32 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/eb606d5576d199f693a8ce1fc0ca3010.pdf e385fb9425a78ac03842c796a8738d45 PDF Text Text Maritime Archaeology of Ships of Indian Ocean, Southeast Asia and East Asia, the question of bulkheads Jeremy Green Abstract This paper will discuss the maritime archaeological work that has been carried out in the region, looking at shipbuilding construction and what has been learned through this work. In Southeast Asia the excavations in the 1980s by the Department of Archaeology of Thailand and the Western Australia Museum on the Pattaya and Ko Si Chang 3 sites will be examined, with a discussion on the construction techniques. In East Asia the significance of the Song dynasty ship from Quanzhou will be discussed in relation to the Southeast Asian ship construction. The whole of the geographical region dealt with in this paper is faced with the challenge of dealing with treasure hunting and the exploitation of underwater cultural heritage for financial gain. While maritime archaeological projects in the region have been limited, there is a need to encourage countries to understand and protect their cultural heritage. This can only be done through archaeological work, as there can be no real benefit from working for commercial salvage. The paper will discuss the relative merits of archaeological investigations of shipwrecks in the region compared with that of commercial salvage. Introduction The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that simple archaeological methods, when applied to shipwrecks, can produce important information. The paper centres on the Pattaya shipwreck, a site in the Gulf of Thailand that was completely looted in the 1970s. By examining the hull of the vessel a number of important conclusions were made about the construction of Southeast Asian ships. This was the first site in Southeast Asia where the construction of a vessel was published. Comparisons can be made with the Song dynasty shipwreck from Quanzhou, China. It is surprising that in spite of a number of non-archaeological projects involving Southeast Asian vessels, almost no information has been forthcoming on the construction and building of these vessels. It seems that the commercial companies involved in these operations, even when they employ an archaeologist, have neither the interest nor the inclination to study this aspect of the site. No doubt based on the commercial consideration that such work has no financial benefit. Historical evidence Needham (1971), in his encyclopaedic work Science and Civilisation of China (Volume 4: Physics and Physical Technology, Part III: Civil Engineering and Nautics) stated that ‘Geographical factors have had considerable influence in differentiating the craft found along the coasts of China…Hsieh Chan-Jen, commenting on a passage in the Jih Chih Lu (Daily Additions to Knowledge) of Ku Yen-Wu, itself finished in +1673, wrote as follows: The sea-going vessels of the Jiang-nan are named ‘sand-ships’ (sha chuan) for as their bottoms are flat and broad they can sail over shoals and moor near �sandbanks, frequenting sandy (or muddy) creeks and havens without getting stuck…But the sea-going vessels of Fujian and Guangdong have round bottoms and high decks. At the base of their hulls there are large beams of wood in three sections called ‘dragon-spines’ (long gu). If (these ships) should encounter shallow sandy (water) the dragon spine may get stuck in the sand, and if the wind and tide are not favourable there may be danger in pulling it out. But sailing to the South Seas (Nan-Yang) where there are many islands and rocks in the water, ships with dragon-spines can turn more easily to avoid them. (Needham 1971, Vol. 4.3: 429). It is unclear from this passage if Needham has confused the strengthening wales with the true keel of deep hulled vessels. The earlier passage clearly indicates this error, since it refers to the long gu getting stuck in the sand. Needham (1971:409) also refers to the Tien Gong Wu (Exploitation of the Works of Nature) by Song Ying Xing in 1637. Here a description of a canal grain-carrying vessel is given and then his description of the shipyards: The construction of the boat begins with the bottom. The strakes of the hull are built up on both sides from the bottom to a height (equivalent to that of the future) deck. Bulkheads are set at intervals to divide the vessel (into separate compartments), [we may interpret this statement as an indication that the vessels were built shell-first] and (the holds have) sheer vertical sides which are called qiang…The horizontal bars (heng mu) which grasp the mast’s foot below this are called ‘ground dragons’ (di long), and these are connected by components called ‘lion-tamers’ (fu shi), while underneath them lies another called a ‘lion-grasper’ (na shi). Under the ‘lion-tamers’ are the ‘closure pieces’ (feng tou mu) otherwise known as triple tie-bars (lian san fang)… Another important source from the Song Dynasty is Marco Polo who resided in China between 1275 and 1292. He wrote about Chinese river shipping and also on sea-going vessels of Guangdong and Fujian. There are interesting variations in the translation of The Travels of Marco Polo. The version translated by Latham (1958) gives the following account at the beginning of Chapter Six: From China to India: They are built of a wood called spruce or fir. They have one deck; and above this deck, in most ships, are at least sixty cabins, each of which can comfortably accommodate one merchant. They have one steering oar and four masts. Needham (1971) gives an alternative and unreferenced translation that will be quoted here in full. Note the differences between the two versions: …the merchants go and come into India through the Indian Sea. Now you may know that those ships are made in such a way as I shall describe unto you. I tell you that are mostly built of the wood which is called fir or pine. They have one floor, which with us is called a deck, one for each, and on this deck there are commonly in all the greater number quite 60 little rooms or cabins, and in some, more, and in some, fewer, according as the ships are larger or smaller, where, in each, a merchant can stay comfortably. …Some ships, namely those which are larger, have besides quite 13 holds, that is, divisions, on the inside, made with strong planks fitted together, so that if by accident that the ship is staved in any place, namely that it either strikes on a rock, or a whale-fish striking against it in search of food staves it in. And then the water �entering through the hole runs to the bilge, which never remains occupied with things. And then the sailors find out where the ship is staved and then the hold which answers to the break is emptied into the others, for the water cannot pass from one hold to another, so strongly are they shut in; and they repair the ship there and put back the goods which were taken out. They are indeed nailed in such a way; for they are all lined, that is, that they have two boards above the other. And the boards of the ship, inside and outside, are thus fitted together, that is, they are in the common speech of our sailors, caulked both outside and inside, and they are all well nailed inside and outside with iron pins. They are not pitched with pitch, because they have none of it in those regions, but they oil them in such a way as I shall tell you, because they have another thing that seems better than pitch. For I tell you that they take lime and hemp chopped up small and they pound it all together, I tell you that becomes sticky and holds like birdlime. And with this thing they smear their ships and this is worth quite as much as pitch. Moreover I tell you again that when the great ships wish to be decorated [?], that is to be repaired, and it has made a great voyage or has sailed a whole year or more and needs repair, they repair it in such a way. For they nail yet another board over the aforesaid original two all round the ship without removing the former at all, and then there are three of them over the whole ship everywhere, one nailed above the other, and then when it is nailed they also caulk and oil it with the aforesaid mixture and this is the repair which they do. And at the end of the second year at the second repair they nail yet another board leaving the other boards so that there are four. And this way they go each year from repair to repair until the number of six boards, the one nailed on the other. And when they have six boards the one upon the other nailed then the ship is condemned and they sail no more in her on too high seas but in near journeys and good weather and they do not overload them until it seems to them that they are of no more value and that can make no more use of them. Then they are dismantled and broken up. Marco Polo is the origin of the theory that Chinese ships had bulkhead compartments that were completely watertight. Later writers, up to and including Needham followed this suggestion. However, every Asian vessel with bulkheads that has been archaeologically excavated shows evidence that the bulkheads, although sealed with luting, had limbers to allow water to flow between the compartments. Additionally, there has been no evidence of stoppers or bungs in the limbers, indicating at the time of sinking the limbers were open. The statement about the multiple planking provides historical evidence for a technique that would be hard to understand from the archaeological evidence alone. Ibn Battutah (Gibb 1958), who was in China in 1347, noted that: The Chinese vessels are of three kinds; large ships called chunks [in other translations jonouq, in Needham chuan]…These vessels are built in the towns of Zaytún and Sín-Kalán. The vessel has four decks and contains rooms, cabins, and saloons for merchants; a cabin has chambers and a lavatory, and can be locked by its occupant…This is the manner after which they are made; two (parallel) walls of very thick wooden (planking) are raised and across the space between and longitudinally and transversely by means of large nails, each three ells in length. When these walls have thus been built the lower deck is fitted in and the ship is launched before the upper works are. �Southeast Asian examples of bulkheads The Pattaya Pottery Site, in the Gulf of Thailand was discovered in about 1976 by sports divers and was the subject of continual looting. Howitz (1977: 14) reported: …to a very large extent treasure hunters had already looted valuable and goodquality items and had, as well, seriously damaged the remains of the ship itself. There is evidence that they had used explosives to enter the cargo compartments, and an airlift to blow away the mud and sand. In 1982 a joint Thai–Australian team of maritime archaeologists carried out an excavation of the site (Green & Harper 1982). It provided, for a looted wreck site, a large body of information. Evidence of looting included recently broken stoneware storage jars littering the site and holes dug around the site. What was of particular interest was the remaining hull structure, about 9 meters by 4 meters, which was protruding from the seabed. The excavation revealed a remaining hull structure composed of eight strakes on either side of the keel, six bulkheads and a mast step. The planking was edge joined with dowels, consisted of three layers, an inner layer 70 millimeters (mm) thick and two outer layers of 40 mm. Six bulkheads, with two limbers 110 mm in diameter cut in the base next to the keel, were supported by light frames. The bulkheads consisted of parallel planks 70 mm thick, edge-joined with dowels. The frames were nailed to the bulkhead and to the hull, with lateral and vertical iron nails. A mast step consisting of large block of wood, shaped to fit the bottom of the vessel, sat across the keel against the sixth bulkhead also had two limber holes. The excavation also showed some evidence as to how the cargo was arranged on the ship. Between bulkheads three and five on the starboard