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                    <text>Marine Archaeological Investigations on Tamil Nadu Coast,
India: An Overview
Sundaresh and A.S. Gaur1

Abstract
Ancient ports such as Kaveripattinam, Nagapattinam, Korkai, Alagankulam, Periyapattinam, all on
Tamil Nadu coast have played a dominant role in the transoceanic trade and commerce with many
countries since the beginning of the Christian Era (CE, starting from year one on the Georgian
Calendar). Many such port towns that existed on the coastal region vanished or were submerged in
the sea probably due to coastal erosion, sea level changes and neo-tectonic activity and other
causes.
Poompuhar, a flourishing port town, played a major role in maritime activities in the beginning
of the Christian Era. The Sangam literature vividly describes its location, habitation and town
planning. The marine archaeological explorations around Poompuhar brought to light the remains of
terracotta ring wells, brick structures, and storage jars in the inter-tidal zone. The brick structures,
stone structures, and pottery from offshore explorations support the existence of the ancient
settlement.
Mahabalipuram is said to have been a seaport right from the beginning of the Christian Era.
Geophysical survey and underwater exploration revealed structural remains including a fallen wall
running about 10 metres (m) in length, scattered dressed stone blocks, a few steps leading to a
platform and many other structural remains at various locations between 4 and 8 m water depth. The
available data confirms that a large area comprising of a building complex have been submerged.
These remains could be part of submerged structures and caused by severe coastal erosion in this
area.
The data collected at the above sites support the literary evidence to prove their existence as
ports. The major cause for the submergence of these port towns was due to shoreline changes
caused by coastal erosion.

INTRODUCTION
Ancient ports are the source of information to understand the strategic locations of
ports, maritime trade, routes, material exchange and the socio-economic conditions
of the contemporary period.
Important ports such as Kaveripattinam,
Mahabalipuram,
Nagapattinam,
Korkai,
Alagankulam,
Arikamedu
and
Periyapattinam all on the Tamil Nadu coast have played an important role in the
transoceanic trade from the beginning of the Christian era. The Periplus2 has
mentioned the ports on Tamil Nadu coast such as Camara, (Kaveripattinam) and
Sopatma, (Mamallapuram), had maritime contacts with Roman countries during
early centuries of Christian era (Ramaswami 1989:17). Many such port towns that
existed on the coastal region vanished or were submerged in the sea, maybe due to
coastal erosion, sea level changes and neo-tectonic activities. Ancient literary
sources exist that provide possible explanations for the loss of these littoral
settlements: like the Sangam literature which refers to the submergence of
Poompuhar; or the popular beliefs regarding the submergence of the temples of
Mahabalipuram; and the “Kumari Kandam” traditions of Tamil Nadu. It may well be
impossible to search for their roots or find proof that such beliefs are based on facts.
Nevertheless, many archaeological explorations have been taken up in an attempt to
verify the historicity of these traditions.
1

National Institute of Oceanography, Council of Scientific &amp; Industrial Research, (CSIR), Dona Paula,
Goa 403 004.
2
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, a sailor’s manual written by a Greek of Alexandria dating to 1st
Century AD and deals with the trade, commerce &amp; ports from Red sea to Bay of Bengal.

1

�Sangam3 literature gives ample historical accounts on maritime trade and
mentions the flourishing port town of Poompuhar, the capital of the early Cholas4
culture (Pillai 1989:13). The Manimekhalai5 mentions that Poompuhar was
swallowed up by the sea due to the wrath of goddess Manimekhalai, for not
celebrating the festival of Indra (Na Mu, et al. 2007:353,365-6). Though the
reference is only to a supernatural incident, it may be taken as an echo of some
actual sea erosion due to some high tidal wave surge(s) that engulfed the city.
Mahabalipuram was well known to earlier mariners as ‘Seven Pagodas’. It is
generally believed that out of seven temples originally constructed, all but “Shore
temple” were submerged by the sea over a period of time. European travellers in the
18th and 19th century have recorded this folk tradition (Ramaswami 1989:48).
Captain M.W. Carr (1984:11) refers to the account given by William Chambers
(1869:11,1-29) after his second visit to Mahabalipuram in 1776 about the traditions
on the submergence of pagodas.
Marine archaeological explorations have been carried out at Poompuhar and
Mahabalipuram (Figure 1) by scholars at the National Institute of Oceanography,
Goa, to find out the extent of the submerged evidence on the famous port towns.
The underwater investigations have revealed information on submerged structures
and also data on shoreline changes. The details of the findings are described below.

3

Sangam literature refers to a body of classical Tamil literature, is a collection of more than 2381
poems composed by Tamil poets during 3rd Century BC and 3rd Century AD, from various professions
and classes of society about the marriages, dress, ornamentation, culinary fare, war and religious life
of the early Tamils.
4
Cholas were one of the most dominant political forces in the Tamil country. The early Cholas of the
Sangam era ruled from their capital Urayur and Kaveripattinam. Medieval and later Cholas (848 AD1279 AD) ruled from their capitals Thanjavur and Gangaikondacholapuram . Their empire consists of
Tamil country, part of modern Karnataka and part of Sri Lanka.
5
Manimekhalai is considered to be one of the great epics of Tamil literature, the sequel to the
Shilapaddikaram, tells the story of the conversion to Buddhism of the daughter of Kovalan and
Madhavi, which has been dated by various scholars between the 2-6th centuries AD. It is a poem in
30 cantos, describing about Puhar.
Manimekalai which states as ;
madavaral nallaai ninthan maanagar, kadal vayiru pukkadu kaaranam keelai (25:176-77) ..............
aninagar thannai alaikadal kolkena, ittanal saabam pattathu ithuvaal (25:200-01)
Meaning, the city Kaveripumpattinam was engulfed by the sea (200:176-77) since the festival for
Indra was not performed the Godess Manimeekala cursed "may the city is eaten by the sea" (25:200201).

2

�Figure 1. Location map of the sites explored on Tamil Nadu coast (Map: prepared by
R. Uchil, NIO, Goa).

POOMPUHAR
Poompuhar also known as Kaveripattinam, is situated on the northern bank of the
river Kaveri on the Tamil Nadu coast. Sangam texts, specifically the Silappatikaram
(Pillai 1989:13), Pattinapalai, Manimekhalai and Ahananaru vividly describe
Poompuhar as the port capital of the early Cholas (Ramachandran 1974:8; Chandra
1977:107).
Land excavations at Kilaiyur brought to light two brick structures that have
been described as wharves (Rajan 1994:25; Rao 1991a:6,5-20; Athiyaman 1999),
possibly located on an ancient channel of the river Kaveri, an inlet channel to a
reservoir at Vanagiri and Buddha Vihara at Pallavaneswaram (Rajan 1994:23,2632).
3

�Coastal archaeological explorations
Coastal archaeological explorations have been carried out between Poompuhar and
Tranquebar in the inter-tidal zone to find out the remains of archaeological
evidences.

Poompuhar
During the course of explorations in the inter-tidal zone at Poompuhar the following
were exposed: a brick structure of eleven layers running parallel to the coast with
dimensions 1.2 m width, 1.2 m height and 4 m length; and a terracotta ring well with
dimensions 25 centimetres (cm) high, 4 cm thick at the rim, and a diameter of 75 cm
with three courses (Figure 2). Further, four brick structures of 25 m length, 3.4 m
width aligned in a straight line, were noticed at a water depth of 1 m, opposite to
present Cauvery temple at Poompuhar. The size of the bricks is 22x13x6 cm.

Figure 2. Terracotta ring well exposed in the intertidal zone at Poompuhar (photo:
Mr. SN Bandodker, NIO, Goa)

Vanagiri
Vanagiri is located on the coast about 1 km south of Poompuhar. The 11th century
Yellaiyamman temple was found. It had collapsed and the remains are scattered in
the inter-tidal zone. Three terracotta ring wells (75 cm diameter, 15 cm high and 6
cm thick at the rim) were exposed about 300 m south of the Yellaiyamman temple.
A neatly paved structure made of bricks (probably the floor of a house) was exposed
in the inter-tidal excavation.

Chinnavanagiri
Chinnavanagiri is located on the coast about 3 km south of Poompuhar. A terracotta
ring well with rings of 25 cm height, 5 cm rim thickness and 115 cm diameter, was
found surrounded with burnt bricks, associated with megalithic black and red ware
and beads of terracotta and semi-precious stones. The other important finds are a
potsherd with an inscribed Brahmi letter ‘Ma’, an early Chola square coin (completely
eroded), and later Chola coins.
4

�Findings of brick structures, terracotta ring wells, storage jars and brick-paved
platforms prove the existence of a settlement in the inter-tidal zone. The pottery from
Chinnavanagiri suggests that the ring well could be dated to the 2nd century Before
Christ (BC) – Anno Domini (AD)6. The other ring wells found at Vanagiri and
Poompuhar are of the same period. Similar kinds of ring wells found at Arikamedu
and Vasavasamudram are dated to the 2nd century BC to the 3rd century AD (Rao, et
al. 1995-96:15,7-22). The size of the bricks is 36x18x6 cm and closely corresponds
to the bricks used in the Buddha Vihar at Kaveripattinam.

Tranquebar
Tranquebar, a principal port during Danish rule (1620 AD-1845 AD), is situated about
15 km south of Poompuhar. The 13th century Masilamani temple is partly collapsed
and the remains are found scattered in the inter-tidal zone (Figure 3). Two brick
wells were found exposed in the inter-tidal zone. There is also evidence on the
destruction of modern houses due to the encroachment of the sea (Sundaresh, et al.
1997:595, 593-98).

Figure 3. Partly collapsed Masilamani temple at Tranquebar (photo: SN Bandodker,
NIO, Goa)
A careful study of the ‘Historic map of Danish colony Tranquebar and Fort Dansborg,
1700 AD’, which is displayed at Dansborg museum at Tranquebar, suggests that
Tranquebar was well protected by a fort wall with a distance of 50 m from the
6

BC and AD are designations of the Georgian Calendar. BC refers to the years before the birth of
Jesus Christ of Nazareth from year -1 and continues backwards, whereas AD refers to the years after
his birth from year 1 with years added as time progresses.

5

�shoreline. The Masilamani temple was located sufficiently landward about 250 m
from the fort wall. This observation unequivocally suggests that the shoreline has
transgressed about 300 m in the last 300 years, therefore infringing at an average
rate of one metre per year.

Offshore explorations
Offshore survey was conducted between Tranquebar and Poompuhar with small
grids of 250 m. The survey revealed several isolated objects such as rock boulders
at a depth of 7-8 m and 11-13 m opposite to the Masilamani temple (Rao 1992:17,
17-22; Rao 1991b:22,21-31; Rao and Rao 1991:128,127-129). Off Poompuhar, three
major sites of interest were observed at water depths of 5.5 to 10.5m and 23m. A
few dressed stone blocks measuring 90x40x15 cm, a semi circular stone with an Lshape cut on its surface and many other irregular blocks of sandstone were noticed
in 5 to 8 m water depth off the river Cauvery's mouth. The other findings observed
during airlifting operations were rolled bricks and early historic pottery of black and
red ware, Red ware, Buff ware and Grey ware, found 1 m below the seabed (NIO
Technical Report 1993:30).
Explorations on the north of Poompuhar revealed a few dressed stone blocks
in three general dimensions (30x20x5 cm, 65x40x10 cm and 60x35x10 cm), and
brought to light potsherds of grey ware and storage jars. The echograms of the subbottom profiler revealed a submerged palaeo-channel of the river Cauvery on the
north of Poompuhar at 10 to 15 m water depth, with a width of 300 m to 500 m,
buried 20 m below the sea bottom (NIO technical report 1997:15).
Three structures identified with the help of side scan sonar surveys between
22 and 24 m water depth off Poompuhar were later confirmed by diving (Vora
1987:161,159-161). The first structure (in an oval shape) was located about 3.5 km
offshore at 23 m water depth. The total periphery of the object is 140 m. About 40 m
north of the abovementioned object, two smaller objects are found lying in east-west
orientation within a distance of 10 m. The circumference of each object is not more
than 15 m and their height is about 2 m (NIO Technical report 1995:22; NIO
Technical report 1997:18).
The archaeological evidence recovered in the inter-tidal zone as well as
offshore, are of the Sangam period (3rd century BC to 3rd century AD). Evidence in
the inter-tidal zone, hydrographic charts, and the 17th century map at Tranquebar all
confirm the shoreline recession is at an average rate of one meter per year. If the
same rate continued for the last 2000 years, then ancient Poompuhar must have
definitely been extended much further towards the sea from the present coastline.

MAHABALIPURAM
Mahabalipuram is famous for its architectural marvels such as the Shore Temple, the
Chariots, Arjuna’s Penance, bas relief and several cave temples built by the Pallava7
king Narasimha Varman during the 8th century. It is situated about 55 km south of
Chennai and presently a World Heritage Monument.

7

The Pallava dynasty was a Tamil dynasty of South India which ruled the northern Tamil Nadu region
and the southern Andhra Pradesh region with their capital at Kanchipuram, the largest capital of the
sovereign nation Tondai Nadu of Tamilakkam. The early Pallavas had established themselves as a
rd
th
notable rising power in the region during beginning of 3 – 4 Century AD. The later Pallavas came in
th
to prominence during early 5 Century AD and continued to rule till late 9th Century AD.

6

�Mahabalipuram is said to have been a seaport right from the beginning of the
Christian era. The Periplus has mentioned the Roman trade from Damirica to
Sopatma (Mahabalipuram) by very large vessels, made of single logs bound
together, called Sangara (Ramaswami 1989:17). A few Roman coins of Theodosius
(4th century AD) support this trade contact with the Roman world (Dayalan 1992:52).
An 8th century Tamil text written by Tirumangai Alwar described this place as Kadal
Mallai where ships rode at anchor (Ramaswami 1980:11). The epigraphical sources
mention that the Pallava kings had an active contact with Sri Lanka, China and
Southeast Asia. The Pallava king Sihmavarman lead two expeditions by embarking
ships from Mamallapuram. The Pallava embassy and Vajradanthi, a Buddhist monk
sailed, to China from the port of Mamallapuram (Ramaswami 1980:12). The huge
buried remains of structures and ceramic varieties of the early historic and early
medieval period found at Punjeri, about 1.5 km west of Mahabalipuram, on the
western bank of the Bunkingham canal prove its flourishing existence in the past
(Dayalan 1992:54).

Underwater Findings
The underwater explorations were carried out by geophysical surveys followed by
diving. The seabed off Mahabalipuram, in depths ranging from 6 to 15 m, is highly
undulating with variations in height from 1 to 6 m. Granitic rocks with patches of
coarse-grained sand, carpet the floor.
Several rectangular and square shaped structures appeared on most of the
sonographs, particularly in the northern part, showing groups and clusters of blocks
arranged in a systematic pattern. Strong reflections of the images suggest that they
are massive hard bodies that are well shaped. It appears from the sonographs of the
entire study area that some significant parallel discontinuous rocky structures exist
on the seafloor at some places in addition to the dominant occurrence of natural rock
outcrops. Based on the sonographs the following five major sites of interest were
observed between the water depth of 5 and 13 m.

Site A
A structure was found about 700 m on the eastern side of the Shore Temple at 6 m
water depth which comprised of several small structures on a raised platform. The
upper portion of the structure is above the sea surface during low tide. The structure
covers an area of approximately 75x35 m. The structure is broader on the northern
side where a heap of stone blocks are also observed, while on the southern side
scattered small stone structures of various sizes were observed. The structure has
several north-south oriented wall sections.

7

�Figure 4. Stone block with a joinery projection found off Mahabalipuram (Photo: SN
Bandodker, NIO, Goa)
Dressed granite blocks were used for the construction of this structure. A wall
about 250x65 cm with two to four courses is noticed. Huge rectangular blocks
measuring approximately 2x1x1.5 m were also noticed on the central upper portion
of the structure. Another wall measuring about 5.4 m in length was seen on the
northern side along with two parallel walls on the southern side of the main structure,
with a stair-like structure leading upwards. Further on the northern side, the remains
of a wall extend up to 15 m in length. The length of some of these six walls varies
from 7 to 32.5 m; the other walls being shorter in length. A floor measuring 2x2.5 m
was also noticed towards the north-western side of the structure. The entire structure
has thick marine growth of sponges, shells, barnacles and mussels; a few blocks
were cleaned and chisel marks were observed. One of the blocks shows that it has
joinery projections for interconnecting the blocks (Figure 4; Sundaresh, et al.
2004:1233).

