merchant, whose letters have been preserved in the Cairo Geniza,
was involved in commercial activities in the twelfth century (Goitein and Friedman,
2008).
Ezhilmala
Ezhilmala or Mount Eli (12°2'39"N, 75°11'51"E) was another important centre along the
Malabar Coast. The hill here served as an important landmark, as it is prominently
visible from the sea. This hill is considered to be part of Early Historic chief Nannan’s
territory. Ezhilmala is identified as the northern most limits where the ships of China
reach, according to Ibn Battuta. The mount Hili was considered sacred to
Mohammedans and Hindus. The existence of a mosque is also mentioned by Ibn
Batutta (Gibb et al., ‎1971). It is no surprise, since in the Indian tradition that such
prominent landscape features (e.g. hills) are considered sacred. Venetian traveler
Marco Polo, who visited India at the end of the thirteenth century mentions mount Eli,
i.e. Ezhimala. The nearby settlement of Madayi is also important and in the compound
of a mosque (considered to be medieval in age), West Asian glazed ceramics were
found in 2008. Vallabha II, The king of Mushika (Mushika=rat in Sanskrit and Eli in
Malayalam, and hence the Mount Eli) dynasty founded the ports of Madayi and
Valapattinam (Vallabha Pattanam=Valapattanam). Narayankannur inscription found
4

�near Ezhilmala gives details about the trade guild of Manigramattars, who were the
protectors of the temple land (Raghava Varier, 2003: 160). After Ezhilmala, the port of
Jurkannan is mentioned as the next destination by Ibn Battuta, and its king was held in
high regard. The exact location of this place is unknown. Dadkannan is the next town
mentioned and it could be identified with Dharmadam. Fattan is mentioned as the place
before Pantalayini Kollam and it had Brahmin population. Mention is made of a mosque,
which was used by strangers, by Ibn Battuta.
Pantalayini Kollam
Ibn Battuta mentions Fandarina as the town next to Fattan. Pantalayini Kollam (different
from the port of Kurakkenikollam (Quilon) of South Malabar) was an important port on
the Malabar Coast, located a little north of Koyilandy. This port figures in the accounts of
Ibn Battuta as Fandarina and it is identified with “Shaojunan” of Daoyi Zgilue (Aoyagi
and Ogawa, 2004: 51). Its location is close to a bay, which is considered an Ideal
location for wintering of the Chinese ships (Raghava Varier, 2003). Name of a merchant
called Kantancantirayya Chetti from Pantalayini Kollam occurs in an inscription (ca.
1234-35) from Vizagapattinam, a medieval port on the Andhra Coast (Annual Report on
Indian Epigraphy, Ins. 98 of 1909). Mostly ceramics of thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries were unearthed from Pantalayini Kollam (Aoyagi and Ogawa, 2004: 52). This
town also had Jewish and Arab merchants.
Calicut
Calicut or Kozhikkode was a major port in the northern part of Kerala. The reason for
the development of Calicut was perhaps the Samuthiri (Zamorins) kingdom. In addition,
its location in north Malabar directly opposite to the Gulf is very significant. Calicut
seems to have emerged as a major trade centre mainly from the thirteenth century
(Narayanan, 2006). According to Das Gupta, before the13th century the Persian Gulf
was an important commercial region which had direct connection with Chinese ports via
Kollam in southern Kerala. It has to be noted that in 2014 a large hoard of Chinese
coins were unearthed from Southern Kollam. This trade route was disrupted with the fall
of Abbasid Caliphite in 1258 CE, due to the Mongol invasion. As a result, the Persian
Gulf lost its importance and the Egyptian Karimi merchants gained prominence and
Calicut gained importance (Das Gupta, 1967: 5). Marco polo who visited Calicut in
5