side of the vessel was a very large concretion that was confined to a line 300 mm off the centre line of the vessel. There was also evidence of bamboo dunnage protruding from the concretion. The concretion appeared to be confined by a partition to the starboard side of the vessel that may suggest internal arrangement and explain the function of the watertight bulkheads and the limbers. It is unclear why one would go to such lengths to seal the bulkheads while having large limbers on the bilge. Marco Polo’s statement that the compartments were watertight has been taken in the past to mean that the compartments were sealed. However, every vessel with bulkheads has been found to have open limbers. Some rational explanation is required to explain the presence of sealed bulkheads with open limber holes. If the cargo completely filled the compartment, how then does this work? The evidence on this site that there was a space in the centre of the compartment, about 600 mm wide that was kept clear. Presumably there was some form of longitudinal partition to confine the cargo space. This would then provide a narrow, but clear access to the limbers at the bottom of the bulkheads. One possibility is that in the event of the vessel springing a serious leak, the crew could gain access to the limbers and block them so that the leak could be confined to the hold affected. In normal circumstances the limbers were free to allow the movement of bilge water to the lowest point where it could be bailed or �pumped out. If there were no limbers then the bilge water would collect in each compartment, necessitating a bilge pump to be located or used in each compartment. However, this was not always the case. In the Ko Si Chang Three site (Green, et al. 1987), a large concretion of iron and storage jars was located over the keel area in one compartment, thus blocking the access to the limbers within that compartment. Possibly, depending on the nature of the cargo and loading arrangements, access (in these cases) was provided on alternate sides of the bulkheads. Chinese bulkheads The Song dynasty shipwreck found near Quanzhou, in Fujian Province of China (known as the Quanzhou Ship), has been the subject of a number of studies. It was the first Chinese vessel to be completely excavated and as such it is extremely interesting in relation to the question of bulkheads. In the Song ship the bulkheads are constructed from planks about 80 mm thick, skew nailed together. The skew nails were driven downwards and were inserted from both forward and aft faces of the bulkheads. Unlike the plank shell skew nails, they are very irregularly spaced (<100 mm–400 mm). The few scarfs in the planks that make up the bulkheads are complex and carefully made. On the side of each bulkhead closest to mid ships there are half frames. The half frames are on the aft side of bulkheads 1–6 and the forward side of bulkheads 7–11. There are no half frames at bulkhead 12. One immediately obvious difference in the construction of the bulkhead is the presence of iron brackets, that are cut through the hull and serve to support the bulkheads on the opposite to the frames. Brackets have not been found on any Southeast Asian vessel (defined by edge joining with dowels), but are common on Chinese vessels (Ningbo (Shimin 1991), Fa Shi (Yingfan 1985) and Shinan (Green 1983) ships). Limbers are about 250 mm high and 90 mm wide and their presence make it clear that neither the bulkheads nor the frames could have been strongly fastened to the keel; therefore, it is highly unlikely that they were set up before the plank shell was assembled. Remains of a layer of lime putty, containing very fine jute fibres, inside and out of the hull. This once again raises the question of the function of the limbers in relation to the bulkheads. Every Asian shipwreck with bulkheads has been found with open limber holes. There is conflicting evidence in the two Southeast Asian vessels, where in one case, at least one compartment between the bulkheads was completely filled with cargo, and in the other there is evidence that a central area between the two sides of the compartment was kept clear. Discussion The evaluation of the sites discussed suggest the following: • Both Chinese and Southeast Asian vessels shared common features, in particular the bulkheads and the frames that supported the bulkheads. �• • • • • • Bulkheads were luted to make them watertight but had limber holes that were open at the time of the loss of the vessels. Southeast Asian vessels were edge joined with dowels whereas Chinese vessels were fastened with iron nails. Chinese vessels often had a form of stiffeners that penetrated the hull and attached to the opposite of the bulkhead to the frames to support the bulkheads. The main mast step was similar in both Chinese and Southeast Asian vessels, indicating a tabernacle arrangement. The location of the frames against the bulkheads, on either side of the mast step was similar in both Chinese and Southeast Asian vessels. There is evidence for multiple layers of planking, with the innermost layer being the thickest, in both Chinese and Southeast Asian vessels. There is evidence that both Chinese and Southeast Asian vessels were built shell first with the bulkheads inserted after the construction of the main hull shell. Bibliography Gibb, H.A.R., 1958 Green, J.N, Harper, R. & Intakosi, V., 1987 Green, J.N. & Harper, R., 1982 Green, J.N., 1983 Green, J.N., 1983 Howitz, P.C., 1977 Latham, R., 1958 Lin Shimin, Du Genqui and Green, J.N., 1991 Needham, J., 1971 Wang Gungwu, The travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325-1354. Hakluyt Soc., Cambridge. (Second Series). The maritime archaeology of shipwrecks and ceramics in Southeast Asia and the Ko Si Chang Three shipwreck excavation. Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology Special Publication, No. 4. The excavation of the Pattaya wreck site and survey of three other sites, Thailand 1982. Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology Special Publication, No. 1. The Shinan excavation, Korea: an interim report on the hull structure. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 12. 4: 293–302. The Song Dynasty shipwreck at Quanzhou Fujian Province, People’s Republic of China. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 12. 3: 253–261. Two ancient shipwrecks in the Gulf of Thailand: a report on archaeological investigations. Journal Siam Society, 65.2: 1–22. The travels of Marco Polo. Penguin Books. Waterfront excavations at Dongmenkou, Ningbo, Zhe Jiang Province, PRC. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 20.4: 299–311. Science and Civilisation of China (Volume 4: Physics and Physical Technology, Part III: Civil Engineering and Nautics). Cambridge University Press. The Nanhai trade, a study of the early history of Chinese �1958 Xu Yingfan, 1985 trade in the South China Sea. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 31.2: 1–135. Origin and technique of gua ju (iron cramp) connections in wooden craft construction. Transactions of CSNAME Marine History Research Group, No. 1. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Archaeology of Ships of Indian Ocean, Southeast Asia and East Asia, the Question of Bulkheads Description An account of the resource This paper will discuss the maritime archaeological work that has been carried out in the region, looking at shipbuilding construction and what has been learned through this work. In Southeast Asia the excavations in the 1980s by the Department of Archaeology of Thailand and the Western Australia Museum on the Pattaya and Ko Si Chang 3 sites will be examined, with a discussion on the construction techniques. In East Asia the significance of the Song dynasty ship from Quanzhou will be discussed in relation to the Southeast Asian ship construction. The whole of the geographical region dealt with in this paper is faced with the challenge of dealing with treasure hunting and the exploitation of underwater cultural heritage for financial gain. While maritime archaeological projects in the region have been limited, there is a need to encourage countries to understand and protect their cultural heritage. This can only be done through archaeological work, as there can be no real benefit from working for commercial salvage. The paper will discuss the relative merits of archaeological investigations of shipwrecks in the region compared with that of commercial salvage. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jeremy Green Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Archaeology: Historical Descriptions of the Seafarings of the Kalingas Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sila Tripati Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Kaveri Books Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2000 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Sila Tripati Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2000 Place New Delhi Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Kaveri Books Title A name given to the resource Maritime Archaeology: Historical Descriptions of the Seafarings of the Kalingas India Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Asia Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10:16:20 Type The nature or genre of the resource Web Page Zotero Item Type Web Page Access Date 2011-10-07 10:16:20 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10:16:20 Title A name given to the resource Maritime Asia URL http://www.maritimeasia.ws/ Attachment Title Maritime Asia Attachment URL http://www.maritimeasia.ws/ https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/6baf4997e7d62ee092083ef6a7d794b5.pdf 5023227a0eda0d4fa3edc8d55cf76f67 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2021 Session 2: History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia Subject The topic of the resource Session 2 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 2 of the 2021 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Date Copyrighted Date of copyright. 2023 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Cultural Landscapes and Seascapes in Prehistoric Japan: The Entangled Sea of the Yayoi Period Description An account of the resource The developments in underwater archaeology and heritage in East Asia has gained momentum over the past decades spurred on by the wealth of related material in the archaeological record generating a plethora of new data. Simultaneously, different theoretical frameworks can and should be applied to anchor this data within a broader framework. Therefore, this paper seeks to address archaeological material pertaining to the maritime world of the Yayoi Period as well as several theoretical frameworks within which this material can be interpreted and tied to the underwater cultural heritage of East Asia and how to combine material and theory in a meaningful way. Although the most conspicuous witnesses of maritime connectivity - i.e. shipwrecks - are so far missing from the Yayoi Period, there is sufficient evidence on land that attests to the embeddedness of Japan within the broader maritime world of East Asia. This land-based focus of maritime archaeology is in concordance with the concept of maritime cultural landscape developed by Christer Westerdahl, presented in an eponymous article in 1992 where the terrestrial aspect is always dominant. The concept of seascape, on the other hand, places the focus on the sea itself, an intrinsic part of all maritime studies, and stresses the perceptions of the sea as a cultural entity which possesses agency. Despite valid attempts to put the sea at the center of anthropological and archaeological research, for instance in the Pacific or - more recently - the Mediterranean - there is still an imbalance within the research putting the focus more on the land than on the sea. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Anja Krieger Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Krieger, Anja. 2021. “Maritime Cultural Landscapes and Seascapes in Prehistoric Japan: The Entangled Sea of the Yayoi Period.