Site B
Another interesting site was located about 200 m on the north-north-eastern side of
Structure A at a depth between 5 - 8 m. The site has the remains of a wall, 2 m wide
and 5 m in length running from east to west and many fallen dressed stone blocks
found scattered around it. Another wall was found running more than 10 m with a
width of 2.5 m. Some of the stone blocks appear to have figurines carved on them;
however, identification was not possible due to thick marine growth.
Apart from the above there were many more structural remains such as fallen
walls, L-shaped connecting walls (Sundaresh, et al. 2004:1234), dressed square and
8

�rectangular stone blocks and a square platform reached by a flight of steps were
found at different locations (NIO Technical Report 2003:22).
The plan of the structures indicates that this construction could be part of a
big complex, as the huge stone blocks and several fallen walls were noticed in situ. It
appears that construction had been carried out on a raised platform with several
walls and a floor made of granite blocks. An opening from the southern side between
two walls with steps has been noticed which may be the entrance to the complex.
The natural rock boulders noticed on the southwest side are similar in shape and
size to those found on land on the hill at Mahabalipuram. Similarly, the construction
style observed underwater is identical to that observed on adjacent land. It was not
possible, however, to verify the binding material of the underwater structure due to
thick marine growth and their damaged condition. There were many wall sections
observed at different locations including the “quarry area” on a huge rock. The
dressed stone blocks required for the construction were probably extracted from the
quarry found nearby. In fact, most of the religious or ceremonial constructions,
including the present shore temple at Mahabalipuram, have been built with granite.
The sand stone and granite was extensively used for the construction of temples
during Pallava rule (Srinivasan 1983: 28-67).

Dating of Underwater Structures
The archaeology of Mahabalipuram commenced from the early centuries of the
Christian era. A few Roman, Chinese and Pallava coins have been reported from
Mahabalipuram (Ramaswami 1980:4). One of the inscriptions of Narasimha I
mentions that he (Narasimha I) is the first person to introduce the construction of
cave temples made of granite. N.S. Ramaswami (1980:27) refers to several accounts
of Europeans who recorded the submergence of the city and the tradition that, "a
large city and six magnificent pagodas have been swallowed up at this place by the
sea". William Chambers (1869:11,1-29), Graham Hancock (2002:121), P.M. Mohan
and Victor Rajamanickam (2002:78,77-79) believe that out of seven temples carved
out of granite during the 8th century AD only one has survived and the rest are
submerged. Based on the facts that the rock art sculpture was encouraged by the
Pallavas at this place and most of them were constructed during that period, it is
inferred that these temples may not be less than 1200 years old.

Possible Causes of Submergence
M.S. Krishnan (1968:523), S.P. Mahapatra and M. Hariprasad (2002:134,132-136)
have pointed out that the major and important factor affecting the Mahabalipuram
coast is erosion, as severe erosion at Kalpakkam (south of Mahabalipuram) was
observed due to long-shore sediment drift (Krishnakumar, et al. 1994:45,41-45). A
recent study suggests the rate of coastal erosion in and around Mahabalipuram is 55
cm/year (Ramaiyan, et al. 1997:1179,1177-1181). If the same rate has prevailed
since the last 1200 years then the shoreline at that time might have been around 800
m eastward and all the structures noticed underwater would have been on the land.
The excavations at Saluvankuppam about 1.5 km north of Mahabalipuram,
about 150 m from the sea coast, revealed three phases of construction belonging to
8-9th century AD, 6-8th century AD and 4th century AD at a depth of 3.2 m below the
present ground level. Evident from the stratigraphy these structures were destroyed
by the coastal flooding during 950 AD and between 320-560 AD (Rajendran, et al.
2006:1246,1242-1247). Therefore it may be mentioned here that the coastal erosion
might have played a major role in the submergence of these structures.

9

�The underwater structures, especially the long walls having 2 to 3 courses,
the scattered dressed stone blocks of various sizes, and the stones with projections
are considered to be man-made. They may well be the remains of huge complexes
or the temples of the so-called “Seven pagodas”. As the Pallavas encouraged temple
architecture at Mahabalipuram during the 8th century, these structures may be
assigned to the same period. Mahabalipuram served as a port during the Pallava
period. Part of the earlier Mahabalipuram town may have been submerged in the
sea.

CONCLUSIONS
The marine archaeological explorations on Tamil Nadu coast have brought to light
the submerged structural evidence at Poompuhar and Mahabalipuram. The
traditions mentioning the submergence of these port towns have been partially
confirmed with the evidence from underwater. These structures may have been
submerged due to coastal erosion followed by shoreline changes. As evident from
Mahabalipuram excavations, these sites might have been submerged due to large
coastal flooding.

Acknowledgements
The authors are grateful to the Director, NIO for his support and encouragement. Thanks are also due
to Shri. KH Vora for critical review of the manuscript and constant support, our colleagues Sila Tripati,
SN Bandodker, SB Chitari for their help in fieldwork, Dr Mohan Rao and Shri Prem Kumar for their
bathymetric study and finally Shri R. Uchil for line drawings. This is the NIO contribution no. 5068.

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12

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                <text>Marine Archaeological Investigations on Tamil Nadu Coast, India:  An Overview</text>
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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>Ancient ports such as Kaveripattinam, Nagapattinam, Korkai, Alagankulam, Periyapattinam, all on Tamil Nadu coast have played a dominant role in the transoceanic trade and commerce with many countries since the beginning of the Christian Era (CE, starting from year one on the Georgian Calendar). Many such port towns that existed on the coastal region vanished or were submerged in the sea probably due to coastal erosion, sea level changes and neo-tectonic activity and other causes.&#13;
&#13;
Poompuhar, a flourishing port town, played a major role in maritime activities in the beginning of the Christian Era. The Sangam literature vividly describes its location, habitation and town planning. The marine archaeological explorations around Poompuhar brought to light the remains of terracotta ring wells, brick structures, and storage jars in the inter-tidal zone. The brick structures, stone structures, and pottery from offshore explorations support the existence of the ancient settlement.&#13;
&#13;
Mahabalipuram is said to have been a seaport right from the beginning of the Christian Era. Geophysical survey and underwater exploration revealed structural remains including a fallen wall running about 10 metres (m) in length, scattered dressed stone blocks, a few steps leading to a platform and many other structural remains at various locations between 4 and 8 m water depth. The available data confirms that a large area comprising of a building complex have been submerged. These remains could be part of submerged structures and caused by severe coastal erosion in this area. &#13;
&#13;
The data collected at the above sites support the literary evidence to prove their existence as ports. The major cause for the submergence of these port towns was due to shoreline changes caused by coastal erosion.&#13;
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                    <text>Maritime Activities in Ancient Bali

I Wayan Ardika
Udayana University, Bali
ardika52@yahoo.co.id

Abstract
Archaeological discoveries at Sembiran and Pacung in Northeastern Bali
indicate that contacts between Bali and India, China, as well as Mainland
Southeast Asia have already occurred at the late second century BC. At
the same time, maritime activities and exchanges of goods might have
also existed between these areas.
Inscriptional data from the late 9th up to the 12th century describe the
regulations concerning the stranded ship. The use of woods of the
stranded ship, the treatment of foreign traders who died in the port sites
in Bali, as well as the utilization of their inheritances are also mentioned
in these inscriptions. In addition, the Balinese inscriptions dated from the
12th century also describe the types of watercraft such as ships (Chinese
jong) and boats (bahitra) which encored at Manasa in the northern coast
of Bali. The situation of port sites and social disturbances due to pirates
are also described in the Balinese inscriptions. Bali seems to be located
in the inter-regional trade routes connecting India, Mainland Southeast
Asia, and China in ancient times, therefore maritime activities must be
very busy in the northern coast of Bali.
Key words: Bali, ships, inscriptions
Introduction
Archaeological discoveries in northern coast of Bali indicate that the island
has been involved in maritime activities for nearly 2150 years. The sites
of Sembiran and Pacung which was part of ancient port of Julah produced
archaeological artefacts mainly potteries of India, mainland of Southeast
Asia, and China. In addition, glass, stone beads as well as Han’s bronze
mirrors were also discovered at Pangkung Paruk in the northwestern
coast of Bali. Two fragments of molds for casting bronze drum and

�socketed bronze axe were discovered repectively at Sembiran (Ardika,
1991; Ardika and Bellwood, 1991; Calo et.al, 2015). The discovery of
fragments of molds indicate that Sembiran was also an important centre
of local craftsmanship. The appearance of those artefacts suggests that
long distance or international exchange or trade might have already
occurred at the beginning of our century.

Inscriptional data

from Julah and Sembiran suggest that maritime

activities and trade might have continuously occurred in the northeastern
coast of Bali at least from the late second century BC until the 12th century
AD. The inscription of Sembiran AI dated AD 922 mentions a market
(pasar) and a market officer (ser pasar) at Julah. A regulation concerning
stranded ships and their cargos (taban karang) was also stated in the
inscription (Goris, 1954; Ardika, 1991). It records that people who lived at
a fortified settlement (kuta) at Julah were attacked by their enemies
(tarahan) and some of them fled to othe villages. On the basis of the
inscriptional data, this paper will describe several pieces of information
related to maritime activities in ancient Bali from the early 10th up to 12th
century AD. Relevance data from later period are also utilised in this
paper.

Regulation Concerning Stranded ship (Taban/Tawan Karang)
Balinese inscriptions from the early 10th century AD stated the regulations
(taban karang) concerning stranded ships or watercrafts in northern Bali.
The inscription of Sembiran AI states that if there were stranded ships,
boats, or canoes within Julah territory, which are known to the villagers,
the cargos had to be donated to the temple for welfare. The captives must
be reported to Sang Ratu or King Ugrasena who reigned Bali at that time.

�In order to maintain and enforce this regulation, worship was to be offered
to Bhatara Punta Hyang (Agastya?)(Ardika, 1991: 227).
As far as Taban or Tawan Karang is concerned, this regulation was still
utilised until the colonial period in the 19th and the 20th century. The Dutch
government and the Balinese kings ratified the regulation, however, they
did not implement it properly. The case of Tawan karang at Sangsit port
in north Bali was the trigger of Buleleng and Jagaraga wars in the 1846
and 1849, between the Buleleng’s king and the Ducth government. The
Jagaraga war can be said as the end of the Buleleng souvereignty, and
the beginning of colonialization of the Ducth government in north Bali
(Wirawan, 2017).
Similar phenomena also occurred at Karangasem and Klungkung
kingdoms in east and south Bali. Conflict on Tawan karang regulation
caused the Dutch government to send a military expedition to
Karangasem and Kusamba, Klungkung. The Karangasem palace was
occupied by the Dutch on 20 May 1849. Gusti Gede Ngurah Karangasem,
the king, and his family members fought against it, causing them to be
killed. Klungkung and Kusamba could be occupied by the Dutch troop at
3 pm on 24 May 1849 (Agung, 1989: 327). General Michiels and his troop
rested at Kusamba Palace used as the headquarters of the General
Commander Michels.

At midnight on 24 May or at dawn on 25 May 1849, Dewa Agung Istri
Kanya, A.A. Ketut Agung and A.A. Made Sangging planned to attack the
Dutch troop. At 3 am on 25 May 1849 the Klungkung soldiers reached the
target. When the light bullet was fired, all the camps, which had been dark,
became bright. General Michiels could be clearly seen standing in front of
the palace.

�A gun was fired by the Klungkung troops and the general’s right leg got
shot, causing him to be upended. The bone of his right leg turned out to
be completely wrecked (Agung, 1949: 328). The health officer suggested
that it should be amputated; however, he disagreed. He demanded that
he be carried to the command ship where he could be treated. His physical
condition was getting worse and finally he died at 11 pm on 25 May 1849.
On 26 May 1849 the corpse was carried by the warship “Etna” to Batavia
(Agung, 1989, 328).

The conflict between the King of Badung and the Dutch East Indies
government was triggered by the incident in which the Dutch-flagged ship
“Sri Kumala” stranded at Sanur beach controlled by the Badung Kingdom
on 27 May 1904. The Dutch East Indies government demanded that the
compensation amounting to 7,500 guldens to be charged to the Badung
King. The local people did not pay for the compensation as they swore
that they had not robbed what the ship had carried including uang kepeng
(coin with square hole in center). The Badung King’s refusal caused the
Badung waters to be blockaded on 6 January 1905 (Agung, 1989: 5). On
20 September 1906 the final war or Puputan Badung occurred and the
kingdom of Badung was conquered by the Dutch.
The practice of the tawan karang traditional law was getting weaker when
the Bali and Lombok kings were getting familiar with the foreign
governments especially the Dutch government (Wirawan, 2017: 2).
Different perceptions of the tawan karang tradition led to the blood
conflicts and wars involving the Dutch colonial government in Bali and
Lombok from the middle of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th
century.

�Since the 19th century, the tawan karang tradition has also been referred
to as a legal institution of the traditional countries which could not only be
found in Bali and Lombok. According to van Vollenhoven, the tawan
karang institution could also be found in the Tanimbar archipelago and
Central Kalimantan (Utrecht, 1962: 122). The practice of tawan karang
showed the royal waters (kliprecht). Tawan karang was the right of a king
and his people who controlled a coastal area. They had the right to detain
and own any foreign ship. They also had the right to employ its
passengers as the slaves that could be traded or killed. It used to be
considered the law of god of the seas (Lord Baruna) who was believed to
control the coastal area and sea (Utrecht, 1962: 122). However, it was
then flexibly defined and applied.

The Regulation for Foreign Trader
The inscription of Bebetin dated 896 AD describes the regulations
concerning the properties of banyaga (seafaring merchants who died at
Banwa Bharu (Goris, 1954: 54). The properties had to be divided into two
parts, although it is not mentioned what the two divisions were used for. It
is also mentioned that timber from the wrecked ships of the banyaga were
used for fences or palisades around the fortified settlement (kuta) at
Banwa Bharu. It thus seems that the fortified settlements at Julah and
Banwa Bharu were both surrounded by wood or bamboo fences (Ardika,
1991: 141). This was also the characteristic of city in Southeast Asia
between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries AD (Reid 1980: 242).

It should be noted that the terms kuta and ser pasar (market officer) are
also mentioned in the inscription of Bebetin AI dated AD 896 (Goris, 1954:
54). Banwa Bharu could have been another port site in north Bali, possibly

�located near the modern village of Sangsit, about 15 km west of Julah,
where the small port still exists.

Based on the inscriptions of Bebetin AI dated AD 896 and Sembiran AI
dated AD 922, it is impossible to find wrecked ship in the northern coast
of Bali. It is due to the regulation that the timbers of the wrecked ship was
used for fences or palisade of fortified settlement at Julah and Banwa
Bharu.

The Type of Watercrafts
The Balinese inscriptions mentioned several types of watercrafts including
perahu, bahitra, jong, lancang, etc. For instance, the inscription of
Sembiran AI dated AD 922 mentions: IIIb.3 ... yanada taban karang ditu,
parahu, lancang jukung, talaka ... (Ardika, 1991: 227; Goris, 1954). It
means if there were ship, boat, canoe and canoe (?) captured based on
taban karang regulation at Julah. Based on Sembiran AI inscription at
least there were four types of watercrafts at that time. The inscription also
indicates the Balinese can make canoe or ship. There are several terms
of watercrafts mentioned in Old Balinese inscriptions. These terms are in
Table 1 below.
Table 1. Several terms of watercrafts mentioned in Old Balinese
inscriptions
No

Balinese inscriptions

Terms of watercrafts

1

Bebetin AI dated AD 896

Lancang, parahu

2

Sembiran AI dated AD 922

Parahu, lancang, jukung,
talaka

3

Sembiran AIV dated AD 1065

Jong, bahitra, parahu

4

Sembiran C dated AD 1181

Parawu, jong, banawa

�The term of parahu or parawu has been mentioned in the four inscriptions
namely Bebetin AI (AD 896), Sembiran AI (AD 922), Sembiran AIV (AD
1065), and Sembiran C (AD 1181). The term parahu or parawu literary
means boat (Zoetmulder, 1982: 1280). Parahu seems to be the oldest
watercraft mentioned in Balinese inscriptions. Lancang was mentioned in
the inscriptions of Bebetin AI (AD 896) and Sembiran AI (AD 922).
Lancang literary means small boat (Zoetmulder, 1982).
The term of Jukung was mentioned in the inscription of Sembiran AI (AD
922). Jukung means small vesel or dug out canoe (Zoetmulder, 1982:
752). Even today, jukung is still made and used in modern Balinese.
Similar to Jukung, the term talaka was only used mentioned in the
inscription of Sembiran AI (AD 922). Talaka literary means canoe. The
term Jong was mentioned in the inscriptions of Sembiran AIV (AD 1065)
and Sembiran C (AD 1181). Jong is sea going ship.( Zoetmulder, 1982:
748). It is also associated with the Chinese ship. The term bahitra was
only mentioned in the inscription of Sembiran AIV (dated AD 1065). This
term literary means boat or vessel (Zoetmulder, 1982:188). The term
banawa was mentioned the inscription Sembiran C (AD 1181) which
literary means boat or any kind of ship (Ardika, 1991: 262). On the basis
of these inscriptions, Julah seems to be one of the most important ports
or harbours in the northern coast of Bali. Chinese jong and big ship might
have anchored at Julah in the 11th and 12th century AD. During the Song
dynasty, China also took part in trade out of China.