�1293-94, mentions that Calicut was an important port and was famous for spice trade
(Raghava Varier, 2003). Ibn Batutta also gives a detailed account of Calicut port (Gibb
et al., ‎1971). The Samuthiris were the leading political powers here from the thirteenth
century. They could raise a strong army; build an alliance with the Muslim traders to
develop commercial activities in this town. Kamal-ud-Din Abdur Razzaq ibn Ishaq,
a Persian ambassador to the court of Samuthiris (Zamorin of Calicut), gives details on
Calicut, which seems to have emerged after the decline of southern Kollam. The
Chinese admiral Zheng He touched Calicut eight times (Chakravarti, 2012: 85), which
suggests that Calicut had a settlement of Chinese merchants. The Samuthiris also had
maintained good relations with the Chinese empire. Calicut also figures in the accounts
of Marco Polo and Niccolò de' Conti. Obviously Calicut was a large cosmopolitan centre
with Arab, Jewish, Chinese and local merchants, and well known for pepper and other
spices and the famous textiles called Calico. The dominance of the Arabs could have
reduced the significance of the Chinese merchants at a later date.
B. Communities and Agencies
Apart from the local people, who were mainly suppliers and consumers of goods, the
merchant communities played an active role in the maritime activities, which cannot
develop merely with the presence of one group; they are the result of interactions and
exchange involving multiple partners. This is very much evidenced by the Jewish,
Indian, Arab and Chinese communities who were involved in the mercantile transactions
of the Malabar Coast. After the 12th century the Arab traders were dominant on the
coastal landscape. However, numerous merchant guild inscriptions in the interior
regions suggest that local traders were also dominant in many parts of South India
(Karashima, 2002.)
Geniza documents and the Jewish Trader of the Malabar Coast
Geniza documents are an important source of medieval merchants of the western
Indian Ocean (Goitein and Friedman, 2008). These documents have been compiled and
edited by Goitein, and Amitav Gosh has published on the contexts of the letters (Ghosh,
2012). Abraham Bin Yiju was a Tunisian Jewish merchant who had set up a brass
factory on the Malabar Coast perhaps near Mangalore and was sending commodities
from Malabar region. He had married a girl from Malabar and lived on the Malabar
6

�Coast for about 17 years. The correspondence between him and his agents is
preserved in the Cairo Geniza documents. These documents help us understand the
connections and the importance of the trade. The letters mention about a Nambiyar who
was a Nakhuda, a ship captain. Geniza documents also prove that pepper was the
dominant commodity in the trade, and it adds that iron was also exported from the
Malabar coast. The fact that the Jewish trader set up a brass factory here reveals the
entrepreneurial activities of the merchants across the oceans. The luxury commodities
that the Jewish merchant demanded from his contacts in West Asia, give a glimpse on
the personal preference of the merchants.
Medieval Merchant Guilds
From the early medieval period, trade guilds were active in South India, including the
Malabar Coast. The Terisapally copper plates of ninth century mention about the
Anjuvannam and Manigramattar (Abraham, 1988). Mercantile activities of medieval
South India were very dynamic from about 13th century CE. Inscriptions mention the
activities of Nanadesis and Tisaiyayirattu Ainurrvar. Merchant guild inscriptions occur in
several places of Kerala: Pantalayini Kollam, Ramantali, Talakad, and Wayanad
(Shanmugam, 2002: 297-307).
C. Commodities
Commodities are important ingredients of maritime trade. As social complexities
increased, communities required prestige goods from long distance for various reasons
including social hierarchy and warfare.
Pepper
Pepper was an important exported commodity in the maritime trade of the Malabar
Coast. Pepper grows naturally and it was also cultivated extensively in medieval Kerala.
The bulk of the pepper production gave Malabar Coast an advantage in the spice trade
of the Indian Ocean.
Horses
Horse, an important animal of prestige
(Fig. 3), transport and warfare was in
great demand in the medieval period,

Fig. 3 The Chera King of Kerala depicted on a
7horse in the 11th century paintings of
Brihadhiswara
(Selvakumar, 2014)

Temple,

Thanjavur.