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL: https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/673 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/5df5e09f6b217b3038a4d027d42a9979.pdf 18b80206bf82db574b7b27b419c19e8c PDF Text Text Maritime History of Steamship Companies Impact in Modern China, 1840-1911 Han Qing Abstract This paper aims to provide evidence of historical documents in Chinese steamship industry and how these materials may provide context to better understand the underwater cultural heritage. What were the economic impacts of steamship industry on China’s littoral landscape? Through a discussion on maritime policies the following examples are noted: a) Assistance Policy – In 1876 Japan ordered a cessation on Chinese steamships from entering Japan to purchase coal. In response the Chinese government enacted the September 1876 Decree for Coal Aggregate Industry in Kai Ping in support of the first national coal mining industry. This caused great changes in the littoral landscape with the building of mining infrastructure. b) Preferential treatment – The 1872 Royal Act declared the development of the first Chinese steamship company. The China Merchants Steam Navigation Company gained monopoly of the inland-waterway systems (Yangtze River – Shanghai to Hankou to Chong Qing). In support of its development the policy entailed the following: i. Raised high-prices on freights with the implementation of a tax to twice their value; ii. Private company taxes were increased but taxes reduced on the steamship company. iii. prohibition on other competitive steamship companies until 1896. These historical records can help to interpret maritime archaeology by providing reasons for ship-type shifts in cargo assemblages. When the government stepped in with these raised freights and taxes then the private companies operating junks were ousted by the national steamship company. This could explain why a shipwreck would encase high-valued merchandise along the canal system. The cargo could be misinterpreted to represent a pirate ship. However, knowledge of the relevant policy clarifies the fact that working steamships would have been the preferred vessel to carry cargoes of high-value. Introduction In this discussion of policy I will first start with the definition of keywords and their context. 'Supportive Shipping Policy' means the governing state provides the national shipping companies privileges in finance, tax, operation and loans. Foreign shipping companies do not have the same privileges under these policies. The policies are an impetus for encouraging new ship building and the expansion of new and/or developing national shipping companies. In the 19th century the world market expanded on a large scale after the Industrial Revolution. Private investments were made in attempts to adapt to the growing trade that brought about the increased demands of shipping transportation. National governing bodies, in countries geographically located in the western hemisphere, noted these dynamics in world economics and instated regulations to support their national shipping companies. At the forefront of global maritime activities was Britain. The 1651 Navigation Act restricted trade by foreign ships between England (in 1701 under the Acts of Union became 'Great Britain') and its colonies. The goal was to force colonial development into Liners favourable to England and stop direct colonial trade with the Netherlands, France and other European countries. The original ordinance of 1651 was renewed during the Sovereign Restoration (1660's), in 1660 and 1663, and subsequently subject to minor amendment. These Acts formed the basis for British overseas trade for nearly 200 years. �In 1837 the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company (P&O) won a contract from the British Admiralty to deliver mail to the Iberian Peninsula. This was the first mail contract awarded to a commercial shipping company. Later it was paid by the Royal Post Office. The mail contracts provided P&O with a degree of financial security and a major source of revenue for more than 100 years until the outbreak of the Second World War. Other contracts, similar in nature, were awarded to other shipping companies, especially Alfred Holt`s Ocean Steamship Company. Japan and other western states such as America, France and Germany followed this example and made similar steps towards the development of national shipping companies. Forms of supportive shipping policies Ship-building Subsidy To encourage national shipping companies to build new vessels governments provided money towards the costs of construction. The amount was calculated according to load-tons. For example, in 1881 France adopted ship-building subsidy acts which entailed offers of 25.10 francs per ton for iron boats, 11.58-15.44 francs per ton for wooden boats and 5.80 francs per 100 kilograms (kg) for new engines, boilers and affiliated parts. On 1st October 1896 Japan enacted the Navigation Encouragement Law for vessels ranging in size from 700 to 1000 tons. The subsidy offer was 12 yen per ton. Larger vessels were offered 20 yen per ton. Additionally, the Japanese authority offered 5 yen per indicated horsepower (ihp) for machines made in Japan. Mail Allowance or Navigation Bounty Rapid expansion of new Liners and national mail shipments were encouraged and indeed occurred with the aide of subsidies towards national shipping companies. These subsidies were usually a contract between authority and company, not an act or regulation. In the introduction I discussed how Britain was the initial country to enforce these policies, which was later followed by other countries. I will here introduce the initiatives of France, America and Germany respectively. In 1851 the French state agreed on a subsidy to Messageries Nationales (in 1871 renamed the Compagnies des Messageries Maritimes) for the postal service of an annual subsidy of 300,000 gold francs. This original agreement was guaranteed for ten years (Ramona 2001). On 25th August 1865 the American Congress authorized a subsidy to the Pacific Mail Steamship Company (PMSS) for transporting mail to Yokohama and Hong Kong. From 1867 the initial subsidy was $500,000 for twelve round trips a year, to the total sum of $4,500,000 over nine years. The German government provided support to Norddeutscher Lloyd with an annual subsidy of 4,400,000 deutsch marks to cover three routes of mail service. This initial contract lasted for 15 years. Government supported capital or loans At times the government has built up new shipping enterprises with government funds and then turned it over to renowned business groups to operate it. Otherwise, in order to develop its maritime enterprises, governments have bought steamers for �specific shipping companies free of charge, and/or they provided loans to be paid back in instalments. Japan's government has the reputation for providing the most to the development of its steam-shipping. Nippon Yusen Kabushiki Kaisha (NYK) and Nisshin Kisen Kaisha (NKK) were founded by the Japanese government. In August 1872 the Japanese government gave 15 ships to NYK at the price of 250,000 yen, this was lower than the original cost to build steamships. Further, the company could repay the money by instalments. In September 1875 the Japanese government bought 13 steamships (total tonnage 11,174) and gave the ships to NYK without imposing any fee. In October of the same year the government lent $810,000 to NYK. With this money NYK purchased four steamships (total tonnage 6761) from the American company PMSS's Yokohama-Shanghai line, this sale included shore properties. NKK or Janpa-China Steamship Company was established in March 1907. Originally there were four Japanese shipping companies that conducted business on the Yangtze River. They were a direct competition with British, German, French and Chinese firms. The Pass Letter Province of Japan decided that a merger of these companies would enable stronger competition against foreign companies. The new company (NKK) was formed with approximately 46% of shares held by OSK, 41% by NYK, 10% by shareholders of Hunan Kisen Company, and 2.5% by Daiton Kisen Company interests. Reducing tax burden The government took over the responsibility of covering the costs for shipping companies to operate on their routes. They started special tax policies to provide national shipping enterprises money towards custom charges, port dues, tonnage tax, transit duty, etc. This allowed for the companies to operate virtually free of charge along their transit. For example, when the Suez Canal was completed and opened for shipping traffic the British government covered the Canal transit dues for British shipping companies. Cabotage right (Coastal transportation right) Cabotage originally is the transport of goods or passengers between two ports in the same country by a vessel. Cabotage has since been expended to now cover aviation, railways and road transport. ‘Cabotage rights’ are defined as the right-of-passage of company ship(s) owned by one country to trade or transport in the waters of another country. Most countries do not permit cabotage by foreign companies, however in the late Ch’ing Dynasty, after the second Opium War, foreign shipping companies had this right. Only a few countries in the world have currently renounced this right. Speed rate allowance Only Japanese shipping companies operated the speed rate allowance. When the Japanese ships transported between foreign ports the Japanese government provided an allowance of 25 yen per 1,000Miles per ton. This came into action under the 1896 Navigation Encouragement Law. It was limited to vessel(s) with a gross tonnage over 100, which had the capacity to sail at a speed of over ten knots, and the age of the vessel was under 15 years old. The allowance would increase by 10% for every additional 500 gross tons, with a further 20% increase for every extra knot of speed it could achieve. The highest limit was 6,000 gross tons and 17 knots. However, this policy had a fatal flaw in that in order to get the allowance the shipping �companies focused on building larger and faster vessels in spite of hold capacity and economic benefit (Wray 1984:305). Inspired by these policies the shipping companies quickly controlled many main lines of the world. For example, the shipping market of China was monopolized by foreign companies. Chart 1.Tonnage percentage of foreign flag ship entered and cleared in the ports of China (1864-1911) (data from Yang, et al. 1931) % 80.00 70.00 60.00 BRITAIN 50.00 AMERICA GERMAN 40.00 FRANCE 30.00 JAPAN 20.00 10.00 0.00 1864 1869 1874 1879 1884 1889 1894 1899 1904 1909 YEAR China Merchant Steam Navigation Company (CMSNC) was the pioneer Chinese-flag steam shipping venture. It was formed at the end of 1872 and began official operations on the 17th January 1873. It changed the situation that Chieseflag shipping shared no more than 1% in the overall Chinese shipping market. The new company was a serious intervener and rival with the foreign lines. Unlike foreign companies the Ch’ing Dynasty government did not have any special law or regulation to support it. CMSNC mainly relied on the idea of its initiator---Li Hungchang. Hung-chang’s support chiefly entailed the following four forms: 1. Government Loans and moratorium The Ch’ing Dynasty government provided loans to CMSNC and postponed the return on the captial. In 1873 the initial total capital for CMSNC was Tls.1400,000; Tls.134,000 of which was a government loan 2 . In 1876 CMSNC experienced difficulties under the pressure of their rivals Shanghai Steam Navigation Company (SSNC), China Navigation Company (founded by Butterfield & Swire) and China Coast Steam Navigation Company (founded by Jardine, Matherson & Co.). Li Hungchang lent Tls.500,000 from the Navy and Land expenditures, along with taxes 1 Tls, Shanghai Tael silver, Chinese monetary unit, one Tls approximately equals one-third Great British Pound in 1870`s. 2 This was drawn from the military expenditure of Chilli province. �collected from Yantai customs. In January 1877 the company purchased the entire fleet and shore properties of SSNC for Tls.2,220,000. This included an initial payment of Tls.1,000,000, this was obtained from a government loan. It was the largest loan in company’s history. In 1878 the government loans reached its height in the company’s history at Tls.1,960,000. In 1885 CMSNC was to repay the last government loan of Tls.770,000. Simultaneously more than Tls.1,000,000 of the foreign loan was to be repaid. Without doubt it was difficult to repay both loans at the same time so Hung-chang decided to the foreign loan should be repaid first. Once this was accomplished the Chinese government loan was to be repaid. This meant that the Chinese government loan was postponed by 5 years, and was not repaid until 1890. 