Piracy in Ancient Bali
The kuta or fortified settlement and pasar or market at Julah were attacked
by enemy or pirate many times. The attacks caused social disturbance in
Julah and the adjacent area. This situation was first mentioned in the

�inscription of Sembiran AI dated to AD 922. The inscription states: Ib. 3.
...lagi tawan bunin...they are continously captured by enemies... (Ardika,
1991: 221). The villagers of fortified settlement at Julah were captured by
enemies, and some of them might have fled to other villages. Therefore
the king Ugrasena asked them who fled to other villages to return to Julah.

The inscription of Sembiran AII dated to AD 975 mentions that king Sri
Janasadhu Warmadewa gave a grant of copper plates inscription to the
market officer at Julah namely Ida Kumpi Dyah Damai, who gathered
together the villagers of Julah and those who lived around the fort, being
many of those who returned during the reign of Sang Ratu (king) who was
buried at Bwah Rangga (Ardika, 1991:228-233). The inscription mentions
the regulation concerning the rights and reponsibilities of the villagers of
Julah, and those who lived around the fort.

It is worth to noticing that the inscription of Sembiran AIII dated to AD 1016
indicates that the village officers of Julah pay respect to Sang Ratu
(Queen) Sri Sang Ẫjṅadewi. The villagers told the Queen that the number
of families who lived at Julah formerly was 300, but now only 50 remained.
Therefore, the villagers asked taxes to be reduced (Ardika, 1991: 334).
On the basis of those inscriptions it seems that the fortified settlement and
a market at Julah was attacked and the villagers were killed or captured
by enemies or pirates? This attack caused the villagers of Julah to flee to
other villages. The Queen or central authorities called them to return to
Julah. The Queen renewed the regulation and also reduced taxes for
those who lived at Julah.

The inscription of Sembiran AIV dated to AD 1065 indicates that the
village officers of Julah they consulted and paid respects to Paduka haji

�or King Anak Wungsu. The village officers of Julah asked for a grant in
order to write down their inscription on copper plates, which was a grant
of the previous king. Because they did not think that what was described
in the palm leaves would be preserved for the future. It should be noticed
that the villagers were allowed to destroy coconut trees which blocked and
caused it to be seen by a plundering ship which came to Julah at night
(Ardika, 1991: 247). This statement suggests that central authority or King
Anak Wungsu protected the villagers of Julah from the attack of
plunderers or pirates.

As far as plunderers or piracy is concerned, it is clear that their activities
caused social disturbances as well as economic instabilities. The
inscriptions of Sembiran AI, Sembiran AII, Sembiran AIII, and Sembiran
AIV suggest that the villagers of Julah were killed and captured by
plunderes, and some of them also fled to other villages. This social
disturbance at Julah was handled by Queen or King of Bali, Regulations
concerning those people who lived at Julah were described at royal edits.
From an economic point of view, plunderers or pirates at Julah might
search for goods and valuable things. As already noted, there was a
market place at the fortified settlement at Julah. The plunderers or pirates
at Julah not only killed and captured people, but also robbed goods and
materials at the market. Similar stories were mentioned in the inscription
of Sawan AI or Bila I dated to AD 1023. The villagers of Bila were reduced
from 50 to 10 families who could not pay the full tribute, so they had to ask
the king (raja) for a reduction (Goris, 1954: 101-103). Why the villagers of
Bila decreased in number was not mentioned in the inscription.
Piracy might have already existed in ancient Bali around the 9th up to 11th
century AD. The pirate might attack the anchored ships and market at of

�Julah. They killed and captured the villagers and possibly robbed the
cargos as well as the goods at the ports site of Julah. The coastal villages
in the northeastern coast of Bali might have been plundered by pirates.
This attack caused the villagers to flee to other villages, and this
authomatically brought about the decreasung number of the people in the
village.

Conclusion
Bali has been involved in maritime activities since prehistoric times. The
Balinese inscriptions from the late Ninth and early Tenth century indicate
the regulations concerning stranded ship (taban/tawan karang) and an
inheritance of foreign traders (banyaga) who died at kuta or fortified
settlement in the northern cost of Bali. These regulations suggest that the
central authority or king/queen has managed to control the coastal areas
of Bali at least in the late Ninth and early Tenth century AD. The regulation
of taban/tawan karang was still utilized until the 20th century and
throughout the colonial period. In other words, the regulation of
taban/tawan karang has been used for more than 1000 years. The
taban/tawan karang regulation also triggered conflict and war between the
Balinese kings and the Dutch Government in the 19th and 20th century

Several types of watercraft were mentioned in the Balinese inscriptions
such as: parahu, lancang, jukung, talaka, jong, bahitra, and banawa.
These terms might have been related to the sizes and measurements of
watercrafts.

Piracy might have already existed in Bali or in Indonesia in general in the
early 10th century AD. The fortified settlement or kuta and pasar or market
at Julah were attacked by plunderers or pirates. The villagers were killed

�and captured by plunderers, and some of them fled to other villages. The
villagers who lived at Julah could not to pay the full taxes and they asked
for reductions to the king/queen. Therefore, the king/queen asked them to
return to Julah.

References
Agung, Ide Anak Agung Gde, 1989. Bali Pada Abad XIX. Yogyakarta:
Gajah Mada University Press.
Ardika, I Wayan. 1991. Archaeological Research in Northeastern Bali,
Indonesia. Disertation. Canberra: Australian National University.
Ardika, I Wayan and Peter Bellwood, 1991. Sembiran: the beginnings of
Indian contact with Bali. Antiquity, 1991. 65: 221-32.
Ardika, I Wayan et.al. 2016. Archaeological Research at the Blanjong Site,
Sanur, Bali. Singapore: Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre. Archaeology Report
Series.
Calo, Ambra, Bagyo Prasetyo, Peter Bellwood, James W. Lankton,
Bernard Gratuze, Thomas Oliver Pryce, Andreas Reinecke, Verena
Leusch, Heidrun Schenk, Rachel Wood, Rochtri A. Bawono, I Dewa
Kompiang Gede, Ni L.K. Citha Yuliati, Jack Fenner, Christian Reepmeyer,
Cristina Castillo &amp; Alison K. Carter. 2015. Sembiran and Pacung on the
norht coast of Bali a strategic croassoads for early trans Asiatic exchange.
Antiquity. 89, 344: 378-396.
Goris, R. 1954. Prasasti Bali I &amp; II. Bandung: Masa Baru.
Reid, Anthony. 1980. ‘The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth
to Seventeenth Centuries’. JSEAS, 11,2: 235-250.
Utrecht, E. 1962. Sedjarah Hukum Internasional di Bali dan Lombok.
(Pertjobaan sebuah studi hukum internasional regional di Indonesia).
Bandung: Sumur Bandung.

�Wirawan, A.A.B. 2017. Tawan Karang Tradition Law and Conflict of
Power in Bali and Lombok in the Middle of the 19th Century and
beginning of the 20th Century. Denpasar: Faculty of Arts, Udayana
University.
Zoetmulder, P.J. 1982. Old Javanese English Dictionary. S’ Gravenhage

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                  <text>Southeast Asia (SEA) has been rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) over a long period, from ancient pre-history, through the age of commerce, into the World War II era. Recently, UCH research, survey, and mapping activities; preservation and management efforts; as well as human capacity building programs show the promising progress in SEA countries. However, various threats to UCH preservation and some shortcomings still can be found in many SEA countries, for instance, lack of funds, inadequate technology, limited human resources, and also lack of public and government attention to UCH legal protection and its long-term preservation.    &#13;
&#13;
This session will highlight some topics, including current status of UCH preservation; current research or investigation on maritime heritage or UCH in SEA countries; maritime history in SEA; current legislations; recent human and natural threats to UCH in SEA countries; raising awareness and public education programs; in-situ preservation of UCH; sustainable shipwreck tourism development and balancing preservation efforts with economic benefit; community and general public engagement in UCH management plan; regional capacity building in Southeast Asia; as well as collaboration opportunities among stakeholders and SEA countries in researching, protecting, preserving, and managing UCH sites.&#13;
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                <text>Archaeological discoveries at Sembiran and Pacung in Northeastern Bali indicate that contacts between Bali and India, China, as well as Mainland Southeast Asia have already occurred at the late second century BC. At the same time, maritime activities and exchanges of goods might have also existed between these areas.&#13;
&#13;
Inscriptional data from the late 9th up to the 12th century describe the regulations concerning the stranded ship. The use of woods of the stranded ship, the treatment of foreign traders who died in the port sites in Bali, as well as the utilization of their inheritances are also mentioned in these inscriptions. In addition, the Balinese inscriptions dated from the 12th century also describe the types of watercraft such as ships (Chinese jong) and boats (bahitra) which encored at Manasa in the northern coast of Bali. The situation of port sites and social disturbances due to pirates are also described in the Balinese inscriptions. Bali seems to be located in the inter-regional trade routes connecting India, Mainland Southeast Asia, and China in ancient times, therefore maritime activities must be very busy in the northern coast of Bali.</text>
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                <text>I Wayan Ardika</text>
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                    <text>Maritime and underwater archaeological explorations in Kenya:
Recent discoveries

Caesar Bita
National Museums of Kenya, Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa, P.O. Box 82412, 80100,
Kenya
Email: mcbita@yahoo.com

Abstract
Kenya is the first sub-Sahara African country to initiate an underwater archaeological
expedition thus legally recognizing the value of underwater cultural heritage. This was
after successful survey and excavation of the 17th Century Portuguese shipwreck,
Santa Antonio De Tanna, in Mombasa. Kenya coast is part of the Western Indian
Ocean; commonly referred to as the ‘Swahili coast’. This coast was a domain of
foreigners from the early centuries of the first millennium AD. It was visited by the
Greeks; controlled by the Arabs, Portuguese and the Europeans. In addition, it played a
major role in ancient transoceanic maritime trade across the Indian Ocean Seaboard
linking the Swahili Coast with the Arab world, India sub-continent, Far East and China,
America and Europe. Owing to crude navigation and sea faring technologies of the time,
there are on the seabed of Kenya traces of these interactions in the form of
archaeological remains. Recent studies have shown that the Kenya coast is home to a
number of shipwrecks and has immense potential in underwater cultural heritage.
Drawing from ancient literature, previous and current maritime and underwater
archaeological studies, and this paper presents the recent discoveries from underwater
archaeological surveys in Kenya. The paper illustrates that there is immense potential
for underwater archaeology in Kenya that requires new attention both in research and
conservation.
Key words: Swahili Coast, Lamu archipelago, Malindi, Maritime Archaeology
Underwater Cultural Heritage, Shipwreck

Introduction
The conservation of maritime and underwater cultural resources has become a major
field of great scientific and regional importance world over. Maritime cultural heritage is
a critical element of Kenya’s wellbeing. In addition to its intrinsic value, it provides us
1

�with important space for recreation and has a significance that makes it worth
preserving; it is part of the environment, has an economic and scholarly value. This
resource is however under ever increasing pressure from human activity. Its protection
is thus a key part of sustainable development, whereby policies to encourage social and
economic development should be equaled by policies to protect our environment. To
effectively protect this heritage one important step is to document how much of this
resource is available.
The National Museums of Kenya (NMK) cannot afford to rely on “accidental” discoveries
by non-scientific ventures and still remain an authentic custodian of the national
heritage. It is for this that Kenya has made efforts to implement the preservation of
underwater cultural heritage (UCH). The country has developed capacities in maritime
and underwater cultural heritage through the training of underwater archaeologists and
establishment of an underwater artifact conservation laboratory. NMK has designed a
maritime archaeological programme for the study of this heritage as well as a database
of all shipwrecks in the country. These efforts are expected to increase the dimension in
which we understand and interpret this heritage in addition to mitigating the risk of
loosing this resource to vandalism and uncontrolled development.
Maritime History of the Kenyan Coast
Kenya is a maritime country with a coastline approximately 600 km long with many
small islands and navigable channels.
This coast, which is part of the Western
Indian Ocean (WIO), commonly referred
to as the ‘Swahili coast’, was a major
player

in

the

ancient

transoceanic

maritime trade across the Indian Ocean
Seaboard. Its inhabitants are known to
have had a history of long and continuous
interaction with not only the Indian Ocean
but also foreign visitors including the
Greeks,
2
1 Fig. 1 Trade goods exchanged across the
Western Indian Seaboard. (C. Bita)

Arabs,

Portuguese

and

the

�Europeans. Further, several early Swahili settlements ranging in time from the 8th-17th
centuries AD dot both the entire coastline as well as its off-shore islands (Garlake,
1966; Chittick, 1984; Horton, 1984; Abungu, 1989; Bita, 2011b). Such include
Mombasa, Lamu, Pate, Faza, Dondo, Kiunga, Ishakani, Ungwana, Siyu, Kilepwe,
Mambrui, Malindi, Gedi, Jumba La Mtwana and Kilifi. These ancient towns linked the
Swahili Coast and other continents across the Western Indian Ocean seaboard
including the Arab world, India sub-continent, south East Asia, the Far East and China,
America and Europe (Fig. 1).
Several

historical

records make reference
to ancient seafaring off
the Swahili coast. The
Periplus

of

Erytharean

Sea,

document

by

the
a
an

anonymous Greek sailor,
mentions

the

east

African coast as early as
2000

BP

(Freeman-

Fig. 2 Figure showing the concentration of shipwrecks along the Grenville, 1962; 1975;
Wright, 1984; Horton,
Kenya coast. (C. Bita)
1990; Whitehouse, 2001;
Chami, 2006). Records by Chinese travelers refer to the Somali coast and her trade
connections with the Far East by late 800s AD, while reports by Arab geographers
allude to thriving maritime communities on this coast by 900 AD (Kirkman, 1964; Datoo,
1970; Martin, 1973; Freeman-Grenville, 1975; Horton, 1990; Hall, 1996). The period
between the first millennium BC and the 2nd half of the first millennium AD was
characterized by crude shipping technology and lack of nautical charts. These crude
navigation technologies, as well as oceanic changes, are likely to have made early
seafarers casualties of coral reefs and violent sea waves. In addition, the East African
coast has been a centre of rivalry between major powers and the resultant wars
3

�witnessed a number of marine armour destroyed and sunken in these waters. This
evidence is today lying on the sea-bed and foreshores in the form of shipwrecks,
anchors, military structures among others (Bita, 2014). In Kenya this underwater
archaeology comes to light from researches, accidental discoveries by fishermen,
written records and oral tradition. Recent investigations that corroborate historical
literary sources have shown that the Kenya coast is home to a number of ancient
shipwrecks. Studies have shown the highest concentration of these sites in Kenya to be
around Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu (Fig. 2) (Breen and Lane, 2003; Forsythe et al.,
2003; Bita, 2008; 2010; 2011b; 2014).
Maritime and Underwater Archaeological explorations in Kenya
There are significant pointers towards the richness of Kenya’s maritime and underwater
cultural heritage. A survey to establish the full range of this resource is ongoing in the
country. The objectives of this undertaking are to identify and understand the range and
distribution of this resource in the Kenya coast and to develop a database of the
maritime and UCH sites for further archaeological investigation and conservation.
Kenya initiated an underwater archaeological expedition after successful survey and
excavation of the 17th century Portuguese shipwreck in Mombasa. This Portuguese
frigate was sunk by Oman Arabs in 1698 in Mombasa during a battle to free Fort Jesus
from the Arabs (Piercy, 1977; 1978; Sassoon, 1980; Boxer, 1960; Lynch, 1991;
Patience, 2006). Following this development, this shipwreck, later dubbed ‘Mombasa
Wreck’, was gazetted as a national monument and is today protected by the country’s
legislation. It is this initiative that made Kenya the first east African sub-Saharan country
to legally recognize the value of underwater cultural heritage. In the subsequent years,
there was a growing importance of underwater archaeology including management of
UCH in Kenya. With the potential of underwater archaeology in the country, a new
research and heritage management perspective was required. As such, Kenya sought
to develop capacities in underwater cultural heritage management through training and
infrastructure development. The country has trained two underwater archaeologists,
three conservators of underwater cultural material and has a well established
underwater artifact conservation laboratory. Additionally, a database of maritime and

4

�UCH sites has been developed for the coastal region and undersea cultural heritage
impact assessments are conducted as part of these efforts.
Recent Discoveries
Several underwater surveys have been undertaken off the Kenyan coast in which a lot
of archaeological heritage has been documented. These surveys include a 2001
maritime archaeological study of Mombasa Island (Breen and Lane, 2003). Others are
the 2006-2009 surveys in Lamu, Malindi and Mombasa by NMK (Patience, 2006; Bita
and Wanyama, 2007; Bita, 2008; 2009 a-b). The latest, and ongoing, is the survey by
National Museums of Kenya in collaboration with National Museums of China, in the
“Sino-Kenya Underwater Archaeology project” (Bita, 2011a; 2013a). In these surveys
numerous maritime and underwater heritage sites have been documented including
shipwrecks, structures and artifacts. Interestingly these have been found to occur
around the ancient towns of Lamu, Mombasa and Malindi; towns that played a major
role in the ancient transoceanic interactions across the Western Indian Ocean (Fig. 2).
Underwater archaeological surveys have also focused on these important towns.
Underwater Archaeological survey in Mombasa
Mombasa Island borders the open sea to the south east and has several channels.
There have been numerous underwater
archaeological surveys of this island in
the previous years that realized a lot of
maritime

and

heritage

sites.