�when feudalism and warfare were on the rise. The Sangam Tamil texts of the early
period indicated that horse and chariots were symbols of the chiefs and royalty. To
maintain political supremacy, the local rulers acquired horses very extensively and as
result the horse traders, from northern part of Kerala, amassed a lot of wealth and
numerous inscriptions mention their activities in various parts of South India. Kudirai
Chettis (horse traders) of Malaimandalam figure frequently in the inscriptions and
because of their access to the western coast, these traders could dominate horse trade
in South India.
Other Commodities
In addition to prestige goods, subsistence goods such as rice and wheat, and fine
clothes, semi precious stones, metal and camphor were also traded. The Geniza
documents indicate the preference of the Jewish trader for good quality paper and other
personal items.
D. Maritime Corridors
The Malabar Coast represents one of the historically important maritime stretches in the
Indian Ocean world. The Malabar Coast was part of four important corridors of trade.
Corridor (A) covered from Gujarat to the Malabar Coast; the second corridor (B) linked
the east coast of India. The international corridors that connected with the ports of West
Asia (C) and with China and the East (D) are the other two. The ships from Malabar
came to Gujarat with spices, timber and areca nut and returned with clothes, pepper
and horses (Habib, 2011). The merchants from the Malabar Coast were active in the
medieval Andhra coast. It is also clear that Bengal supplied rice to Maldives Island and
in turn shells were exported from the Maldives (Chakravarti, 2012: 86).
It is considered that the Chinese Junks sailed up to the Malabar Coast and the goods
were transported into the ships of the western world from Malabar Coast (Aoyagi and
Ogawa, 2004: 53). It was convenient for the Chinese sailors to navigate up to the
Malabar Coast, and similarly the Arab sailors could continue to operate from the West
Coast of India. The Malabar Coast interlinked these eastern and western Indian Ocean
realms, beautifully and acted as an intermediary (transit) space in the “Indian Ocean
scape”.
8

�E. Navigation and Shipbuilding
Navigation is the key
factor that facilitated
maritime
The

enterprise.

texts

give

a

detailed picture of the
navigation during this
period. The tradition of
shipbuilding was well
established

in

this

region in the medieval
period (Kurup, 1997;
Greeshmalatha

and Fig. 4 Beypore Boatbuilding yard. (Selvakumar, 2014)
Rajamanickam, 1997).
Beypore still has a tradition of building large ships called Uru, which are now
manufactured for the Gulf market (Fig. 4). The watercraft of Uru is mentioned in the
medieval inscription of Mottupalli of Andhra Pradesh. The reason for the emergence of
large shipbuilding industries in the north Malabar seems to be theavailability of good
quality timber in the Nilambur forests (Kurup, 1997). A stone anchor reported by Sila
Tripati et al., (2005) near Kannur belonged to a large ship. The Indians also owned
large ships as evidenced by the Geniza documents and Ibn Batutta indirectly mentions
that he sailed in a ship that was produced in India. The abundance of teak wood and
Anjili (Artocarpus hirsutus) here made the building of large ships easier. Ibn Batutta
mentions about three types of Chinese ships that plied on the Malabar Coast. The
medieval sailboat excavated at Thaikkal in southern Kerala displays Southeast Asian
and Chinese features (Tomalin et al., 2004; Selvakumar, 2006). The maritime contacts
obviously brought new elements into local shipbuilding traditions.
Discussions
Maritime activities are the result of a number of factors, both internal and external.
Efflorescence of culture, elite consumers and organized state are essential factors for
long distance trade. The emergence of empires in West Asia, India and China boosted
9

�the maritime activities in the Indian Ocean. Fluctuations were also seen in the intensity
of the trade due to changes in the political and economic factors in the Indian Ocean
region. The historical developments in medieval India reveal that maritime dynamics of
this region is partly due to the core cultural developments in the interior and partly due
to external factors. The coasts are regions where external and internal factors fuse. The
coastal landscapes at times remain entirely distinct cultural regions from the interiors,
because of the external dynamic. From the developments it is clear that the fortunes of
ports fluctuated according to the political scenario. We notice the rise of Calicut and the
decline of Kollam in the medieval period. From the fifteenth century, the long distance
voyage declined and the different sectors of the trade routes from West Asia to China
were navigated in separate lags and were dominated by different navigators; the route
from west Asia to India was dominated by Arab navigators, while those from India to
Malacca were dominated by Indian navigators and the Chinese navigators dominated
the stretch between Malacca and South China (Das Gupta, 1967).
Calicut, Pantalayini Kollam and Mangalore were the major ports of the North Malabar
Coast. The reasons for the rise of major ports in North Malabar could be attributed to
the strong political power, especially the Samuthiris. They did realize the importance of
the maritime trade and the dynamics that could bring wealth and prestige goods for the
territory, and supported the activities of the merchants. With regard to the goods of
trade, pepper was an important commodity exported from this region, while horse was
one of the important items of import. In addition timber was also exported and reference
is also made to the construction of ships on the Malabar Coast. Camphor was imported
from Southeast Asia and carnelian, from Gujarat. The Jewish traders seem to have
been active in the trade activities from about ninth century in Kerala. From the analysis
of evidence, one could see the predominance of Arab traders from the 13th century in
South India. Similar pattern is also seen on the east coast. This could be attributed to
the dominant role of West Asian kingdoms in medieval Asian history. The development
of strong states, state policies and consumerist elites and materialistic, enterprising
merchants were essential for the maritime commercial activities. Urbanization and
commercial activities, including the proliferation of merchant guilds, took stronger roots
in South India from the thirteenth century, which could be attributed to the “medieval
10