2. Monopolization of transport “tribute rice” Tribute rice is a special tax for the eight provinces along the littoral of the Grand Canal 3 (Shandong, Henan, Anhui, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Hunan and Hubei). The eight provinces were to transport different amounts of rice along the Grand Canal to Beijing by sampan every year. The amount of tribute rice was 4,000,000Picul4 per annum. The concession of transport tribute rice was a privilege reserved solely for CMSNC. Hung-chang explained to the Ch’ing Dynasty government on 23rd of October 1872, the reason for the build of a new steamship company. His points included transport tribute rice and the challenge of the foreign monopoly of steam ship companies in China. In 1873 CMSNC transported 20% of the tribute rice with a rapid increase to 40-50%. Transporting tribute rice had great affect on the development of CMSNC in its early stage. Its freight was a stable source of income. This was due to the fact that the Ch’ing Dynasty government paid higher freights. Before 1879 the freight was Tls.0.5615833 per Picul and was later reduced by 10%, a fee for the Sea Transportation Office, and 5%, a fee for all daily costs. The net profit of it was Tls.0.4773. Additionally, the government paid Tls.0.15 per Picul for repairs. This included waste rice allowance and a 20% fee tax for carrying other cargo when ships returned from Tianjin, so the freight was in fact higher than it was for junks to conduct the same activity. Through the 1880’s the freight declined to Tls.0.531 per Picul, although essentially remaining higher. The following quote provides evidence of this: For the transport of tribute rice from Shanghai to Tientsin,the government for many years paid Tls.0.55 per Picul---a rate at least twice as high as that charged by foreign firms for moving cargo between the two ports (Liu 1959:443). Some foreign shipping companies never attempted to transport tribute rice. In 1875 SSNC proposed to transport the tribute rice by Tls.0.1 per Picul. The freight was lower than the cost of the goods. A writer for the Shanghai News (16th March 1875) commented, "it was astonishing to hear this news and forced everyone have to think about what was the reason behind it". This may signify that there was no doubt that the manager of SSNC wanted to drive out CMSNC. In 1884 a German named Flexsys offered another proposal. He wanted to transport the tribute rice for ten years by seven steamships. His proposal included the fee of Tls.0.6 per Picul, at no 3 4 The Grand Canal refers to ports along the north-south oriented River from Beijing to Hangzhou. Picul, Chines unit of weight, one picul equals 71.616 kilograms. �less than 800,000 Picul annually; if, however, this amount was not reached he offered to pay Tls.0.3 per Picul for any sum that lacked. In return for this contract he would give seven steamships to China as a gift in kind. Li hung-chang said, “now in China, there are only two privileges of transport: for the Chinese shipping company one is tribute rice, and another is salt……It is obviously a bait [for the seven steamships], we should not believe this offer and instead politely refuse it” (Wu 1905-1908: 4-6). The tribute rice market did not open to foreign shipping companies for its entire duration. Transporting tribute rice brought considerable profits to CMSNC. From 1873 to 1884 the net profit of transporting tribute rice totalled Tls.2,600,000. This did not include the subsidy for repairs and free taxes. The annual average calculation of the tribute rice freight was 18% of the total income. In 1874 the income from the rice tribute totalled one-third of the company’s income at Tls.155,000 (Zhang 1988). The privilege of transport tribute rice became a sharp weapon for CMSNC in the rivalry with foreign steamship companies. 3. Tax concessions The company also benefited from certain government tax concessions. (1) Free tax of cargo. If the company`s steamship succeeded in transporting tribute rice to Tianjin and carried cargo from the three opened northern ports: Tianjin, Yingkou and Yantai, when it returned, the export duty of the 20% of the total weight of tribute rice would be free. In 1876 this policy extend to transport relief food and the cent-tax5 was free. (2) Taxation of tea cargoes was another outstanding example of favouritism. In 1873 Li Hung-chang proclaimed that tea brought by Chinese steamers to Tianjin would be forwarded to Zhangjiakou (Kalgan) for the Mongolian and Russian markets. These would not endure any payment of inland duties. The export duty of tea was usually Tls.2.5 per 100Jin 6 but it declined to Tls.0.6 when tea cargoes were transported by CMSNC and this included free the coast duty. (3) Tonnage tax was initially free for the company when it entered and left some ports. In 1877 after purchasing SSNC, the fleet of the company was enlarged. The Tonnage Tax started initially with a fixed tax at Tls.1000 per month for the whole fleet for all ports of China, thereby providing a savings of approximately Tls.30004000 every year. (4) Free Transit Dues for foreign companies were only ever provided to the CMSNC. 4. Forbiddance of any other new company to be built Before the Sino-Japan War (1894) the Ch’ing Dynasty government did its best to keep the CMSNC as a monopoly over Chinese shipping companies. Any one who wanted to operate a new steamer line were thwarted. In 1895 Japan forced the Ch’ing Dynasty government to sign the unfair Treaty of Shimonoseki. In which it was agreed that Japanese steamships could sail alongside the Grand Canal from Shanghai to Suzhou and Hangzhou. This was the first time that China opened inland steam navigation to foreigners. Foreign shipping companies seized this opportunity to extend their business to inland waterways. 5 Cent-tax, one of business tax. In 1853, the Ch'ing Dynasty government collected tax on overland cargo transport. At first the tax was 1% of the value. 6 Jin, Chinese weight, one Jin equals 596.8 grams. �With the power and capacity of steamships as well as the privilege of taxes they robbed the traditional junks` business in no time. This situation aroused some Chinese to set up national shipping companies. Forced by peerage pressure the Ch’ing Dynasty government had to change their attitude. On 13th July 1898 the government issued the regulations of inland steam navigation which permitted Chinese people to set up their own steam shipping companies. This was the end of the CMSNC’s reigning era. Conclusion Though the Ch’ing Dynasty government took the above mentioned steps to support the CMSNC it was limited and insufficient. This could largely be attributed to the contemporaneous weak government. The CMSNC gave up ocean transportation first, the purpose of which was to improve the situation along the Chinese coastal trade and inland shipping markets so they were not monopolized by foreign companies. However, we can conclude from Chart 2 that these efforts received limited change. Chart 2. Percentage of numbers & tonnage of Chinese flag ships that entered and cleared in the ports of China (1864-1911)7 (data from Yang, et al. 1931) 80.00 % 70.00 60.00 50.00 percentage of ship numbers 40.00 percentage of tonnage 30.00 20.00 10.00 0.00 1864 1869 1874 1879 1884 1889 1894 1899 1904 1909 YEAR The government's preference tended towards steamships over junks, although the change was slow. Largely, CMSNC initiated the privatized sector of modern historical Chinese maritime culture which of course has left its imprint in underwater cultural heritage. It was the first to have its own commercial ship's flag, develop infrastructure for steamship dockyards, build steamship dockyards, build Chinese steamships, and lose a steamship in a shipwreck. From 1873-1877 the 7 The sudden rise of ship numbers in 1904 is because the statistics included junks from this year, however, we can see the percentage of tons decline. �tonnage percentage increased quickly from 1% to 33%, later the percentage declined due to the increase in shipwrecks. The demands of War were another important factor. The three low points in Chinese steamship development during this period was caused by the following three wars: Sino-France War (1883), Sino-Japan War (1894) and the Boxer War (1900). The CMSNC, the first Chinese steamship company, was also the impetus for new Chinese industries such as: the fuel support of Kaiping Coal Mining (started September 1876), the first Chinese business to offer insurance of goods and ships by the Renhe Insurance Company, communication development and independence with the Tianjin Telegraph Office and the first higher-education institution in maritime studies the Shanghai Industrial College of Ministry of Posts and Telegraph (started in 1909). To appreciate the potential of Chinese underwater cultural heritage during the modern historical period we must turn to the development in maritime history of privatized industry. The first step of which was to compete with the fast globalized trade that was only possible with the advanced technology used in steamships. This paper attempted to lay out the history of that development through historical records and bring together the information in comparative charts. The next step would be to conduct critical analysis of specific sites related to this industry in China. Bibliography Great Britain. Parliament 1877 Liu, K.C., 1959 Ramona, P., 2001 Wray, W. D., 1984 Wu, R.L., 1905-1908 Yang, C., Hau, H.B., and others 1931 Zhang, H.Q, 1988 Commercial Reports from Her Majesty’s Consuls in China,1876, Harrison and Sons, London. "Early enterprise in Nineteenth-Century China", in Journal of Asia Studies, Association for Asia studies, Vol.18, No.4, pp. 442-443． Paquebot vers L'Orient, Editions Alan Sutton, ProvenceAlpes-côte-d’Azur. Mitsubishi and the N.Y.K. , 1870-1914: business strategy in the Japanese shipping industry, Harvard University Asia Centre, Boston. Document Record of Li hung-chang, Nanjing Press, Vol.16. Statistics of China Foreign Trade During the Last SixtyFive Years, Monograph no. 4, National Research Institute of Social Sciences, Academia Sinica. History of China Merchant Steam Navigation Company, People's Transport Press, Beijing. � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime History of Steamship Companies Impact in Modern China, 1840-1911 Subject The topic of the resource Session 11 Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas Description An account of the resource This paper aims to provide evidence of historical documents in Chinese steamship industry and how these materials may provide context to better understand the underwater cultural heritage. What were the economic impacts of steamship industry on China’s littoral landscape? Through a discussion on maritime policies the following examples are noted: a) Assistance Policy – In 1876 Japan ordered a cessation on Chinese steamships from entering Japan to purchase coal. In response the Chinese government enacted the September 1876 Decree for Coal Aggregate Industry in Kai Ping in support of the first national coal mining industry. This caused great changes in the littoral landscape with the building of mining infrastructure. b) Preferential treatment – The 1872 Royal Act declared the development of the first Chinese steamship company. The China Merchants Steam Navigation Company gained monopoly of the inland-waterway systems (Yangtze River – Shanghai to Hankou to Chong Qing). In support of its development the policy entailed the following: i. Raised high-prices on freights with the implementation of a tax to twice their value; ii. Private company taxes were increased but taxes reduced on the steamship company. iii. prohibition on other competitive steamship companies until 1896. These historical records can help to interpret maritime archaeology by providing reasons for ship-type shifts in cargo assemblages. When the government stepped in with these raised freights and taxes then the private companies operating junks were ousted by the national steamship company. This could explain why a shipwreck would encase high-valued merchandise along the canal system. The cargo could be misinterpreted to represent a pirate ship. However, knowledge of the relevant policy clarifies the fact that working steamships would have been the preferred vessel to carry cargoes of high-value. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Han Qing Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 11 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/cfa098913665dc154fddf76dd74aa421.pdf 26911d5cb3f7987668cdd7f2ea6eb048 PDF Text Text Maritime Means and Mountain Ends: the origin of stoneware jars in mid 15th CE burial complexes of the Southern Cardamom Ranges, Cambodia. Peter Grave Archaeology & Palaeoanthropology University of New England, NSW Australia 2351 email: pgrave@une.edu.au orcid.org/0000‐0001‐5076‐2386 Lisa Kealhofer Anthropology/Environmental Studies Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, CA USA 95053 orcid.org/0000‐0002‐8308‐462X N. Beavan Institute of Environmental Science and Research, Kenepuru Science Centre, Kenepuru, Porirua 5022, New Zealand orcid.org/0000‐0001‐5649‐0430 Tep Sohka Royal University of Fine Arts, Cambodia Miriam Stark University of Hawai’I‐Manoa, Honololulu, USA 96822‐2223 orcid.org/ 0000‐0003‐1700‐4406 Ea Darith APSARA Authority Siem Reap, Cambodia Abstract Southeast Asia during the first half of the second millennium CE. Their hegemony is particularly apparent in lowland areas throughout the Lower Mekong basin, expressed in both architecture and ceramics. How strongly this control was exercised in more geographically marginal regions – and what the nature of power was after the capital moved southward -- has not been explored. In this paper we present the results of a geochemical analysis of ceramics from absolutely and comprehensively dated mid-15th century CE burial complexes in the Southern Cardamom Ranges of southeastern Cambodia and a nearby contemporary shipwreck. The �wreck assemblage was typical of a Southeast Asian maritime trader. Comparison of burial and shipwreck ceramic compositional data enables us to confirm a provenance for some of the jars and fine wares from production centres in central Northern Thailand. A second group, not represented in the wreck assemblage, is from a yet unidentified source that we suggest is located in the adjacent Cambodian lowlands. The results of this provenience analysis highlights both the role of the relatively well-known maritime trade, as well as a previously unsuspected continuity in local Cambodian stoneware production. This window into 15th c exchange networks expands our understanding of the context of subsequent European 16th-17th c engagement during the Early Modern Period, is one piece of the broader picture needed to more closely define the processes of economic transformation. Key words: Southeast Asia, ceramics, geochemical analysis, shipwreck, Cardamom Mountains Introduction The dramatic expansion of archaeology across mainland Southeast Asia in the last twenty years is beginning to provide the level of detail needed to evaluate previous models of exchange and interaction (e.g., Bronson 1977; Reid 1988). The role of maritime interaction and trade has long been argued to be a critical factor in the development of coastal polities throughout the region (Manguin 2000). However, this perspective has relied heavily on historical data, much of which begins in the Early Modern period for this region. This historical bias has focused attention on economic and political development for the coastal regions and the Early Modern period as an instant of economic and political rupture (Wallerstein 1974). It has also promoted an externalist bias in how mainland political and economic transformations are viewed. Arguably, our understanding of the posited economic and political ruptures in the region remains hampered by the still relatively sparse direct archaeological evidence of the local economic trajectories across the transition (Stark 2010). �Here we add to a growing body of material evidence that Southeast Asia was a large scale, internally complex and integrated exchange system prior to European engagement (e.g., Carter 2013; Manguin 2004; Manguin 2014). Ceramic compositional data from exceptionally well dated mid-15th c burial sites in the Cardamom Mountains of Cambodia, as well as from a contemporary shipwreck just off the west coast of Cambodia, are analyzed to better understand these local maritime/coastal economies outside the main political centers, in the decades prior to the Early Modern period engagement in SE Asia and the Pacific. Maritime exchange spheres in mainland SE Asia The organization of trade and exchange systems in Southeast Asia is a key research area for archaeologists and historians of the region. In the 1970s, Bronson suggested a dendritic model integrating coastal and inland sites (Bronson 1977), while others have focused on maritime patterns over time (Cartier 1988; Evers 1988; Manguin 1993). These earlier models heavily relied on historical data and ethnographic comparisons, but with a few exceptions, little direct archaeological data (e.g., Junker 1993; Junker 1998). More recent terrestrial archaeology across both island and mainland Southeast Asia has greatly expanded our understanding of the development of polities and their interaction beginning in the first millennium CE (Hendrickson 2010; Hendrickson 2011; Manguin 2004; Manguin 2014; Murphy and Stark 2016; Stark 2010; Stark 2006). Two main types of evidence are used to reconstruct pre-modern trade and exchange in the region: shipwrecks and trade goods. Shipwreck data allow us to track the expansion of maritime trade (and technology). Beginning with the 9th c. Belitung shipwreck in Indonesia, with cargo from China and the Middle East, the shipwreck evidence increases through the �early second millennium CE. The Gulf of Thailand, in particular, has a shipwreck record of extensive local trade from the 13th-15th c. CE (Brown 2004; Green and Harper 1987). Wrecks like the 15th c. Pandanan, in the South China Sea, reveal the extensive exchange between island and mainland SE Asia, and with points to the west (Diem 1998). In terms of ceramics, these wrecks commonly include a range of jars and fine tablewares (typically glazed bowls and plates) from a wide range of production centres in Southeast Asia and China (Grave and Maccheroni 2009). With the improvement and expansion of both regional archaeological databases and archaeometric analyses, we can begin to evaluate the regional trajectories of trade across SE Asia. In addition to site excavations and surveys, specific trade goods, such as carnelian beads from burials, provide some evidence of the direction, scale, and intensity of interaction across mainland SE Asia (Carter, et al. 2016; Carter 2015; Carter and Dussubieux 2016; Theunissen, et al. 2000). Patterns of exchange and emulation of South Asian religious items and iconography have also provided insights into inland and maritime exchange networks (Brown 1996; Shaffer 2015). Large scale changes in economic and political relationships SE Asia took place in the 10th-11th c. CE. These included the development of the Khmer Empire and the expansion of interaction with China (Wade 2009). Chinese interaction and exchange is apparent through both technological adoption and trade goods. Manguin (Manguin 2000) argues that the 10th13th c CE is one the major phases of intensified maritime exchange that promoted the growth of coastal polities (Baker 2003). However, while the Khmer traded with the Chinese, and expanded northward in mainland SE Asia, their production and exchange appear to have remained internal. �The 15th c CE was a critical nexus in both political and economic reorganization in SE Asia. Documentary sources suggest the Khmer Empire collapsed by the mid-15th c. CE. Post-Angkorian power migrated south to a series of 15th-18th c capitals that flanked the Tonle Sap lake (Srei Santhor, Bakan [Pursat] and then to the Oudong and Longvek area that lies c. 35 km NW of Phnom Penh). At the same time, other polities emerged across the region during this time (Grave 1995), and the expansion of maritime trade was supported by a network of entrepôts (e.g., Melaka, in the Malacca Straits). Chinese records suggest that 15th c Cambodia was a sea power in close relations with China (Vickery, et al. 2004:43). Despite Ming Dynasty trade restrictions, 15th c private Chinese ships continued their active trade throughout Southeast Asia (Hall 2016:406-409; Wade 2004:19-27). At least one previously-established Ming trade route through Southeast Asia included Siam (Ptak 1998:27), and maritime research on 15th c shipwreck sites offer ample evidence of durable Southeast Asian goods, including high-fired ceramics from kiln complexes in central northern Thailand (Flecker 2001:225-226). The onset of the Early Modern period, in the 16th c. with the European intervention in the region, arguably, caused a major rupture, redefining production, exchange and scale of interaction. While current research projects are beginning to address the nature of this transformation, we argue that the political and economic relationships of the 15th-16th c. CE in Southeast Asia are critical elements for understanding the impact of the Early Modern economic transformation in SE Asian societies. Our use of two Cambodian case studies allows us to trace one such relationship: mid-15th century commodity flows across the region. �Here we make use of contemporary evidence from mid-15th c. CE isolated burial sites in the Cardamom Mountains as well as a contemporary shipwreck on an adjacent coastline to assess exchange networks on the eve of the Early Modern Period. Our Cardamom Mountain samples derive from work at “Jar and Coffin burial sites” whose artifacts and bioarchaeology has been reported previously (e.g., (Beavan, et al. 2012a; Carter and Beavan 2014; Halcrow, et al. 2014). Using Neutron Activation Analysis [NAA] we characterize ceramics from both the burial and shipwreck sites, and compare these results with legacy stoneware data sets from both well dated shipwrecks and production centers in Thailand and Cambodia. These analyses allow us to begin to evaluate the economic relationships of these upland communities with coastal shipping and elsewhere at this key historical juncture. Background: The Sample & Context A relatively small sample of seventy one ceramics were selected for geochemical profiling from fragmentary material in four contemporary mid15th c CE archaeological assemblages (i.e. three burial sites in the Cardamom Range and the shipwreck Koh Sdech assemblage)(Fig 1). A total of fifty samples were selected from the three burial sites and 21 samples came from the shipwreck (Table 1). Both the burial sites and the shipwreck included earthenware and stoneware samples. Due to the disparity in sample populations between the burial sites the burial sites are combined into a single Southern Cardamom group to compare with both the shipwreck assemblage and other reference NAA datasets. The contemporaneity of these sites facilitated this grouping. �Fig. 1: Study area and general location within mainland Southeast Asia (inset) showing locations of burial sites and shipwreck discussed in the text. �Table 1: Summary of the NAA geotechnical results for the Cardamom and Shipwreck samples organized by ware type (stoneware/earthenware) and by compositional group (A-D for S. Cardamom A B C C1 C2 D E 100 200 210 300 400 500 S SW EW N 20 4 2 1 1 11 1 4 3 2 5 12 5 71 40 31 Koh Sdech Shipwreck Earthenware Stoneware Group stoneware, E refers to the celadon singleton; 100-500 for earthenware). 