underwater
The

first

cultural
survey

undertaken was the excavation of the
Santa

Antonio

recovered

Indian

shipwreck
wares,

which
Chinese

porcelain, Martaban and Portuguese
jars, canons, mortar shells and bronze
medallions (Piercy, 1977; 1978; Bita,
Fig. 3 Lamu Archipelago: the eastern shores 2013b). A later survey revealed several
have many rock outcrops where ancient ships
5
are believed to have sunk while entering Lamu
Town. (C. Bita)

�anomalies, some being shipwrecks (Breen and Lane, 2003; Forsythe et al., 2003).
Recent surveys (Bita, 2009b; 2011c) have recorded wreck sites and associated
structures (Fig. 3).
Underwater Archaeological survey in Lamu archipelago
Lamu archipelago is composed of several islands but the main ones are Lamu, Manda
and Pate, all with ancient towns by the same names (Fig. 3). Ancient settlements in this
archipelago are important landmarks in the history of the Swahili Coast. They were
important centres of the northern Swahili world with some, like Manda and Pate,
exhibiting evidence of very early occupation (Chittick, 1984; Horton, 1987; Wilson and
Omar, 1996; 1997). Ancient Pate Bay for instance was the gateway to Lamu Town for
sea travelers. Even up to the present, the eastern shores of this island are referred to by
the locals as mlango wa Lamu (gateway to Lamu). This route was used by the
Portuguese for decades controlling the WIO trade (Kirkman, 1964; Freeman-Greenville,
1975; Chittick, 1976; 1984; Hall, 1996). The Arabs dominated the Swahili Coast long
before the Portuguese and used this route for hundreds of years in trade with the
Persian Gulf (Bita, 2011b).
Pate Bay has several long reefs
and many coral rock outcrops such
as Pazzali, Hassani and Hanawi.
These rocks are at the confluence
of Pate channel and the open sea
and being submerged at high tide
suggests many vessels may have
wrecked here. In addition, the lack
of nautical knowledge for this area
caused

many

early

seafarer Fig. 4 Portion of a shipwreck embedded in concretion in
casualties on these coral rocks Mombasa waters. (Coastal Archaeology, National
when sailing through this bay. Over Museums of Kenya)
the years, fishermen in the Lamu
archipelago have been recovering archaeological materials at various sites along these
6

�reefs and channels in addition to seabed surveys (Bita and Wanyama, 2007; Bita,
2009a; 2014). Recent surveys in Lamu have made major achievements in terms of the
volume of artifacts recovered; sites surveyed and amount of data collected. Geophysical
studies have recorded several underwater anomalies while sites identified include areas
with concentrations of pottery and iron anchors (Bita, 2014). A massive anchor
approximately 4m long with 2m long hooks was found (Fig. 4). Standing upright and
embedded in coral, one of its hooks is however missing (this suggests probably its line
was cut when sailors were unable to take it back into the ship). Similar types of anchors
have also been recovered in Mombasa. Small iron anchors 2m long heavily encrusted
and of 3 hooks have also been recovered. This style of 3 hook anchors is not a common
feature of the Swahili Coast and suggests they belong to foreign ships. Early travel
across the Western Indian Ocean was subject to the monsoon winds which alternated
every six months. For instance, foreign traders sailed to the East African coast on the
northwest monsoon wind which blows from November until April. For six months they
would wait for the winds to change direction in order for them to sail back home on the
southeast monsoon winds which blow from June to October. During this period of wait,
ships would be anchored for loading and repairs while the sailors engaged in trade.
Similarly, due to ocean currents and long wait, the ship anchors would, in most cases,
be covered in sand or dragged into rock crevices. Such would make them difficult to pull
back into the ship at departure forcing the crew to cut the ropes and abandon the
anchor underwater. As is the case with Pate channel, many areas have silted over the
years with many sites heavily covered in the sands (Bita, 2014).
Maritime Archaeological Survey in Malindi
Malindi town is located 120km north of Mombasa and is one of the ancient trading
towns which had contact with the outside world in the last centuries of the last
millennium. The town owes, as do many other coastal towns, its origin and prosperity to
the Western Indian Ocean for facilitating transport and trade. It was at one time a
gateway where the movement and transformation of goods were facilitated and urban
services developed to promote maritime trade (Bita, 2008). It is believed to have been
visited by a Chinese fleet in the 15th century. When the Portuguese arrived on the
Kenyan coast in 1495, they found a thriving town and made it their trade headquarters
7

�while monopolising the WIO trade (Hall, 1996; Martin, 1975; Bita, 2012). Malindi Bay
has three ancient centres, Malindi town, Mambrui and Ngomeni. Mambrui and Malindi
were vibrant agricultural regions while Ngomeni was known for production and export of
mangroves (Bita, 2005; 2008). In trading areas, shipwrecks would be closer to certain
shipping hazards such as reefs and projecting headlands. In Malindi Bay, Ngomeni is
located near a headland whereas in Malindi town there is Leopard Bay, the navigation
channel of which is between two reefs. In the two areas, many ships are suspected to
have sunk (Patience, 2006; Bita, 2008; Bita, 2011a-b; 2012). Portuguese records
mention their ships lost and sunk in Malindi and whose locations have not been found
(Patience, 2006). Maritime and underwater archaeological surveys in the area have
documented several shipwrecks (Bita, 2005; 2008; 2011a) including remains of a ship
engine block, sites containing 14th-15th century Indian and Chinese pottery (Bita, 2008;
Bita, 2011a). This corroborates Portuguese and British records of ships lost in Malindi
waters (Patience, 2006).

Fig. 5 The plan of the Ngomeni Ras shipwreck Fig. 6 The remains of the Ngomeni Ras shipwreck
site.

(Sino-Kenya

Underwater

Archaeology lying

project)

on

seabed.

(Sino-Kenya

Underwater

Archaeology Project).

Ngomeni Ras Shipwreck
While no UCH sites have been located in Mambrui, 10km north of Malindi Town, in
Ngomeni, a village about 30 km northeast of Malindi town, several important sites have

8

�been identified. Ngomeni stands on an arm of land jutting towards the sea (Ras
Ngomeni), which offers a protected shallow harbour formerly used as a gateway for all
seafarers from Lamu to Malindi (Wilson, 1982; Bita, 2008; 2011b). The area was known
for mangrove growing which was exported to, and used in house construction in cities
around the Persian Gulf (Wilson, 1982; Whitehouse, 2001). Surveys in 2008 discovered
a wooden shipwreck that consistently produced materials dating to the 14th century
including Persian and Far Eastern wares. The shipwreck was revisited in 2010-2011
and excavated in 2013. The exposed wood remains of this site are however seriously
threatened by terredo. Ngomeni Ras Shipwreck is a probable 15th-16th century
merchant ship. The site measures 40m x 20m lying 5m below the sea (Fig. 5-6). This
discovery has proved the town participated in ancient mangrove trade across the
Western Indian Ocean (Bita 2011a-b; 2013a).

Fig. 7 A militant bunker overlooking the sea in Fig. 8 Lime and stone jetties and sacred sites on the
Mombasa. (C. Bita)

maritime zone of Mombasa coast. (C. Bita)

Intertidal and Foreshore surveys
Intertidal and foreshore surveys have also documented a rich resource of cultural
heritage. Irrespective of typology, these sites existed to exploit the maritime resource
that is the Western Indian Ocean. The most important include ancient forts, redoubts,
anchorages, ports and jetties. Others are maritime practices such as boat building and
fishing styles. It is their relationship with this ocean that makes them worth studying and
conserving.
9

�Military structures
Ancient East African coast was a centre of rivalry between powers such as between
rivaling Arab rulers, Arabs and Portuguese and later in the 1st and 2nd world war
between Germans, British and Italians (Coupland, 1938; Kirkman, 1964; 1974; Martin,
1973; 1975). These witnessed a number of marine structures erected along the coast
as defense forts or escape tunnels (Bita, 2009a-b). The Kenyan coast is awash with
such, including redoubts, forts including Fort Jesus, Siyu and Lamu, as well as habitable
caves and military bunkers. A majority of these are associated with Arabian, Portuguese
and British periods (Fig. 7).
Moorings, Anchorages, Jetties and sacred sites
Intertidal surveys have recorded ancient moorings and anchorages of different styles
(ranging from metal, lime and stone), ruins of jetties built of stone and lime (Fig. 8). A
majority of these have been attributed to the Portuguese and British periods. Jetties
may probably be related to old crossing points from the Islands to the coastal mainland.
Other equally important features are the sacred sites that are manifestations of the
relationship between people’s beliefs and the elements of maritime environment. Most
shrines are located in rock shelters, caves and secluded places on the seaward side of
cliffs (Bita, 2009b). The traditional ritual paraphernalia including talismans, white and or
red pieces of cloth; mixed colours of red, blue, white and black are mostly strategically
placed so as to come in contact with sea water at high tide.
Acknowledgments
I am thankful to the Director General, National Museums of Kenya, for his support and
nominations to the training in Underwater Archaeology. I am also grateful to UNESCO
for the sponsorship to train in the 3rd Foundation and In-Situ Preservation of
Underwater Cultural Heritage courses in Thailand and participation in the Abuja UCH
meeting. Thanks too to the Chinese government for the bilateral cooperation in
underwater archaeology research in Kenya.

10

�References
Abungu, G. O., 1989. Communities on the river Tana, Kenya: An Archaeological study
of relations between the Delta and the river basin, 700-1800 AD. PhD Thesis, University
of Cambridge, Cambridge.
Bita, C., 2014. The potentials of underwater archaeology in Kenya: A short
communication. In Sila Tripati (Ed.), Shipwrecks around the world: Revelations of the
past, Delta Book World, New Delhi: 486-510.
Bita, C., 2013a. Underwater archaeological survey of Ngomeni Shipwreck site. SINOKenya

Underwater Archaeology Project Report. National Museums of Kenya,

Mombasa.
Bita, C., 2013b. Martaban jars found in Kenya. Southeast Asian ceramics museum
Newsletter. Vol. VII (1) Jun-Sept 2013: 3.
Bita, C., 2012. The Origin of Malindi Town: A Case Study of Mambrui. M. A.
Dissertation. University of Dar es Salaam. Dar es Salaam.
Bita, C., 2011a. SINO-Kenya Underwater Archaeology Project. Preliminary Report.
National Museums of Kenya, Mombasa.
Bita, C., 2011b. Ancient Afro-Asia links. New evidence from a maritime perspective. In
Mark Staniforth et al., (Eds.), Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on
Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November 2011, Manila: 289-301.
Bita, C., 2011c. Cultural Heritage Impact Assessment for the Lion 2 Undersea Fibre
Optic Cable in Mombasa. National Museums of Kenya, Mombasa.
Bita, C., 2010. Protection of maritime and underwater cultural heritage in Kenya. Paper
presented to the International Conference on Maritime Cultural Heritage, Alexandria,
Egypt.
Bita, C., 2009a. Inter-tidal and foreshore survey of Pate island. Survey Report, Fort
Jesus Museum. Mombasa.
Bita, C., 2009b. The intertidal and foreshore archaeology of Mombasa Island: An
inventory of maritime sites. Survey Report, Fort Jesus museum, Mombasa.
11

�Bita, C., 2008. The Western Indian Ocean Maritime Heritage:

An overview of the

maritime archaeological heritage in Malindi. British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi.
Bita, C., 2005. Malindi. A Review of the History of a Coastal Town at the mouth of River
Sabaki, Kenya. National Museums of Kenya, Malindi.
Bita, C., and Wanyama, P., 2007. Preliminary intertidal and underwater archaeological
survey of Lamu archipelago. Research Report, Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa.
Boxer, C. R., 1960. Fort Jesus and Portuguese in Mombasa, British Museum, London.
Breen, C., and Lane, P., 2003. Archaeological Approaches to East Africa’s changing
Seascapes., World Archaeology, Vol. 35 (3): 469-89.
Chittick, H. N., 1976. An archaeological reconnaissance in the Horn: the British-Somali
Expedition 1975. Azania, Vol. 11: 117-34.
Chittick, N., 1984. Manda: Excavations at an Island Port on the Kenya coast. Memoir
No. 9, British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi.
Coupland, R., 1938. East Africa and its invaders. Clarendon press, Oxford.
Chami, F., 2006. The Unity of African Ancient History: 3000 B.C. to AD 500. Dar es
Salaam, E and D Vision Publishers.
Datoo, B. A., 1970. Rhapta: The location and importance of East Africa’s first port.
Azania, Vol. 5: 65-77.
Forsythe, W., Quinn, R., and Breen, C., 2003. Subtidal archaeological investigations in
Mombasa’s Old Port. In P. Mitchell., A. Haour, and J. Hobart (Eds.), Researching
Africa’s Past: New Contributions from British Archaeologists, Oxford University School
of Archaeology Monograph 57, Oxbow Books, Oxford: 133-138.
Freeman-Grenville, G. P., 1975. The East African Coast: Selected documents from the
first to earliest nineteenth century. Clarendon Press, Oxford.
Freeman-Grenville, G. P., 1962. The Medieval History of the coast of Tanganyika,
Oxford University Press, London.

12

�Garlake P. S., 1966. The early Islamic architecture of the east African coast. Nairobi.
Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Hall, R., 1996. Empires of the Monsoon. Harper Collins, London.
Horton, M. C., 1990. The Periplus and East Africa. Azania, Vol. 25: 95-99.
Horton, M. C., 1987. Early Muslim trading settlements on the East African Coast: New
Evidence from Shanga. Antiquaries Journal, Vol. 67: 290-322.
Horton, M. C., 1984. The early settlement of the northern Swahili coast. PhD Thesis,
University of Cambridge, Cambridge.
Kirkman, J., 1964. Men and Monuments on the East African Coast. Butterworth,
London.
Kirkman, J., 1974. Fort Jesus: A Portuguese Fortress on the East African Coast.
Clarendon, Oxford.
Lynch, M., (Ed.), 1991. The Mombasa wreck excavation. Institute of Nautical
Archaeology Newsletter, Vol. 18 (2): 2-29.
Martin, E. B., 1975. The History of Malindi: A geographical analysis of an East African
Coastal Town from the Portuguese period to the present. East African Literature
Bureau, Nairobi.
Martin, E. B., 1973. A History of Malindi, Nairobi. East African Literature Bureau.
Nairobi.
Patience, K., 2006. Shipwrecks and Salvage on the East African Coast. Dar Akhbar Al
Khaleej, Bahrain.
Piercy, R, C, M., 1977. Mombasa wreck excavation, Preliminary Report. International
Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 6 (4): 331-47.
Piercy, R, C, M., 1978. Mombasa wreck excavation, Preliminary Report. International
Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 7 (4): 301-19.
Sassoon, H., 1980. Mombasa Wreck Excavation. Interim Report, National Museums of
Kenya, Nairobi.
13

�Whitehouse, D., 2001. East Africa and the maritime trade of the Indian Ocean AD 8001500. In B. S. Amenoreti (Ed.), Islam in East Africa: New Sources, Herder, Rome: 411424.
Wilson, T. H., 1982. Spatial analysis and settlement patterns on the East African coast.
Paideuma, Vol. 28: 201-219.
Wilson, T. H., and Omar, A. L., 1997. Archaeological investigations at Pate. Azania, Vol.
32: 31-76.
Wilson, T. H., and Omar, A. L., 1996. Excavation at Pate on the East African coast. In
G. Pwiti., and R. Soper (Eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology, University of Zimbabwe,
Harare: 543-554.
Wright, H. T., 1984. Early seafarers of the Comoro Islands: the Dembeni phase of the
9th-10th centuries AD. Azania, Vol. 19: 13-60.

Biography
Caesar Bita has a Masters degree in Archaeology from the University of Dar es
Salaam, Tanzania; a Postgraduate Diploma in Management of Heritage and Museum
Collections from the University of Nairobi, a Professional Diploma in Underwater
Archaeology from Underwater Archaeology Center in China. Bita has participated in
training programme such as Maritime Heritage Training and Integrated Coastal Zone
Management Course (2006, Zanzibar, Tanzania), Regional Training on Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage Management (2010, South Africa), International Training
Workshop on Preservation, Presentation and Education on Maritime Cultural Heritage
(2010, Alexandria, Egypt). He participated in the 3rd UNESCO Foundation Course on
Underwater Cultural Heritage and In-Situ Preservation of Underwater Cultural Heritage
(2011, Thailand). He joined the National Museums of Kenya in 1999 and currently
coordinating underwater archaeological research and underwater cultural heritage
management at Fort Jesus museum, Mombasa, Kenya.