�globalization” (a world system) that was sweeping across the Indian Ocean Regions.
The historical sources clearly indicate that external factors were as dominant as internal
factors in the development of long distance maritime trade.
Acknowledgements
My thanks are due to Sila Tripati, Veronica Walker and Brian Fahy for their suggestions
on the paper. I am grateful to the Nehru Trust for the Indian Collections at the Victoria
and Albert Museum for providing travel grant in 2013, which supported data collection
for my research.
References
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Ghosh, A., 2012. In An Antique Land. Ravi Dayal Publisher, New Delhi.
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Ages: Documents from the Cairo Geniza “India Book”. Part I. Brill, The Netherlands.
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�Habib, I., 2011. Economic History of Medieval India, 1200-1500. History of Science,
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Murray, H., 1845. The Travels of Marco Polo. Oliver and Boyd, Edinburg.
Narayanan, M. G. S., 2006. Calicut: The City of Truth. University of Calicut, Calicut.
Raghava Varier, M. R., 2003. Patalayani Kollam: A Medieval Port Town on the Malabar
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Selvakumar, 2006. Nature and Characteristics of the sailboat excavated at TaikkalKadakkarappally, Alappuzha District, Kerala. In A. S. Gaur and K. H. Vora (Eds.),
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Biography
V. Selvakumar is a faculty member of the Department of Epigraphy and Archaeology,
Tamil University, Thanjavur, India. His research interests are Indian Ocean Exchanges,
Archaeological theory, Archaeology of South India and Heritage Management. He has
published one book, Tamil Cultural Connections across the World, 2010, and co-edited
a book, namely, History of Thiruvathikunnam (in Tamil, 2013).

12

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                  <text>Session 13: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology of the Indian Ocean Region</text>
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                  <text>Video interview with Session 13 chair Dr. Sila Tripati and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as â€˜underwaterâ€™, â€˜marineâ€™ and â€˜nauticalâ€™ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports.&#13;
Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to â€˜Underwater Archaeologyâ€™, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature â€˜Hydro-archaeologyâ€™ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations.&#13;
Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. </text>
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                  <text>Dr. Sila Tripati</text>
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                <text>Medieval Ports and Maritime Activities on the North Malabar Coast of India</text>
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                <text>The Malabar Coast of India (Lat. 8Â° and 13Â° N, and Long. 74Â° 50â€™ and 77Â° 50â€™E) is strategically positioned in the navigational network of the Indian Ocean region. From Early Historic times, this region witnessed intense maritime activities. While there exist many studies on the Early Historic (300 BCE to 600 CE) and Modern period (1500 to 1950 CE), medieval maritime activities of Kerala have not received due attention. The Arab and Chinese sources and the Geniza documents help us to understand the maritime history of this region. Indian, Chinese, Arab and Jewish merchants were active, with Kozhikode and Pantalayini Kollam emerging as important ports on the North Malabar Coast. This paper discusses the maritime activities on north Malabar Coast (from ca. 600 CE to 1500 CE) in general, and the dynamic around the above-mentioned ports in particular, based on textual and archaeological sources. </text>
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                <text>V. Selvakumar, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                    <text>Medieval Ships of East Asia Illustrated in Goryeo Dogyeong
Jin Ho-shin (National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
The paper focuses on the ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia. Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong1 illustrates
the early period of Goryeo, a time that lacks of historical records. The book contains information of official ships
that envoys took and private ships in Song dynasty. It details their shape, weight, length, passenger capacity, and
ship accessories. Illustrations include a patrol vessel, official vessel, Songbang 2 , Makseon 3 , hhaeseon 4 , etc.,
according to the regions and usages of Korean shipping. The study is carried out by analyzing features of official
and private ships represented in Goryeo Dogyeong, comparing them to features of hhinese ships and their
accessories recovered from underwater, and figuring out their scantling lists. Also, usages and measurements of
ships in the Goreyo period represented in the historical records, such as Songbang and Makseon, were compared
with shipwrecks discovered underwater.
The research on ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia is expected to flourish information of vessels in
the early Goryeo period (918–1392 hE) as well as vessels in Song dynasty (960-1279 hE). Similarities and
differences are in the vessels of the Middle Ages discovered from underwater of East Asia. The research is focused
on analyzing types and features of vessels used at that period, according to the countries and regions, based on
Goryeo Dogyeong.
Keywords: Gwanseon, Songbang, Goryeo Dogyeong, Sunseon