12 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 5 0 0 21 14 7 8 3 1 1 1 11 1 4 3 0 0 12 5 50 26 24 The earthenwares include cooking pots, kendis, water jars, while the glazed stoneware are mainly storage jars but also includes a few fine glazed and decorated bowls. The glazed stoneware jar assemblage includes brown, black, and green glazes, and potentially some unglazed samples. The shipwreck site is located in the Gulf of Thailand near the island of Koh Sdech (20 km off shore). Radiocarbon dating of a piece of short-lived cargo (bamboo core lacquerware box) established a mid-15th c CE date for this assemblage (Beavan, et al. 2012b). The shipwreck included a large assemblage of small, medium and large stoneware jars, �predominantly from Singburi / Maenam Noi (based on typology (Cort 2017), as well as basins, bowls, mortars, kendis and Sisatchanalai and Sukkhothai bowls (black under-painted and green glazed/celadons). Earthenware types included cooking pots, lids, and stoves. Only a few Chinese ceramic bowls were found, and were interpreted as the private items of the ship crew (Sokha 2013). Non-ceramic items included lacquerware, ‘picul’ (lead tokens), a betel box, ingots, a cannon, two ivory tubes, and some sandstone. The three burial sites, all with secondary interments, are distributed in a cluster within the southern Cardamom Mountain range, 150-700 m asl, ca. 40 km inland from the east coast of the Gulf of Thailand. Both log coffin and jar inhumations are present at these sites. Through an extensive program of radiocarbon dating these burials have also been chronologically bracketed within the mid-15th c. CE (Beavan, et al. 2012a; Beavan, et al. 2015). Other trade goods present in the burials include simple copper finger rings and glass beads (Carter, et al. 2016). The glass beads are consistent with types circulating in the maritime trade of SE Asia at the time. Methods The ceramic samples were processed at UNE, and shipped to Maxxam Labs, Ontario Canada for NAA. Processing included documentation, photography prior to sampling. Subsamples were cleaned and crushed to homogenize the sample, and submitted for analysis. NAA results were structured and grouped using an iterative combination of non-parametric multivariate procedures (PCA) and hierarchical cluster analysis (Ward’s method). �The compositional data from the ceramics were compared with two general reference stoneware compositional data sets from Thailand and Cambodia. For Thailand the production sites include Sisatchanalai/Sawankhalok, Sukkhothai, and Suphanburi (n=24); the production sites from Cambodia, dating to the Angkorian period, include: Tani, Sar Sei, Thnal Mrech, Bangkong, Khnar Po, Torp Chey, Chong Samrong, Veal Svey, and Cheung Ek (n=877). Several of these kiln sites are closely clustered and have similar compositional fingerprints (e.g., Sar Sei/Thnal Mrech as one group, and Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey as another). Our sample of five stoneware samples from the Suphanburi kilns are of unglazed grey stamped jars. The excavated shipwreck assemblage included a large number of jars of various, all attributable to the Maenam Noi kiln complex in the Singburi province of central Thailand. While we could not include reference results from the Maenam Noi kilns in Singburi, we suggest that that there is a common geochemical profile for Singburi and Suphanburi (75 km to the southwest), reflecting the geographic proximity of these two Thai production centres in the same geochemically undifferentiated (?) alluvial plain. Results The Cardamom Mountains and Shipwreck data (Table 1) Analysis of the NAA dataset for the combined Cardamom Mountains burial and shipwreck assemblages shows that it is highly compositionally structured with multiple discrete groups. We identified six earthenware groups (n=31) and four stoneware groups (n=40) including one singleton outlier (Group E; a fine ware celadon, typical Sisatchanalai/Sawankhalok, central Northern Thailand)(Table 1). of �The largest stoneware group (Group A, n=20) is split between burial (n=8) and shipwreck (n=12) samples. The samples in the second largest stoneware group, (Group D n=11), are from burial sites only, and include several samples previously identified as dark brown glazed “Angkorian” jars. Four of the six earthenware groups are from burial sites only, and are dominated by cooking pots. None of these have compositional matches or external parallels and therefore are treated here as locally produced in the Cardamom Mountains area. The other two earthenware groups are exclusive to the shipwreck samples and include a range of vessel types. Therefore, the distribution of earthenwares in this sample shows no evidence of maritime trade in earthenwares. Comparison with all SE Asian production centers (Table 2) �Table 2: In this table we compare the burial and shipwreck stonewasamples with the reference kiln ceramics from Thailand and Cambodia. The data presented are a subset of the data illustrated in Figure 2, focusing on the groups found only in the Cardamom Mountain burials and the shipwreck. Singleton samples have also been excluded. Cambodia Thai. The table notes the total number of samples for each assemblage (N) followed by percentage membership in each compositional group. The letters following groups 3 and 4 refer to group identifications defined in Table 1 (e.g., 3(A)). The matches in the greyed blocks are suggested to be misleading, see Discussion section. The matches in black boxes indicate matches between assemblages. For example, for Group 3, matches are between the Cardamom and shipwreck jars and a production center in Suphanburi/Singburi; the greyed block for Cheung Ek indicates an apparent, but rejected, connection to the Group 3 burial and shipwreck Site S. Cardamom burials Koh Sdech Shipwreck Suphanburi Sisatchanalai Chong Samrong Torp Chey Veal Svey Cheung Ek N 26 14 5 16 117 53 41 145 % Jars W.ware 3 (A) 4 (D) 2.9 42 42 4 93 --100 ---69 19 -98 --100 --98 -92 --- Given the size of the region with potential production centres, and the strong likelihood there were many more production centers in operation than we have reference material for, we undertook a further comparative analysis to provide more general provenience information. This combined analysis is useful for allowing a better understanding and differentiation of shared or unique geological settings. �We combined the compositional data from the nine Khmer and two Thai ceramic production complexes (n=799). In this analysis, five general geochemical groups were identified (Table 2) which were most clearly distinguished by systematic variations in Fe (iron) and Sb (antimony)(Fig. 2). Four singletons are discounted due to small sample size (with the exception of two fine ware bowls: Sukhothai underpainted and Sisatchanalai celadon sample). The groups and sites with singleton matches, or with production groups not matched in our burial and shipwreck assemblages, are excluded from Table 2. �3. Antimony (Sb) ppm 3 5 2 1 4 2.9 Iron (Fe) % Fig. 2: Five compositional groups for stoneware samples identified in the combined NAA dataset (n=839) defined by Fe/Sb concentrations in the Southern Cardamom burial sites, the Koh Sdeach shipwreck assemblage, Thai production centres at Sisatchanalai and Suphanburi, and nine Khmer production centres (Bangkong, Cheung Ek, Chong Samrong, Khnar Po, Tani, Thnal Mrech, Torp Chey and Veal Svey). Note group 2 is composed entirely of whitewares from residual clays in the Kulen hills and is not represented in the burial or shipwreck assemblage. It is also distinct from white wares from Sisatchanalai (group 2.9). The singleton 3.9 is the only example of a fine ware bowl produced at Sukhothai (inset) from the Cardamom burials. �At this scale, these groups represent the broad differences in chemical composition of stoneware clays across the region. In some cases, specific kiln complexes can be identified within specific groups, but more commonly where complexes shared geologically similar settings, multiple kiln complexes are grouped together (as noted above). For example, one group combines kiln samples from Torp Chey, Chong Samrong, Veal Svey, and Sisatchanalai although these can be differentiated at a finer level of analysis. Evaluation of the shipwreck and burial assemblages within this combined analysis of production centers, shows that all of the burial and shipwreck samples can be assigned to four of five general compositional groups (Groups 1, 3-5; Table 2, Fig 2). (The fifth group [Group 2] is composed entirely of whitewares from the Kulen hills which are absent in the shipwreck and burial assemblages.) Group 3, which matches with the Suphanburi kiln samples, includes both shipwreck and burial site samples. In addition to the Suphanburi reference samples, Group 3 also includes all the Cheung Ek samples. We discount Cheung Ek as a source for this material for several reasons. First, a more detailed separate analysis of Group 3 shows that Group A samples group separately from Cheung Ek reference material. Second, the Cheung Ek kilns date to the 11th c. CE, centuries before the Cardamom Mountains burials. Lastly, there is no evidence for Cheung Ek jars, or any Khmer jars, in Southeast Asian shipwreck assemblages. However, the burial sites also match a second source (Group 4) that is not found in the shipwreck assemblage. In addition to samples from the burial sites, Group 4 includes the proxemic Angkorian production centers of Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey (also the latest dated Angkorian production center 14th c CE). While not direct support for an origin in these �specific complexes, it does suggest an origin in a similar geological setting within the region. We would note that Group 4 also includes samples from the Thai reference group of Sisatchanalai/ Sawankhalok. We suggest that the Cambodian reference groups provide a more likely source region for two main reasons. First, Sisatchanalai jars are not found in the shipwreck assemblages; and second, the burial samples are compositionally closer to the Cambodian reference samples when Group 4 is analyzed separately. Archaeological perspective Burial site assemblage: The earthenwares from the burial sites are predominantly cooking pots. Their compositional differentiation into multiple groups is likely to reflect local production groups. The stoneware samples from the burial sites include matches with both the Suphanburi and the Sisatchanalai reference samples (jars and bowls; Groups 3 and 2.9). A further group of jar samples (n=10), is not represented in the shipwreck assemblage and only broadly/generically matches our Thai reference groups. This group (Group 4) includes the “Angkorian” jars and compositionally is better approximated by the geographically proximate Cambodian centres of Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey. Shipwreck assemblage: The earthenware groups identified in the shipwreck assemblage only occur in the shipwreck. We do not have sufficient data to posit any origin for these earthenware samples. The shipwreck stoneware sample, including typical Maenam Noi jar types, are strongly dominated by one compositional group (93%), which �approximates the Suphanburi grouping, supporting a likely origin in this region (Singburi). Discussion The unusually fine chronological resolution of these data, based