14

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                  <text>Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as â€˜underwaterâ€™, â€˜marineâ€™ and â€˜nauticalâ€™ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports.&#13;
Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to â€˜Underwater Archaeologyâ€™, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature â€˜Hydro-archaeologyâ€™ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations.&#13;
Taking into account the relevance and wider prospective of maritime archaeology, papers dealing with recent researches on maritime and underwater archaeology and allied disciplines are considered in this session. Studies on shipwrecks, sources on maritime archaeological studies, ports and trade routes, traditional boatbuilding technology, anchors are welcome. </text>
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                <text>Kenya is the first sub-Sahara African country to initiate an underwater archaeological expedition thus legally recognizing the value of underwater cultural heritage. This was after successful survey and excavation of the 17th Century Portuguese shipwreck, Santa Antonio De Tanna, in Mombasa. Kenya coast is part of the Western Indian Ocean; commonly referred to as the â€˜Swahili coastâ€™. This coast was a domain of foreigners from the early centuries of the first millennium AD. It was visited by the Greeks; controlled by the Arabs, Portuguese and the Europeans. In addition, it played a major role in ancient transoceanic maritime trade across the Indian Ocean Seaboard linking the Swahili Coast with the Arab world, India sub-continent, Far East and China, America and Europe. Owing to crude navigation and sea faring technologies of the time, there are on the seabed of Kenya traces of these interactions in the form of archaeological remains. Recent studies have shown that the Kenya coast is home to a number of shipwrecks and has immense potential in underwater cultural heritage. Drawing from ancient literature, previous and current maritime and underwater archaeological studies, and this paper presents the recent discoveries from underwater archaeological surveys in Kenya. The paper illustrates that there is immense potential for underwater archaeology in Kenya that requires new attention both in research and conservation. </text>
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                    <text>Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage at Kalaupapa National Historical Park: A
Manager’s Perspective

Erika Stein Espaniola
National Park Service, Kalaupapa, 96742
Hawai’i
United States
E-mail: erika_stein@nps.gov

Abstract
Kalaupapa, an isolated peninsula with no road access, is situated on the north shore of the
island of Molokai, Hawai`i. Though it has a long history of Native Hawaiian occupation, it is most
well-known for its history as a Hansen’s disease (leprosy) settlement. Through the former
patient’s advocacy efforts and concerns for their home and sacred place, the peninsula
eventually became a National Historical Park in 1980. The Hawai`i state Department of Health
(DOH), who co-manages the peninsula with the National Park Service (NPS), has rules that
have essentially created an informal marine protected area containing resources with important
indigenous cultural values. Due in part to its history, topography, and geography, Kalaupapa
has been saved of wide-scale development providing us with outstanding preservation of
maritime historic properties. Expanding maritime resources to include maritime and underwater
cultural heritage values and biocultural heritage resources allows the NPS to more inclusively
manage the site and provide stewardship opportunities, in light of inevitable change in the
future.
Keywords: Kalaupapa, Maritime, Underwater, Cultural Heritage, National Park, Management
Introduction
Nestled between Maui, Lana`i, and O`ahu, in the Hawaiian Island chain is the island of Molokai.
On its north shore lays the Kalaupapa peninsula. Isolated and remote, its geologic, geographic
and human histories have shaped the land and its adjoining valleys into a National Historic
Landmark, National Natural Landmark, and an internationally sacred site. Its layered histories
and abundant resources are permeated with significant heritage. With inevitable change
approaching, Kalaupapa faces unique challenges in the years to come. At the forefront is
ensuring that Kalaupapa retains its essence for future generations.

1

�The island of Molokai was first formed by
the eruption of two shield volcanoes. It
then endured a cataclysmic landslide,
around 1,400,000 years ago, that dropped
the northern third of Molokai into the sea,
generating a 2,000 ft. high tsunami
(Satake et al. 2002). A subsequent
eruption of a small shield volcano, about
230,000

years

ago

(Stearns

and

Macdonald 1947), rose from the sea floor
and abutted the rest of the land resulting in
the island we see today and the north shore
peninsula known by most as Kalaupapa,

Fig. 1: The island of Molokai showing the peninsula
of Kalaupapa and the NPS boundary in yellow.
Author: NPS image

though also referred to as Makanalua and Kalawao peninsula at various times throughout
history.
Kalaupapa has a long history of Native Hawaiian occupation (see McCoy 2007), but it is most
well-known for its history as a Hansen’s disease (leprosy) settlement. Bounded by deep water
on its three sides and 3,000 ft. cliff (pali) to the south, the peninsula is in effect, a ‘natural
prison’. This combined with its perceived abundant agriculture, made Kalaupapa the ideal place
to relocate those with the feared disease. The period of forced isolation stretched the years of
1866 through 1969, also resulting in the native people of the peninsula, the kāma`āina, to be
dislocated from the land (Greene 1985). The renowned work of Father Damien and Mother
Marianne were also completed within the era of forced isolation. Both individuals have since
been canonized into sainthood, Saint Damien in 2009 and Saint Marianne in 2012.
Kalaupapa remains the home to a declining population of people who were once afflicted with
Hansen’s disease and banished to the location. Through the former patient’s advocacy efforts,
the peninsula eventually became a National Historical Park in 1980. Presently, the peninsula is
co-managed between the National Park Service (NPS) and the Hawai`i state Department of
Health (DOH). Management responsibilities are divided with the NPS handling the utilities,
grounds, historic preservation and natural resource conservation, and the DOH primarily
providing care to the remaining former patients. Inevitably, the former patients will one day
reach the end of their era, and when they do, the DOH will no longer have a reason to remain in
Kalaupapa. The NPS is in the midst of drafting a general management plan (GMP), which

2

�provides guidance for park operations for the next 15-20 years and at the point of DOH’s
eventual departure (see www.nps.gov/kala).
For the protection and privacy of the remaining former patients, Kalaupapa Settlement Rules
have been established and created in concert with the Patients Advisory Council. The rules are
governed by the DOH as per Hawai`i Revised Statues (HRS), Chapter 326. The DOH’s rules for
Kalaupapa Settlement are highly adhered to and greatly restrict access; enforce a limited
resident population; and unless one is a former patient or employed at Kalaupapa, it also limits
fishing and prohibits hunting and shellfish extraction, among other things. Furthermore,
commercial activities within the park boundary must adhere to the NPS’s enabling legislation at
Kalaupapa, which states that former patients have “first right of refusal to provide revenueproducing visitor services” (Public Law 96-565, Section 107). Today, only two patient
businesses exist, one that provides a guided day tour of the site and a second that provides
janitorial services contracted by the NPS. Commercial dive boats and fishing vessels are not
present in Kalaupapa’s waters.
Kalaupapa’s history is also free from large industry endeavors like cattle ranches; pineapple
plantations; sugar plantations and wide-scale tourism. Combined with the history and its
remoteness, this has left the peninsula with excellent examples of archaeological landscapes,
historic architecture, and healthy natural and native ecosystems. In fact, it could be said that the
combination of its remote location, history as a leprosarium, lack of extensive development, and
restrictive rules have left Kalaupapa’s waters to have haphazardly created a marine protected
area.
This paper will look at a variety of maritime and underwater cultural heritage (MUCH). It will
consider three categories of MUCH at Kalaupapa: 1) maritime and underwater historic
properties, 2) biocultural resources and 3) maritime and underwater cultural heritage values.
The paper will briefly identify how they are currently being managed and provide some
discussion on why broadening one’s understanding of maritime and underwater cultural heritage
is beneficial to park managers, stakeholders and the general public.

3

�Maritime and Underwater Historic Properties at Kalaupapa
Poking above the waterline, even at high tide, are the remnants of the ship Ka`ala. Ka`ala was
enroute to O`ahu from Maui with a cargo of lumber when poor weather hit and she put in at
Kalaupapa for safe haven in 1932. The weather was too rough that day and Ka`ala ran aground.
(Greene 1985). Among town, it is said that the patients salvaged the lumber cargo in the dark
and quiet of the night. Due to heavy weather on
this side of the island (including the tsunami of
1946), wreckage is broadly scattered. The core
area of the wreck, however, is in good shape.
Mapping of the site has begun as well as its initial
condition assessment. An inspection schedule and
further management recommendations will be
forthcoming.

Fig. 2: Crew of Ka`ala. Author: Kalaupapa
Historical Society Photo Collection

Canoe landings, ko`a (fishing shrines) and a
possible navigation heiau (temple) are some of the
maritime historic properties that also dot the

Fig. 2: Crew of Ka`ala. Author: Kalaupapa
Historical Society Photo Collection

landscape at Kalaupapa. Interestingly, one ko`a is
considered to be a maritime historic property but found in the mountains (Summers 1971).
These maritime historic properties have been inventoried and are on an inspection schedule to
monitor their condition, possible threats, and any disturbances. They have been or will be
mapped and photo documented as part of typical resource management practice.

Kalaupapa’s Biocultural Resources
Part of understanding biocultural resources is understanding the human environment. Through
the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), a federal agency needs to consider, among
other things, the human environment; that is, the cultural uses of the built and natural
environments. Hawaiians are a sea-faring and maritime culture. There are mo`olelo (stories),
aumakuas (family gods) and rituals that relate to the sea. For the purposes of this paper,
biocultural resources are being defined as natural resources that are managed as part of a
marine ecology resource management program and are also imbued with cultural value.
Subsistence practices such as fishing, salt, and limu (seaweed) gathering have important
indigenous cultural value. A proposal has been put forward to create a community-based

4

�subsistence fishing area on the northwest coast of Molokai, which would include Kalaupapa (Hui
Mālama O Mo`omomi n.d.). To gain
a sense of the importance of
marine subsistence practices in
Hawaiian culture, and especially
the north shore of Molokai, the
proposal points out that the local
community are still defined by
traditional Hawaiian values; that
fishing

is

interwoven

with

all

aspects of community life and
cultural

identify;

that

household

seafood consumption in this area is

Fig. 3: Boat Day, now known as Barge Day. Author:
Kalaupapa Historical Society Photo Collection

estimated to be about 10 times higher
than the island of O`ahu and that subsistence fishing comprises about 38% of the food
consumed by residents of Hawaiian ancestry in this area. The proposal is in its early stages but
community-based management persists to the extent possible in these north shore
communities.
Kalaupapa is no stranger to the cultural importance of marine subsistence activities and the
above cultural significance can be echoed here. Because of Kalaupapa’s DOH rules, and the
haphazard marine protected area it has created, Kalaupapa has one of the healthiest fish
populations in the eight main Hawaiian Islands. The fish populations are similar to some of the
fish communities in the remote and human uninhabited Northwestern Hawaiian Islands in terms
of their numbers and size (Friedlander et al. 2008). Regular water quality monitoring, herbivory
studies and all sorts of marine ecology inventories are undertaken as part of the NPS’s marine
ecology resource management program.
There are many other biocultural resources at Kalaupapa, too many to name in any detail here.
Recall that Hawaiians are a maritime culture and so many aspects of daily life relate to the sea.
While standard natural resource management methods are useful in tracking the health and
stressors of these resources, the NPS has broadened its standard management practice to be
more reticent of community concerns and cultural values. Some examples include scoping with
the community before project implementation; sharing regular project updates at monthly
community meetings; incorporating Hawaiian cultural protocol at the start of projects and at

5

�other given times; and becoming adaptive and flexible to modifying projects in light of new
information or community concern.
Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Values
Maritime and underwater cultural heritage (MUCH) is certainly not a new concept in the
discipline. At Kalaupapa, MUCH values have been interpreted to be various beliefs, rituals, oral
traditions and significant events. This interpretation also includes a timescape concept. More
than a timeline, these are events that, over time, cumulatively provide a sense of place, location,
feeling, or setting. The heritage values to follow are not tangible but are still important facets of
Kalaupapa’s history- and need to be managed into the future. The NPS must still make the
attempt to determine if its undertakings may cause impacts to these MUCH values.
Surfing at Kalaupapa
Kalaupapa has beautiful waves prime for surfing, called Pua`ō “onslaught of dashing waves”,
and was liked the best by the Molokai chiefs (Finney 1959: 347). It was said that “The waves
are fearful but the boys of Kalaupapa that were skilled surf riders enjoyed riding on them. They
are not mere things to be trifled with either.” (Summers 1971: 194). Many would say that these
waves, and surfing in particular, are culturally valuable.
At some point during the forced isolation era in Kalaupapa’s past, surfing became prohibited.
Typically such rules were created in order to protect the patient’s health. Yet, the ‘no surfing’
rule persists today. Many of the same rules that were imposed on the former patients have in
turn been imposed on the non-patient residents at Kalaupapa. Some former patients, and even
some of the public, believe that surfing is a recreational activity and one not compatible with the
sacredness of the peninsula. While a former patient community is still present, it will be up to
them to decide whether or not they would like to change this rule. Once there is no longer a
patient population, and the DOH leaves, the NPS will need to determine how best to manage
surfing in the future. Fortunately, the NPS has identified the cultural (and conflicting) cultural
values of surfing and will continue to gather information from the former patients and the public
in order to inform this decision in the future.
Port of Entry, Port to Exile
Many of us wonder, what it was like to be exiled from family and friends and forced to live in an
isolated place knowing that you would never be allowed to leave. For many patients, the
Kalaupapa Landing was their port of entry to a life of exile. The landing was a liminal zone, a
place where one transitions from being on the ‘outside’ to being a resident patient. An invaluable

6

�account, handwritten by Ambrose Hutchison, who was a patient at Kalaupapa from 1879,
describes his experience of entering Kalaupapa from the landing:
…cast into jail like a felon and sent to Honolulu in a sailing vessel and taken to
the leper detention station….and put aboard a steamer named Mokolii… which
put to sea, and the following morning came to anchor in the roadstead and put
into a boat as human cargo and rowed ashore, and finally dumped at the landing
place, a crevice in the rock-flat and left to the tender mercy of the officials in
charge of the leper settlement…such is the fate men, women and children over
whom the pronouncement of a Government physician the magic word leper,
sealed their doomed, these afflicted and adjudged exiled for life from home and
all they hold dear, to enter into a Penal Institution over its portal is inscribed the
words: ‘He or she who enters here leave hope behind’ with all ambition and hope
banished. Yes, to the wicked and sinners all too true, but not to penitents, hope
lingers in their bossom. The sight that meet the eyes of a new exiled, comer, the
disfigured ulcerated faces deformed, maimed, ulcerated hands and feet of the
sufferers you meet. Your future associates make the heart sink and sick at the
sight of suffering humanity. Contrast differently from that of the landscape
panoramic view of promontory publicly known as Kalaupapa, rocky and treeless
tract of land, but nevertheless clothed in the beauty of its surroundings, nature’s
handiwork, make a lasting impression on the mind of an exiled stranger that after
all it was not a bad place to live in. [Hutchison 1931: 64-65]
Retaining the sense of isolation, setting, feeling and place will be imperative in honoring the
story. Although not many people arrive to Kalaupapa by boat anymore, the peninsula still has no
road access so anyone who has come to Kalaupapa has likely realized its peculiar logistical
requirements. One’s choices are to come in on a steep trail via mule or their own two legs, or to
be flown in on a small plane. The sense of isolation and remoteness are still there. Other
aspects of managing the isolated setting and feeling of the place may be inspired by the
panoramic view that Hutchison describes. Park management should be thoughtful that this view
does not become obstructed.
Regatta Day
A 1948 publication gives a wonderful account of Regatta / Labor Day at Kalaupapa Settlement:
If one happens to be at the Settlement on Regatta Day in September, one may
shout with the rest over the events of numerous spirited swimming races at the
7

�wharf, with prizes of fresh cakes made by the girl patients themselves. All the
contestants are young patients. The special event is the duck race in which ten
or twelve white Pekin ducks are taken out in a boat and let out of their crate
some thirty yards from shore. Without hesitation they turn and swim quietly for
home until a dozen boys leap after them from the end of the concrete pier. Great
is the shouting from spectators and splashing from both types of swimmers, the
ducks often escaping by submerging like the good divers they are, and most of
them managing to reach the rocky shore before being snatched up by neck and
proudly exhibited by their captors. [Damon 1948: 43]
Regatta and Labor Day events are no longer present at Kalaupapa. These were very physical
activities and the present former patient community is elderly. Regardless, the non-patient
community in Kalaupapa has occasionally brought back historic events that went stagnant for
decades. Knowing that such activities existed in the past is telling of the lively community at
Kalaupapa, even in the years of forced isolation. The whole story is not just one of isolation and
exile, but it is also a story of community, hope and solace. While many former patients strongly
care about educating the public on the hardships that they faced, many patients also want to be
remembered not for what they suffered through but how they lived. It is important that the
stewards of the site retain balance when interpreting and educating on this era of history and
that these community and energetic events of their history are not forgotten.
Discussion
From a management perspective, widening our understanding of maritime and underwater
cultural heritage to include, not only historic properties, but also biocultural resources, and other
heritage values has helped us to learn more about the place we are protecting. The NPS is in
the “forever” business; that is, protecting
resources and their values, unimpaired,
for the benefit of future generations. With
Kalaupapa’s inevitable changes, (the
final

decline

of

the

former

patient

population and the DOH’s departure)
certain things will not be exactly the
same as they were. It is necessary then,
to

understand

Kalaupapa’s

MUCH

character and how best to retain it.
Fig. 4: Opening of Regatta / Labor Day sports activities
8
at Kalaupapa
Pier, 1953. Author: Kalaupapa Historical
Society Photo Collection

�Some of the abovementioned heritage values speak about Kalaupapa’s character; the isolation
and sense of community, for example. Management could also look at certain events, and the
patient’s interaction with them, to see if they may be indicative of character. We wouldn’t want to
recreate incidents such as the wrecking of Ka`ala for example, but through the patients
salvaging the lumber, we see that the event is telling of resourcefulness and adaptation.
Resourcefulness is character-defining value in Kalaupapa. We’ve seen it other places on the
peninsula; through the reuse of bottle glass into blades; adapting everyday implements to create
better tools for impaired bodies; and the reuse of fishing net into fencing.
Identifying MUCH Properties, Resources and Values
Obviously, the first step in understanding how to manage a site containing MUCH values is to
identify what MUCH values exist. Expanding MUCH generally, has led to integrated resource
management; acceptance that there is cultural value in many natural resources; and respect to
stakeholders in how they interact with the natural environment.
Applying the human environment concept is helpful. Take salt gathering places for example. It’s
not just the locales that are significant, but also the roads and pathways to them. At Kalaupapa,
where the primary stakeholder is an aging population, it’s essential that those roads to salt
gathering locations are accessible, especially since now, they are driven to by car.
It’s also advantageous to be open to feedback and to realize when a mistake was made. Take
the salt gathering locations again. Several jeep trails were created over time and a roadblock
was erected to allow the grass to grow
back. Even though the proposal was
brought to a community meeting, one key
stakeholder was not in attendance. The
roadblock obstructed the easiest road
access to a salt gathering location. This
was an easy-fix case, luckily, and the road
block was removed.
Certainly, not all undertakings may have
such an easy fix and it’s essential that a
manager be cautious and cognizant of
Fig. 5: Regatta Day at Kalaupapa Pier, 1953. Author:
Kalaupapa Historical Society Photo Collection

potential cumulative impacts and even the
cumulative effects of making mistakes. It

would seem that the key is constant communication and being open to comment. Again, for
9

�Kalaupapa resource managers, this is especially important now while the former patients are
around so we can better understand how they interacted with the resources to inform our
management into the future.
Imua, Moving Forward
Making the attempt to incorporate indigenous and former patient perspective into everyday
management is important. Having these folks as a part of the NPS team is one approach in
achieving this. Kalaupapa National Historical Park’s enabling legislation actually states that
native Hawaiians and former patients should receive training opportunities to enhance their
chances of becoming managers and stewards of Kalaupapa. The enabling legislation also
states the hiring preference for native Hawaiians. About half the NPS staff at Kalaupapa are
native Hawaiians and they range through the various work departments and management
levels.
Another method of incorporating indigenous and former patient perspective is through regular
scoping, consultation and community meetings. We’ve also invited former patients to be a part
of our planning teams. Many did join the team for the long-term general management plan.
Others are commissioners on the NPS’s advisory committee.
Further, more and more local and Hawaiian students are showing interest in resource
management. The resource management departments at Kalaupapa have made a particular
effort to engage with students from the rest of Molokai and Hawai`i universities. The NPS has
regular interaction with University of Hawai`i students and every summer, Kalaupapa radiates a
younger energy when they join the team and further their education in terrestrial and marine
ecology; museum studies; and archaeology while providing the NPS with workforce.
There is certainly still room to grow. It can be echoed here that the acceptance of nonperfection; being open to feedback and being adaptive allows a manager to more effectively
incorporate cultural values into management practices. Through the expanding MUCH at
Kalaupapa, heritage values can more aptly be managed into the future ensuring that the
landscape and character of Kalaupapa will be available to future generations.
Bibliography
Damon, E.M, 1948. Siloama The Church of the Healing Spring: The Story of Certain Almost
Forgotten Protestant Churches. The Hawaiian Board of Missions, Honolulu, HI.
Finney, B and J.D Houston, 1996. Surfing: A History of the Ancient Hawaiian Sport.
Pomegranate Artbooks, Rohner Park, CA.
10

�Friedlander, A., G. Aeby, R. Brainard, E. Brown, K. Chaston, A. Clark, P. McGowan, T.
Montgomery, W. Walsh, I. Williams, and W. Wiltse, 2008. “The State of Coral Reef Ecosystems
of the Main Hawaiian Islands” In The State of Coral Reef Ecosystems of the United States and
Pacific Freely Associated States, edited by J. Waddell 219-61. NOAA Technical Memorandum
NOS NCCOS11. Silver Spring, MD: NOAA/NCCOS Center for Coastal Monitoring and
Assessment’s Biogeography Team.
Greene, L. W., 1985. Exile in Paradise: The Isolation of Hawai`i’s Leprosy Victims and
Development of Kalaupapa Settlement, 1865 to Present. Historic Resource Study, prepared for
the National Park Service, Denver Service Center, Denver, CO.
Hui Mālama O Mo`omomi, n.d. “Proposal to Designate the Northwest Coast of Moloka`i a
Community-Based Subsistence Fishing Area” prepared for the Department of Land and Natural
Resources, State of Hawai`i
Hutchison, A.T., 1931. In Memory of Revered Father Damien J. DeVeuster and Other Priests
Who Have Labored in the Leper Settlement of Kalawao, Molokai. Typed manuscript available at
Kalaupapa National Historical Park.
McCoy, M.D., 2007. “A Revised late Holocene Culture for Moloka`i Island, Hawai`i.”
Radiocarbon 49.3: 1273-1322
Satake, K., J.R. Smith, and K. Shinozaki, 2002. “Volume estimate and tsunami modeling for the
Nuuanu and Wailau landslides.” In Hawai`ian Volcanoes: Deep Underwater Perspectives,
edited by E. Takahashi, P.W. Lipman, M.O. Garcia, J. Naka and S. Aramaki 333-48, vol. 128.
Washington, D.C.: American Geophysical Union.
Stearns, H.T. and G.A. Macdonald, 1947. Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Island
of Molokai, Hawai`i. Honolulu, HI: Hawai`i Division of Hydrography, Bulletin 11.
Summers, C.C., 1971. “Moloka`i: A Site Survey.” Pacific Anthropological Records 14. Honolulu,
HI: Bishop Museum Department of Anthropology.
Biography:
Erika Stein Espaniola earned her Masters of Maritime Archaeology from James Cook
University in Queensland, Australia. She concentrated her thesis research on indigenous
perspectives of WWII material in the Solomon Islands. Erika then worked as a contract
archaeologist throughout the Hawaiian Islands before she joined the US National Park Service
(NPS) in Kalaupapa. During her NPS tenure, Erika has been an archaeologist, the cultural
resource program manager, and is presently the Superintendent at Kalaupapa National
Historical Park. She has particular interest in maritime societies, indigenous cultures, and
integrated resource management.
11

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                  <text>Responding to the effort to protect both natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, state and federal resource management agencies have been re-examining their cultural resource preservation mandates. New understanding of cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes is beginning to emerge. It is clear that â€œall traces of human existence that lie under water and have a cultural or historical characterâ€ (UCH) includes much more than simply shipwrecks and aircraft. The potential for these new definitions to engage local communities and associated disciplines and to address biocultural conservation needs is great, particularly for indigenous communities in Hawaii and the Pacific who are currently undertaking extraordinary efforts to plan for and protect their resources from climate change and other environmental threats. By integrating indigenous cultural landscapes and their related biocultural resources into a dynamic paradigm on underwater cultural heritage, the field looks to gain allies across stakeholder groups and develop its relevancy for younger generations, thus helping to ensure long-range traction for the preservation of all underwater heritage resources. Participants in this session will focus on policy and research issues in indigenous cultural landscapes, and the dynamic nature of cultural heritage management in Hawaiâ€˜i and across the Pacific. </text>
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                <text>Kalaupapa, an isolated peninsula with no road access, is situated on the north shore of the island of Molokai, Hawai`i. Though it has a long history of Native Hawaiian occupation, it is most well-known for its history as a Hansenâ€™s disease (leprosy) settlement. Through the former patientâ€™s advocacy efforts and concerns for their home and sacred place, the peninsula eventually became a National Historical Park in 1980. The Hawai`i state Department of Health (DOH), who co-manages the peninsula with the National Park Service (NPS), has rules that have essentially created an informal marine protected area containing resources with important indigenous cultural values. Due in part to its history, topography, and geography, Kalaupapa has been saved of wide-scale development providing us with outstanding preservation of maritime historic properties. Expanding maritime resources to include maritime and underwater cultural heritage values and biocultural heritage resources allows the NPS to more inclusively manage the site and provide stewardship opportunities, in light of inevitable change in the future.</text>
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                    <text>Maritime archaeology in New Zealand: trials, tribulations
and opportunities
Matthew Carter and Andy Dodd

Abstract
New Zealand is an island nation that was initially settled via the sea firstly by Polynesian voyagers
and later by a European maritime culture. These two groups traded and traversed in and along the
coastline leaving considerable physical evidence of their seafaring ways. Today this maritime past is
reflected in more than 2000 shipwrecks as well as numerous canoe landing sites, fish traps,
inundated villages and sunken canoes.
Despite this wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) and a strong legislative base for the
protection of archaeological sites, maritime archaeology in New Zealand is significantly
underdeveloped with no effective program for the management or protection of UCH. As a
consequence the public of New Zealand rarely views shipwrecks and other UCH as sites that need to
be protected. This lack of perceived value results in limited funding being available for the
investigation or management of maritime archaeological sites and as such developmental pressures,
commercial salvage and fossicking continue to damage this non-renewable resource.
Although these are major challenges there are still considerable opportunities for underwater
archaeology in New Zealand. Increased awareness of underwater cultural heritage can be achieved
by engaging the public in various ways such as through Australian Institute of Maritime
Archaeology/Nautical Archaeology Society (AIMA/NAS) training courses. In addition, the global nature
of New Zealand‟s maritime trade means that there is enormous scope for international collaboration
between researchers at a diverse range of organisations around the world. Such actions would help
provide the impetus for capacity building and the eventual establishment of an effective maritime
archaeology program in New Zealand.

Introduction
New Zealand is an island nation that was initially settled via the sea firstly by
Polynesian voyagers and later by a European maritime culture. These two groups
traded and traversed in and along the coastline leaving considerable physical
evidence of their seafaring ways. Notwithstanding this wealth of UCH and a strong
legislative framework for the protection of heritage sites, maritime archaeology is
significantly underdeveloped within New Zealand. As a result no formal positions
exist for the research, protection or management of UCH. Despite this shortcoming,
a number of maritime archaeological projects have been undertaken by volunteer
groups with considerable success. These projects have shown the potential that the
investigation of UCH has to contribute to our understanding of New Zealand's past
and the opportunities that exist for maritime archaeology in the future.

New Zealand’s Underwater Cultural Heritage
New Zealand‟s diverse topography means that UCH is not restricted to the open sea
but also includes sites in estuaries, rivers, streams, lakes and swamps. These
waterways include both those of natural occurrence and those created or maintained
through human intervention. Where they remain in a largely unmodified state, New
Zealand‟s waterways and wetlands have yielded significant archaeological finds.
They have potential to preserve significant archaeological information relating to

�New Zealand‟s maritime heritage. The UCH of New Zealand includes both resources
of Maori and European origin. The underwater resources of European origin cover
the period of the maritime exploration and the colonisation of New Zealand (17691900 A.D.) and include around 1500 documented shipwrecks (of which only around
10% have been relocated), military sites, wharves, navigation markers, ballast
dumps, slipways and debris (Dodd 2003:151; Churchill 1991:7). Equally important
are Maori underwater heritage sites which date from as early as the mid thirteenth
century (Higham and Jones 2004:215). These sites include canoe landings, eel
weirs, fish traps, inundated villages and sunken canoes (McCarthy 2006:9; Gumbley
et al 2005; Campbell 1977:139). All of these resources offer significant opportunities
for maritime and underwater archaeology as well as the potential for advancement of
terrestrial archaeology through the provision of comparative assemblages and
material culture that does not survive in a dry environment.

Threats to Underwater Cultural Heritage
As an island nation many New Zealanders feel a strong connection with the ocean
and waterways and as a result an attitude of open availability and equal participation
in relation to marine resources is widespread. Perhaps as result of this outlook many
divers believe sites such as shipwrecks are available to all and that anyone has the
right to take artefacts or items off them (Dodd 2003:151). Unfortunately such
unregulated fossicking leads to a fragmentation of the material culture and a loss of
context, thus essentially limiting the material‟s usefulness in scientific inquiry (Green
2004:10). Furthermore, such looted materials are rarely conserved properly and are
often lost to all through corrosion or decay (Churchill 1991:8). In addition, coastal
and inland underwater sites are also becoming increasingly threatened by the plans
of other users of the coastal marine area who place pressure on these sites through
the construction of infrastructure such as marinas, port expansion, undersea
pipelines and drilling, and carry out activities such as dredging, marine farming and
mineral extraction. These developments often disturb the equilibrium of the
environment which has preserved the underwater site and may accelerate the
processes of site destruction. UCH resources in New Zealand are also threatened by
natural post-depositional processes which include sedimentation, currents,
corrosion, marine growth, and mechanical disturbances due to wave action and
earthquakes (Gould 2000:2). These natural and cultural processes threaten our
underwater heritage and as such have significant implications for the protection,
preservation and management of UCH in New Zealand.

Heritage Legislation in New Zealand
The protection of New Zealand‟s cultural heritage resources (including terrestrial and
underwater archaeological sites) is provided for by three main acts: the Protected
Objects Act (1975), the Resource Management Act (1991) and the Historic Places
Act (1993). These acts combine to create a legislative landscape that is supportive

�to the protection and management of historic heritage (Vossler 2000:68). Despite the
fact that this legislation provides the basis for the control and sponsoring of both
submerged and terrestrial archaeology in New Zealand, its application to underwater
cultural resources has yet to be undertaken in a systematic or significant way (Dodd
2003:151; McKinlay 1977:23).

Protected Objects Act 1975
The Protected Objects Act provides for the protection of certain objects by regulating
the export of protected New Zealand objects and also allows for the ownership of
ngataongatuturu (Maori artefacts) to be awarded through the Maori Land Court. The
Protected Objects Act repealed the Antiquities Act 1975 in 2006 and makes it
unlawful to export Protected Objects without a certificate of permission from the
Ministry for Culture and Heritage who administer the Act.
Protected New Zealand objects are objects:
forming part of the movable cultural heritage of New Zealand that - (a) is of
importance to New Zealand, or to a part of New Zealand, for aesthetic,
archaeological, architectural, artistic, cultural, historical, literary, scientific, social,
spiritual, technological, or traditional reasons; and (b) falls within 1 or more of the
categories of protected objects set out in Schedule 4 (Protected Objects Act 1975:
section 2).

Schedule 4 of the Act includes, “New Zealand archaeological objects. This
category consists of any objects, assemblages, scientific samples, organic remains
derived from a New Zealand archaeological site, as defined by the Historic Places
Act 1993” (Protected Objects Act 1975: schedule 4). In this way the Protected
Objects Act can be used to protect artefacts from underwater cultural heritage sites
from being exported out of New Zealand.

Resource Management Act (1991)
Although the Resource Management Act (RMA) is not primarily concerned with the
protection of heritage resources, it provides considerable scope for the management
of terrestrial and submerged archaeological sites. The purpose of the act is to ensure
the sustainable management of natural and physical resources (RMA section 5).
Under this Act archaeological sites are considered „physical resources‟ and local
authorities are required to recognise and provide for the protection of historic
heritage as a matter of national importance (RMA section 6). Under the RMA the role
of local authorities includes:
The preservation of historic heritage from inappropriate subdivision, use and development. And
recognition of the relationship of Maori and their culture and traditions with their ancestral lands,
waters, sites, waahi tapu and other taonga. (RMA Section 6)

The influence of the RMA on archaeological practice is twofold. Firstly the
RMA requires an assessment of environmental effects when applying for resource

�consent. This assessment process includes both terrestrial and underwater
archaeological sites and the consent may not be given if such a site is threatened by
the intended development (Walton and Keefe 2004:271; Gumbley et al. 2005:19).
The second influence of the RMA is increased responsibility for councils in
identifying and managing historic heritage. Regional councils and local authorities
must now have plans, rules, policies and objectives as to how they will manage the
matters that the RMA puts within their responsibility (Gumbley et al. 2005:18).
Regional and local authority plans are reviewed on a ten yearly cycle, however, with
the exception of the Auckland Regional Council, few plans adopted policies and
schedules specific to the protection of historic heritage in the coastal marine area,
but this is becoming more common in second generation plans.

Historic Places Act (1993)
The Historic Places Act (HPA) provides the primary legislation for heritage
management in New Zealand (Walton and Keefe 2004:273). The purpose of this act
is to “promote the identification, protection, preservation, and conservation of the
historical and cultural heritage of New Zealand” (HPA section 4). This Act defines
archaeological sites as:
…any place in New Zealand that –
Either –
(a) Was associated with human activity that occurred before 1900; or
(b) Is the site of the wreck of any vessel where that wreck occurred
before 1900; and
(c) Is or may be able through investigation by archaeological methods to
provide evidence relating to the history of New Zealand (HPA
schedule 2).

In relation to archaeological practice, the HPA established a system for the
control of works that could adversely affect an archaeological site (Vossler 2000:62;
Barber 2000:25). At the centre of this management system is the New Zealand
Historic Places Trust (NZHPT) whose purpose is to promote and preserve the
historic and cultural heritage of New Zealand. The NZHPT principal statutory
functions are the registration of historic places, advocacy and public education
(http://www.historic.org.nz/). The NZHPT also exercises statutory power to protect
archaeological sites through the HPA which essentially imposes blanket protection
for both terrestrial and underwater archaeological sites making it illegal for any
person to destroy, damage or modify any part of a site without an authority obtained
from the Historic Places Trust (Barber 1998:59). The provisions of the HPA apply to
archaeological sites irrespective of whether they are currently registered or recorded
(Vossler 2000:64).

�History of Underwater Archaeology in New Zealand
Sports diving in New Zealand began in the 1950s, and a number of diving clubs
started up around this time (Gordon 1999). The earliest underwater shipwreck
surveys in New Zealand were undertaken in the 1960‟s by pioneers such as Kelly
Tarlton however, the prevailing philosophy of the time was directed towards salvage
and exploration rather than preservation and conservation (Sale 1988:182; Dodd
2003:155). In recent years the practice of underwater archaeology in New Zealand
has been furthered in three main ways; through the work of volunteer groups, the
teaching of AIMA/NAS training courses and the registration of shipwrecks as historic
places.

Avocational projects
The need to control and direct maritime archaeology in New Zealand led to the
establishment of the Maritime Archaeological Association of New Zealand (MAANZ)
in 1989 (Churchill 1991:7). Through this association a number of underwater and
maritime heritage sites have been subject to archaeological attention.

Mahanga Bay wharf
A series of coastal military defences were built around New Zealand in the 1880s, in
response to a perceived threat from the Russian navy. A small wharf was built in
Mahanga Bay on the Miramar Peninsula in Wellington to service the torpedo boats
that were stationed there. In 1993-1994 and 2000 MAANZ undertook a survey and
investigation of the remnants of the historic wharf. The purpose of this work was to
locate and map the remains of the wharf and associated artefacts. The history of the
construction, use and demise of the wharf was also researched and a report
published (MAANZ 2005).

Surveying &amp; condition report on Hydrabad
The square rigged sailing ship Hydrabad was wrecked on Waitarere Beach (north of
Wellington) in 1878. Successive storms and dynamic beach action have left the
wreck well above high water mark. The wreck is now inundated with sand, and is
periodically uncovered and re-covered through storm and wind action. The Waitarere
Residents Association invited MAANZ to undertake an investigation of the wreck to
help in decision making on the future of the wreck. This investigation was undertaken
in 1997 and involved the mapping and assessment of the wreck site and the taking
of samples to assess the composition of the ship. A report was compiled outlining
the history of the ship and also the results of the survey (MAANZ 1998) and the site
continues to be visited and photographed by MAANZ members. The Horowhenua
District Council has recently installed updated interpretative signage at Waitarere
and the site was nominated for historic place registration by MAANZ in 2010. It was
assessed by NZHPT and awarded category II historic place registration in 2011. This
officially recognised the wreck site as a place “of historical or cultural heritage
significance or value to New Zealanders” (HPA section 23).

�Mapping &amp; park proposal for Evans Bay Patent Slip
A patent slip operated at Evans Bay on the edge of the Wellington Harbour from the
1870s until well into the 20th century. The rails of the slipway remain intact, as does
buried slipway machinery. MAANZ supervised a geophysical survey of the site to
determine the amount of subsurface equipment still extant, and successfully lobbied
the city council to extend the extent of the protected heritage area.

Inconstant project
The Inconstant was wrecked on Wellington‟s coast in 1849, and refloated on the
coastal edge of the city as a floating warehouse and bond store. The ship was
eventually inundated by reclamation and revealed again during refurbishment of the
overlying historic buildings in 1996. Archaeologists revealed and recorded the fabric
of the ship, some of which remain in situ and on public display. MAANZ members
were actively involved in the processing and curating of artefacts from the site
(O‟Keeffe 1993).

On-going conservation of artefacts on the Hikitia
In 1997 MAANZ had opened their dedicated conservation laboratory aboard the
Hikitia, one of the two remaining floating cranes in the world. MAANZ converted one
of the below decks spaces into a laboratory to conserve objects from maritime
archaeological sites. The lab operates on a volunteer basis and is available to
conserve objects for the general public and museums. The lab is also a key resource
for the association's education and information program. The activities of this
avocational body have greatly furthered the development of maritime archaeology in
New Zealand.

AIMA/NAS courses
Six AIMA/NAS courses have been run in New Zealand since 2002. These courses
are targeted towards providing recreational divers with basic information about
underwater archaeology, site recording and conservation. The first AIMA/NAS
Training courses in New Zealand were held in February-March 2002 by Mark
Staniforth and Cosmos Coroneos who conducted two Part 1 Training courses at the
Museum of City and Sea, Wellington.
Three further Part 1 &amp; 2 courses were run in November-December 2008 in
Auckland, Wellington and Dunedin. Peter Ross and James Hunter tutored the
courses which were facilitated by Department of Conservation and also included
input from Otago and Auckland University specialists in underwater photogrammetry
and wet wood conservation. In June 2011 a Part 1 course was run in Tauranga by
Andy Dodd and Robert Brassey for divers involved in the ssTaupo recording project
being coordinated by Shane Wasik. These courses have promoted the field of
underwater archaeology to a diverse range of interest groups.

�NZHPT shipwreck registrations
Shipwreck sites and sites in the coastal marine area have been under represented in
New Zealand‟s Historic Places Trust Register. The first ship wreck to be registered
was the ssVictory (no.5712), wrecked on the Otago Peninsula in 1861 and registered
in 1985. In more recent years new registrations have included the 1881 ssTararua
wreck site, cemetery and Waipapa Lighthouse (no.7785) registered 2009,
ps1Tasmanian Maid wrecked off New Plymouth in 1868 (no. 9521) and ssAlexandra
wrecked off Puke Aruhe in 1865 (no. 9520) both registered in 2010, and the 1878
Hydrabad wreck site at Waitarere Beach (no. 9559) registered 2011. By placing
these ships on the Historic Places Trust Register they are provided with a greater
level of protection and increased public awareness about these unique sites.

Opportunities for the Future
New Zealand has a small but active number of technical divers who regularly dive
shipwrecks at depths of 40-120 metres. Collaboration with these highly skilled and
trained individuals offers the opportunity to investigate shipwrecks that have only
been minimally impacted by the actions of divers. Such cooperation has the potential
to not only gain valuable information from these archaeological sites but also to
establish a principle of custodianship which would help protect these wrecks for
future archaeological investigation.
Further AIMA/NAS courses for recreational divers in New Zealand could
improve diver appreciation of shipwreck conservation and may encourage some
people to seek further education in maritime archaeology. It can also be a positive
means of promoting a responsible attitude towards wreck diving amongst dive clubs
and shops that might see value in promoting the conservation of local shipwreck
sites. To date, courses have only been held in a limited number of locations around
the country. By ensuring that courses are spread more evenly around New Zealand
more divers will be able to attend and become involved in maritime projects.
Encouraging archaeology students from Auckland University and the University of
Otago with an interest in maritime history and archaeology to attend these courses
may also mean more students formally incorporate maritime archaeology into their
studies.
New Zealand‟s rich maritime heritage includes a tradition of Colonial
shipbuilding and repair that is represented in the archaeological record in the form of
shipwrecks and other maritime infrastructure. In Australia the archaeological study of
Colonial shipbuilding has been a major area of research within the field of maritime
archaeology (e.g. see Coroneos 1996; Bullers 2006; O‟Reilly 2007). This research
has provided a great deal of information about the construction of early Australian
built wooden sailing vessels and the role of shipbuilding in Colonial society. Like
Australia the archaeological investigation of shipwrecks and shipbuilding yards
1

paddle steamer

�around New Zealand has the potential to significantly increase our understanding of
this formative industry and could provide an area for Trans-Tasman research.
A notable component of the maritime archaeological record of New Zealand is
the presence of ship‟s graveyards which are found within a number of the country‟s
harbours. The vessels that make up these graveyards have considerable
archaeological value with the potential to offer insights into, not only, propulsion and
shipbuilding technologies from the 19th and 20th centuries but also the diversity of
craft that plied the waterway of New Zealand. Such archaeological investigations
could facilitate the comparison and contrast of abandonment processes in relation to
ship‟s graveyards around New Zealand and also with such work undertaken
internationally.

Conclusions
New Zealand has a rich maritime heritage which is evidenced by a range of UCH
sites of both Maori and European origin. Unfortunately the underdeveloped nature of
maritime archaeology in New Zealand means that this resource suffers from a lack of
active management and protection. As such, much of the maritime archaeological
work that has taken place in New Zealand has been undertaken by volunteers. It is
hoped that by working with such interested parties and collaboration with
international researchers will help to provide the impetus for capacity building and
the eventual establishment of an effective maritime archaeology program in New
Zealand.

Bibliography
Barber, I.,
2000
Bullers, R.,
2006
Churchill, D.,
1991
Coroneos, C.,
1996
Dodd, A.,
2003
Green, J.N.,
2004
Gordon, K.,
1999
Gould, R.A.,
2000

“Archaeological Heritage management Reform in New Zealand:
What Happened?”, in Archaeology in New Zealand, 43(1), pp. 2236.
“Quality Assured: Shipbuilding in Colonial South Australia and
Tasmania” in Flinders University Maritime Archaeology Monograph
Series Number 8, Flinders University, Adelaide.
“The Maritime Archaeological Association of New Zealand MAANZ
(Inc)”, in The Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime
Archaeology, 15(1), pp. 7-10.
“One interpretation for the short working lives of early Australian
wooden sailing vessels in Victorian waters", in The Bulletin of the
Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 15, pp. 7-14.
“Opportunities for Underwater Archaeology in New Zealand”, in
Archaeology in New Zealand, 46(3), pp.151-160.
Maritime Archaeology: A Technical Handbook, Elsevier Academic
Press, London.
"Deep beginnings", in Dive New Zealand Magazine,
Archaeology and the Social History of Ships, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.

�Gumbley, W.
Johns, D., and
Law, G.,
2005
Higham, T.,
and Jones, M.,
2004
MAANZ.,
1998
MAANZ.,
2005
McCarthy, M.,
2006

McKinley, J.R.,
1977
O‟Keeffe, M.,
1993
O‟Reilly, R.,
2007

Sale, E.V.,
1988
Walton, T., and
Keefe, M.,
2004
Vossler, M.,
2006

Management of wetland archaeological
sites in New Zealand, Science for Conservation 246.

"Chronology and Settlement", in (eds) L. Furey, and S. Holdaway,
Change through time: 50 years of New Zealand Archaeology,
NZAA, Monograph 26.
Investigation of the wreck of the Hydrabad, The Maritime
Archaeological Association of New Zealand,
Mahanga Bay Wharf Archaeological Survey. The Maritime
Archaeological Association of New Zealand,
"Maritime Archaeology in Australasia; Reviews and Overviews", in
(eds.) Mark Staniforth and Mike Nash, Maritime Archaeology:
Australian Approaches, Springer Science + Business Media Inc,
New York.
“The New Zealand Historic Places Trust and the laws covering
Marine Archaeology in New Zealand:, in (ed.) Jeremy Green,
papers from the First Southern Hemisphere Conference on
Maritime Archaeology, Australian Sports Publications, Melbourne.
"The Inconstant shipwreck Wellington, New Zealand", in Bulletin of
the Australasian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 23, pp.121126.
An assessment of Australian built wooden sailing vessels
(constructed between 1850 - 1899) operating the South Australian
intrastate trade: methods and materials, Flinders University
Maritime Archaeology Monograph Series Number 5.
Kelly. The Adventurous Life of Kelly Tarlton, Lee Printing Co,
Auckland.
"Archaeological Heritage Management", in (eds) L. Furey and S.
Holdaway, Change through time: 50 years of New Zealand
Archaeology, NZAA, Monograph 26.
"Sense of Nonsense? Heritage Legislation in Perspective", in (ed)
A. Trapeznik, Common Ground? Heritage and Public Places in
New Zealand, University of Otago Press, Dunedin.

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Pacific Islands region: Building UCH Capacity</text>
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                <text>New Zealand is an island nation that was initially settled via the sea firstly by Polynesian voyagers and later by a European maritime culture. These two groups traded and traversed in and along the coastline leaving considerable physical evidence of their seafaring ways. Today this maritime past is reflected in more than 2000 shipwrecks as well as numerous canoe landing sites, fish traps, inundated villages and sunken canoes.&#13;
&#13;
Despite this wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) and a strong legislative base for the protection of archaeological sites, maritime archaeology in New Zealand is significantly underdeveloped with no effective program for the management or protection of UCH. As a consequence the public of New Zealand rarely views shipwrecks and other UCH as sites that need to be protected. This lack of perceived value results in limited funding being available for the investigation or management of maritime archaeological sites and as such developmental pressures, commercial salvage and fossicking continue to damage this non-renewable resource.&#13;
&#13;
Although these are major challenges there are still considerable opportunities for underwater archaeology in New Zealand. Increased awareness of underwater cultural heritage can be achieved by engaging the public in various ways such as through Australian Institute of Maritime Archaeology/Nautical Archaeology Society (AIMA/NAS) training courses. In addition, the global nature of New Zealandâ€™s maritime trade means that there is enormous scope for international collaboration between researchers at a diverse range of organisations around the world. Such actions would help provide the impetus for capacity building and the eventual establishment of an effective maritime archaeology program in New Zealand.&#13;
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                    <text>Maritime Archaeology of Gujarat:
Northwest coast of India
A.S. Gaur and Sundaresh

Abstract

rd

The evidence of maritime activity in India may be traced back to the Bronze Age (early 3
nd
millennium BC to mid- 2 millennium BC). The excavation of several Harappan sites including
Lothal, Kuntasi, Padri, Nageshwar, Bagasra and many others have conclusively demonstrated an
advance maritime culture during the third millennium Before Christ (BC). During the historical
period several coastal towns had international trade and commerce including Bet Dwarka,
Somnath, Hathab, Vallabhi, and Bharuch. Maritime activity reached it’s zenith in Gujarat during
th
th
the Medieval period (8 to 14 century AD) when Arab traders dominated the Indian Ocean for
over a millennia. Underwater investigations have been carried out at various places along the
Saurashtra coast and a large number of stone anchors were found.
This paper also discusses the effect of tide when using jetties and anchoring points along
various parts of the west coast India. The archaeological evidence indicates that two gulfs along
the Gujarat coast (Gulf Kachchh and Gulf of Khambhat) witnessed the hectic maritime activities in
the past. Both gulfs have very high tidal ranges. The Gulf of Khambhat has the highest tidal range
in India (11 meters). Ancient texts such as Vishnu Puran and Periplus of the Eruthreanean Sea
vividly describe the tidal range and its uses in navigation. The discovery of the large number of
stone anchors in the inter tidal zone along the gulf region support the above references.

Introduction
Maritime activities along the Gujarat coast dates back to the Harappan period
and extensive excavations at Lothal (Rao 1974:70), Kuntasi (Dhavalikar, et al.
1996:76), Nageshwar (Hegde, et al. 1990:152), Bagasra (Sonawane, et al.
2003:41) and Nagwada (Bhan and Gowda 2003:51-80) have yielded conclusive
evidence on maritime practices during the 3rd millennium BC. During the
historical period (3rd century BC to 4th century AD) a series of ports existed all
along the Gujarat coast and important among them were Nani Rayan (Irani and
Dandekar 2003:91-97) Bet Dwarka (Gaur and Sundaresh 2003:57-66), Dwarka
(Ansari and Mate 1966), Vallabhi, and Hathab (Pramanik 2004:133-140).
Whereas by the Medieval period (8th to 14th century AD) the entire Gujarat coast
had series of ports.
Gujarat coast is punctuated with several creeks and seasonal rivers that
facilitated safe harbours all along the coast. The waters around the Gujarat coast
are also rich in marine resources, such as shells which were used as food as well
as export products. Conch shell have been a major economy source for many
fishermen in Gujarat (Pota and Patel 1991:445-450).
The important sites of the maritime archaeological investigations along the
Gujarat coast include Dwarka, Bet Dwarka, Miyani, Visawada, Somnath, Kodinar
and Ghogha (Figure 1). The brief descriptions of the findings from these sites are
provided in the following paragraphs.

�Figure 1. Map showing archaeological sites mentioned in the manuscript along
Gujarat coast (Prepared by. S.B. Chitari)

Dwarka
Dwarka was the first site in India where marine archaeological exploration
commenced and investigations continued for almost two decades (Rao 1988:4753; Gaur, et al. 2004:1256-60). A number of artifacts were discovered during
offshore explorations between 3 and 16 m water depths. Several stone structures
were noticed off Dwarka and they are of various shapes and sizes. A few
semicircular structures are partially intact and have jointed with hard binding
material. The semicircular structures were constructed by using L-shaped blocks
with provision for dowels (Gaur, et al. 2008:16). Besides semicircular blocks, a
large number of rectangular blocks have been noticed in this area. They are
scattered over a vast area and do not follow any regular plan. These blocks are
found close to the semicircular structures, which indicate that these might have
been parts of a larger structure. The circular and semicircular structures are
presumably the bases of pillars and rectangular and square dressed blocks are
of a main jetty structure that ran from shore into the water and continued until
300 m offshore. Hasmukh Sankalia (1966:10) has mentioned that “Sayajirao
Gaekwad of Baroda had built a dock along the Gomati creek and a landing place
on the opposite side, with huge stone pillars to facilitate tying the ship”. It is quite

�likely that the remains lying on the shore and offshore regions are remains of the
same dock. The presence of stone anchors that are lying along these structures
also supports this hypothesis.
Along with stone structures a large number of stone anchors of different
shape and sizes were noticed between the inter-tidal zone and 16 m water depth,
the concentration of them being in 6 to 8 m water depth (Sundaresh, et al.
1999:229-252). Broadly these anchors have been divided into three groups,
a)
Composite anchors: majority of the anchors have been chiseled out
of a thin limestone block triangular in shape but often the narrower
portion has a half circle with a circular hole known as rope hole and
two rectangular or square holes on the wider side called fluke hole.
The biggest anchor of this variety has a length of 1.8 meter and
maximum width 86 centimeters (cm) and the estimated weight is 496
kilograms (kg) (Figure 2). The smallest anchor weighs 16 kg.
b)
Indo-Arabia type of anchors were cut from a hard and long stone
block with a tapering on one side and a circular hole and the other
side with two rectangular or square holes on either face of the block
(Gaur, et al. 2004a:134-51). The biggest anchor has a length of 2.37
m, a width of 40 cm and an estimated weight of 668 kg while the
smallest anchor with its shape fully preserved has an estimated
weight of 82 kg.
c)
Ring stone anchors: twenty-four ring stone anchors have been found
from Dwarka water and they are of various sizes (Gaur, et al. 2002:
390-404). The biggest has a height of 50 cm and diameter 52 cm
and an estimated weight of 245 kg whereas the smallest ring stone
weighs 20 kg. Similar types of ring stones have been reported from
Oman waters (Vosmer 1999: 301).

�Figure 2. Dwarka: Composite type stone anchor
(Photo by S.N. Bandodkar in 2001)

Bet Dwarka
Bet Dwarka is an island situated in Okhamnadal and at the entrance of the Gulf
of Kachchh. The area is also referred to as the Gulf of Barake in the Greek sea
guide, the Periplus Maris Erythraei (Schoff 1912:38). However, Ptolemy
mentioned Barake as an Island in the Gulf of Kanthi, which has been identified as
the Gulf of Kachchh (McCrindle 1885:36).
In the 17th century BC the late Harappan people had established their
settlement on the northwest part of the Island (Gaur and Sundaresh 2003:57-66).
They used rich marine resources available around the Island such as the variety
of fishes and shells (Gaur, et al. 2005:941-46). A large fishhook (Gaur and
Sundaresh 2004:512-14) and shell artifacts are the testimony of the above
statement. The scanty habitation deposit suggests that the site was abandoned
after a couple of centuries (Gaur and Sundaresh 2003:57-66). The Island was
again inhabited during the 8th century BC on the southeastern coast of the Island.
Maritime activities reached it’s zenith during the historical and the medieval
periods. The Island continued to be an important center of maritime activity until
the emergence of the Okha port in the Okhamandal area.
The underwater explorations were carried out near the present Bet
Dwarka passenger jetty in two seasons (2001 and 2002). A large number of
artifacts including sherds of amphorae, lead anchors, lead ingot, a hand-mill of

�stone, besides 45 stone anchors, were noticed from this area between water
depth of 5 and 8 m.
There are 42 stone anchors lying in Bet Dwarka waters close to the
present Bet Dwarka jetty, in 6-8 m water depth. They are of two types: A)
composite type: majority of them were cut from locally available limestone blocks.
The circular hole (rope hole) is often found broken whereas two square/
rectangular holes on other side are preserved. The anchors are very similar to
those reported from Dwarka and other places in Saurashtra. B) Indo-Arab type
anchor are made of hard rock such as basalt and sometimes sandstone. The
stone anchors have been dated between the historical and medieval periods.

Pindara
The ancient temple site of Pindara is situated close to the Northern Saurashtra
coast in the Gulf of Kachchh about 36 km west of Khambhalia and 24 km from
Kalyanpur. On the west of Pindara is a vast marshy land known as Okha Rann.
Pindara is a well sheltered area, free from open sea waves. It is comprised of
mud flats up to a distance of 2 km from the high waterline with a gentle slope.
The average tidal range in the region is 1 to 4 m.
A huge temple complex (10 X 10 m) is exposed during low tide in Pindara
at about 300 m from high water line (Gaur, et al. 2007:733-35). Presently, the
floor area is made of dressed lime stone blocks (Figure 3), it is well preserved,
while the superstructure has been destroyed and the stone blocks have been
washed/ taken away. This temple was dedicated to the Lord Shiva, as a yoni1 is
present in the middle of the temple complex. The majority of the stone blocks
measure 60 X 45 X 25 cms. The remaining part of the sanctum (Garbha griha)
measures 4.75 X 4.5 m. The yoni measures 40 X 40 cms. The architectural
feature of the submerged temple corresponds more or less with existing temple
on the shore of Pindara. The size of the submerged temple must have been as
big as other surviving temples in Pindara’s group of temples dating back to the
7th to 10th century AD. The evidence indicates that the Saurashtra coast
shoreline has changed significantly during the last 1000 years.

1

Yoni is symbol of creation and worshipped across the Indian subcontinent since the antiquity.

�Figure 3. Pindara: An ancient temple complex exposes during low tide
(Photo by A.S. Gaur, 2006)

Miyani
Miyani is situated about 40 km east of Dwarka. This area is famous for ancient
temples dating back to the 10th century AD (Sampura 1968: 87). On the coast of
Miyani a temple is dedicated to a Goddess (locally known as Harshadmata). It is
situated on a high hill. A vast creek known as Meda Creek runs a few miles into
the hinterland, which has been used as a shelter in the harbour for local small
craft, particularly fishing vessels.
Underwater explorations were undertaken about 1 km offshore of Harshad
Mata temple. Archaeological findings comprised of twelve stone anchors of
various types.

Visawada
The small town of Visawada lies about 40 km west of Porbandar and about 20
km east of Miyani. The Hindu pilgrimage center and a temple dedicated to the
Lord Krishna, is situated in the middle of the town. Kindari Creek runs a long
distance up to Kindar Kheda (a Harappan town) and perhaps the creek’s name is
derived from this particular ancient town. The western side of the coast is
represented by a high cliff while the eastern coast consists of sandy beaches.
Explorations were undertaken off the Kindari Creek as a baseline, it is
located about 500 m from the coastline. Features and artefacts were
concentrated between 5-6 m water depths. A total of 14 stone anchors were

�found and
types.

represent three varieties: composite, Indo-Arabia and ring stone

Somnath
The archaeological excavations on land at Prabhasa by the Baroda University
and Deccan Collage Pune have yielded evidence of a township dated to 2000
BC (Rao, et al. 1992:13-16). The temple of Somnath nearby is dedicated to Lord
Siva and the linga2 is counted among the 12 Jyotirlingas of India mentioned in
various Puranas.
The explored area in Somnath water is located at a distance of 400 m
south-west of the Somnath temple. Somnath waters contained the largest
occurrence of ring stones anchors (Figure 4). Out of the 43 total anchors
discovered, 80% are ring stone. The water depth varies from 7 m to 15 m. The
ring stones observed shallower than 8m water depth had seaweed growth,
however ring stones of deeper depths have a layer of greyish marine growth.

Figure 4. Somnath: Ring-stone anchor (S.N. Bandodkar in 2001)

Kodinar (Mul Dwarka)
A small coastal village known as Mul Dwarka near Kodinar in the district of
Junagad is one of the claimants of the original Dwarka of Mahabharata. The
proximity with Junagadh hills on the north and the sea on the south situate the
town as being associated with Dwarka (Sankalia 1966:7). An ancient temple is
situated on raised land close to the sea. The temple is dilapidated and not under
worship. The shrine is dated to the post 10th century AD (Sampura 1968:113). A
circular structure situated close to the ancient temple is about 4 m in height and
2

Linga is a phallus symbol worshipped across the Indian subcontinent since the antiquity.

�constructed with a similar type of dressed limestone blocks as that of the temple.
Locally this structure is called as Diva Dandi which means a lighthouse (Gaur, et
al. 2010:418-422). If this structure served as a lighthouse then this may be the
oldest lighthouse remains on the Saurashtra coast. An ancient well was noticed
near the jetty which is still used as a drinking water source.
The exploration in the inter tidal zone yielded a composite stone anchor.
The anchor is exposed during low tide. It is made of sedimentary rock. The
anchor is similar to those reported from Dwarka (Gaur, et al. 2008:23-57) and Bet
Dwarka (Gaur, et al. 2005:113-129) and dated between the historical and the
medieval periods.
The underwater investigations in and around Mul Dwarka (Kodinar) have
been of significance in respect to understanding the archaeology of this region.
Now the data of underwater explorations from all the three Dwarka on the
Saurashtra coast are available and the most common aspects of them is the
presence of similar types of stone anchors, therefore, the tradition of Dwarka at
these places might have been existed contemporaneously (around 7th - 8th
century AD). Another common aspect of these sites is the presence of Harappan
(mid 3rd millennium BC) and late Harappan (early 2nd millennium BC) settlement
within close proximity to each other. For example, Nageshwar and Bet Dwarka
near Okhamandal Dwarka, Kindar Kheda near Mul Dwarka (Visawada) and
Kanjetar and Kaj near Mul Dwarka (Kodinar). All the three Dwarka have ancient
temples dated to the 10th -12th century AD. Nonetheless, these sites were busy
ancient ports and perhaps temples were served as coastal marker points for
navigators, as well as for worship before embarking on long voyages.

Mithi Virdi
The small village Mithi Virdi is situated about 30 km south east of Talaja, a taluka
headquarter. The village is lying on a raised plateau close to the seashore. A
small seasonal river merges with the sea on the western side of the village. The
archaeological site is located about one km west of the village in an agriculture
field.
Five stone anchors are lying on agricultural land (ground nuts are the
important crop of this field) about 1 km north of the seashore. Three anchors are
lying together at a distance of 10 m and oriented in the east-west direction (Gaur,
et al. 2005:110-14) The fourth anchor is laying partially buried north of the other
three and oriented in the east west direction.
All the anchors are similar to each other in shape and size. The anchors
have rectangular cross-sections and trapezoidal longitudinal sections. These
have sharp edges and chisel marks on them are clearly noticed. They have been
cut from conglomeratic sedimentary grit rock, which is dark brown in colour and
small gravel can be noticed. The anchors have two lower rectangular holes and
an upper circular hole is absent in all the anchors.

Ghogha
The town of Gogha is located on the mid western coast of the Gulf of Khambhat
in Bhavnagar district of Gujarat. A famous Gujarati proverb, “Lankani lari ane

�Ghoghono var” (Bride of Lanka and groom of Ghogha) indicates direct overseas
relation between Gogha and Sri Lanka in the past (Chaukasi 1989: 634). The
presence of ancient Jaina temples at Gogha dating back to the 10th – 11th
centuries suggest that this was a religious center also. The earliest Arabic
inscription from Gogha dates to 1170 AD (Oza 1885: 2). During the British period
ships up to 1500 tons were laden here (Habib 1982: 23).
The exploration at Gogha was undertaken during low tide and findings
were recorded with still photography and drawing. A large number of stone
anchors were recorded between 100 and 200 m distance from the high water line
(Gaur 2010:146-155). The majority of the anchors belong to the Indo-Arab type
and nearly about 40% anchors are fragmented. Interestingly, the fresh surface of
broken parts suggests that fragmentation of the anchors took place during the
manufacturing stage and not during the anchoring processes. A composite
anchor made of lime stone was found at the site. A few unfinished anchors were
found from Gogha and Hathab. However, these anchors were submerged in 5 to
7 m water depth during high tide. Thus, it indicates that big boats were anchoring
at this point during high tide. The author of the Periplus of the Erythrenean also
refers to such activities detailing that during low tide boats rest on the seabed.
The exploration in the inter tidal zone has also yielded several sherds of
the glazed ware in the vicinity of stone anchors. These include a jar with
internally and upper half externally glazed; and the rest of the sherds are glazed
internally only. There are three main types of glazed ware (i.e. green, blue and
brown). These are very similar to the Islamic glazed ware found from various
parts of the country (Mohammad 1985:105). The medieval period glazed ware at
Hastinapur (Lal 1954-55:5-151) was found in association with coins of Balban
(1206-87 AD). The sherds recovered from the inter-tidal zone of Ghogha are very
similar to those reported from another medieval period site at Lashkarshah in
Khambhat which have been dated to 14th-16th century (Bhan 2006: 90-95). Thus
the glazed sherds Ghogha may also be dated to the late medieval period.

Hathab
Hathab an early historical site is referred to as Astacampra in the Periplus of
Erythrenean Sea (Schoff 1912: 40). On shore excavation yielded rich antiquities
of the historical period and maritime contact with the west. It is located about one
km into the hinterland. The exploration in the inter tidal zone of Hathab yielded
two anchors similar to those of the Indo-Arab type and one anchor with a wide
groove wrapped around the middle of the anchor. This is very similar to those
reported from Japan and Chinese waters (Yang 1990:113-121).
The remains of a jetty were noticed at the mouth of the river Shetrunji near
the village Sultanpur. This was primarily a wooden jetty now abandoned due to
emergence of other ports in the vicinity.

Conclusions
Coastal and maritime archaeological investigations along the Gujarat coast have
conclusively proven that it holds the earliest evidence of the maritime activity in

�the Indian subcontinent. Archaeological set up of the Kachchh region provide
enough indication that the Rann of Kachchh was a navigable body during the
third millennium BC. During the historical period Gujarat witnessed hectic
maritime activities and boats from various regions including the Mediterranean
Sea. The maritime activity reached its zenith during the Indo-Arabia trading
network of the medieval period and a large number of evidence indicates that
Gujarat played an important role in the Indian Ocean trade system during this
period. Marine archaeological investigations during the last two and half decades
have brought out a number of potential sites along the Indian coast which include
ancient ports, jetties, and shipwrecks. The extensive explorations of the
Saurashtra coast revealed several ancient ports and jetties. Interestingly,
archaeological discoveries suggest that natural phenomena like tidal variations
have been very effectively used in the Gulf of Kachchh and the Gulf of Khambhat
in the past.

Acknowledgements
Authors are thankful to Mr. K.H. Vora for providing various comments and suggestions in the
manuscript. Thanks also due to other colleagues in marine archaeology centre for various help
during the field work. Mr. S.B. Chitari prepared line drawing for the manuscript.

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Nautical (Ship and boat) Archaeology of South Asia</text>
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                <text>The evidence of maritime activity in India may be traced back to the Bronze Age (early 3rd millennium BC to mid- 2nd millennium BC). The excavation of several Harappan sites including Lothal, Kuntasi, Padri, Nageshwar, Bagasra and many others have conclusively demonstrated an advance maritime culture during the third millennium Before Christ (BC). During the historical period several coastal towns had international trade and commerce including Bet Dwarka, Somnath, Hathab, Vallabhi, and Bharuch.  Maritime activity reached itâ€™s zenith in Gujarat during the Medieval period (8th to 14th century AD) when Arab traders dominated the Indian Ocean for over a millennia. Underwater investigations have been carried out at various places along the Saurashtra coast and a large number of stone anchors were found.&#13;
&#13;
This paper also discusses the effect of tide when using jetties and anchoring points along various parts of the west coast India. The archaeological evidence indicates that two gulfs along the Gujarat coast (Gulf Kachchh and Gulf of Khambhat) witnessed the hectic maritime activities in the past. Both gulfs have very high tidal ranges. The Gulf of Khambhat has the highest tidal range in India (11 meters). Ancient texts such as Vishnu Puran and Periplus of the Eruthreanean Sea vividly describe the tidal range and its uses in navigation. The discovery of the large number of stone anchors in the inter tidal zone along the gulf region support the above references. &#13;
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