INTRODUCTION
This paper is about ships of East Asia in the twelfth century. Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong
contains abundant data on ships of the time when historical data on early Goryeo period is scarce.
Therefore, the ships of the Song Dynasty in Goryeo Dogyeong correspond to Shenzhou ships and
Kezhous ships that the envoys took and it contains lots of information on Chinese ships in the twelfth
century. In addition, the Goryeo ships that appeared at the reception ceremony for the delegation on
June 6, 1123 CE, when Seogeung and a party of envoys from Song arrived at Gunsan Island, were
Sunseon, Gwanseon, Songbang, and Makseon. It would have basically taken the form of a Hanseon5.
So far, researches on sunken ships such as Wando shipwreck, Dalido shipwreck, Anjwa shipwreck,
Taean shipwreck and Mado shipwreck excavated from the seas of Korean Peninsula were conducted
mainly in terms of the information on Korean ships during Goryeo period; but it seems that various
kinds of ships existed given the Korean ships mobilized for the welcoming ceremony at Gunsando in
Goryeo Dogyeong. Therefore, this paper examines various kinds of ships utilized on the Korean
Peninsula in the early Goryeo period (918–1392 CE) through the records of Goryeo Dogyeong in
addition to Kezhous ships that the envoys took from Song Dynasty in 1123 CE.

1
2
3
4
5

Full name of Goryeo Dogyeong
Big vessel made up of bamboos
Vessel closed by curtains
Vessel used for the performance
Korean ship
1

�SHIPS OF GORYEO ILLUSTRATED IN GORYEO DOGYEONG
Sunseon (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Sunseon is a flat-bottomed ship, which has very simple structure as it is said that a mast was erected in
the middle, there was no boathouse on the deck, and only oars and rudder. Ten Sunseon were at the
gateway to the northern island of Seonyoodo from Namhaemun gate between southern island of
Seonyoodo and Munyeodo. It seems that Sunseon was a ship that local officials near Gunsando used to
welcome envoys and for regular tours of the jurisdiction. Judging from the fact that there is only one
mast on the deck and no pavilion, it is presumed to be a Goryeo ship used as a ship for sailing with the
size of Chonmaseon or small flat-bottomed ship. It seems that the ships were mobilized from the nearby
area for welcoming and escorting envoys.
Gwanseon (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Gwanseon has a pavilion covered with a roof on the deck and there were doors and windows below
them. There were handrails around the deck and the place prepared by connecting the crossbar (yoke)
to the plate to stretch it to the outside and deck is wider than lower plate. The hull did not have plate6
and it is considered that the bent log was fixed like a wedge by straightening it (to the left and right
plates).
On the bow is a wheel for winding the anchor line and a large mast was on the deck. One-fifth of the
uppermost sail was laid out (punched) without stitching and it is for the preparation of the sailing against
the wind. When envoys enter the territory of Goryeo, more than ten ships called Jeopban, Seoneon,
Gwangu, and Gongju come from the east. The size is the same, but the tent was installed only on
Jeopbanseon.
Ships in the records of the Goryeo Dynasty included the Nuseon and the Gwaseon as Gunseon and the
Chomaseon and the Pyeongjeoseon as Jowoonseon. There are no detailed records about the size,
structure, and decoration of the ship including the mast. However, the following records provide some
relevant detail:
1. There is a record of ‘增治舟舸百餘艘, 大船十數, 各方十六步, 上起樓櫓, 可以馳馬’ in the
Goryeosa. In History of Ships by Kim Jae-geun, the size of Nuseon was measured about 30 meters in
length.
2.
In
the
record
of
Goryeosa,
‘定十二倉,
漕船之數,
石頭·通陽·河陽·永豐·鎭城·芙蓉·長興·海龍·海陵·安興, 各船六艘, 並哨馬船, 一船載一千石.
德興二十艘, 興元二十一艘, 並平底船, 一船載二百石.’ is mentioned, which means 160,000 kg can
be loaded on one Chomaseon and 32,000 kg can be on one Pyeongjeoseon.
3. In the Japanese historical record of Shoyuki (1019 CE), the tenth year of King Hyeongjong that a
Japanese woman captured by pirates was rescued by Goryeo naval forces and returned to Japan: ‘Goryeo
ships had four oars on left and right sides respectively and there were seven to eight oars on one side
and various tools and weapons were stored in the middle of the ship. It was said that there were five to
six boatmen and 20 soldiers on the ship. In addition, it was recorded that a horn made of iron was
attached to the front of the battle ship. Some information was described incorrectly from the perspective
of a woman who does not have professional knowledge on ship and some characters are hard to interpret,
limiting correct understanding of the information but what is clear is that it refers to Gwaseon of Goryeo.
‘上爲茅蓋, 下施戶牖’ in Goryeo Dogyeong mentions Gwanseon refers to post of Panokseon in Joseon
period, which refers to Nuseon in the Goryeo historical record. As mentioned in the first reference above,
6

Bulkhead, in the case of hhinese ships, attached outer plates by making a number of watertight compartments
2

�the full length is about 30 meters. However, it is considered to be Nuseon with simple post structure on
the deck as there was no description on the structure of upper deck of Panokseon in Joseon period.
In Goryeo Dogyeong, it is said that ‘six ships carrying soldiers escort envoy ships’ so Gwanseon recorded
by Seogeung is Gwaseon of Goreyo.
Songbang (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Songbang is a ship of Gunsando. It has straight bow and stern and there are five cabins covered with a
belt and there were small rooms on the front and back sides. A table and shade were placed. At the center
was silk mat situated, which is the most splendid. Only high-ranking officials could be on that place.
In the record of history of Korean ships, there was no information on Songbang and it is shown only in
Goryeo Dogyeong. While Segeung used ‘船’ to describe Suncheon, Gwanseon and Markseon, he used
‘舫’ which is very unfamiliar for Songbang. Given the type of record in Goryeo Dogyeong, given the
fact that ‘船’ was used to consider functions and operation of the ship, ‘松’ and ‘舫’ should be considered
separately.
First of all, ‘舫’ is called a double-hulled ship in the Chinese dictionary and it is described as
‘舫就是一種將兩船併爲一體的單體船’ in the ancient shipbuilding section of the Fujian Provincial
Agency for Cultural Affairs. It is interpreted to be a single ship that combines two ships. And in the
painting of Nakshinbudo drawn by Gao Ji in the Song Dynasty, a picture of a painting in the Eastern Jin
Dynasty, and it is a ‘double-body ship’.
Then, it is a question of what meaning the ‘松’ character has. The connection between the pine tree ‘松’
and the pear is not immediately connected. If so, Seogeung called Songbang ‘a ship from Gunsando’
and it is reasonable to assume that this word was made for a one-time event to suit the purpose of the
event.
Therefore, Songbang can be considered as a ship specially designed for welcoming ceremony in
Gunsando for high-ranking officials from Song Dynasty. Likely a double body ship, where two flatbottomed ships are connected with broad deck for the convenience of the highest-ranking officials. In
addition, Chaebang shown in the drawings of Gunsando are a kind of Songbang, which is more specially
decorated. There is a painting called Feast for Pyeongyang Governor in Joseon period and it shows the
feast for Pyeongyang governor together with citizens on the background of Daedonggang River and
Pyeongyangseong. At that time many ships and people on the ship were drawn in the order of the social
ranking and ranking of government officials. On the back of the largest ship a main character is located
at the center, there is a ship where three ships are connected and three people rowing. This ship can be
recorded with the Chinese character ‘舫’.
Makseon (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Makseons are placed on all three islands, and middle and lower ranking envoys are carried on them. The
roof was made of blue cloth at the top, and poles were used as pillars at the bottom, and the four corners
were each tied with colored strings. It is a ship decorated with a design with four pillars erected on the
deck of the ship and covered with a blue cloth roof. The three islands refer to Gunsando, Mado, and
Jayeondo, which were anchored during the course from the time Seogeung and his party entered the
Goryeo Sea to the Yeseonggang River.

3

�CHINESE SHIP ILLUSTRATED IN GORYEO DOGYEONG
Specifications and structure of Kezhou
Transportation with the Korean Peninsula was blocked by Liao and Jin during the Northern Song
Dynasty (960–1279 CE), so the transportation to Goryeo mainly used the sea route. In the fifth year of
Seonhwa (1123 CE), senior envoy No Yun-jeok and assistant envoy Bu Muk-gyeong rented and
remodeled Gaekseon to carry the government officials and attendants among the double boats built as
civilian ships in Fujian Province. Seogeung said, ‘Shenhou Ships and Kezhou Ships were similar in
terms of shape’, and recorded Kezhou as Gaekju. Gaekju is said to be ‘其長十餘丈, 深三丈,
闊二丈五尺’, and if you look at the specifications, it is about 31 m in length, about 9.3 m in height and
7.7 m in width. The depth of the ship is recorded at 9.3 m, which is a big difference compared to other
double ships of the same time.
1. Nanhai ship 1 of Song Dynasty was 30 m in length, 3.5 m in depth and 9.8 m in width
2. Shipwreck excavated from Cheonju in Song Dynasty (960–1279 CE) was 34 m in length, 4 m in
depth and 11 m in width
3. Sinan shipwreck from Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368 CE) was 34 m in length, 3.7 m in depth and 11 m
in width
4. Hai fanchuan (the escort ship for Ryukyu Kingdom) from Qing Dynasty (1644–1911 CE) was 30 m
in length, 3.5 m in depth and 7.4 m in width.
Kezhou of Seogueng, Nanhai shipwreck no. 1, Sinan shipwreck and Cheonju are double ships from the
same time with similar length and width but Gaekju has twice higher depth than other ships. That is
considered that Seogeung referred to the eight areas of stern.
Segeung used the word ‘division’ while explaining the internal structure of Kezhou. The word division
is used for dividing plane structure and lateral structure. Therefore, it is necessary to look at the spatial
division first. First of all, plane structure is divided as follows. From the bow are pointed area, square
area, mast place, area for tools for ships, area for food and area for water as well as crew room and room
for living goods, firing and weapons and wheelhouse. Side structure is divided at the lowest bottom,
stones, coins and windows were placed to put load for utilizing the space as ships’s blast. The second
floor was for crew activity space and the third floor had cooking room and place for storing mast, sail
and other items. The fourth floor was place for high-ranking officials such as senior envoy and assistant
envoy. According to the division mentioned in Goryeo Dogyeong, fire pit and water pot were placed in
the outer window on plane side and the first floor on the lateral perspective. The rooms for soldiers are
located on the second floor. There are four rooms on the second floor. It has double deck structure on
the third and fourth floor.
Accessory of Kezhou
At the center of the side pillars of the bow is a wheel and a rattan rope on top of it and its length is 500
cheok7. At the bottom is an anchor stone and both sides of the anchor stone had wooden anchor support.
If there is a big wave, Yujeong was added and the method of use is similar to that of Daejeong. It is
placed on the both sides of the anchor. While sailing, it is withheld by wheeling. At the stern of Kezhou
are small and large two wooden structures and they are changed depending on the depth of sea route.
Upon sailing in open ocean, two oars are lowered to the sea and this is called the third control. In addition,
large bamboo baskets were placed at the sides of the ship to block waves and water flowing into the

7

Measuring unit for length (1 cheock is similar to 30.3 cm)
4

�ship. Each ship has 10 oars. The main mast is about 10 jang8 in height and bow mast is about 8 jang in
length. When the wind is not strong, 50 pieces are spread and when there is a side wind Yibong sail is
used. The wind strength is controlled by adjusting the sail from left and right. When there is a mild wind,
Pobeom added to the top of the main mast is used. However, if there is a reverse wind from the front
side, the ship cannot move forward. After placing post, the wind direction is identified with bird’s feather,
which is called Oryang.
CONCLUSIONS
As explained above, there were various shapes and kinds of ships in East Asia in the twelfth century
based on Goryeo Dogyeong. Senzhou is Gwanseon made into big and splendid ship by Song Dynasty
(960-1279 CE) for diplomatic purpose and Kezhou was improvement of private vessel used in Zhesiang
and Fujian regions and used for envoy ships. The way of making Shenzhou and Kezhou seemed to
continue in the tradition of making Jeonghwaboseon in Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 CE) and Bongju
when envoy from Ming Dynasty went to other countries. The escort ship used when envoys from Song
Dynasty arrived included Gwaseon, Nuseon, Chomaseon and Pyeongjeosun which succeeded the
traditional Goryeo ship pattern. Seogeung expressed the shape of Nuseon and Gwaseon, utilized in
Gunsando as Gwanseon and expressed Chomaseon and Pyeongjeoseon as Sunseon. What is noteworthy
is Songbang and Chaebang. As explained earlier, Songbang is a special purpose ship for escort by
connecting two ships for spacious area. All Goryeo ships shown in Goryeo Dogyeong were Korean ships
that succeeded the tradition of Goryeo Ship and its style continued to Panokseon and Jowoonseon in
Joseon period (1392-1897 CE).
Bibliography
Primary sources
Goryeosa
The Goddess of the Luo River
Xuānhwafengshi Gaolitujing
Shoyuki
Celebrations for the Governor of Pyeong-an

Secondary sources
Kim, Jaegeun. A Study on History of Korean Vessels. Seoul: SNUPress, 1998 (In Korean).
Kim, Jaegeun. History of Korean Vessels. Seoul: SNUPress, 1999 (In Korean).
Kim, Jaegeun. Korean Vessels. Seoul: SNUPress, 2002 (In Korean).
Heo, Il., Kim, Seongjun., and Choi, Unbong. Chinese Vessels. Busan: Jeonmang (2005).
Jang, Seok., and Ban, Seokho. Comprehension of Ships. Ansan: Korea Ocean Research &amp; Development Institute (2002).
Mun, Gyung-Ho. Gunsando Island and Gunsanjeong Pavilion, As Seen in Goryeodogyeong, Journal of Local History and
Culture 18, no. 2 (2015): 1-73 (In Korean).
Mun, Gyung-Ho. The International Situation throughout the East-Asian Region in the 12th hentury and the Shenzhou’s Seaway
to Goryeo, Journal of Korean Medieval History 55, no. 55 (2018): 11-46 (In Korean).

8

Measuring unit for length (1 jang is similar to 3.03m)
5

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                <text>The paper focuses on the ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia. Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong1&#13;
illustrates&#13;
the early period of Goryeo, a time that lacks of historical records. The book contains information of official ships&#13;
that envoys took and private ships in Song dynasty. It details their shape, weight, length, passenger capacity, and&#13;
ship accessories. Illustrations include a patrol vessel, official vessel, Songbang2&#13;
 , Makseon3&#13;
 , hhaeseon4&#13;
 , etc.,&#13;
according to the regions and usages of Korean shipping. The study is carried out by analyzing features of official&#13;
and private ships represented in Goryeo Dogyeong, comparing them to features of hhinese ships and their&#13;
accessories recovered from underwater, and figuring out their scantling lists. Also, usages and measurements of&#13;
ships in the Goreyo period represented in the historical records, such as Songbang and Makseon, were compared&#13;
with shipwrecks discovered underwater.&#13;
The research on ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia is expected to flourish information of vessels in&#13;
the early Goryeo period (918–1392 hE) as well as vessels in Song dynasty (960-1279 hE). Similarities and&#13;
differences are in the vessels of the Middle Ages discovered from underwater of East Asia. The research is focused&#13;
on analyzing types and features of vessels used at that period, according to the countries and regions, based on&#13;
Goryeo Dogyeong.&#13;
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                <text> Shin, Jin Ho. 2023. “Medieval Ships of East Asia Illustrated in Goryeo Dogyeong.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1956 </text>
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                <text>Medieval Trade Networks in the Western Indian Ocean (8th-14th centuries): Some Reflections from the Distribution Patterns of Chinese Imports in the Islamic World</text>
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                <text>Medieval Trade Networks in the Western Indian Ocean (8th-14th centuries): Some Reflections from the Distribution Patterns of Chinese Imports in the Islamic World</text>
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