on an extensive dating program of multiple materials from multiple sites, allows a high degree of certainty about the mid-15th c. single generation use of the Cardamom burial sites (Beavan, et al. 2012a; Beavan, et al. 2015). In addition to this inland assemblage, the shipwreck assemblage is also firmly dated to the mid-15th c. from short-lived cargo (Beavan, et al. 2012b). In combination these two assemblages provide an unparalleled window on exchange dynamics between inland and maritime trade. The shipwreck assemblage is typical of other contemporary local trading vessels within the Gulf of Thailand: with a few exceptions, the cargo is composed of locally produced (mainly Thai) goods, cooking pots, multiple jar types, and fine ware bowls (Brown and Sjostrand 2002). The composition of the stoneware samples from the shipwreck are consistent with production from a single complex, in this case jars that are readily typologically attributed to Maenam Noi, Singburi province. The Cardamom Mountains burial assemblage includes locally produced earthenwares, fine wares and jars from Thailand (Sukkhothai, Singburi, and Sisatchanalai), but also a typologically unmatched stoneware jar type. This distinctive stoneware jar type has no parallels in the shipwreck assemblage, either in form or composition. However, geochemically it is consistent with stoneware samples from the 14th c. Angkorian kiln complexes (Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey) east of Angkor. As the likelihood that this group reflects heirlooming of old jars is small given the number of jars represented (n=11), we suggest this compositional type �was probably produced in a similar geological zone (near Torp Chey?) in the 15th c.. The combination of both maritime and inland trade goods in the Cardamom Mountain burials supports a scenario where upland groups are providing goods in both directions as part of a larger regional interaction sphere. This is better documented in Northern Thailand where upland and lowland groups were closely connected through an inland exchange economy in the 13th-16th c.. Lowland urban elites controlled production of stonewares, both emulating exotic types and innovating new ceramic types (Grave 1995). Upland groups, thought be harvesting and exchanging forest goods (Wheatley 1959), consumed both these regionally produced ceramics as well as relatively large volumes of maritime trade wares. Again the combination of local and exotic stoneware ceramics were critical to the operation of Northern Thai inland economic networks. A further parallel is the similar and distinctive mortuary practices of the Cardamom Mountain and upland northern Thai groups, particularly in relation to stoneware consumption. These comparable patterns of consumption suggest that while historically invisible, groups in the upland and inland regions across mainland Southeast Asia engaged in extensive interaction networks which supported local lowland production centers and their controlling elites (in this case, stoneware production, but likely a wider range of goods). Conclusion Historians have presented the transition from the premodern to Early Modern period in Southeast Asia primarily through the lens of maritime trade (Reid 1993). Arguably, the greatest impact of this transition is in the �production and consumption dynamics of groups in the interior of Southeast Asia, who remained beyond the reach of historical sources. While as yet relatively rare (e.g., Grave 1995), archaeological research on the Early Modern period in inland areas offers the potential to understand the interior dynamics of this transition. Our data provide insight into an economy that was apparently still functional within and beyond the Greater Angkor region after the collapse of the Khmer Empire. This economy utilized (at least) local stoneware production to articulate with a large regionally integrated economy. We conclude that local lowland elites in Cambodia found ways to engage with the larger regional exchange economies after the political collapse of Angkor Wat. How these inland groups negotiated the transformations of the Early Modern period of the following century is now the challenge and opportunity for future fine-grain, chronologically high resolution studies. Acknowledgments We thank Cambodia’s Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts for permission to undertake field investigations that collected data used in this project. Analytical research for this project was supported by the Australian Research Council (DP140103194). Our Khmer Production and Exchange Project is a collaboration between APSARA Authority, University of New England, Santa Clara University, and the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa. We thank Don and Toni Hein for Thai reference material used in this study. We also thank the conference organizers for the opportunity to present our research. References Cited Baker, Chris 2003 Ayutthaya rising: from land or sea? 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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 3: Ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world Description An account of the resource Ceramics are the crucial cultural materials for understanding the cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world. This session will discuss how interdisciplinary approaches such as archaeology, art, history, geophysics, and material science can broaden our horizons on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange. Second, we will discuss the connection of ceramic trade and exchange between the early age of commerce (c.900-1300 C.E.) and the age of commerce (1450-1680 C.E.) in Southeast Asia and other regions. This established some challenges in ceramic trade including the influence for new creativity and production development, such as in Europe where some trademarks were developed under the Chinese influence. Our goal is to deepen our knowledge on the application of interdisciplinary approaches on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange across the two historical periods. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sharon Wong Wai-yee Department of Anthropology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Hong Kong Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Means and Mountain Ends: the origin of stoneware jars in mid 15th CE burial complexes of the Southern Cardamom Ranges, Cambodia Description An account of the resource Southeast Asia during the first half of the second millennium CE. Their hegemony is particularly apparent in lowland areas throughout the Lower Mekong basin, expressed in both architecture and ceramics. How strongly this control was exercised in more geographically marginal regions – and what the nature of power was after the capital moved southward -- has not been explored. In this paper we present the results of a geochemical analysis of ceramics from absolutely and comprehensively dated mid-15th century CE burial complexes in the Southern Cardamom Ranges of southeastern Cambodia and a nearby contemporary shipwreck. The wreck assemblage was typical of a Southeast Asian maritime trader. Comparison of burial and shipwreck ceramic compositional data enables us to confirm a provenance for some of the jars and fine wares from production centres in central Northern Thailand. A second group, not represented in the wreck assemblage, is from a yet unidentified source that we suggest is located in the adjacent Cambodian lowlands. The results of this provenience analysis highlights both the role of the relatively well-known maritime trade, as well as a previously unsuspected continuity in local Cambodian stoneware production. This window into 15th c exchange networks expands our understanding of the context of subsequent European 16th-17th c engagement during the Early Modern Period, is one piece of the broader picture needed to more closely define the processes of economic transformation. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Peter Grave Lisa Kealhofer N. Beavan Tep Sohka Miriam Stark Ea Darith Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Peter Grave Lisa Kealhofer N. Beavan Tep Sohka Miriam Stark Ea Darith Asia-Pac Session 3 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/21b85026ba78a611e6393862e2c057a8.pdf 17a017301c97ef5a4a9beba050d6669d PDF Text Text Maritime Ritual Ruins of Korea Tahk Kyung-Baek¹ ¹National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, Korea. Corresponding Author: jsa461@gmail.com ABSTRACT Since ancient times, the sea has been an important transportation route and a place where food can be obtained. However, there were various dangers, which were personified as a fear of supernatural beings. As supernatural beings were gradually elevated to gods who ruled over danger, humans relieved their fears and gained comfort for themselves through the rituals. Rituals include all activities of praying for a wish to a god they are reasonable (Yu 1997, 1-2). The space where the ritual ceremonies took place is the ritual rite site, and the ritual site related to the sea can be called the maritime ritual ruins. The remains of marine ritual ruins are formed by a tangible space where sacrifices are held while worshiping gods, and a jejang (a limited site related to sacrifice), an intangible space around it. So far, studies on the remains of ritual ruins have been conducted, focusing on archaeological sites, historical records, excavated artifacts, and intangible elements of ritual ruins. However, only the intangible space was maintained as a heritage of the village community, and the altar and other facilities were changed several times, so research on them was difficult to conduct. However, the sacred building continued to be maintained despite the change in appearance. Accordingly, this study focused on the rituals and identified the meaning of the ritual ruins along with the rituals by dividing them into one-building and two-building types. Keywords: Maritime, Ritual ruins, Altar, Records LISTS OF TABLE Table 1: Characteristics of ritual ruins 1. INTRODUCTION Since ancient times, maritime rituals have been performed in the area of maritime activities. People wanted to overcome danger by praying for safety and a good catch of fish. The space where the ritual ceremonies took place is the ritual rite site, and the ritual site related to the sea can be called the maritime ritual ruins. In Korea, many maritime ritual ruins have been confirmed along the coast, showing many forms of ritual faith. Maritime ritual sites can be classified into three types: sites where ritual ruins are held at sea: remains where ritual ruins are held in the open air on land close to the sea; ruins where ritual rites are held in designated spaces with buildings such as altars. Archaeological excavations of the ruins of Susungdang in Jukmak-dong, Buan, revealed ritual ceremonies had been performed from the second half of the third century to the present. A sacred building where the god is believed to have settled was constructed close to where the ritual ceremonies were held. Two types were adopted: one-building and two-building types. These systems were found within the ruins of Jukmak-dong of Buan, Oryongmyo shrine, Sangdea harbor ruins, etc. The systems involved construction with mostly one- or two-sided three-fronts. It was minimal in size compared to traditional Korean buildings. However, the space of influence is extended towards the sea in addition to the space where the ritual ceremony is held, and it appears as a sacred space with considerable dominance. The sacred building had an important role in maritime ritual ruins and can be considered central to maritime ritual heritage. 1 �2. TYPES OF MARITIME RITUAL RUINS There are many maritime ruins that can be classified into three types in Korea, which is surrounded by the sea on three sides. Among them, there are ritual ruins revealed through excavation and research, including shell mounds in Gungok-ri, Haenam, Neuk Island in Sacheon, Yongdam-dong in Jeju Island, and Jukmak-dong in Buan (Jeonju National Museum 1995, 8-13).In addition, ritual ruins and various auxiliary facilities are set up at Wondang on Dae-ri Wi Island, where ritual ruins related to the sea are held, and at Yeongdang in Hwang Island’s Big Fish Festival. Or, using the difference between the high tide and the low tide, some ritual ceremonies are performed in the open air on the seashore. As such, maritime ritual sites can be classified into about three types: relics where ritual ceremonies are held at sea; remains where ritual ceremonies are held in the open air on land close to the sea; The ruins where ritual rites are held in designated spaces with buildings such as altars. Among them, buildings such as altars were built, and where ritual ruins were held, they have been maintained by village residents or groups praying to gods. It is mostly found on the west coast, and it is thought to be a phenomenon that has been used as a sea route to China for a long time. Considering the excavated relics, Suseongdang in Jukmak-dong can be known to have begun in the late third century. And it is possible to estimate the time when the ritual started through the origin of the gods enshrined in some altars. 3. TYPES OF SPACES FOR ALTARS The altar is a space where gods related to the sea are enshrined and where rituals are still held, and it is the core space of the ritual ruins. However, until now, altars have been regarded only as a part of folk religion, and research has been incomplete. The marine ritual ruins with nine altars were investigated, and the ritual ruins built in these ritual remains will be reviewed. 3.1 Sizes and Structures A total of 13 altars in nine ruins were identified, including cases where only one altar was installed in the ritual ruins site and where two were installed. The number of bays generally does not exceed one to three bays on the front and two bays on the side. However, when viewed from the side, Cheonghaejincastle, Wan Island, consists of a half-bay open to the outside, Wondang Dae-ri, Wi Island of a half-bay divided into spaces from the inside, and Jeonhoeng Shrine in Dangsan, Oeyeon Island, of one and a half bays. In particular, the smaller the altar is, the larger space is, and the case of one altar is generally larger than the case of two. Columnar brackets are mostly Mulikgong-style (undecorated in Korean), while Jangjwa-ri Cheonghae Castle Shrine is Choikgong-style (one-sided decoration in Korean). Wondang, the main shrine of the Yeongdang for the festival of good catching of fish is two-Ikgong-style (double-sided decoration in Korean), and Sanshin-dang, the vice-shrine is Choikgong-style. However, it is somewhat difficult to classify it as a typical columnar bracket form because the form is excessive and used as a subtraction. 2 �Table 1: Characteristics of ritual ruins Location Jukmak-dong, Buan Name Susungdang Dongho-ri, Gochang Yeongshindang Cheonghaejin-castle Wan Island Sadang Size (front× side) Size of one bay (m) 2×1 front: 2.1 side: 3.1 3 purlins west on the cliff ○ Gaeyanghalm i Grandmother (1801) 1996 3×2 front: 1.85 side: 1 3 purlins west on the hill ○ Soulgod 1841 3×1.5 front: 1.5 side: 1/2.8 5 purlins west on the hill × Jang Bo-Go 2009 5 purlins west top of Mt. ○ 8 gods 2000 Structure Direction Situation OpenWorshiped Construction air god date (CE) altars Dae-ri Wi Island Wondang 2×1.5 front: 2.6/2.4 side: 1.1/2 Gyodong Island Sashindang 1×1 unknown unknown north on the hill ○ Oryongmyo (Araetdang) 3×2 front: 1.8 side: 1.52 3 purlins east below the ridge × Witdang 1×1 unknown unknown east below the ridge × Wondang 1×1 unknown unknown on the hill × Sanshindang 1×1 unknown unknown northwest northwest on the hill × Mt. god After 1945 Jinridang (Bd. Near gate) 3×1 unknown 3 purlins north on the hill ○ Danggaksi Bride et al. 1938 2009 Yongshindang 1×1 unknown unknown east on the hill ○ unknown 2009 Jeonhoeng sadang 1×1.5 front: 3.3 side: 0.6/1.6 3 purlins unknow n in the forest × Jeon Hoeng et al. 1936 Sanjedang 3×1 unknown 3 purlins unknow n in the forest × unknown unknown Seonyu Island Yeongdang Hwang Island Dangsan Heuksan Island Dangsan Oeyeond Island Jashindang halabuji 1969 Grandfather Ohguyuwan (Before 1123) g king et al. 1947 Lim family from unknown Naju City Im GyeongAfter 1945 Eop General While the structure is generally three purlins when the side has one bay, Yeongsindang in Dongho-ri, Gochang has two sides but three purlins. In addition, Cheonghaejin castle, Wan Island, and Daeri Wondang and Wi Island have a side of one and a half bays and a structure of five purlins. Gable roofs are generally dominant, but Yeongsindang in Dongho-ri, Gochang, Oryongmyo in Seonyu Island, and Wondang in Yeongdang andHwang Island have gablet roofs. Witdang in Seonyu Island has a hip roof, and Sanshindang in Yeongdang, Hwang Island, has a pyramid roof. 3.2 Locations and open-air altars The direction is generally westward, and the reason is assumed to be to look at the West Sea. However, Sashindang on Gyodong Island faces north, and you can see the sea while looking at the altar. It is 3 �located on the top of a hill or mountain with a good view of the sea. Open-air altars are usually present when only one altar is situated, but only Dangsan on Heuksan Island has two of those. 3.3 Records of constructions interpreted through worshiped god The gods enshrined in the ritual ruins are different for each ritual rite, and the objects in the ruins vary by region. First, a record indicates that Suseongdang was built in 1801, so the construction record is different from the actual excavated artifacts. It is presumed that the ritual ruins were reused after they stopped being used. Gaeyanghalmi’s grandmother is the main sea deity of the Chilsan Sea seen from Suseongdang. Jangjwa-ri Shrine is said to have held ritual ceremonies with the portraits of great monks, including Song Jing, Jeong Nyeon, and Hye Il, but it has now been changed to the portraits of Jang Bogo. The current altar was built in 2009, but its location is within Cheonghaejin Castle (installed in 828), so its origin is presumed to be old. Wondang on Dae-ri Wi Island is located facing Suseongdang and is also a place where ritual ceremonies are held to pray for a good catch in Chilsan Sea. Originally, there were paintings of 11 gods, but now only paintings of eight gods remain (National Folk Museum 1984, 10). Oryongmyo on Seonyu Island, where Ohguyuwang, whose name means five dragons, is enshrined, unlike other shrines that pray for the safety of the sails and success in trade. In particular, the record remains in Xuānhwafengshi Gaolitujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經) (Seo 1124, 1-7). Originally, the main hall of Yeongdang on Hwang Island was dedicated to the snake god, but it was changed to enshrine General Im Gyeong-Eop in the seventeenth century. There are two theories: one that it was made after 1945, when it was demolished during the Japanese colonial period, and the other that it has been there for 140 years. Dangsan on Oeyeon Island is related to Jeon Hoeng (? - BCE 202), and the current altar was built in 1936. 4. CONCLUSIONS So far, the value of cultural heritage has been relatively underestimated in Korea. In this paper, the characteristics of nine altars were reviewed, and the records of their establishment were examined, especially through the enshrined god. In the future, it is expected that the cultural heritage value of ritual ruins in Korea can be re-evaluated by conducting research on ritual ruins throughout the country. BIBLIOGRAPHY Seo, Gung. Xuānhwafengshi Gaolitujing, Hangzhou, 1024. Ha, Hyo-Gil. Folklore of Wido Island-Ritual ceremony of Wondang, Dae-ri, Seoul: National Folklore Museum, 1984. Jeonju National Museum. Relics of Ritual ceremony of Jukmak-dong, Buan, Jeonju: Jeonju National Museum, 1994. Jeju National Museum. Sea and Ritual ceremony- Relics of Ritual ceremony of Jukmak-dong, Buan, Jeonju: Jeonju National Museum, 1995. National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage. Sea routes in the Southwest Sea region seen through maritime exchanges, Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2014. Yu, Byung-Ha. Sea god and ancestral rites of Relics of Jukmak-dong, Buan - Focused on a comparative review of the ancestral rites-, Master's, Seoul: Seoul National University, 1997. Korean Society of History and Folklore. History and Folklore, Seoul: Korean Society of History and Folklore, 2005. Choi, Jung-Gi. Gyodongdo Island, Seoul: Folk Garden, 2015. 4 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Ritual Ruins of Korea Description An account of the resource Since ancient times, the sea has been an important transportation route and a place where food can be obtained. However, there were various dangers, which were personified as a fear of supernatural beings. As supernatural beings were gradually elevated to gods who ruled over danger, humans relieved their fears and gained comfort for themselves through the rituals. Rituals include all activities of praying for a wish to a god they are reasonable (Yu 1997, 1-2). The space where the ritual ceremonies took place is the ritual rite site, and the ritual site related to the sea can be called the maritime ritual ruins. The remains of marine ritual ruins are formed by a tangible space where sacrifices are held while worshiping gods, and a jejang (a limited site related to sacrifice), an intangible space around it. So far, studies on the remains of ritual ruins have been conducted, focusing on archaeological sites, historical records, excavated artifacts, and intangible elements of ritual ruins. However, only the intangible space was maintained as a heritage of the village community, and the altar and other facilities were changed several times, so research on them was difficult to conduct. However, the sacred building continued to be maintained despite the change in appearance. Accordingly, this study focused on the rituals and identified the meaning of the ritual ruins along with the rituals by dividing them into one-building and two-building types. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tahk Kyung-Baek Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Kyung-Baek, Tahk . 2023. “Maritime ritual ruins of Korea.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1953 Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Sector, Institutions, and Sea Power of Premodern China Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Deng, Gang Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Greenwood Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1999 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Deng, Gang Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1999 Place Westport, Conn. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Greenwood Press Title A name given to the resource Maritime Sector, Institutions, and Sea Power of Premodern China Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Sector, Institutions, and Sea Power of Premodern China Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Deng, Gang Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Greenwood Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1999 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Deng, Gang Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1999 Place Westport, Conn. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Greenwood Press Title A name given to the resource Maritime Sector, Institutions, and Sea Power of Premodern China Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kenneth R. Hall Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Hawai'i Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1985 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Kenneth R. Hall Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1985 Place Honolulu Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of Hawai'i Press Title A name given to the resource Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia