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                  <text>2021 Session 9: Museums, Public Outreach and Conservation</text>
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                  <text>Session 9 papers</text>
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                  <text>Abstract&#13;
&#13;
Trade along the Maritime Silk Road has been going on for many centuries. Museum collections show a visible record of objects that were traded and historical sources provide important information of how this developed over time. Since the 1970’s many shipwrecks have been discovered that give an even better understanding of this intricate network. While more and more of these shipwreck are now being excavated in an archaeological manner, in the past most of them were salvaged for mainly commercial purposes. Many of these pieces have end up in museum collections. In this session several museums and institutions will give their approach on how they present this material, whether from an archaeological excavation, a commercial salvage or both. Which issues are addressed and what message do they convey to a wider public? The Princessehof will present about their current exhibition Sunken Treasures showing ceramic cargo from various shipwrecks. Featured will be a selection of 7 shipwrecks – from the 9th to 19th century – that show the long and rich history of the Maritime Silk Road. To highlight the vital role of underwater archaeology to preserve this history the museum cooperates with the Dutch Cultural Agency (RCE). The RCE will provide their view in this session on presenting this kind of material and the issues that come at play, including the controversy involved. The National Museum of Korea will present about the Sinan shipwreck. In 2016 the museum had a major exhibition on the Sinan shipwreck, celebrating the 40th anniversary of the excavation in 1976. It marked the beginning of underwater archaeology in Korea. The museum now still has a permanent display to tell the story of this remarkable find that contained crucial information on trade between China and Japan in the 14th century.&#13;
&#13;
Session Organizers:&#13;
&#13;
Eline van den Berg&#13;
&#13;
Youngmi Kim&#13;
&#13;
Martijn Manders</text>
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                  <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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              <name>Rights Holder</name>
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                  <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                  <text>November 2021</text>
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                <text>Sunken Treasures – Shipwrecks and the Maritime Silk Road</text>
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                <text>In 2019 the exhibition Sunken Treasures was organised at the Princessehof National Museum of Ceramics. Featured are the ceramic cargoes of eight shipwrecks - from the 9th to 19th century - that show the long and rich history of the Maritime Silk Road. Asian ceramics, and in particular Chinese porcelain and stoneware, are often part of the remaining cargoes of these shipwrecks. This makes them a valuable source to gain knowledge on maritime trade in this region and in particular to trace the spread of Chinese ceramics. To highlight the vital role of underwater archaeology to preserve this history the museum cooperated for this exhibition with the Dutch Cultural Agency (RCE). The RCE has helped in setting up a constructive way to present this kind of material and the issues that come at play, including the controversy involved. By presenting this material in a larger context, the museum believes that is acceptable from an ethical point of view to use these commercially salvaged materials in the exhibition and that visitor are stimulated to critically reflect on what actually makes up the ‘sunken treasures’.</text>
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                <text>Martijn Manders</text>
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                <text>Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage</text>
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                <text>Van den Berg, Eline, and Martijn Manders. 2021. “Sunken Treasures – Shipwrecks and the Maritime Silk Road.”&#13;
Project and Oceanic Environmental Education Program.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt&#13;
Knoerl, and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage:&#13;
Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL:&#13;
https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/691</text>
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                    <text>The Old Biray in Pandan, Caoayan:
An underwater cultural heritage assessment
Eliza Agabin1, Michael Armand P. Canilao2, Marie Grace Pamela G. Faylona3

Abstract
This paper presents the preliminary assessment arising out of a survey of Pandan Site (NM Site Code I4
2011-I1) , a maritime site featuring an abandoned traditional Biray vessel located along the Mestizo River
in Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, Northwest Luzon. The site position is perpendicular to the West Philippine Sea
(formerly South China Sea) and lies under an abandoned Abra Delta. It is considered as an inland and
coastal boat. The structural remains of the vessel have a length of 18 meters (m) and a width of 5m. It is
visible during low tide and is characterized by flat hull with ribs, pointed bow and stern. Initial investigation
did not observe any evidence of a keel. Based on local oral histories, the boat may be between 80 to 150
years old.
The role of this traditional vessel is re-examined in the Northern Luzon trade network extending
as far south as Manila to as far North as the Babuyan Channel. An integral part of this research is the reevaluation of Biray and its cargo that traces old Biray trading routes. The paper also covers “historical
data” on structure and construction of the boat that can come in handy for future maritime excavation of
the vessel.
The context, environment and condition of the site are also described. Moreover, it identifies the
significance and vulnerability of the site. This concludes with an evaluation of the vessel and the position
of the site as regards to underwater cultural heritage (UCH).

Introduction
Underwater archaeological investigations and related histories is a fairly new field that
started in the 1960s as compared to terrestrial archaeology which dates back to the 14th
century. As such land-based archaeology has yielded enormous information on our
cultural heritage but the world’s water still retain many secrets that need to be
discovered and explored.
The Philippines is one of the biggest archipelagos in Asia which features different
types of bodies of water. These bodies of water namely, oceans, seas and major
waterways, played an integral role in Philippine navigation and maritime prehistory.
In this paper, development of trade routes and boats used for trading is the focus
of research. However, this research only confines itself to the province of Ilocos Sur
located in Northern Luzon where a local boat called biray was reported. A biray or
(sometimes called as virey, birey or viray) was described as an “unsteady” vessel
navigated only near the shore (Galang 1941:304). This vessel is commonly found in
Cagayan, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur and La Union.

1

Heritage Affairs Office, Provincial Government Ilocos Sur eliza@eccena.org
Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines DIliman migscanilao@yahoo.com
3
Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines pamelafaylona77@gmail.com
4
the site is the 9th (letter I) archaeological site documented within the Ilocos political- administrative
Region (Region I) and it was discovered in the year 2011.
2

�The Study Area
Ilocos Sur Physical Background
The province of Ilocos Sur lies on a north- south basin bounded on the east by the
provinces of Abra, Mountain Province and Benguet provinces within the Grand
Cordillera Mountains. The basin is divided into three main regions, namely: the Laoag
embayment, the Vigan- Abra high, and the coastal folded belt. Folding and faulting are
active in the region.
It is said that the Ilocos plain is actually an uplifted deep marine sedimentary
basin. This was caused by the active subduction of the West Philippine Sea seafloor
under the Philippine plate (Dado 1997:3). This in turn resulted in active volcanism in the
Western flank of Northern Luzon, wherein Ilocos served as the forearc basin.
The coastal Ilocos plain measures almost 300 kilometers north to south with
notable variance only in width. Some places are as wide as 120 kilometers. The Abra
River breaking through the steep and high mountain chain is perhaps the grandest
scenery in Ilocos - aptly called the Banaoang Gap.
The West Philippine Sea puffs this plains area with the summer or southwestern
monsoon from the West. Fortunately it is shielded on the east by the Grand Cordillera
Mounts. This is the reason why the region is occasionally spared from the wrath of fully
developed Pacific formed typhoons.
Monsoon climate has also maintained the interchange of extremely rainy from
May to October, and extremely droughty from November to April. Drought increases as
one moves from Ilocos Sur to Ilocos Norte (Wernstedt and Spencer 1967:328-342). The
Ilocos plain is not as agriculturally viable as the central Luzon plain mainly due to this
extreme climate and the fact that stream-wash deposition causes a discontinuum in the
agricultural cycle. Only hardy field crops like tobacco and corn can withstand such
conditions.
It has been said that the physical setting of Ilocos largely contributed to the
hardiness and resilience of the Ilocano.
Steep slopes, thin soils, strongly seasonal precipitation, and limited arable land have
required maximum labors for survival. The Ilocano is well known, both in the Philippines
and abroad for his willingness to work and his work capacity… An overcrowded
homeland has encouraged out migration into other areas where his presence is quickly
evidenced by his hardwork and attendant economic success (Wernstedt and Spencer
1967:332)

Ilocos Sur Cultural Background, Ethnohistory and the Trading Routes
Ilocos Sur has been straddled with ancient coastal maritime trading centers and
secondary maritime trading centers long before the Spanish Contact period (16th c).
This was further elucidated by Grace Estela Mateo talking about the history of Ilocos
Sur:
Geography favored Ilocos as a site for a trading entrepot. It’s location in the far north
meant that it was the gateway to the Philippines for traders from Eastern Asia… the
irregular coastline of Ilocos Sur and La Union formed fine harbors… it is not surprising
then that it became a center of a regional and international trading network in the 16th c
(Mateo 2004:43)

�The Vigan- Caoayan trading center was probably the most sizeable entrepot to
have developed in the area. Secondary centers may have included Santa Lucia,
Salomague, Candon, Tagudin, and Sinait among others (Keesing 1962:97-98, 123124).
In the pre-Hispanic Ilocano-Itneg epic Biag ni Lam-ang (The Life of Lam-ang),
one of the earliest recorded oral literatures in the Philippines, one may get an idea of
the close connections between the peoples of Ilocos and China as linked by trading
routes (AA, Manila). The hero Lam-ang boasts:
Dua pay ti sasakayan
a balitok a bulawan
nga agbubunag ti pinggan
idiay ili a Kasanglayan,
ta nalpas met a naikamang
iti ari idiay Puanpuan.

I have two gold tradeships
plying between here and the
Chinese country trading in
porcelain. I have commercial
connections with the
king of Puanpuan,

Isu ti partesko ken kabagian
idiay ili a Kasanglayan,
isu ti napanna nagbiahian
tay barangayko a sampan;
pamayak adda itan,
ta napan nagkarga ti pinggan.
(Yabes 1935: 38)

My relative in that Chinese
land. My boat sampan has gone
there on a voyage, and probably
now it has returned with its
cargo of porcelain.

The existence of pre-Hispanic trading entrepots in Ilocos was also confirmed in
the documented initial Spanish incursion in the area led by the conquistador Juan de
Salcedo ( de San Agustin 1572 in delos Reyes 1890). The Historical or Contact period
in Ilocos was, in fact, ushered in by the entry of this youthful Spanish conquistador when
his ship hugged the Ilocos coastline as he sailed around the northern tip of Luzon. Juan
de Salcedo moved up North the coast of Ilocos Sur in 1572. He left Dumanquake
(present day Santa Lucia) in early June that year then landed on Caoayan by nightfall.
He sailed inland and reached the pre-Hispanic trading settlement of Vigan, where he
was engaged by the Ilocanos in combat. Aside from the pueblo of Vigan, he also
mentions that the very old neighboring pueblo called Bantay had a well protected port
(Keesing 1962:123).
The Ilocos shipping tradition probably paralleled the opening of port- entrepots in
Ilocos Sur. The ports of Caoayan (Vigan), and Cagayan traded with Manila from as
early as the 16th century (c). This exchange was mentioned in Description of the
Philippine Islands, an unsigned document dated 1618. Cargo coming from Ilocos
included agricultural products notably surplus rice and cotton. This surplus Iloko rice
became an annual export to Manila during the dry season, when the northeast winds
were favourable for sea travel between Ilocos and Manila.

The Biray in Ilocos Sur
Biray in the Know

�The vessels used to facilitate the Manila- Iloko- Cagayan exchange were the Biray.
Such vessels usually docked in Manila between February and March (Scott 1982:88).
Maharlika Cuevas and Rey Santiago also give a brief description of the biray:
(Biray) is a very light boat with
two or three tiers of rowers per
band, when they have people for
it
sitting
down.
It
has
counterweights
made
of
bamboos and placed outside the
body of the vessel on both sides.
This boat is manufactured in the
Ilocos region, while garay is used
in Manila Bay and Laguna Lake
areas. (Cuevas and Santiago
2004:8)

Figure 1: Parts of a Biray (after
Cuevas and Santiago 2004; C.Q.
Caoayan)
There are local terms for the different parts of an Iloko biray (see Figure 1). The
vessel shell is called the kaha. The anchor is called angkla. The rudder is called the
timon. The cabin is called the camarote. The two biray masts are called palo. The sail
which is supported by the palo is called the layag, made of abel Ilocos, the thick and
sturdy handwoven cloth of the region. Abacca rope or arsia is generally used as vessel
rigging especially for the pala and layag. The pulley suspended in the palo is called the
moton, which is itself suspended on a kawit moton. The bowsprit is called the cabrisante
(CQ, Caoayan).

The Site of Biray
The Occular of the Biray in Pandan
The remains of biray vessel are located in Brgy. Pandan in the coastal plain of
Caoayan, Ilocos Sur (see Figure 2). It is located in the former delta of Abra with Global
Positioning System (GPS) bearings of N 17.534266°, E 120.373916° with the bow
oriented at 21° N-NE (stern at 201°). Further inland of the coastal plain are the ridges of
Mount Binitalo and Mount Gusing. The biray is within the shore sands of Barangay
Pandan. It is interesting to note that the vessel is visible only during low tides this
indicates that the area has an active marine and land milieu.

�Figure 2. Location map of the biray (after Googleearth 2010)
The biray was observed to be leaning on its Starboard side. In fact, the stem post
tilts starboard at 48° from upright position. Vessel dimension based on exposed ribs
shows an overall length of approximately 18 m, and a widest possible width of between
4.5 to 5 m.

�Figure 3: Photo of the Biray at Pandan site in situ circa 1980s
(courtesy of G.S., Caoayan)
The vessel is conclusively identified as a biray because oral historical accounts
of Caoayan locals indicate that this biray is within living memory of the locals. In fact a
maximum possible age of 100 was suggested (MI, Vigan). A photo of the Biray in situ
was even made available by Mayor Goulart for reference (see Figure 3).

�Figure 4: Biray in situ at Pandan Site with stem post at foreground (by Michael Canilao)

Surveys Conducted in the Site
Two surveys of the biray at Pandan site (NM site code I-2011-I1) were conducted in the
second quarter of 2011. The first survey was initiated by the Provincial Government of
Ilocos Sur through Vice Governor DV Savellano in coordination with the Municipal
Government of Caoayan through Mayor Germelina Goulart. An authority for
archaeological exploration of Caoayan Municipality was secured from the Director of the
National Museum (CPD-SA-2011-05) by National Museum (NM) Research Associate
Michael P. Canilao. The survey was, in fact, a component activity of a province-wide
undertaking dubbed the Ilocos Sur Archaeological Project (ISAP). The Pandan survey

�was done in conjunction with archaeological excavations done at Sapilang Site (NM site
code I-2011-H1) in Sinait Municipality from late May to early June 2011. Caoayan
Barangay officials have suggested that the survey be conducted at low tide in order to
maximize visibility of the biray. Working closely with Eliza Agabin, the Heritage
Consultant of the Province of Ilocos Sur, a survey was implemented in the first of May
2011 after due consultation with the San Fernando, La Union tide chart. A rakit (bamboo
raft) was boarded for transit to the site.
A second survey was led by a Museum Researcher Pamela G. Faylona of the
Archaeology Division NM together with Barangay Captain John Subrano and Padre
Burgos Museum personnel, Efren Vista in mid-June. Besides noting the vessel’s
provenance, they also observe the geomorphology of the area. The vessel was located
in a former delta and within the small to medium river channel. This shows that the
present coastline is dynamic. The coastline is fed by a river and backed by a coastal
plain with more than 5 km width. Moreover, it presents the shoreline change and coastal
landscape development in Caoayan and neighboring coastlines.
Observed in situ, what remains of the biray are boat ribs partially protruding out
of the murky and brackish water. These ribs are visibly joined or fastened with what
appears to be metal pegs. It can be surmised that most of the biray structure laid buried
in sand since water depth at the time of survey was barely two feet. This indicates that
there is a good chance that the buried part is still well-preserved. However, the exposed
ribbing is also in tact because it is afforded protection from the elements by brackish
water shells/ barnacles that have completely adhered to the exposed wood.

Significance
The Biray
The biray played a very important role to the people of Ilocos, Cagayan, and Manila. Its
operation brought in valuable goods to the Christianized population in the Cagayan
valley (starting from the 16th c) which remained isolated for the most part of the
Spanish- Contact Period. The birays travelling via the Babuyan Channel, north of the
valley, were the only means of bringing in supplies to the valley which was bordered by
the Sierra Madre to the east and the Cordillera Mountains to the west, both of which
intersect to the south.
For the local coastal communities in Northern Luzon, the cargo-carrying biray
was central to traditional product exchange system from the pre-Spanish-contact (14th
to 15th c) until the American contact period (late 19th to early 20th c). To Cagayan went
rice, salt, garlic, onions, tobacco, damili earthenware, stoneware burnay, raw maguey
fibers, and fish nets from Ilocos, as well as salt and bagoong (fermented fish paste)
from Pangasinan (MI, Vigan). To Ilocos the biray carried forest items such as lumber
and palm leaves from Cagayan (JL, Manila). The biray also served as a vessel not only
facilitating the exchange of goods, but as well as people, technologies, ideas, and
cultural communications among Ilocos and Cagayan. A significant number of the
population of Cagayan are of Ilocano-descent.
During the Spanish contact period its route to Manila was considered noteworthy,
so much so that the vessel was defined as “Embarcacion pequeña que costeando llega
hasta Manila” (Carro 1888:58). The biray was also important for Manila because Iloko

�and Chinese products that were to be loaded on the Manila- Acapulco galleons (see
Junco this volume) had to be transported to Manila through these highly dependable
vessels. Birays eventually started to fade away from the Iloko scene with the advent of
modern ships in the area during the post-World War 2 period (1950’s- 70s).

The site and the 2001 UNESCO Convention
Based from the preliminary surveys and study conducted in Pandan, the biray remains
holds intrinsic value and is significant in terms of archaeological, historical and scientific
value. The vessel remains are archaeologically and scientifically significant because, at
present, it is considered rare and a representative of a particular trading vessel for the
Ilocos region. It has historic value, for though it is relatively young (tentatively dated at
100 years), the technology and development of the traditional boat building is preserved
with the biray remains. Moreover, the site is a historic port having been part of a local
maritime trading route from c 1300 to 1950s. The vessel and the site demonstrate a way
of life, particularly, maritime culture and traditional trading activities that transpired in the
area that had influenced the Ilocos region and the greater area of Luzon island.

The Biray as an Underwater Cultural Heritage: Issues, Challenges,
and Recommendations
The biray in Pandan site has archaeological, scientific and historic significance and thus
may be considered an UCH site. An in-depth archaeological study has yet to be
undertaken for the site and the current conservation plan is to keep the vessel in situ.
The local oral history (MI, Vigan) and the 1980s picture of the biray (G.G. Caoayan)
indicate that the vessel is not more than 100 years old. Even so, a study in the future
can provide information on vessel structure.
The surrounding environs of the vessel is highly unstable with an imminent threat
of alluvial deposition and erosion as it is located in the deltaic floodplain of the mighty
Abra River. This threat is magnified whenever the typhoon season sets in the
Philippines from as early as May to December. Should a systematic archaeological
excavation of the biray vessel be undertaken, the first task will be to secure the
immediate vicinity of the vessel with a cofferdam structure that will protect the vessel
from the Abra River. It is recommended that steel cofferdam be utilized for the site. A
series of water pumps will then be used to remove the water prior to the systematic
archaeological excavation of the vessel.
It is fortunate that the Provincial Government of Ilocos Sur upon having learned
of the significance of the underwater archaeological site, have pledged support in terms
of funding for future archaeological studies on the site. There is a need to raise
awareness and appreciation of the biray, to keep the memory, history, and linkages
alive not only among the last generation biray sailors and builders but especially among
the youth.
The local municipal government is keen on establishing a small maritime
museum featuring a replica of a biray to raise awareness among locals and tourists.
However, along with the museum, it is being proposed as well to develop the banks of
the Pandan port into a tourism area comprising of floating restaurants. While this may
be viewed as an opportunity as it may mean income generation, on the conservation
side, it may be considered as a threat to the biray remains and the site. The area

�becomes more vulnerable and at-risk, without an in-depth archaeological study,
appropriate legislation, and a comprehensive management plan in place yet. Thus first
and foremost, the conservation of the biray should be undertaken to ensure protection
of the biray prior to the area being utilized as a tourist site. A close coordination among
the National Museum, academe University of the Philippines- Archaeological Studies
Program (UP-ASP), with the local and provincial government is crucial to conserve the
biray of the Ilocos, its adventures, and its memory alive for the present and the future
generations to come.

Oral Sources
Arnold Azurin, Manila, 04 June, 2011, cited as AA, Manila.
Carl Querubin, Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, 01 May 2011, cited as CQ, Caoayan.
Germelina Goulart, Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, 29 April 2011, cited as GG, Caoayan
James Ligero, Manila, 15 August, 2011, cited as JL, Manila.
Malot Ingel, Vigan, Ilocos Sur, 29 April 2011, cited as MI, Vigan.

Bibliography
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The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of
Cultural Significance.

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The 2001 UNESCO Convention and the Protection of
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Bellwood, P.,
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Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian Archipelago. University of
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Vocabulario Iloco-Español, Manila, Est. Tipo-Litografico de M.
Perez.

Casino, E.,
1978

“A Family of Boats: Our Largely Lost Tradition of Shipbuilding”,
in (Ed) full name of editor, Filipino Heritage: The Making of a
Nation, 3, pp.712-713, Lahing Pilipino Publishing, Manila.

Cuevas, M., and
Santiago R.,
2004

Boat Building Traditions in Pre 18th Century Philippines,
ASEAN-COCI Symposium and Publication on Maritime and
Waterways. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, Ministry of Culture Arts
and Heritage.

Dado, A.,
1997

“Geology of Northern Luzon: Ilocos Basin”, Compilation of
Papers for Geology 297, Quezon City.

de San Agustin, G.,
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Galang, R.,
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“Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas” in Historia de Ilocos by
Isabelo delos Reyes, Establecimiento Topografico la Opinion
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“Types of Watercraft in the Philippines”, in Philippine Journal of
Science 75, 3, pp.287-304.

Keesing, F.M.,
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The Ethnohistory of Northern Luzon, Stanford, Stanford
University Press.

�Manguin, P.Y.,
1993

“Trading Ships of the South China Sea. Shipbuilding
Techniques and Their Role in the History of the Development of
Asian Trade Networks”, in Journal of the Economic and Social
History of the Orient, 36, 3, pp.253-280.

Mateo, G.E.,
2004

A History of Ilocos: A Story of the Regionalization of Spanish
Colonialism, Dissertation - Graduate Division, University of
Hawaii, Hawaii.

Pattañe, E.P.,
1978

“The Outrigger in the Maritime Scene”, in Filipino Heritage: The
Making of a Nation 3, pp.716-754, Lahing Pilipino Publishing,
Manila.

Peralta, J.,
1980
Ronquillo, W.P.
1987

"Ancient Mariners of the Philippines", in Archaeology, 33, 5,
pp.41-48.
“The Butuan Archaeological Finds: Profound Implications for
Philippines and Southeast Asian Prehistory”, in Man and
Culture in Oceania, Special Issue, 3, pp.71-78.

1997

“Butuan Boats”, in (ed.) James P. Delgado, Encyclopedia of
Underwater and Maritime Archaeology, pp. 79, British Musum
Press, London.

Scott, W.H.,
1982

Cracks in the Parchment Curtain and Other Essays in Philippine
History, New Day Publishers, Quezon City,

Solheim, W.G II.,
2006

Archaeology and Culture in Southeast Asia: Unraveling the
Nusantao, University of the Philippines Press, Diliman, Quezon
City.

Tanudirjo, D.A.,
2004

“The Structure of Austronesia Migration into Island Southeast
Asia and Oceania”, in (ed.) Victor Paz, Southeast Asian
Archaeology: Wilhelm G. Solheim II Festchrift, pp. 83-103,
University of the Philippines Press, Quezon City.

Unsigned
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Description of the Philippine Islands. The Philippine Islands
1493- 1898, Vol 18, Cachos Hermanos Inc, Mandaluyong.

Wernstedt, F., and
J.E.S.,
1967

The Philippine Island World: a Physical, Cultural, and Regional
Geography, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los
Angeles.

Yabes, L.,
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Zerrudo, E.B.,
2008

The Ilocano Epic, Carmelo &amp; Bauermann, Inc., Manila.
Pamanaraan: Writings on Philippine Heritage Management,
University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, Manila.

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                <text>The Old Biray in Pandan, Caoayan:&#13;
An underwater cultural heritage assessment</text>
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Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia</text>
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                <text>This paper presents the preliminary assessment arising out of a survey of Pandan Site (NM Site Code I-2011-I1) , a maritime site featuring an abandoned traditional Biray vessel located along the Mestizo River in Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, Northwest Luzon. The site position is perpendicular to the West Philippine Sea (formerly South China Sea) and lies under an abandoned Abra Delta. It is considered as an inland and coastal boat. The structural remains of the vessel have a length of 18 meters (m) and a width of 5m. It is visible during low tide and is characterized by flat hull with ribs, pointed bow and stern. Initial investigation did not observe any evidence of a keel. Based on local oral histories, the boat may be between 80 to 150 years old.&#13;
&#13;
The role of this traditional vessel is re-examined in the Northern Luzon trade network extending as far south as Manila to as far North as the Babuyan Channel. An integral part of this research is the re-evaluation of Biray and its cargo that traces old Biray trading routes. The paper also covers â€œhistorical dataâ€ on structure and construction of the boat that can come in handy for future maritime excavation of the vessel.&#13;
&#13;
The context, environment and condition of the site are also described. Moreover, it identifies the significance and vulnerability of the site. This concludes with an evaluation of the vessel and the position of the site as regards to underwater cultural heritage (UCH).</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="2698">
                <text>Eliza Agabin</text>
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                <text>Michael Armand P. Canilao</text>
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                <text>Pamela Grace Faylona</text>
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                    <text>The Fates of Hepingdao and Dashawan: Challenges of coastal archaeological sites in
northern Taiwan
Ellen Hsieh (Deputy Director, National Tsing Hua University, Research Center for
Underwater Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
Although an in-situ exhibition after an excavation is ideal for public archaeology, it is also challenging for
several reasons. This paper compares the cultural heritage management of two coastal archaeological sites in
Keelung, northern Taiwan, from excavation to presentation to the public. In 2019, archeologists funded by the
government excavated the remaining structures of a seventeenth-century Spanish church at Hepingdao and those
of a nineteenth-century Chinese fort at Dashawan. Together, these sites reflect the rich history of Keelung and
the dynamics of regional maritime history, as the church is the only tangible cultural heritage of the Spanish
colonial period in Taiwan (1626-1642), and the fort is the only excavated archaeological site associated with the
Sino-French War (1884-1885). Moreover, the prehistoric and protohistoric cultural layers in both sites provide
critical data regarding how indigenous communities used marine resources and participated in maritime
networks. Although both sites were designated municipal archaeological sites after the excavations, different
arrangements were made: the trenches at Hepingdao remain open, and an in-situ exhibition center is planned,
whereas the archeological discovery of the Dashawan fort has been backfilled, even though the archaeologist
also promoted an in-situ exhibition strategy. This paper analyzes the environmental and social factors considered
and the consequences of the subsequent arrangements from site preservation and public archaeology
perspectives.
Keywords: maritime archaeology, cultural heritage management, public archaeology, site preservation
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 Locations of Hepingdao, Dashawan, and Keelung City Center
Figure 2 Hepingdao B Site under the temporary tent
Figure 3 Dashawan Site after backfill

INTRODUCTION
In-situ exhibitions are ideal for public archaeology once sites with significant educational and
economic values have been recognized. In contrast to backfilling the site or moving the unique
structure to another place, an in-situ exhibition maintains the integrity and authenticity of the site.
Visitors can study archaeological methods and theory at the same time as they view structures and
artifacts. Tourism and other indirect profits usually carry a certain weight in decision-making (Murray
1980; Gogová 2016). However, this strategy also faces various practical challenges, ranging from
conservation technology to climate (Lu 1993; Doumas 1998). This paper analyses the
decision-making and the consequences of managing two archaeological sites along the coast of
Keelung, Hepingdao (HPD) and Dashawan (DSW), in northern Taiwan. Both sites contain
multicultural layers, from the Neolithic period to the twentieth-century Japanese colonial period. The
highlight of Hepingao is the foundation of Todos los Santos Church, the first Christian monument
built during the Spanish colonial period (1626-1642); the latter site features the remaining structure of
the Dashawan Fort, a battlefield of the Sino-French War (1884-1885). Both excavations were
conducted in the same year, and both were funded by the government. However, very different
arrangements were made for each site, as the site at Hepingao was slated for an in-situ exhibition
while that at Dashawan was backfilled to resemble an untouched state. These decisions, influenced by
the coastal environment, archaeological findings, and local contexts, had different influences on the
two sites and the public visiting them. Aligned with the main thrust of Session 13, the environment
emerged as one of the most critical decision-making factors in both cases.

1

�CASE STUDIES
Between 2017 and 2021, Keelung City Government received a grant from the Minister of Culture's
'Regeneration of Historic Sites' program and conducted a project called 'Grand Keelung Historical
Site Reconstruction Integration Plan.' The excavations of HPD and DSW between 2019 and 2020
were the only archaeological excavations among the fifty-three sub-projects under this umbrella
(Keelung City Government n.d.). The two sites are located east of the present city center: HPD is a
small island off Keelung, at the mouth of the port, and DSW falls between HPD and the city center
(Figure 1). This was the first time that the Keelung City Government supported large-scale
archaeology projects. In both cases, some structures had been identified in previous studies, but not
enough information was known to reveal the whole structure nor to evaluate the historical and cultural
value of the site. The grant provided unique opportunities for archaeologists to enhance their
understanding of these sites.

Figure 1 Locations of Hepingdao, Dashawan, and Keelung City Center

2

�Hepingdao Archaeological Site (HPD)
Hepingdao, or the island named Heping (meaning peace), was once the earliest location of 'Keelung'
in historical records. However, it had been neglected for decades after the current city center was
developed. The HPD archaeology project no doubt uncovered a Golden Age of the island. There are
three targeted locations in the HPD Archaeology project. Location A is at the shipyard of the CSBC
Corporation, and it is the potential location of the Spanish Fort San Salvador. Due to the restrictions of
the current shipyard, no excavation could have been conducted. Location B is in a parking lot, a small
piece of land that has escaped heavy development on the island, and has been in excavations since
2011, while Location C was recently discovered in the middle of the 2019-2020 season. This paper
focuses on Location B in reference to 'Hepingdao Site (HPD). In 2019-2020, the HPD Archaeology
project conducted by National Tsing Hua University (NTHU) continued excavations based on the
results of previous small projects and revealed most of the remaining foundation of the Todos los
Santos Church. The orientation of the structure, the shape of the apse, and the size of the building
were clarified for the first time. The church faces southwest toward the seashore, and the
thirty-meter-long ruin suggests that the original building could have been up to fifty meters in length.
In addition, burials were discovered inside and outside the church. Most individuals were found in a
praying posture, clearly associated with the church and the earliest Catholic mission in Taiwan (Tsang,
Hsieh, and Cruz Berrocal 2021).
In addition to Spanish colonial history, this excavation uncovered the longue durée history of human
activities on the island in trenches less than two meters deep. The Yuanshan cultural layer (3500-2000
B.P.) contained jade ornaments and tools from the east coast of Taiwan, suggesting a connection to the
early networks surrounding Taiwan Island. The rich marine animal bones and associated fishing tools
also provide clues about maritime culture and human impacts on ecosystems. The Metal Age
Shihsanhang cultural layer (2000 B.P.- 400 B.P.) contained glass beads that reflect the maritime
exchange networks in Asian waters. The latest phase of this period would be directly connected to the
Basay indigenous people who actively interacted with the Europeans during the early modern period.
Finally, the remains of the dormitories of the shipyard employees during the Japanese period were
also documented. In short, the discoveries in HPD reflect northern Taiwan's diverse and rich maritime
history (Tsang, Hsieh, and Cruz Berrocal 2021; Cruz Berrocal et al. 2020; Cruz Berrocal et al. 2018).
The PIs of the HPD archaeology project recognized the value of the site for exhibition and suggested
keeping the trench open after the excavation. This included the remaining church foundation and
burial pits, some Japanese structures that cut through or connected with the Spanish walls, a few Qing
Dynasty stone pavements and post holes outside the church, and a portion of the Neolithic
archaeological layer inside the church. The trenches with the above features thus were not fully
excavated. The Keelung City Cultural Affairs Bureau initiated a plan for an on-site exhibition center.
Further, it evaluated the potential of creating a Hepingdao Archaeology Park, integrating most of the
cultural and natural heritage on the island.
Dashawan Archaeological Site (DSW)
Dashawan, meaning 'the great sandy bay,' is opposite the Zhongzheng District Office and beside a
busy road. According to historical documents, the Qing government built a fort on the flat area of
Dashawan in the 1840s. Called 'La Galissonnière Fort' or 'Fort Neuf' in some French records, the fort
did not leave many traces in historical documents. However, as the main battlefield of the Sino-French
War, which led to the establishment of Taiwan as an independent province of Qing China, the site's
historical value is unquestionable. After the war, the governor changed his defense strategy and built
new forts on the hills of Keelung. As a result, Dashawan Fort, already heavily damaged during the
war, was abandoned. During the Japanese period, the area was developed as a public recreational
beach, thus further destroying the remaining structures. The region's landscape changed again after the
local government filled the beach for the port facilities. Before the 2019-2020 excavation conducted
by Long Men Archaeo Company (LMAC), the few portions of walls still standing and visible on the
surface (some even merged with local residential houses) were insufficient for scholars to understand
3

�the original design of the fort. Only one portion of a wall, three meters high and two meters wide, is
visible to the public. The view to the water is blocked by the Eastern Container Port Terminal.
The new excavation found more surviving structures of the site and revealed the impressive earthwork
below the observable structure, including rammed earth, iron bars, and wooden piles. With further
historical research, the original size of the fort was determined to be 50 meters long and 16.4 meters
wide. Moreover, like the case of HPD, archaeologists found remains before and after the Qing
occupation. These range from prehistoric materials traced back to the Shuntangpu Culture (4500-3500
B.P.) to Japanese toilet remains (Lu 2021).
Based on the unique findings at Dashawan, the archaeologist also suggested exhibiting the revealed
structure in situ in the future. However, the site was backfilled at the end of the project. Since 2021,
the Keelung City Government has tidied up the area where one small portion of the Dashawan walls is
visible and grouped it with other nearby historical monuments, including the French Cemetery, the
Fortress Commander's Residence, and the dormitories of the Fortress Command (some also recently
reconstructed with the same funding source as the excavation). Together, these formed the Dashawn
History Cultural Park.
From an academic viewpoint, the discoveries of the two sites are equally important and worth
displaying for public education. However, the resulting arrangements of the two sites were quite
different, directly influencing the site's future. What were the main factors considered in this
division-making process? Moreover, how would these policies impact the site's preservation and
public archaeology?
RESOURCES
The resources available to conduct this research include the final reports of the two archaeological
sites, government media, and records of the meetings relating to the site management, which are all
open to the public. Furthermore, as one of the PIs of the Hepingdao archaeological project and a
council member of the archaeological review committee of Keelung City, the author participated in
the discussion about the Hepingdao site and attended some meetings for the Dashawan Site. In
addition, the author interviewed several stakeholders, including locals who lived next to the sites.
FRAMEWORK
The Keelung City government only had a little experience in archaeological site management before
the excavations of HPD and DSW. Nevertheless, the Cultural Affairs Bureau of Keelung City, as the
competent authority of archaeological sites based on the revision of the Cultural Heritage Preservation
Act in 2012, actively developed the sites. The nomination of the two cases as municipal
archaeological sites and the plans for their integration into the public sites mentioned above happened
even before the final archaeological reports were submitted. Most discussions regarding the future of
the sites went beyond academic perspectives.
Impact factors
Environmental issues
Located in a rainy city where people need umbrellas during two third of the year, the yearly average
pH scales of the rain in the past twenty years were always below 5.0, and the relative humidity is
consistently above 70 percent, an in-situ exhibition plan is generally challenging due to the expectable
water damage. In addition, the coastal environments make the task even more difficult. The main
structures at the two sites were both built close to the original seashore, and the locations today still
belong to the tsunami risk area. Although the current distance between the HPD site and the present
4

�coastline is shorter than the case of DSW (150 meters and 200 meters, respectively), the location of
the former is relatively higher (12 meters and 4 meters above sea level, respectively) and safe.
Furthermore, the stone foundation in HPD stands on the bedrock of the island, whereas the earthen
foundation in DSW sits on the original beach over a thin layer of artificial clay. The excellent
condition of the skeletons found in HPD testified that the site's environment is relatively stable. On
the other hand, the earthen structure discovered at DSW is 60-150cm below the surface, where
underground water threatened the trenches during the excavation. In short, compared with HPD, the
location of DSW and the materiality of the underground structure make it extremely challenging to
arrange an in-situ exhibition. Consolidating the deep sandy trench would not be an easy task, and the
change of humidity and salinity might threaten the stability of the structure.
One church, many forts
The uniqueness of the finding is another consideration for the policymakers, especially when the
budget is limited. Because the city is located at a strategic point in Taiwan, fortresses are the primary
monument type. Although the archaeologist highlighted that the DSW fort is one of the earliest Qing
forts, the only fort located on the beach and not modified by later political powers, and the only fort of
this type studied by archaeological methods, its educational and recreational value is not apparent for
the non-professionals. On the other hand, the remaining Todos los Santos church and burial pits are
easy to recognize and understand. Although most Taiwanese are not Christian, the discovery of the
church not only surprised the Catholic communities in Taiwan but also raised general curiosity. It is
the first church in Taiwan and the only tangible cultural heritage of Spanish colonial history. Although
both HPD and DSW are sites with multiple cultural layers, the latter only showcased the Qing military
structure. In contrast, the features of various periods displayed at HPD could attract visitors with a
variety of interests and demonstrate the complex findings in a historical archaeology site.
Public awareness
Promotion of the site was part of the contract in both cases, and NTHU and LMAC fulfilled these
requirements differently. The excavation of DSW was out of the public eye. After the dig, the LMAC
team invited historians and archaeologists, hosted a series of professional lectures for the public, and
published the content of academic presentations. In contrast, since the beginning of the excavation,
the NTHU team saw the excavation of HPD as an excellent opportunity for archaeology outreach and
student training and promoted the site through various open archaeology events and social media.
After the structure of the church foundation was fully revealed, the site served as the mayor's
reception room, and even the president was invited to visit. In addition, an introductory book was
published in a tone for a more public than academic audience. All these efforts made the public more
aware of HPD than DSW. In addition, for the government, backfilling HPD and withdrawing the site's
former function as a parking lot were likely to cause much public grievance. No similar complaints
would have arisen at DSW.
Consequences
Based on the above factors, it is understandable that HPD became the preferred location for an in-situ
exhibition rather than DSW. Today, the trenches of HPD are still open, and the plan for the exhibition
center is ongoing (Figure 2), including rescue archaeology for the placement of the pillars that will
support the center of the building. In contrast, although the environment around the Dashawan ruins
has been beautified, the landscape features remain the same as before the excavation (Figure 3). These
arrangements led to different consequences regarding the preservation and public archaeology of the
sites.
 
 

5

�Figure 2 Hepingdao Site under the current tent

Figure 3 Dashawan Site after backfill

 
 
6

�Site preservation
Site preservation decisions are related to the protection of archaeological structures. Backfilling offers
the most protection, while an in-situ exhibition requires treatments that assist in preserving the site.
Although the decision to create an in-situ exhibition of HPD quickly gained general agreement,
preserving the open-air trenches took more work than expected. The change in the site is visible: the
exposed bedrock quickly weathered, and the geological joints faded away. The walls of the trenches,
especially the backfill portions made by previous excavation seasons, have partially collapsed. Under
the extremely wet climate, soil consolidation is urgent for the site; however, the cost is unaffordable
for the local government. A solid tent with an award-winning design replaced the previous one for the
Keelung City Expo, but it is not wide enough. The pouring rain still resulted in the corner of the
structure being inevitably occupied by moss and weeds. The idea of filling the site and opening it
again was brought out once, but there would be a risk of damaging the site during the process.
Moreover, an additional considerable expense was needed for this proposal. The discussion and action
around conservation have been slow compared with other actions. A microclimate monitoring system
will be set up in mid-2023 to collect data for future decisions. The forthcoming exhibition building,
designed to transfer the site into an indoor exhibition, should slow the weathering process. An active
environmental control strategy should be integrated into the design (Luo et al. 2015).
In contrast, for the DSW site, the LMAC team had provided three preservation strategies: fully
backfill, partially backfill, and total exposure for exhibition. The final decision to fully backfill was
recognized as a low-impact method for the site. However, the archaeologist noted that the wooden
piles in the structure would still eventually corrode under the current environment. In addition, weeds,
acid rain, and air pollution from heavy traffic would still cause biological and chemical weathering of
the structure on the ground.
Public Archaeology
Public archaeology hopes to engage the public in the value of archaeology and local history. Despite
its preservation challenges, visual and physical access to the results of excavation support this goal
and offer other community benefits. As an open site with easy access, public archaeology events
hosted by different stakeholders, including government, scholars, and local NGOs, continue
happening at HPD, creating various conversations and narratives. The site has become a popular
attraction in Keelung, promising economic value for the local government, who even foresee that the
archaeology park can push private sectors to help renew the cityscape. However, the rotation of
political parties brings some uncertainty to site management, and the new government incumbent in
2023 still needs to take responsibility for the site.
In DSW, since the trenches were never visible to the public, the idea of an in-situ exhibition hardly
reached a greater audience. The government nevertheless spent many resources to enhance the
cityscape of the DSW area, and the remaining fort structure was integrated into the new plan.
However, the small wall is overshadowed by other historical buildings and colorful modern artworks,
and the tiny information board does not draw much attention from visitors. The fort's potential
economic value then was hard to evaluate. After the temporary events are finished, the site remains
quiet. Although opening the site again once the government terminates the current Container Port
Terminal has been proposed by urban designers, there is no timeline for such a dreamy plan; thus,
changing the site's status is not a priority for the government.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
This comparative study provides insights into the balance between site preservation and public
archaeology. From the viewpoint of preservation, restoring the site to make it close to its
pre-excavated condition, like what has been practiced for most underwater archaeological features,
might be the best way to protect the site. However, making the sites accessible to the public has
7

�various advantages in terms of public education, tourism, and promoting the discipline. Moreover,
these case studies also illustrate that the relationships between archaeology and urban development
are not always conflicting. HPD and DSW are equally invaluable for academia, but various natural
and social factors have led to different fates of the sites. What we can learn from these cases is that a
better preservation plan is needed, especially when working in the coastal region. The decision to
establish an in-situ exhibition could not be easily made due to its high cost, but there are other ways to
enhance the site's accessibility and sustainability. For example, 3D documentation and virtual
exhibitions have provided new experiences for appreciating archaeological sites, although the lack of
authenticity is still debatable. What is critical is to keep the discussion going. HPD and DSW should
be situated in a connected relationship rather than a competing one. Since the prehistoric period, the
development of the two areas jointly tells the remarkable history of Keelung. The future HPD
exhibition center could be transformed into a space that represents the region's maritime history and
incorporates resources from the greater area. 
 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cruz Berrocal, María , Elena Serrano Herrero, Marc Gener Moret, Antonio Uriarte González, Mar Torra Pérez, Susana
Consuegra Rodríguez, Alexandre Chevalier, Frederique Valentin, and Cheng-hwa Tsang. 2018. "A Comprised
Archaeological History of Taiwan through the Long-Term Record of Heping Dao, Keelung." International
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8

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                <text>Although an in-situ exhibition after an excavation is ideal for public archaeology, it is also challenging for&#13;
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Keelung, northern Taiwan, from excavation to presentation to the public. In 2019, archeologists funded by the&#13;
government excavated the remaining structures of a seventeenth-century Spanish church at Hepingdao and those&#13;
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colonial period in Taiwan (1626-1642), and the fort is the only excavated archaeological site associated with the&#13;
Sino-French War (1884-1885). Moreover, the prehistoric and protohistoric cultural layers in both sites provide&#13;
critical data regarding how indigenous communities used marine resources and participated in maritime&#13;
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                <text>Hsieh, Ellen . 2023. “The Fates of Hepingdao and Dashawan: Challenges of coastal archaeological sites in northern Taiwan.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Bishnu Pada Bose. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1972 </text>
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                    <text>Satellite-derived bathymetry and rock detection for maritime archaeology using VENÂµS
imagery
Gerardo Diaz1, Dr. Yoav Lehahn2, Dr. Emmanuel Nantet3
1

Department of Bible Studies, Archaeology and the Ancient Near East. Ben-Gurion
University of the Negev, Beâ€™er Sheva, Israel, PhD Student.
2
Department of Maritime Geosciences, Leon H. Charney School of Marine Sciences,
University of Haifa, Israel, Senior Lecturer.
3
Department of Maritime Civilizations, School of Archaeology and Maritime Cultures,
University of Haifa, Israel, Associate Professor.
ABSTRACT
Since its beginnings in 1975, deriving bathymetry by means of multispectral satellite imagery has been a method
that has not yet been fully exploited in the maritime archaeology realm. It focuses on using the blue and green
bands for their water penetration capabilities to later convert each pixel into depth values. This method can be
replicated in time and space, while keeping costs low and covering large areas. In this research, two highresolution bathymetric maps using VENÂµS satellite imagery and a variation of Stumpfâ€™s equation were
produced. Two archaeological sites were selected: the harbour of Sebastos (built by King Herod) and the Achziv
ridges on the northern coast of Israel. The importance of collecting satellite imagery under low Chl-a [mg/m3]
conditions is addressed, and an algorithm for identifying shallow rocks above and below the water level is
included. Our research suggests that satellite-derived bathymetry mapping along the Israeli coast is more
efficient for satellite images taken between March and September, when Chl-a concentrations are likely to be
lower; maximum depth penetration using VENÎ¼S is found to be approximately up to 23 m depth with a Root
Mean Square Error (RMSE) of 0.53.
Keywords: VENÎ¼S; bathymetry; chlorophyll-a; rock identification
List of Abbreviations
Red, Green and Blue
Satellite-Derived Bathymetry
Chlorophyll-a

RGB
SDB
Chl-a

List of Figures and Tables
Figure 1: Study Areas and Ground-truth data in comparison with VENÎ¼S satellite imagery.
Figure 2: SDB results for low and high Chl-a content for the Achziv ridges.
Figure 3: SDB results for the Harbour of Sebastos and the Hader port.
Table 1: Comparison between in situ depth points taken during the Caesarea shipwreck excavation of December
2017 and the SDB map from May 2020.

INTRODUCTION
Most common approaches for deriving bathymetry rely on acoustic systems (such as sonar) or aerial
alternatives such as LiDAR. However, these methods are expensive, labour-intensive and difficult to
scale them into large areas (Stumpf et al. 2003, 547; Traganos et al. 2018, 2). In contrast, in recent
years, Satellite-Derived Bathymetry (SDB) has been suggested as cost-effective for regions where
traditional methods are either impractical to operate or highly expensive (Jagalingam et al. 2015, 565;
Sam et al. 2018, 750), or there is poor or no data at all (Westley 2021, 17). The use of satellites to
derive bathymetric maps has been proven to be not only reliable (Jagalingam et al. 2015, 560-566;
Guzinski et al. 2016, 243-263; Sam et al. 2018, 1-14) but also cheaper in comparison with the
technologies mentioned above (Jagalingam et al. 2015, 561).
Bathymetric mapping highly benefits maritime and underwater archaeologists by facilitating them to
understand site formation processes, shipwreck scours (Caston 1979, 193-204; Quinn 2006, 14191432); reconstruct paleo-landscapes (Westley et al. 2014, 411-430; Westley 2021, 12-14) as well as to
1

�conserve, protect, and preserve underwater cultural heritage (Maarvelend et al. 2013, 191-192). In this
paper, near-shore landscape reconstruction is assessed through SDB and rock identification through
VENÂµS satellite imagery. The study incorporates a procedural framework encompassing sea
conditions such as low Chl-a content prior to acquiring high-resolution satellite imagery over the area
of interest, and two algorithms capable of identifying rocks above and below the water. The
significance of this approach stems from its replicability in oligotrophic waters of the Pacific Ocean,
as well as the potential utility of the proposed algorithms in coastal environments exhibiting analogous
reflectance properties.
CASE STUDIES
For the application of SDB, two different areas were selected along the coast of Israel. The underwater
aeolian Achziv ridges, located off the coast of the North District (Figure 1A), were chosen due to their
proximity to Shikmona (Haifa), where a 6-year record of Chl-a content is available, and lowbathymetric data is accessible. With respect to important archaeological sites, only Tel Achziv is
known (c. 5 km south of the Israeli border with Lebanon). This site was a Phoenician city that rose at
the end of the 8th century BCE and was also a maritime stop thanks to its convenient seaside location
and easily accessible sand beach for landing (Jasmin et al. 2016, 276).
The second area includes the Roman harbour of Sebastos and the modern port of Hadera (Figure 1A).
The former was chosen because it is a very well-studied harbour (Raban et al. 2009; Bergin 2018;
Galili et al. 2021, 8-16) and in situ depths are available. The latter because it contains low-resolution
bathymetry, which serves as ground-truth data. The harbour of Sebastos, now fully submerged, was
built by King Herod in 21 BCE. It took more than five years to construct, and when completed, it was
the largest artificial harbour of its time in the Mediterranean (Raban 1992). Hadera is a medium-sized
port, located around 3.7 km south of the previous. This port was completed in the early 1960s, and it
currently specialises in coal and fuel oil products and serves the two adjacent power stations
(MarineTraffic 2023; Shipnext 2023).
RESOURCES
The resources available to conduct this work include:
Sonar Data
Sonar bathymetric data was collected between 2001 and 2006. Horizontal resolution is 50x50 m and
one metre vertically. Although this data is highly reliable, its spatial resolution is too broad, and it does
not cover near-shore areas and regions proximate to harbours, which makes it impractical for maritime
archaeology applications.
Chl-a Field Observations
Although there is some research including Chl-a concentrations to produce SDB maps (Li et al. 2019,
4; Li et al. 2021, 4), they do not evaluate how high concentrations can mislead SDB calculations. To
estimate the sensitivity of SDB to fluctuating Chl-a concentrations, a series of measurements were
taken from 2013 â€“ 2019 on a weekly to monthly basis at the Shikmona station (Raveh 2015, 1-23;
Rahav 2018, 10). Two notable contrasting periods were identified: one, during the Israeli summer
season on 25 July 2018 (low Chl-a concentrations), and another on 14 December 2018 (high Chl-a
content).
In-situ Depth Measurements
In December 2017, underwater excavations took place in Caesarea, in the northern part of the bay,
around 60 m offshore (Derenne et al. 2019, 77). The investigation was led by Prof. Emmanuel Nantet
from the University of Haifa. The excavation was aimed at conducting a reappraisal of a shipwreck
discovered in 1976, briefly explored by Avner Raban (2008, 129; 2009, 69-149) and subsequently
2

�studied by Michael Fitzgerald (1989a, 4-9; 1989b, 184-190; 1989c; 1994, 163-223; 1995). Due to the
important dimensions of her hull components, especially the 10-cm thick planking, it seems that she
was initially a large merchantman, that sank in the Early Roman Period (Nantet 2020). Ten hull points
were recorded from the ship, using a Total Station following the technique specified by Bowens
(2009, 92). These points were later used to validate SDB depths in the Habour of Sebastos.
VENÎ¼S Satellite Imagery
VENÎ¼S (Vegetation and Environment monitoring New Micro-Satellite) is a recent initiative between
the Israeli Space Agency (ISA) and the French Space Agency (CNES) aimed at developing,
manufacturing, and operating a new Earth observing satellite using a superspectral camera that
provides high resolution imagery in both space and time (VENÎ¼S, 3). VENÎ¼S acquires satellite
imagery at four, five, and 10 m resolution with a revisit period of every two days. VENÎ¼S can be
accessed at https://venus.bgu.ac.il/venus/. It provides three levels of products: L1 (TOA reflectance),
L2, and L3 (surface reflectance). Two L3 products for the Achziv ridges were employed, one on 25
July 2018, and another on 14 December 2018 for low and high Chl-a content, respectively. The other
product (L2) was used for the Caesarea and Hadera ports under low Chl-a conditions and was taken on
21 May 2020.
Drone Imagery
Although the harbour of Sebastos was the main commercial maritime trading place during the Roman
and Byzantine periods, natural anchorages were highly utilised as well. The Sebastos harbour complex
has two natural anchorages, which have been thoroughly studied by Ratzlaff et al. (2017), Galili
(2017), and Galili et al. (2021). These two natural anchorages are commonly labelled as Northern and
Southern anchorages. In this area, one set of aerial imagery was collected. The UAV deployed was a
DJI Mavic Mini at 50-m above sea level to qualitatively validate the presence of these anchorages as
well as some other underwater and above-water rocks along the study area. Images were taken on 10
February 2021 before the Israeli oil spill (16 February 2021). The images were then converted into
orthomosaics by using the professional 3D modelling software Agisoft Metashape.

FRAMEWORK
The research questions for this paper are:
ï‚· Which climate and water conditions should be considered to derive bathymetry from satellite
sensors?
ï‚· Up to what depth is satellite-derived bathymetry still reliable along the Israeli coast?
ï‚· What is the reliability of the method in comparison with in-situ measurements?
ï‚· How can one easily highlight both above-water and shallow underwater rocks?
ï‚· How do underwater archaeologists benefit from this?

RESULTS
Except for L1 products, VENÎ¼S does not require a long pre-processing stage (e.g., DN to radiance and
radiance to reflectance) or atmospheric corrections. The spectral band ratio model used in this research
is based on Stumpfâ€™s linear algorithm (Equation 1). The algorithm requires tunable constants mo and
m1 to scale the ratio to absolute depth values (Stumpf et al. 2003, 550); n is generally taken as 1000
(Sam et al. 2018, 8; Li et al. 2021, 4; Traganos et al. 2018, 5) to ensure a positive outcome. Bands blue
and green are used due to their maximum penetration capabilities, which correspond to bands two and
four for VENÎ¼S. For this research, a variation of Stumpfâ€™s equation was used (Equation 2) as
proposed by Sam et al. (2018, 4) for relative depths where no tunable parameters are needed but
ground-truth data is employed instead.

3

�ln(ð‘›âˆ—ðµ2)

ð‘ = ð‘š0 ln(ð‘›âˆ—ðµ4) âˆ’ ð‘š1 â€¦.â€¦â€¦â€¦â€¦â€¦â€¦â€¦â€¦Equation 1
ð‘ð‘Ÿ =

ln(ð‘›âˆ—ðµ2)
â€¦.â€¦â€¦..â€¦â€¦â€¦â€¦...â€¦.â€¦â€¦â€¦Equation
ln(ð‘›âˆ—ðµ4)

2

First, Equation 2 is applied in a training area where sonar data near the shore is available (Figures 1B
and 1D). The values obtained from this band ratio underwent a low-filter convolution to smooth and
decrease the disparity between pixel values. Then, all pixel values were converted from five to 50 m
pixel size to match the sonarâ€™s spatial resolution. A scatter plot is produced between sonar (x-axis) and
spectral (y-axis) data, and a quadratic regression model is obtained to ensure the best fitting model
(Figures 1C and 1E).
Second, a new band ratio is applied in a near-shore region of interest, and depth values are derived
from the quadratic model, from which only positive and real values are considered. These values are
assigned to a nx1 matrix labelled as Z. An additional nx2 matrix containing values for latitude (X) and
longitude (Y) (in UTM coordinates) is adjoined to the previous matrix. These points are then exported
to ArcGIS 18.0, and an SDB map is obtained by using kriging interpolation (Amante 2016, 123-133).

Figure 1: Study Areas and Ground-truth data in comparison with VENÎ¼S satellite imagery. a) Study Areas; b) Sonar
bathymetry map for the Achziv ridges; c) Scatter plot and regression analysis between sonar bathymetry (x-axis), and
band ratio values (y-axis). For high Chl-a content: Y = 0.00009X2 + 0.00224X + 0.93679. For low Chl-a content, Y = 0.00039X2 + 0.02046X + 0.91304; d) Sonar bathymetry map for the Harbour system of Caesarea; e) Scatter plot and
regression analysis between sonar bathymetry and band ratio values, Y = - 0.0003816X2 + 0.020445X + 0.856941.

SDB Performance under Different Chl-a Concentrations: The Achziv Ridges
Two bathymetric maps were generated for the Achziv ridges, its closeness to Shikmona makes them
ideal for relating Chl-a measurements to specific dates. RGB colour composition is shown for low and
high Chl-a content (Figures 2A and 2B). Maximum depths reach 23 m during July, as shown in Figure
1C, when Chl-a concentrations are likely to be low. In contrast, although the coefficient of
4

�determination (R2 = 0.9784) derived from sonar and spectral values was high during high Chl-a content
(Figure 1C), SDB mapping was demonstrated to be entirely ineffective by not only concealing the
aeolianite ridges but also misleading water depth values (Figure 2D) of up to 62.3-m. Additionally,
white pixels represented erroneous and false bathymetry by showing values up to 12 m above sealevel.
Conversely, SDB for July displays the ridges in detail. A major ridge expanding in a NNE-SSW
direction, and two minor ridges closer to the shore at depths of 6â€“10 m were visible. Additionally,
SDB proved to be useful for identifying shallow coastal geomorphological features such as a possible
basin at 10â€“13 m depth, and an isolated rounded feature around the middle of the main ridge (Figure
2C), all of them not visible on the sonar data.

Figure 2. SDB results for low and high Chl-a content for the Achziv ridges; a) low Chl-a RGB; b) high Chl-a RGB; c)
low Chl-a SDB, two features; d) high Chl-a SDB, pixels in white denote false bathymetry above mean sea level.

SDB and Rock Identification: The Harbour of Sebastos and the Hadera port
The previous methodology was followed for the second study area (Figure 3A), obtaining a point grid
matrix of nx3, containing latitude, longitude, and depths derived from the quadratic equation (Figure
1E), from which a high-resolution (five m/pixel) georeferenced bathymetric map was generated,
covering a total area of 15,770 km2 (Figure 3B). Shallow areas were found between Hadera port and
Sebastos harbour. Within these regions, traditional ship-based measurements would be almost
inaccessible due to high expenses and complicated logistics in comparison with SDB. The algorithmâ€™s
final limitation went up to 23 m (Figure 1E), similar to the Achziv ridges (Figure 2).
In general, SDB has better performance between four and ten metres deep. Uncertainties appear below
four metres deep because the water column attenuation becomes very weak due to the short light
transfer path (Dekker et al. 2011, 405, 415; Li et al. 2019, 11), which can lead to small discrepancies
between the blue (band two) and green (band three). Moreover, the reflective properties of bottom
substrates and bottom albedo also affect its accuracy (Green et al. 2000, 220-233). Above 10 m, light
is attenuated, which can lead to weak signals (Lee et al. 2012, 2578).
To evaluate the SDBâ€™s performance, satellite depths were compared with the data mentioned in the
Resources Section. Comparison between these measurements taken in situ and SDB depths (Figure
3C) yielded an outstanding RMSE of 0.52 m (Table 1), which is remarkably good if compared with
similar studies (Westley 2021, 8), where the best RMSE was 2.56 m using Sentinel 2 data (10 m/pixel)
and a polynomial fitting, or Li et al. (2019, 8), who reported an RMSE of 1.67 m using Planet Dove

5

�satellites (four m/pixel). Note that the shipwreck was again covered by sand during the SDB approach;
thus, satellite depths should be slightly larger to reach the hull.
Concerning rock identification, it was found that due to their water penetration capabilities, by
multiplying bands three (cyan) and four (green), submerged rocks in shallow waters were enhanced.
Likewise, rocks above the water were identified by subtracting band eight (red edge) from band seven
(red). The results of applying both algorithms for rock identification are integrated in Figure 3.
Underwater rocks are displayed in red, while rocks above the water are shown in yellow. Validation of
the proposed algorithms for identifying rocks above and below the water was qualitatively
corroborated in Figure 3D by overlying drone imagery over the rocky areas.

Figure 3. SDB results for the Harbour of Sebastos and the Hader port a) RGB; b) SDB map and rock identification
map; c) location of the Caesarea shipwreck points; d) location and validation of the Northern anchorages; Southern
anchorages are enclosed in the white box.

Table 1: Comparison between in situ depth points taken during the Caesarea shipwreck excavation of December 2017
and the SDB map from May 2020.

Measurement
number

Measured depths in situ
(m)

SDB depths
(m)

Depth Difference
(m)

1
2

2.5441
2.5771

3.021
3.021

0.4769
0.4439

3

2.7984

3.021

0.2226

4

2.6654

3.139

0.4736

5

2.5230

3.139

0.716

6

2.8519

3.139

0.2871

7

2.8090

3.118

0.309

8

2.5481

3.118

0.5699

9

2.1775

3.139

0.9615

10

2.7698

3.118

0.3482

RMSE = 0.5253 m
6

�CONCLUSIONS
The results can be used to comprehend the geological and archaeological landscape of the ancient
harbour of Sebastos as well as the northern ridges of Achziv. This approach can be easily replicated in
other regions as long as Chl-a concentrations remain low using any other multispectral set of imagery
(preferably high resolution). The following conclusions can be drawn from this research:
ï‚·
ï‚·
ï‚·
ï‚·
ï‚·
ï‚·
ï‚·

For the Israeli coast, SDB mapping should be done for images taken between March and
September, when Chl-a concentrations are likely lower.
Results show that a high R2 coefficient between ground-truth and spectral data does not
necessarily mean that SDB values will be accurate or trustworthy; hence, special attention
should be given to the environmental conditions at the time of image acquisition.
Both VENÎ¼S products (L3 and L2) yielded highly reliable results and are highly
recommended for SDB bathymetry studies.
The maximum light penetration depth for the coast of Israel was up to 23 m. Errors likely
below this depth.
The product obtained from multiplying bands three and four from VENÎ¼S can be used for
identifying rocks submerged in shallow waters.
The subtraction of band eight from band seven is suitable for detecting rocks above the
water level.
It is strongly recommended to integrate rock identification with SDB for future research
projects.

It will be of special interest to replicate this method in the Asian Pacific to test both light penetration
capabilities and the ideal yearly timing for multispectral image acquisition based on the Chl-a content
of a proposed study area. Likewise, rock detection using other sensors should be examined as well.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research would not have been possible without the support from the University of Haifa scholarships during my M.A.
programme.

7

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9

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                    <text>Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage at Kalaupapa National Historical Park: A
Manager’s Perspective

Erika Stein Espaniola
National Park Service, Kalaupapa, 96742
Hawai’i
United States
E-mail: erika_stein@nps.gov

Abstract
Kalaupapa, an isolated peninsula with no road access, is situated on the north shore of the
island of Molokai, Hawai`i. Though it has a long history of Native Hawaiian occupation, it is most
well-known for its history as a Hansen’s disease (leprosy) settlement. Through the former
patient’s advocacy efforts and concerns for their home and sacred place, the peninsula
eventually became a National Historical Park in 1980. The Hawai`i state Department of Health
(DOH), who co-manages the peninsula with the National Park Service (NPS), has rules that
have essentially created an informal marine protected area containing resources with important
indigenous cultural values. Due in part to its history, topography, and geography, Kalaupapa
has been saved of wide-scale development providing us with outstanding preservation of
maritime historic properties. Expanding maritime resources to include maritime and underwater
cultural heritage values and biocultural heritage resources allows the NPS to more inclusively
manage the site and provide stewardship opportunities, in light of inevitable change in the
future.
Keywords: Kalaupapa, Maritime, Underwater, Cultural Heritage, National Park, Management
Introduction
Nestled between Maui, Lana`i, and O`ahu, in the Hawaiian Island chain is the island of Molokai.
On its north shore lays the Kalaupapa peninsula. Isolated and remote, its geologic, geographic
and human histories have shaped the land and its adjoining valleys into a National Historic
Landmark, National Natural Landmark, and an internationally sacred site. Its layered histories
and abundant resources are permeated with significant heritage. With inevitable change
approaching, Kalaupapa faces unique challenges in the years to come. At the forefront is
ensuring that Kalaupapa retains its essence for future generations.

1

�The island of Molokai was first formed by
the eruption of two shield volcanoes. It
then endured a cataclysmic landslide,
around 1,400,000 years ago, that dropped
the northern third of Molokai into the sea,
generating a 2,000 ft. high tsunami
(Satake et al. 2002). A subsequent
eruption of a small shield volcano, about
230,000

years

ago

(Stearns

and

Macdonald 1947), rose from the sea floor
and abutted the rest of the land resulting in
the island we see today and the north shore
peninsula known by most as Kalaupapa,

Fig. 1: The island of Molokai showing the peninsula
of Kalaupapa and the NPS boundary in yellow.
Author: NPS image

though also referred to as Makanalua and Kalawao peninsula at various times throughout
history.
Kalaupapa has a long history of Native Hawaiian occupation (see McCoy 2007), but it is most
well-known for its history as a Hansen’s disease (leprosy) settlement. Bounded by deep water
on its three sides and 3,000 ft. cliff (pali) to the south, the peninsula is in effect, a ‘natural
prison’. This combined with its perceived abundant agriculture, made Kalaupapa the ideal place
to relocate those with the feared disease. The period of forced isolation stretched the years of
1866 through 1969, also resulting in the native people of the peninsula, the kāma`āina, to be
dislocated from the land (Greene 1985). The renowned work of Father Damien and Mother
Marianne were also completed within the era of forced isolation. Both individuals have since
been canonized into sainthood, Saint Damien in 2009 and Saint Marianne in 2012.
Kalaupapa remains the home to a declining population of people who were once afflicted with
Hansen’s disease and banished to the location. Through the former patient’s advocacy efforts,
the peninsula eventually became a National Historical Park in 1980. Presently, the peninsula is
co-managed between the National Park Service (NPS) and the Hawai`i state Department of
Health (DOH). Management responsibilities are divided with the NPS handling the utilities,
grounds, historic preservation and natural resource conservation, and the DOH primarily
providing care to the remaining former patients. Inevitably, the former patients will one day
reach the end of their era, and when they do, the DOH will no longer have a reason to remain in
Kalaupapa. The NPS is in the midst of drafting a general management plan (GMP), which

2

�provides guidance for park operations for the next 15-20 years and at the point of DOH’s
eventual departure (see www.nps.gov/kala).
For the protection and privacy of the remaining former patients, Kalaupapa Settlement Rules
have been established and created in concert with the Patients Advisory Council. The rules are
governed by the DOH as per Hawai`i Revised Statues (HRS), Chapter 326. The DOH’s rules for
Kalaupapa Settlement are highly adhered to and greatly restrict access; enforce a limited
resident population; and unless one is a former patient or employed at Kalaupapa, it also limits
fishing and prohibits hunting and shellfish extraction, among other things. Furthermore,
commercial activities within the park boundary must adhere to the NPS’s enabling legislation at
Kalaupapa, which states that former patients have “first right of refusal to provide revenueproducing visitor services” (Public Law 96-565, Section 107). Today, only two patient
businesses exist, one that provides a guided day tour of the site and a second that provides
janitorial services contracted by the NPS. Commercial dive boats and fishing vessels are not
present in Kalaupapa’s waters.
Kalaupapa’s history is also free from large industry endeavors like cattle ranches; pineapple
plantations; sugar plantations and wide-scale tourism. Combined with the history and its
remoteness, this has left the peninsula with excellent examples of archaeological landscapes,
historic architecture, and healthy natural and native ecosystems. In fact, it could be said that the
combination of its remote location, history as a leprosarium, lack of extensive development, and
restrictive rules have left Kalaupapa’s waters to have haphazardly created a marine protected
area.
This paper will look at a variety of maritime and underwater cultural heritage (MUCH). It will
consider three categories of MUCH at Kalaupapa: 1) maritime and underwater historic
properties, 2) biocultural resources and 3) maritime and underwater cultural heritage values.
The paper will briefly identify how they are currently being managed and provide some
discussion on why broadening one’s understanding of maritime and underwater cultural heritage
is beneficial to park managers, stakeholders and the general public.

3

�Maritime and Underwater Historic Properties at Kalaupapa
Poking above the waterline, even at high tide, are the remnants of the ship Ka`ala. Ka`ala was
enroute to O`ahu from Maui with a cargo of lumber when poor weather hit and she put in at
Kalaupapa for safe haven in 1932. The weather was too rough that day and Ka`ala ran aground.
(Greene 1985). Among town, it is said that the patients salvaged the lumber cargo in the dark
and quiet of the night. Due to heavy weather on
this side of the island (including the tsunami of
1946), wreckage is broadly scattered. The core
area of the wreck, however, is in good shape.
Mapping of the site has begun as well as its initial
condition assessment. An inspection schedule and
further management recommendations will be
forthcoming.

Fig. 2: Crew of Ka`ala. Author: Kalaupapa
Historical Society Photo Collection

Canoe landings, ko`a (fishing shrines) and a
possible navigation heiau (temple) are some of the
maritime historic properties that also dot the

Fig. 2: Crew of Ka`ala. Author: Kalaupapa
Historical Society Photo Collection

landscape at Kalaupapa. Interestingly, one ko`a is
considered to be a maritime historic property but found in the mountains (Summers 1971).
These maritime historic properties have been inventoried and are on an inspection schedule to
monitor their condition, possible threats, and any disturbances. They have been or will be
mapped and photo documented as part of typical resource management practice.

Kalaupapa’s Biocultural Resources
Part of understanding biocultural resources is understanding the human environment. Through
the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), a federal agency needs to consider, among
other things, the human environment; that is, the cultural uses of the built and natural
environments. Hawaiians are a sea-faring and maritime culture. There are mo`olelo (stories),
aumakuas (family gods) and rituals that relate to the sea. For the purposes of this paper,
biocultural resources are being defined as natural resources that are managed as part of a
marine ecology resource management program and are also imbued with cultural value.
Subsistence practices such as fishing, salt, and limu (seaweed) gathering have important
indigenous cultural value. A proposal has been put forward to create a community-based

4

�subsistence fishing area on the northwest coast of Molokai, which would include Kalaupapa (Hui
Mālama O Mo`omomi n.d.). To gain
a sense of the importance of
marine subsistence practices in
Hawaiian culture, and especially
the north shore of Molokai, the
proposal points out that the local
community are still defined by
traditional Hawaiian values; that
fishing

is

interwoven

with

all

aspects of community life and
cultural

identify;

that

household

seafood consumption in this area is

Fig. 3: Boat Day, now known as Barge Day. Author:
Kalaupapa Historical Society Photo Collection

estimated to be about 10 times higher
than the island of O`ahu and that subsistence fishing comprises about 38% of the food
consumed by residents of Hawaiian ancestry in this area. The proposal is in its early stages but
community-based management persists to the extent possible in these north shore
communities.
Kalaupapa is no stranger to the cultural importance of marine subsistence activities and the
above cultural significance can be echoed here. Because of Kalaupapa’s DOH rules, and the
haphazard marine protected area it has created, Kalaupapa has one of the healthiest fish
populations in the eight main Hawaiian Islands. The fish populations are similar to some of the
fish communities in the remote and human uninhabited Northwestern Hawaiian Islands in terms
of their numbers and size (Friedlander et al. 2008). Regular water quality monitoring, herbivory
studies and all sorts of marine ecology inventories are undertaken as part of the NPS’s marine
ecology resource management program.
There are many other biocultural resources at Kalaupapa, too many to name in any detail here.
Recall that Hawaiians are a maritime culture and so many aspects of daily life relate to the sea.
While standard natural resource management methods are useful in tracking the health and
stressors of these resources, the NPS has broadened its standard management practice to be
more reticent of community concerns and cultural values. Some examples include scoping with
the community before project implementation; sharing regular project updates at monthly
community meetings; incorporating Hawaiian cultural protocol at the start of projects and at

5

�other given times; and becoming adaptive and flexible to modifying projects in light of new
information or community concern.
Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Values
Maritime and underwater cultural heritage (MUCH) is certainly not a new concept in the
discipline. At Kalaupapa, MUCH values have been interpreted to be various beliefs, rituals, oral
traditions and significant events. This interpretation also includes a timescape concept. More
than a timeline, these are events that, over time, cumulatively provide a sense of place, location,
feeling, or setting. The heritage values to follow are not tangible but are still important facets of
Kalaupapa’s history- and need to be managed into the future. The NPS must still make the
attempt to determine if its undertakings may cause impacts to these MUCH values.
Surfing at Kalaupapa
Kalaupapa has beautiful waves prime for surfing, called Pua`ō “onslaught of dashing waves”,
and was liked the best by the Molokai chiefs (Finney 1959: 347). It was said that “The waves
are fearful but the boys of Kalaupapa that were skilled surf riders enjoyed riding on them. They
are not mere things to be trifled with either.” (Summers 1971: 194). Many would say that these
waves, and surfing in particular, are culturally valuable.
At some point during the forced isolation era in Kalaupapa’s past, surfing became prohibited.
Typically such rules were created in order to protect the patient’s health. Yet, the ‘no surfing’
rule persists today. Many of the same rules that were imposed on the former patients have in
turn been imposed on the non-patient residents at Kalaupapa. Some former patients, and even
some of the public, believe that surfing is a recreational activity and one not compatible with the
sacredness of the peninsula. While a former patient community is still present, it will be up to
them to decide whether or not they would like to change this rule. Once there is no longer a
patient population, and the DOH leaves, the NPS will need to determine how best to manage
surfing in the future. Fortunately, the NPS has identified the cultural (and conflicting) cultural
values of surfing and will continue to gather information from the former patients and the public
in order to inform this decision in the future.
Port of Entry, Port to Exile
Many of us wonder, what it was like to be exiled from family and friends and forced to live in an
isolated place knowing that you would never be allowed to leave. For many patients, the
Kalaupapa Landing was their port of entry to a life of exile. The landing was a liminal zone, a
place where one transitions from being on the ‘outside’ to being a resident patient. An invaluable

6

�account, handwritten by Ambrose Hutchison, who was a patient at Kalaupapa from 1879,
describes his experience of entering Kalaupapa from the landing:
…cast into jail like a felon and sent to Honolulu in a sailing vessel and taken to
the leper detention station….and put aboard a steamer named Mokolii… which
put to sea, and the following morning came to anchor in the roadstead and put
into a boat as human cargo and rowed ashore, and finally dumped at the landing
place, a crevice in the rock-flat and left to the tender mercy of the officials in
charge of the leper settlement…such is the fate men, women and children over
whom the pronouncement of a Government physician the magic word leper,
sealed their doomed, these afflicted and adjudged exiled for life from home and
all they hold dear, to enter into a Penal Institution over its portal is inscribed the
words: ‘He or she who enters here leave hope behind’ with all ambition and hope
banished. Yes, to the wicked and sinners all too true, but not to penitents, hope
lingers in their bossom. The sight that meet the eyes of a new exiled, comer, the
disfigured ulcerated faces deformed, maimed, ulcerated hands and feet of the
sufferers you meet. Your future associates make the heart sink and sick at the
sight of suffering humanity. Contrast differently from that of the landscape
panoramic view of promontory publicly known as Kalaupapa, rocky and treeless
tract of land, but nevertheless clothed in the beauty of its surroundings, nature’s
handiwork, make a lasting impression on the mind of an exiled stranger that after
all it was not a bad place to live in. [Hutchison 1931: 64-65]
Retaining the sense of isolation, setting, feeling and place will be imperative in honoring the
story. Although not many people arrive to Kalaupapa by boat anymore, the peninsula still has no
road access so anyone who has come to Kalaupapa has likely realized its peculiar logistical
requirements. One’s choices are to come in on a steep trail via mule or their own two legs, or to
be flown in on a small plane. The sense of isolation and remoteness are still there. Other
aspects of managing the isolated setting and feeling of the place may be inspired by the
panoramic view that Hutchison describes. Park management should be thoughtful that this view
does not become obstructed.
Regatta Day
A 1948 publication gives a wonderful account of Regatta / Labor Day at Kalaupapa Settlement:
If one happens to be at the Settlement on Regatta Day in September, one may
shout with the rest over the events of numerous spirited swimming races at the
7

�wharf, with prizes of fresh cakes made by the girl patients themselves. All the
contestants are young patients. The special event is the duck race in which ten
or twelve white Pekin ducks are taken out in a boat and let out of their crate
some thirty yards from shore. Without hesitation they turn and swim quietly for
home until a dozen boys leap after them from the end of the concrete pier. Great
is the shouting from spectators and splashing from both types of swimmers, the
ducks often escaping by submerging like the good divers they are, and most of
them managing to reach the rocky shore before being snatched up by neck and
proudly exhibited by their captors. [Damon 1948: 43]
Regatta and Labor Day events are no longer present at Kalaupapa. These were very physical
activities and the present former patient community is elderly. Regardless, the non-patient
community in Kalaupapa has occasionally brought back historic events that went stagnant for
decades. Knowing that such activities existed in the past is telling of the lively community at
Kalaupapa, even in the years of forced isolation. The whole story is not just one of isolation and
exile, but it is also a story of community, hope and solace. While many former patients strongly
care about educating the public on the hardships that they faced, many patients also want to be
remembered not for what they suffered through but how they lived. It is important that the
stewards of the site retain balance when interpreting and educating on this era of history and
that these community and energetic events of their history are not forgotten.
Discussion
From a management perspective, widening our understanding of maritime and underwater
cultural heritage to include, not only historic properties, but also biocultural resources, and other
heritage values has helped us to learn more about the place we are protecting. The NPS is in
the “forever” business; that is, protecting
resources and their values, unimpaired,
for the benefit of future generations. With
Kalaupapa’s inevitable changes, (the
final

decline

of

the

former

patient

population and the DOH’s departure)
certain things will not be exactly the
same as they were. It is necessary then,
to

understand

Kalaupapa’s

MUCH

character and how best to retain it.
Fig. 4: Opening of Regatta / Labor Day sports activities
8
at Kalaupapa
Pier, 1953. Author: Kalaupapa Historical
Society Photo Collection

�Some of the abovementioned heritage values speak about Kalaupapa’s character; the isolation
and sense of community, for example. Management could also look at certain events, and the
patient’s interaction with them, to see if they may be indicative of character. We wouldn’t want to
recreate incidents such as the wrecking of Ka`ala for example, but through the patients
salvaging the lumber, we see that the event is telling of resourcefulness and adaptation.
Resourcefulness is character-defining value in Kalaupapa. We’ve seen it other places on the
peninsula; through the reuse of bottle glass into blades; adapting everyday implements to create
better tools for impaired bodies; and the reuse of fishing net into fencing.
Identifying MUCH Properties, Resources and Values
Obviously, the first step in understanding how to manage a site containing MUCH values is to
identify what MUCH values exist. Expanding MUCH generally, has led to integrated resource
management; acceptance that there is cultural value in many natural resources; and respect to
stakeholders in how they interact with the natural environment.
Applying the human environment concept is helpful. Take salt gathering places for example. It’s
not just the locales that are significant, but also the roads and pathways to them. At Kalaupapa,
where the primary stakeholder is an aging population, it’s essential that those roads to salt
gathering locations are accessible, especially since now, they are driven to by car.
It’s also advantageous to be open to feedback and to realize when a mistake was made. Take
the salt gathering locations again. Several jeep trails were created over time and a roadblock
was erected to allow the grass to grow
back. Even though the proposal was
brought to a community meeting, one key
stakeholder was not in attendance. The
roadblock obstructed the easiest road
access to a salt gathering location. This
was an easy-fix case, luckily, and the road
block was removed.
Certainly, not all undertakings may have
such an easy fix and it’s essential that a
manager be cautious and cognizant of
Fig. 5: Regatta Day at Kalaupapa Pier, 1953. Author:
Kalaupapa Historical Society Photo Collection

potential cumulative impacts and even the
cumulative effects of making mistakes. It

would seem that the key is constant communication and being open to comment. Again, for
9

�Kalaupapa resource managers, this is especially important now while the former patients are
around so we can better understand how they interacted with the resources to inform our
management into the future.
Imua, Moving Forward
Making the attempt to incorporate indigenous and former patient perspective into everyday
management is important. Having these folks as a part of the NPS team is one approach in
achieving this. Kalaupapa National Historical Park’s enabling legislation actually states that
native Hawaiians and former patients should receive training opportunities to enhance their
chances of becoming managers and stewards of Kalaupapa. The enabling legislation also
states the hiring preference for native Hawaiians. About half the NPS staff at Kalaupapa are
native Hawaiians and they range through the various work departments and management
levels.
Another method of incorporating indigenous and former patient perspective is through regular
scoping, consultation and community meetings. We’ve also invited former patients to be a part
of our planning teams. Many did join the team for the long-term general management plan.
Others are commissioners on the NPS’s advisory committee.
Further, more and more local and Hawaiian students are showing interest in resource
management. The resource management departments at Kalaupapa have made a particular
effort to engage with students from the rest of Molokai and Hawai`i universities. The NPS has
regular interaction with University of Hawai`i students and every summer, Kalaupapa radiates a
younger energy when they join the team and further their education in terrestrial and marine
ecology; museum studies; and archaeology while providing the NPS with workforce.
There is certainly still room to grow. It can be echoed here that the acceptance of nonperfection; being open to feedback and being adaptive allows a manager to more effectively
incorporate cultural values into management practices. Through the expanding MUCH at
Kalaupapa, heritage values can more aptly be managed into the future ensuring that the
landscape and character of Kalaupapa will be available to future generations.
Bibliography
Damon, E.M, 1948. Siloama The Church of the Healing Spring: The Story of Certain Almost
Forgotten Protestant Churches. The Hawaiian Board of Missions, Honolulu, HI.
Finney, B and J.D Houston, 1996. Surfing: A History of the Ancient Hawaiian Sport.
Pomegranate Artbooks, Rohner Park, CA.
10

�Friedlander, A., G. Aeby, R. Brainard, E. Brown, K. Chaston, A. Clark, P. McGowan, T.
Montgomery, W. Walsh, I. Williams, and W. Wiltse, 2008. “The State of Coral Reef Ecosystems
of the Main Hawaiian Islands” In The State of Coral Reef Ecosystems of the United States and
Pacific Freely Associated States, edited by J. Waddell 219-61. NOAA Technical Memorandum
NOS NCCOS11. Silver Spring, MD: NOAA/NCCOS Center for Coastal Monitoring and
Assessment’s Biogeography Team.
Greene, L. W., 1985. Exile in Paradise: The Isolation of Hawai`i’s Leprosy Victims and
Development of Kalaupapa Settlement, 1865 to Present. Historic Resource Study, prepared for
the National Park Service, Denver Service Center, Denver, CO.
Hui Mālama O Mo`omomi, n.d. “Proposal to Designate the Northwest Coast of Moloka`i a
Community-Based Subsistence Fishing Area” prepared for the Department of Land and Natural
Resources, State of Hawai`i
Hutchison, A.T., 1931. In Memory of Revered Father Damien J. DeVeuster and Other Priests
Who Have Labored in the Leper Settlement of Kalawao, Molokai. Typed manuscript available at
Kalaupapa National Historical Park.
McCoy, M.D., 2007. “A Revised late Holocene Culture for Moloka`i Island, Hawai`i.”
Radiocarbon 49.3: 1273-1322
Satake, K., J.R. Smith, and K. Shinozaki, 2002. “Volume estimate and tsunami modeling for the
Nuuanu and Wailau landslides.” In Hawai`ian Volcanoes: Deep Underwater Perspectives,
edited by E. Takahashi, P.W. Lipman, M.O. Garcia, J. Naka and S. Aramaki 333-48, vol. 128.
Washington, D.C.: American Geophysical Union.
Stearns, H.T. and G.A. Macdonald, 1947. Geology and Ground-water Resources of the Island
of Molokai, Hawai`i. Honolulu, HI: Hawai`i Division of Hydrography, Bulletin 11.
Summers, C.C., 1971. “Moloka`i: A Site Survey.” Pacific Anthropological Records 14. Honolulu,
HI: Bishop Museum Department of Anthropology.
Biography:
Erika Stein Espaniola earned her Masters of Maritime Archaeology from James Cook
University in Queensland, Australia. She concentrated her thesis research on indigenous
perspectives of WWII material in the Solomon Islands. Erika then worked as a contract
archaeologist throughout the Hawaiian Islands before she joined the US National Park Service
(NPS) in Kalaupapa. During her NPS tenure, Erika has been an archaeologist, the cultural
resource program manager, and is presently the Superintendent at Kalaupapa National
Historical Park. She has particular interest in maritime societies, indigenous cultures, and
integrated resource management.
11

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                    <text>Religion, Trade and Polity: River Ganga on the Gateway of Bengal
Eshan Harit, PhD Research Scholar, Senior Research Fellow (UGC) Department of Humanities and Social
Sciences IIT, Guwahati Assam, India

Sukanya Sharma, Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences IIT, Guwahati Assam, India
ABSTRACT
The essay will shed light on River Ganga in the Kahalgaon- Sahibganj region. In the Historic Period (c.600 BCE- 400
CE) the banks and rocky islands of the river was a liminal space on the border of state societies ideal for ascetics. The
riverscape as a mystical and sacred space has been testified by the writings of Xuan Zang in the 7th Century CE. This
tradition continued in the following century as evidenced by the establishment of the Vikramashila Mahavihara. The
riverscape is marred by rocky outcrops of the Rajmahal and Chotanagpur hills which were a source of minerals like
iron, precious stones like agate, timber and fine alluvial soil for terracotta material. The presence of these raw minerals
within the riverscape allowed for a robust trade. Evidence of such exchange could be found through a study of inland
ports. The 6th Century CE was a period of state formation in Bengal. In the concurrent centuries Bengal emerged as a
dominant political and cultural zone in the eastern part of South Asia. Ganga was the boundary between the ancient
settlements of Champa (Bhagalpur) and the early medieval (c.600 CE- 1200CE) political centre at Pundravardhana
(MaldaDinajpur). The river became a contested boundary and a crucial link between Bengal and northern India. The
river and its surrounding landscape have lived through these multiple narratives in/of time and space. It was a liminal
space, a site of production and exchange and a site of conflict and control. The riverscape is littered with evidence of
these activities from the past. Archaeological evidence of religious activities can be seen etched on the walls and
excavated cave sites on the rocky islands of Kahalgaon and the port site of Bateshwar (literally, god of travellers).
Evidence of trade too can be found on the ports and in the surrounding landscape with evidence of iron smelting in
settlements near the port. Fortifications on the hills besides the river at sites like Teliagarhi and Sakrigali present
evidence of political history of the river in this region.

INTRODUCTION
This paper is concerned with the development of a riverscape. In one of its pockets, river Ganga flows along
the Rajmahal Plateau. The silt deposition in the region has led to formation of alluvial tracts in the last five
thousand years. The area gradually developed into a preferred site of human settlement. The site evolved
from a liminal space in the Early Historic period to a well developed trading center and cultural zone by the
early medieval period.
The shared perception of the river Ganga is that it is a uniform body with emanates from a signified spot
(Gangotri), converges with its tributaries in the upper and the middle valley (Devprayāg &amp; Prayāgraj),
descents towards the lower valley creating deltaic formation and eventually merging into the sea. In essence
the river is a complex and dynamic body eroding hilly terrains and forming new geological zones. The speed
and depth of the river also depends on the terrain, nearby drainages, rainfall and a plethora of varied factors.
In the context of the Gangetic basin this leads to a heterogeneity of the riverscapes formed in different
pockets throughout the river system.
One such riverscape is the area where the river Ganga enters Bengal. The Rajmahal hills along with river
ganga forms the boundary between the cultural zone of Bengali and Hindi speaking populace. This cultural
phenomenon is a product of the geological formations. The western boundary of the distinct riverscape
begins at Kahalgaon. Kahalgaon is a sub-division of Bhagalpur district located approximately 50 km east of
the district headquarters. Kahalgaon has a series of small hillocks. The voluminous river Ganga at the mouth
of its lower plains collides with the Kahalgaon hills. A few of the rocky outcrops of the hills get submerged
into the river. The collision diverts the movement of the river. From its origin river Ganga has a south-eastern
trajectory however the collision at Kahalgaon leads to the river flowing in the north-western direction. The
main stream leaps in the north-western direction bound by the ranges of the Patharghata hills. At Bateshwar,
on the edge of the southern hills, river ganga receives the voluminous discharge of one of its largest
tributaries, river Kosi, often referred as the sorrow of Bihar. Charged with the waters of east-central
Himalayas and terai, the river returns to its south-eastward trajectory.

1

�The silt collected by river Kosi on its path from Himalayas creates a new alluvial landform all along the area
north of the hills. The few river channels from the Rajmahal and its allied ranges also deposit silt in this
region. These depositions date to the Holocene period between 7000-5000 years ago. The areas of the Diara
formation in the northernmost part of the landform is characterized as a “soft unconsolidated sediments
mostly inundated in the rainy season, bank erosion and deposition” by the Geological survey. This described
the dynamic nature of this landform which has formed and continues to form in the last few seven thousand
years.
The transforming landform was home to the Gharials (Gavialis gangeticus) an endemic species of fish-eating
crocodile in the Indian subcontinent. The Gharials thrived in this region along with the river dolphins. This
stretch of the river is declared as the ‘Vikramshila Gangetic Dolphin Sanctuary’ by the government. The
marshy and silty terrain of the region, while ideal for wildlife, was by no means the most ideal space for
human settlement. The dynamic river too disrupted the region through annual floods. The area was probably
marshy in the early historic period and only gradually did the region experience dense human settlement.
The archaeological record suggests that the earliest settlements evolved in the region along the hilly outcrops
at sites like Kahalgaon and Bateshwar. Settlement and agriculture in the newly forming alluvial zone
probably started by the early medieval period. This paper will study the development of the three sites,
Kahalgaon, Bateshwar and Vikramshila along with their hinterland from the early historic period till modern
times. These settlements began as liminal space, outposts and a small port town in the early historic period. It
was a sacred liminal space outside the purview of the Nagara, an urban center. Some trade could have
occurred along the Kahalgaon-Bateshawer bank, however archaeological evidence of the trade is scanty.
Trial excavations could shed further light on the issue. The area primarily seems to be a sacred-liminal space
as suggested by literary records.
By the early medieval period the terrain surrounding these settlements became habitable and the area
experienced a spur of architectural development. The period also saw the establishment of the Vikramshila
Mahavihara. Vikramshila was established around the eastern border of the river bank site of Bateshwar,
which had a monastery and cave dwellings from the Gupta period (end of early historic period). The dynamic
relationship between these three sites will be at the core of this paper. The architectural spur is coupled with
evidence of Iron production and other raw material trade in this region. Its political significance as the
doorway to Bengal was aided by the emergence of state formation in Bengal. The settlements experienced
the expansion of Buddhism primarily patronized by the Pala rulers of Bengal. The production of minerals
including iron, kaolinite, lime coupled with agriculture in the newly formed riverine tracts evolved a
sustainable settlement in the region. While the Buddhist influence in the region declined, these areas
continued to expand. Trade in Iron and other objects continued to thrive. Medieval sites present evidence of
fine Kaolin ware, otherwise found in royal centers in Delhi or Gaud (Verma 2011). The area became
politically much more significant with the formation of the Bengal Sultanate. The area acted as a borderland
between two kingdoms as a key strategic zone. The area also experienced various conflicts often mentioned
in medieval records.
The modern period experienced depopulation in this area. By 1812 CE when Buchanan surveyed the area,
iron production had greatly reduced. He had to traverse inland to observe iron production, while the banks
too had earlier evidence of iron production. The author feels that a large portion of land was wasted in the
region, devoid of agriculture. The British developed large indigo farms in a plantation type zamindari
settlement in the area. The marshy terrain provided for the required humidity in the soil for the cultivation of
this cash crop in the nineteenth century. Archaeological evidence of English settlers along with infrastructure
required for indigo production and shipment survive as remnants. The dynamic riverscape, settled beside the
Rajmahal hills and its surrounding plateau has a complex history of settlement formation and destruction.
Different phases experienced varied events which contributed to changes within the landscape. These
changes were aided by natural factors coupled with other historical factors. These changes have been studied
through the archaeological record from these sites. This essay will discuss these three sites in some detail
before concluding with a discussion on the relationship between these sites.

2

�Figure 1 Kahalgaon (25°15'52.74"N, 87°13'57.12"E)

Kahalgaon is settled on the rocky outcrop of the Rajmahal Plateau. Descending in the south-eastern
direction, the river collides with the plateau. A small portion of the plateau gets submerged under the
voluminous river Ganga in its lower valley. Hilly rivers from the Rajmahal hills also drain into the river right
before the settlement of Kahalgaon, charging the river hydrological system near Kahalgaon. Charged with
the seasonal waters from River Koa, the river is quite deep around Kahalgaon. The depth is also aided by the
undulating rocky terrain which has created uneven depth within the stream. The terrain is not suitable for silt
deposition and hence the bank of the river has been the same since the area experienced human settlements.
The terrain does not allow the city to flood, despite being at the bank of this mighty river.
In the seventh century of the common era, Buddhist traveler Xuan Zang crossed the riverine islands at
Kahalgaon on his route from Champa to Kajangala.1 On visiting these riverine islands he writes “On top of a
peak is a deva temple, where a deity often gives spiritual responses to prayers. Caves are excavated in the
cliffs and water flows into ponds. There are flowery woods and exotic trees. With its huge rocks and perilous
peaks this islet is the abode of wise and benign dwellers. It is so attractive that visitors sometimes forget to
go home.” (Li 1990). The rock-cut Deva temple still survives to this day and is protected by the
Archaeological Survey of India. Xuan Zang’s encounter with the site presents it to be a mystical space in
contrast from the larger urbanized settlements he had crossed earlier. He also mentions “there are thousands
of wild elephants and other fierce animals roaming about in packs in the mountains and jungles in the
southern region of the country.” This means Kahalgaon’s hinterland is still sparsely populated and under the
cover of wilderness. The reference paints a picture of the site as a liminal space, wooded and beyond the
purview of civilization in the seventh century of the common era. His record also mentions the wilderness
which amongst other things was a great source of timber, an item of economic significance in all of human
history.

Figure 2 Rock cut Deva temple at
Islet in Kahalgaon

1

Champa was located in modern day Bhagalpur and Kajangala in the Rajmahal Region
3

�Xuan Zang refers to the presence of Deva temple, probably referring to a temple of Surya or Vishnu. He does
not refer to the presence of Buddhism in the area. In the centuries after his travels, Kahalgaon developed a
Buddhist influence in its settlements. This is evident from the iconographic finds from the top of the
Kahalgaon hill in the SSB college campus. The college has many idols kept safely in a shed within the
campus. The sculptures include two Avlokiteshwara images along with architectural members with pillar
motifs. Buddhist sculptures also include large Votive stupa sculptures. These are, in all probability, the
remains of a Chaitya on the hill top. Broken pedestal of a large Surya sculpture is also present on the site.
Another hilltop located further inland at Kahalgaon has remains of an early structure. The bricks visible on
the surface of the destroyed mounds can be dated to the early medieval period. Two parallel walls of the
surviving base structure survive. This site requires urgent care to survive.

Figure 3: Sculptures at SSB College, Surya Pedestal and Avlokiteshwara

Figure 4: Two Parallel Walls of a buried structure;Stone and brick base of the structure

The liminal space of the early historic period became a bustling market and center of trade during the early
medieval period. The survey of the town hints towards a denser settlement in the core areas of the settlement.
Artifacts suggesting a growth of the settlement, are littered all throughout the settlement area presented on
the map. These artifacts include sculptural artifacts and archaeological mounds. Along with timber the region
might have also traded in Iron. The city was the juncture of trade with the Koa river valley. In the south of
the main settlement of Kahalgaon, river Koa merges with river Ganga. River Koa in its lower valley deposits
large quantities of silt. This creates a fertile zone fit for human settlement. The early medieval phase in this
region was also one of political intervention. The region between Kahalgaon and Sahibganj was often a
contested space between the rulers of North India and the Rulers of Bengal. The influence of the Pala rulers
is visible in this area. This region was the staging point of various battles between the rulers of Delhi and
those of Bengal. The most famous of such incidents is the encampment of Humayun at Kahalgaon in his
campaigns in the east against Sher Shah Suri. The boundary of the pre-modern settlement of Kahalgaon and
its hinterland can be identified by the congregated tombs of warriors fakirs. The graveyard was probably in
the eastern part of the settlement in the medieval period. The city of Kahalgaon continued to be a market
center even during the modern period. In 1866, the main line connecting Howrah-Delhi passed through
Kahalgaon. The region lost its significance with the gradual integration of Bengal into as a province in India
during the colonial rule.

4

�Bateshwar (25°19’28.7” N 87°16’06.5 E)
Bateshwar-sthan is a port site around 10 kilometers north of Kahalgaon. A Gupta period monastery and cave
site survives on the bank of the river here. A few of the ornate caves at the site survive under the protection
of the Archaeological Survey of India. The cave structure has Gupta period sculptures carved into the rocks.
Their carvings are dated to Gupta, post-Gupta period. Two of the four carvings could be identified as being
influenced by the Vaishnava group. The first carving represents the beheading of Rahu and Ketu, the two
demigods by Vishnu sitting on Garuda. The second carving depicts the scene of Krishna holding up the
Govardhana hill on his little finger. The third carving depicts a Malla Yudda, or a fight between two
wrestlers. The story behind the fourth carving is yet to be deciphered.

Figure 5: Vaishnava carvings on the wall of the caves of Bateshwar Hill (2 top);
Carving of a wrestling match between two people (left bottom) and a person sitting in a court setting (right bottom)

Bateshwar and Oriup are strewn with Saiva, Vaishnava and Buddhist sculptures
belonging to the early medieval period. During this period, this was also a site of
sculpture production. This can be argued with the help of an incomplete sculpture
of Avlokiteshwara, a Buddhist deity with chisel marks. The site of Oriup beside
Bateshwar has presented evidence of settlement dating to the Early Historic and
even the Chalcolithic period. Along with Kahalgaon, Bateshwar too is an old port
site which had survived from the early historic period. The significance of the hill
continued in the medieval period as it became a significant Saiva site. Influence of
tantric worship continues on the site. An annual fair is held in this region on the
full moon nights in the month of February. The Bateshwar hill has vast quantities
of Kaolinite deposits. This has been in use historically on the site. During the
British Raj, the site was quarried. The Bateshwar hill has tunnels from one its
sides.

Figure 6: Chisel Market Sculpture

5

�Figure 7 Vikramshila (25°19'26.20"N, 87°17'4.25"E)

Vikramshila was constructed besides the settlement of Oriup in the eighth century. The monastery was
constructed under the patronage of Pala ruler Dharmapala. The monastery was constructed on the edge of the
Rajmahal plateau. One advantage of this location was the minimal chance of flooding. The alluvial tracts to
the north of the site provided the agrarian surplus required for the functioning of the monastery. The riverine
tracts to the North of the monastery has presented evidence of multiple settlements dating back to the early
medieval period. Settlements continued in the medieval phase as well. A dominant activity visible in the red
soil plateau region of the study area was the smelting of Iron. The Patharghata and Gangeldai hill rocks were
used to extract Iron from magnetite ores. The soil in the villages south of the monastery is littered with slag
along with chunks of burned furnace. While a lot of this activity might have occurred in the late medieval
phase, further research including excavations and the carbon dating of slag might aid in the research on trade
in the early medieval period in this region. It can be suggested that the monastery would have been involved
in agrarian as well as trading activity in the region.
The comparison between the market site of Kahalgaon and the monastic site in the Bateshwar-Vikramshila
region. Both the clusters of sites present different types of activity. It is quite visible that Vikramshila
emerged in the early medieval period, probably to cater to the demands of the market for iron products.
Kahalgaon was an older market settlement. The monastery might have played a greater role in the expansion
of the trade economy in the region.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archaeology, I., A Review (IAR). 1966–67, Excavation at Chaṃpā, District Bhagalpur. Delhi, Archaeological Survey of India.
Li, R., 1996. The Great Tang Dynasty Record of the Western Regions.
Oldham, C.E.A.W., 1930. Journal of Francis Buchanan Kept During the Survey of the District of Bhagalpur in 1810-1811.
Verma, B.S., 2011. Antichak Excavations-2: 1971-1981. Archaeological Survey of India.

6

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                <text>The essay will shed light on River Ganga in the Kahalgaon- Sahibganj region. In the Historic Period (c.600 BCE- 400&#13;
CE) the banks and rocky islands of the river was a liminal space on the border of state societies ideal for ascetics. The&#13;
riverscape as a mystical and sacred space has been testified by the writings of Xuan Zang in the 7th Century CE. This&#13;
tradition continued in the following century as evidenced by the establishment of the Vikramashila Mahavihara. The&#13;
riverscape is marred by rocky outcrops of the Rajmahal and Chotanagpur hills which were a source of minerals like&#13;
iron, precious stones like agate, timber and fine alluvial soil for terracotta material. The presence of these raw minerals&#13;
within the riverscape allowed for a robust trade. Evidence of such exchange could be found through a study of inland&#13;
ports. The 6th Century CE was a period of state formation in Bengal. In the concurrent centuries Bengal emerged as a&#13;
dominant political and cultural zone in the eastern part of South Asia. Ganga was the boundary between the ancient&#13;
settlements of Champa (Bhagalpur) and the early medieval (c.600 CE- 1200CE) political centre at Pundravardhana&#13;
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river and its surrounding landscape have lived through these multiple narratives in/of time and space. It was a liminal&#13;
space, a site of production and exchange and a site of conflict and control. The riverscape is littered with evidence of&#13;
these activities from the past. Archaeological evidence of religious activities can be seen etched on the walls and&#13;
excavated cave sites on the rocky islands of Kahalgaon and the port site of Bateshwar (literally, god of travellers).&#13;
Evidence of trade too can be found on the ports and in the surrounding landscape with evidence of iron smelting in&#13;
settlements near the port. Fortifications on the hills besides the river at sites like Teliagarhi and Sakrigali present&#13;
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                    <text>The elaboration of the UNESCO 2001 Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage

Etienne Clément
Abstract
The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural
Heritage was adopted in 2001. Like many such treaties, its text is the
result of a compromise between opposing views. The negotiations leading
to this instruments started in the Eighties at the initiative of underwater
archaeologists who teamed up with lawyers and with the International Law
Association. These pioneers considered that the United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) did not protect adequately
the underwater cultural heritage. But many States Parties to the UNCLOS
were reluctant to re-open any kind of negotiation that might affect the
delicate balance of the UNCLOS. Moreover, the industry of salvage was
also extremely reluctant to any new international legislation that may
affect their activities, especially in the high seas. The process of
preparation of an international legal instrument was suspended several
times. It was finally put on tracks thanks to the pugnacity of a few
UNESCO staff and ICOMOS members supported by Ministries of a
Foreign Affairs of several countries wo convinced the UNESCO General
Conference to enter the process of elaboration of a Convention. During
the negotiation of the text, the views expressed by the delegations of
UNESCO Member states were often antagonistic. In the discussions, the
ICOMOS Committee on Underwater Cultural Heritage (ICUCH) played a
major role, by sensitizing the diplomats to the urgency of adopting a legal
instrument at a time when technology had made possible to explore
practically all ancient vessels lying on the seabed. The author has
participated in some key steps of the elaboration of the Convention and
will present some of the legal and ethical positions expressed at the
negotiations and that have led to the compromise adopted in 2001.
Key words: UNESCO, UNCLOS, outreach, UCH

�Introduction
The protection of the underwater cultural heritage, in particular ancient
shipwrecks laying on the seabed under various jurisdictions, is by nature
an international issue. It is therefore natural that the United Nations, in
particular UNESCO as the specialized agency with the UN mandate for
cultural heritage, has looked into the matter and adopted in 2001 the
Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, one of
the seven UNESCO Conventions in the area of culture. It was elaborated
as a response from the international community to the removal and
destruction of underwater cultural heritage by industrial activities and by
the so-called “treasures hunters”. The Convention reflects the growing
recognition of the need to ensure the same protection to underwater
cultural heritage as that already accorded to land-based heritage.

It

provides legal protection, enables States Parties to adopt common
approaches

to

preservation

and provides

effective

professional

guidelines. The mains principles of the convention and its Annex had long
been endorsed by professionals in UCH. It is to be remembered that the
draft of the Annex was drafted by UCH professionals who started working
on it in 1983. The Convention entered into force in January 2009. As of
15 July 2017, 57 countries are States Parties to it, which is an honorable
score but does not give it the status of a universal instrument. For instance
only two countries in Asia and the Pacific have joined it. But those States
which joined it made an important commitment by agreeing on rules
applicable by vessels bearing their flag and by their nationals, including
also the treasures hunters.

�Keys steps towards a Convention
UNESCO has been concerned with the protection of UCH since its early
days. Its Recommendation on International Principles Applicable to
Archaeological Excavations, a non-legally binding text adopted by the
General conference in 1956 applies also to underwater archaeology.
The Council of Europe, as early as 1978, began to develop a draft
European convention for the protection of the underwater cultural
heritage. The draft reached an advanced stage but was never adopted by
the Council of Ministers.
The issue was raised again during the negotiations for the United Nations
Law of the Sea Convention and resulted, in the closing days of these
negotiations, in the adoption of two articles (149 and 303). However these
articles are widely felt by cultural experts to be unsatisfactory and
incomplete. They are indeed ineffective to protect underwater cultural
heritage beyond the contiguous zone, they do not resolve the conflict
between ownership claims, salvage claims and cultural heritage interests
and they do not give any guidance on how underwater cultural heritage
should be treated. They are also sufficiently ambiguous to give rise to
alternative interpretations.
In 1990, under the leadership of its Chairperson, Professor Patrick J.
O’Keefe1, the Cultural Heritage Law Committee of the International Law
Association undertook to study the international legal protection of the
underwater cultural heritage. It produced its first report and a draft text of
a convention for the meeting of the International Law Association in Cairo
in 1992. One year later, the Director-General of UNESCO was requested
by the UNESCO Executive Board to undertake a study into the feasibility
of a new international instrument. As the International Law Association

�had an advisory status with UNESCO and was well advanced in its work
on a draft convention, the Director-General decided to wait until the ILA
work was complete before reporting back to the UNESCO Executive
Board. In 1994, in Buenos Aires, the Cultural Heritage Law Committee
produced its final report and draft convention to the ILA meeting which
adopted it and transmitted it to the Director-General of UNESCO.
In parallel to this legal process, a group of influential underwater
archaeologists who were members of the International Council of
Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) created the ICOMOS Committee for
Underwater Cultural heritage (ICUCH) and advocated within ICOMOs for
the development of specific ethical and professional standards for
underwater archaeology. They argued that underwater archaeology had
particular requirements related to its environment which has led to the
development of specific techniques and that underwater conservation is
always a pressing and expensive immediate necessity. Their efforts led to
the preparation and adoption of the International Charter on the Protection
and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage by ICOMOS General
Conference in Sofia in 1996. To be noted that the ICUCH played a major
role during the whole negotiation process of the 2001 Convention, in
particular through its Chairpersons, Graeme Henderson (Australia) and
Robert Grenier (Canada).
With the ILA draft in its hands, as a useful basis for a possible new
instrument, the UNESCO Secretariat was ready to start preparing a
feasibility study requested by the Executive Board. Within the UNESCO
Secretariat in 1994, Dr. Lyndel V.Prott was the Head of the International
Section of the Division of Cultural Heritage. She played a major role, as a
renowned lawyer and an international civil servant, all over the process of
elaboration of the Convention. I had the honor to be the other member of

�her two-person team and rejoined later by a then junior colleague, Mr.
Ieng Srong. In preparing the feasibility study, the Secretariat looked at the
relevant articles of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
and at the International Charter on the Protection and Management of
Underwater Cultural Heritage.
In 1995, a large number of artifacts found in the wreck of the Titanic, which
was discovered several years before, were exhibited all over the world.
This travelling exhibition gave a sort of technology signal that most
shipwrecks that could be found on the seabed were technically accessible
and that cultural objects could be removed. At the occasion of one such
international exhibition in Greenwich (United Kingdom), an expert meeting
was organized for legal experts and underwater archaeologists. It
included those experts who had worked on the ILA draft and the ICOMOS
Charter as well as lawyers familiarized with salvage Law. The discussions
anticipated the difficulty of finding a compromise on a draft legally-binding
text which could be accepted and implemented universally.
The Director-General submitted the feasibility to the Executive Board in
May—June 19952 and recommended that this Board transmits its
recommendation to the UNESCO General Conference which has the
authority, under UNESCO’s constitution, to decide on the elaboration of a
Convention. But during the discussion, although a number of delegates
emphasized the urgency of the situation, the majority requested more time
before launching the preparation of a Convention. They insisted that the
jurisdictional aspects of the question should be further studied, namely the
compatibility of a possible new convention with the provisions on
jurisdiction contained in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the
Sea (UNCLOS).

�Therefore, instead of transmitting the Director-General’s recommendation
to the General conference, the Executive Board requested him to urgently
convene an expert meeting to discuss this issue and to report to the
General Conference just a few months later. But the time was too short
between June and October 1995 to convene, before the General
Conference, an expert meeting based on a fair geographical balance and
representing the various interests involved. The Secretariat therefore
wrote to all countries which had expressed an interest in order to receive
their comments on the feasibility study. Thirteen replies (Australia,
Colombia, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, The Netherlands, Philippines,
Spain, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States and the U.N. Division for
Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea) were received. A majority of them
were in favor of a Convention. But divergent opinions were expressed
about the content of the norms, for instance on the concept of a specific
cultural heritage zone or on specific protected areas. It was also accepted
that UNESCO was the appropriate forum and that the norms to be
prepared should duly take into account the balance achieved in the
UNCLOS Convention.
The 1995 session of the UNESCO General Conference did not launch yet
the formal process of elaborating a Convention. Instead, it invited the
Director-General:
- to pursue further discussions with the United Nations in respect of the
UNCLOS and with the International Maritime Organization (IMO)
- to organize, in consultations with UN and IMO, a meeting of experts
representing expertise in archaeology, salvage and jurisdictional regimes
- to make the views of the experts known to UNESCO Member States and
invite their comments;

�- and to report back to the 29th session of the General Conference (1997)
Therefore UNESCO Secretariat had proposed to the IMO (London) and
to the United Nations Division of the Law of the Sea (New York) to
nominate some of the above experts in order to ensure consistency with
the work already developed within these two organizations. The expert
meeting took place in May 1996. It was chaired by Dr. Carsten Lund
(Denmark). To be noted that Dr. Lund remained the Chair of all further
intergovernmental experts meetings that took place until the adoption of
the Convention in 2001. The 1996 meetings was an important one
because it agreed that a possible Convention be grounded on the principle
incorporated in Article 303 (1) of the UNCLOS Convention which says
that: “States have a duty to protect objects of an archaeological and
historical nature found at sea and shall cooperate for this purpose”. The
majority agreed that UNESCO was the right venue for such a Convention,
although a minority group believe that it should be adopted within the Law
of the sea framework at the United Nations in New York.
The General Conference finally gave the green light for a Convention in
October 1997 at its 29th session3. It decided that the question should be
regulated and that the method adopted should be an international
convention. It invited the Director-General to convene meeting, but this
time with expert representing their Governments. Four such governmental
experts meeting took place from 1998 to 2001. The UNESCO Convention
on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage was finally adopted
on 2 November by the Plenary Session of the 31st General Conference
with 88 votes in favor, 4 against and 15 abstentions4.

�Major issues during the negotiation of a Convention
The three main issues at the core of the experts’ deliberations were:
- the jurisdiction (including the necessary compliance with the
UNCLOS)
- the relation with the Law of salvage or salvage law
- the standards for research in underwater cultural heritage.

Jurisdiction

Fig. 1: The maritime zones.
In the territorial sea, the national legislation of the coastal State applies to
underwater cultural heritage. Beyond the territorial sea, the coastal State’s
jurisdiction is generally very limited under national legislations. Often the
coastal States have jurisdiction over their own nationals and vessels
bearing their flag. But it is often expressed in vague terms and with serious
difficulties of implementation without any State cooperation system.
Underwater cultural heritage being largely located in the oceans which fall

�under the Law of the Sea Convention, its legal regime falls under
UNCLOS articles 149 and 303:
Article 149 Archaeological and historical objects.
All objects of an archaeological and historical nature found in the
area shall be preserved or disposed of for the benefit of mankind as
a whole, particular regard being paid to the preferential rights of the
State or country of origin, or the State of cultural origin, or the State
of historical and archaeological origin.
Article 303 Archaeological and historical objects found at sea
i.

States have the duty to protect objects of an archaeological
and historical nature found at sea and shall co-operate for
this purpose.

ii.

In order to control traffic in such objects, the coastal State
may, in applying Article 33, presume that their removal from
the sea-bed in the zone referred to in that article without its
approval would result in an infringement within its territory
or territorial sea of the laws and regulations referred to in
that article.

iii.

Nothing in this article affects the rights of identifiable
owners, the law of salvage or other rules of admiralty, or
laws and practices with respect to cultural exchanges.

iv.

This article is without prejudice to other international
agreements and rules of international law regarding the
protection of objects of an archaeological and historical
nature.

These articles, according to archaeologists and lawyers concerned with
the preservation of the underwater cultural heritage, were considered as

�insufficient for an effective protection of the cultural heritage. Indeed, in
the Exclusive Economic Zone and on the Continental Shelf, UCH remains
practically unprotected. Another serious problem is that the provision in
Article 303 stating that 'Nothing in this article affects the rights of
identifiable owners, the law of salvage or other rules of admiralty…”
appeared to protect the commercial exploitation of historic shipwrecks,
leading to the destruction of archaeological resources without their
scientific examination. The relation with salvage law was therefore an
issue of very lively discussions, often antagonistic, during the several
experts meetings form 1998 to 2001.
Salvage law
Salvage Law or Law of Salvage or Law of Finds is based on practical and
economic considerations. The function of salvage is to encourage the
recovery of goods at sea that are in danger of being lost. The primary
objective of the salvage industry, recognized in salvage law, is the
recovery of commercially valuable property from a shipwreck. But in some
countries, the salvage industry had extended its activity to commercial
exploitation of submerged archaeological sites, often by teams of
unqualified persons. Therefore for many years archaeologists had been
concerned by the loss of scientific information caused by such
unprofessional excavation and by the destruction of artefacts not
considered commercially valuable.
The activities of the salvage industry were regulated by the 1989
International Convention on Salvage, adopted under the auspices of the
International Maritime organization (IMO). It does not include provisions
on the underwater cultural heritage. As the Article 303, iii, of the UNCLOS
protects salvage law, most experts considered that the international legal
framework in 1998 was an invitation to looting.

�Standards for research in UCH
When the first meeting of experts opened in 1996, the International
Council of Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) had just adopted its
International Charter on the Protection and Management of Underwater
Cultural Heritage at its General Conference in Sofia (see above).
To be noted that the International Law Association had included in several
provisions of its draft Convention on UCH that underwater excavations
were to be undertaken in accordance with the ICOMOS UCH Charter,
which would be an annex to the ILA draft.
Therefore given the importance of the ICOMOS Charter which sets
standards for research and conservation of the UCH, the members of the
ICOMOS Committee for Underwater Cultural heritage (ICUCH) were
associated closely to the elaboration of the text of the UNESCO
Convention. They were very influential in the process leading to the
adoption of the 2001 Convention.
The way towards a compromise
The process involved a long and patient campaign initiated by underwater
archaeologists in Europe, Australia, North America and later in other
regions. They needed to convince even their own peers - i.e. the ‘land’
archaeologists- to team-up with them in order to convince Ministries of
Foreign affairs of their respective countries to support the idea of a
Convention. Indeed in many countries Ministries of Foreign Affairs were
quite hesitant to open negotiations on an issue related to the Law of the
Sea, only a few years after the entry into force of the UNCLOS
Convention. To be noted that members of the International Law
Association (ILA), especially Professor Patrick J. O’Keefe, the
Chairperson of the ILA Cultural Heritage Law Committee, played an

�important role in the informal lobby in favor of an effective convention.
Other influential institutions included ICOMOS, ICUCH, the International
Council of Museums (ICOM) and several Maritime museums all over the
world.
In 1998, reaching of a compromise to be included in a Convention
appeared to be very challenging. At the beginning of the discussions,
there was a consensus only on the necessity to avoid creating a new
“archaeological zone” in addition to the zones established by UNCLOS.
There was also an agreement that a Convention should refer to some kind
of guidelines on how to treat UCH.
All the other issues were the object of profound divergences between
experts and between the UNESCO Member States. However, gradually,
a consensus emerged to obtain protection of UCH wherever it is located
beyond the territorial seas, in all maritime zones including international
waters, through a State cooperation system.
The salvage Industry was also represented in the experts meetings.
Indeed at the request of the UNESCO General Conference, UNESCO
Secretariat had asked the International Maritime Organization (IMO) to
designate experts to represent the interests of the maritime industry,
including the salvage industry. The Tourism diving industry was not invited
as such, but several countries’ delegations included experts which
expressed the views of this sector. The consistency with the UNCLOS
Convention was ensured by representatives of the UN Division of the Law
of the Sea (New York) who played a very positive role in this respect.
Some “Treasures Hunters”, although not invited officially, showed up at
one of the meetings and opposed the adoption of a text, without success.
To be noted that “treasures hunters” were more influential among

�international TV channels, which, during the years of the negotiations,
displayed TV shows glorifying their activities.
The negotiations also had to face language difficulties. For instance,
archaeologists and lawyers understood differently the concept of “rules”,
the former saw them as rules applicable to professionals and the latter as
rules applicable to States. This has rendered the role of the courageous
Chairperson, Dr. Carsten Lund (Denmark), an almost impossible task5.
The composition of each country’s delegation was also a challenge. Only
important delegations could include international lawyers, cultural
heritage lawyers, salvage lawyers as well as archaeologists. But most
delegations were composed of only one international lawyer, often with
little background in archaeology.
The compromise adopted in 2001
Despite the antagonistic positions that continued to be expressed during
the whole negotiation process, a compromise was reached in 2001. It
included a very advanced State cooperation system containing provisions
of legal and professional or ethical nature binding both States parties and
UCH professionals. The Convention was structured under a main text and
an Annex which is an integral part of the Convention. The main text
contains basic principles for the protection of UCH and a detailed State
cooperation system. The Annex includes widely recognized practical rules
for the treatment and research of UCH which reflects practically the text
of the ICOMOS Charter.
The basic principles of the Convention include the obligation to preserve
UCH “for the benefit of humanity”, the “in situ” preservation as the first
option (not the only one), a commitment for no commercial exploitation
and an obligation of training and information sharing. It does not include

�the sovereignty rights of States and the issue of the ownership of wrecks
which remain regulated by civil law, other domestic law and private
international law.

The compromise on the relation with salvage law was one of the most
difficult to reach. It is contained in Article 4 of the 2001 Convention which
excludes the application of salvage law, except when and if three
cumulative conditions are met:

Article 4- Relationship to Law of Salvage or Law of Finds
Any activity relating to underwater cultural heritage to which this
Convention applies shall not be subject to the law of salvage or law
of finds, unless it:
(a)

is authorized by the competent authorities, and

(b)

in in full conformity with this Convention, and

(c)

ensures that any recovery of the underwater cultural heritage

achieves its maximum protection.
But the Convention was not adopted by consensus. The Culture
commission of the General Conference had recommended the Plenary of
the UNESCO 31st General Conference to adopt the draft Convention by
94 votes in favor, 5 against and 19 abstentions. The Plenary adopted it
with 88 votes in favor, 4 against and 15 abstentions6.
Conclusion
Sixteen years later, the Convention is ratified by 57 countries. This
relatively low level of ratification can be explained by several factors.
Perhaps it still reflects the fact that the Convention may have a few
detractors among some of the UNESCO Member States. But most

�probably, many countries do not consider the ratification as a priority as
they do have the technology nor the human or financial resources to be
involved in activities towards the underwater cultural heritage. In these
countries, there are also very few archaeologists who have training in
underwater archaeology. There is therefore no effective influential group
that could persuade their respective authorities to join the Convention or
that could campaign among the public on the importance of this heritage
for their country and for humanity. But the advancement of technology and
the ability of a growing number of countries to own such technology may
however have a positive influence on the rate of ratifications in the
following years.
Endnotes
1
Professor Patrick J. O’Keefe has worked for more than 40 years on
legal instruments to protect the underwater cultural heritage. He has.
2
UNESCO General Conference documents 28C/39 and 28C/39 Add.
3
UNESCO General Conference Document 29C/Resolution 21
4
UNESCO General Conference Documents 31C/24 and 31C/Resolution
XV, para D
5
Lund, C., 2006. The making of the UNESCO Convention 2001.
Finishing the interrupted voyage, papers of the UNESCO Asia-Pacific
Workshop on the 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater
Cultural Heritage, Institute of Art and Law/UNESCO, Leicester/Bangkok:
14-19
6 UNESCO General Conference Documents 31 C/24 and 31
C/Resolution XV, para D
References:

Clément, E. 1996, Current developments at UNESCO concerning the
protection of the underwater cultural heritage, Marine policy, Vol 20, No 4,
pp 309-323
O’Keefe, P.J., 2014, Shipwrecked Heritage: A Commentary on the
UNESCO Convention on Underwater Cultural Heritage, Second edition,
Institute of Art and Law, Builth Wells, UK.

�Prott, L.V., 2006, Finishing the interrupted voyage: papers of the
UNESCO Asia-Pacific Workshop on the 2001 Convention on the
Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, Institute of Art and
Law/UNESCO, Leicester/Bangkok.
Srati, A., 1999, Draft Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural
heritage, a commentary prepared for UNESCO, UNESCO document CLT99/WS/8
UNESCO, 1984, La sauvegarde du patrimoine subaquatique, cahiers
techniques: musées et monuments # 4, UNESCO document [II]
CLT.82/XXIX.4/F
Biography
Etienne Clément, JD 1978, LLM International Law
1980, (University Brussels) had responsibilities in
UNESCO 1984-2015. He contributed to the
development of international standards for the
protection of cultural heritage, including to the
elaboration of 2001 Underwater Cultural Heritage
Convention. From 1998, he was UNESCO
Representative to Cambodia, Deputy Director Field
operations (Paris), Deputy Director Regional
Bureau (Bangkok) and Director Pacific States. He is author of articles on
conventions for cultural heritage and is currently advising governments on
these instruments. He lectures at Science Po Lille (France) and is member
of ICOMOS International Committee on Legal, Administrative and
Financial Issues (ICLAFI).

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                  <text>All cultural materials are potentially cultural resources. However, because not all of them can be preserved or studied, choices must be made based on evaluation and re-evaluation. Values are learned and depend on cultural, intellectual, historical, and psychological frames of reference. Consequently, valuation is made individually, but is shared by communities. Valuation of underwater cultural heritage has, then, a broad range of determining value depending on the community to which it belongs.&#13;
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A clear example of this is the protection of human remains. The 2001 UNESCO Convention includes, in its definition of underwater cultural heritage, human remains which have been underwater for more than 100 years. However, the Christian philosophy on the treatment of human remains is different to that of Asian philosophy that teaches that human remains will never become underwater cultural heritage since, if they are seen by someone in an underwater site, it is imperative to rescue the human remains and bury them on land according to their beliefs. &#13;
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This session aims to create a forum for policymakers, managers, and archaeologists devoted to underwater cultural heritage where they can share their experiences of and research on the valuation of underwater cultural heritage. We aim to accept papers that help us to understand the definition of â€˜underwater cultural heritageâ€™ in the Asia-Pacific regions, comparing those definitions with the definition of the 2001 UNESCO Convention and trying to find a common interpretation. We will also be looking to examine the meaning of the underwater cultural heritage sites and objects for different communities. Finally, we will be expecting papers exploring the different possibilities of the use and/or conservation of this underwater cultural heritage according to the values and needs of the different communities. &#13;
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                <text>The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage was adopted in 2001. Like many such treaties, its text is the result of a compromise between opposing views. The negotiations leading to this instruments started in the Eighties at the initiative of underwater archaeologists who teamed up with lawyers and with the International Law Association. These pioneers considered that the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) did not protect adequately the underwater cultural heritage. But many States Parties to the UNCLOS were reluctant to re-open any kind of negotiation that might affect the delicate balance of the UNCLOS.  Moreover, the industry of salvage was also extremely reluctant to any new international legislation that may affect their activities, especially in the high seas. The process of preparation of an international legal instrument was suspended several times. It was finally put on tracks thanks to the pugnacity of a few UNESCO staff and ICOMOS members supported by Ministries of a Foreign Affairs of several countries wo convinced the UNESCO General Conference to enter the process of elaboration of a Convention. During the negotiation of the text, the views expressed by the delegations of UNESCO Member states were often antagonistic. In the discussions, the ICOMOS Committee on Underwater Cultural Heritage (ICUCH) played a major role, by sensitizing the diplomats to the urgency of adopting a legal instrument at a time when technology had made possible to explore practically all ancient vessels lying on the seabed. The author has participated in some key steps of the elaboration of the Convention and will present some of the legal and ethical positions expressed at the negotiations and that have led to the compromise adopted in 2001. </text>
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                <text>Etienne Clément </text>
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                    <text>Shipwreck Site and Earthenware Vessels in the
Philippines:
Earthenware vessels of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site
Kazuhiko Tanaka and Eusebio Z. Dizon

Abstract
Eighteen shipwreck sites had been identified and researched in the Philippines by 2003 (Dizon
2003). The main goods of the cargos of these ships were porcelain wares and stoneware jars
which had been produced in kiln sites in China and Mainland Southeast Asia such as Vietnam,
Thailand and Myanmar (Alba 1993; Crick 1996; Diem 1996; Desroches 1996; Salcedo 1993;
Valdes 1993). Many scholars have been interested in these porcelain wares and stoneware jars.
Beside these porcelain wares and stoneware jars, earthenware vessels were also found
in the shipwreck sites. However, only a few scholars have paid attention to earthenware vessels
found in shipwreck sites. One of whom is Amalia de la Torre (1993; 1996), she conducted the
study of earthenware vessels found in the San Diego Shipwreck Site. Earthenware vessels found
in the shipwreck sites are often not goods for trading or bartering but for daily utensils of the
people on a voyage (de la Torre 1993; 1996).
The Pandanan Shipwreck Site is one of the rare shipwreck sites dated around the middle
of the 15th century, its rarity is presumably because the Chinese imperial court totally banned
private trading during this period (Sakuma 1989). Allison Diem (1996) has already conducted the
study of glazed ceramics such as porcelain wares and stoneware jars found in the site and
identified as wares produced in kiln sites in central Vietnam (Binh Dinh Province). However, she
did not conduct the study of the unglazed earthenware vessels. Consequently there is no
significant documentation of the earthenware vessels excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site
The writer believes that earthenware vessels of the shipwreck sites are also very
important artifacts which sometimes indicate daily lives of the people on board and the possible
route of the ship and the trade, even though they are easily neglected. In this article, the writer
will point out the similarity of the forms of globular pots with a spout excavated in the Pandanan
Wreck Site, the Lena Shoal Wreck Site and the Calatagan Sites (the terrestrial sites) in Batangas
Province (Tanaka 2005). On the basis of this similarity, the sailing route of the Pandanan ship will
be discussed in this article.

Introduction
A number of scholars have been interested in and studied porcelain and
stonewares excavated in shipwreck sites (Alba 1993; Crick 1996; Diem 1996;
Desroches 1996; Salcedo 1993; Valdes 1993). This is because porcelain and
stonewares are the main surviving artifacts among the cargoes.
Meanwhile, earthenware, which has also been excavated in shipwreck
sites, has received less attention. In the Philippines, only de la Torre (1993,
1996) conducted the study on such kind of artifacts excavated in shipwreck sites.
Earthenwares excavated in a shipwreck site have a different character from
porcelain and stonewares. In many cases, earthenwares were employed by crew
members and passengers for daily lives use and passengers (de la Torre 1993;
de la Torre 1996), whereas the latter are the goods for trades.
Furthermore we would like to consider the possible routes of the ship on
the basis of earthenwares excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site.

�Location of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site (Figure 1)
The western part of the Philippines is composed of Palawan Island and adjacent
small islands. This island stretches in an orientation from northeast to southwest.
The southernmost part of it faces the northernmost part of Borneo, although
there are several small islands between these large islands. The strait between
these large islands becomes a passage from the South China Sea to the Sulu
Sea and vice versa.
The Pandanan Island is located near the southern tip of Palawan Island
(Figure 1). It is 9.6km long and 4km wide quadrangular small island. The
shipwreck site is located about 250 meters off the northeast coast of the island
(Dizon 1996:64).

Figure 1. Large scale location of Pandanan shipwreck site and related sites.

Discovery and Archaeological Research of the Pandanan
Shipwreck Site
The Ecofarm Resource Inc. runs a pearl farm in the sea around Pandanan
Island. Pearls are cultured in a quadrangular basket the inside of which are
divided into parts. The baskets are tied to a rope in the sea. One day in 1993,
Mr. Gordirilla, who works in the Ecofarm Resource Inc., noticed that one basket
was missing (Honasan 1996:14). He looked for it at the bottom of the sea around

�the farm. During his search of the pearl basket, he accidentally found the
shipwreck site. It is now known as the Pandanan Shipwreck Site (Honasan
1996:14). He informed the manager of the farm, Mr. Efren T. Anies about the
shipwreck. Then Mr. Efren T. Anies informed the accidental discovery of the
shipwreck site to the National Museum of the Philippines on June 9, 1993. The
National Museum conducted the archaeological excavation of the site from Feb
17 to May 31, 1993 (Dizon 1996:64).

The Wreck of the Pandanan Site
The wreck was found at the bottom of a coral cliff, covered with sand and mud
(Dizon 1996:70). The remaining portion of the ship is estimated to be about onefourth of the whole body of the ship. The size of the ship was estimated to be 25
to 30 meters long and about six to eight meters wide. It was pointed out that
there were the typical holes in the divisions of the bulkhead for the purpose of
letting water pass through it to be eventually pumped out. Two possible reasons
were presented why only one-fourth of the body of the ship had remained. One is
the infestation of the exposed wood by the tropical sea worms; and the other is
the rapid movement of the under-water current (Dizon 1996:70). Eusebio Dizon
(1996:70) identified the origin of the ship as possibly from Vietnam or southern
China from its cargo as well as from particular details of ship construction. Dizon
also pointed out that 70% of the artifacts found from this site were from presentday Vietnam (Dizon 1996:70).

Artifacts found in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site
There were 4, 722 artifacts found in the Pandanan Wreck Site. These are divided
into six categories on the basis of kind of artifacts: earthenwares, porcelain,
metals, coins, glass artifacts and stone tools. In this section, the artifacts except
earthenwares are summarized.

Chinese porcelain and stonewares
Chinese Porcelain are composed of blue-and-white wares and white wares
produced in Jing-de-zhen kiln and celadon wares produced in Longquan kiln.
The stonewares were produced in kilns in Fuchien Province and Guangdong
Province in southern China. The blue-and-white wares are composed of saucers,
bowls, large bowls and small jarlets. White wares are two pieces of gourdshaped pouring vessels, one of them has dots of an iron pigment. Celadon wares
are composed of dishes with a floral flaring rim, bowls with lotus design, saucers
and stemmed cups. The stonewares produced in Fuchien and Guangdong
Provinces are brown glazed six eared jars with a dragon design.

Porcelain of northern Vietnam
Porcelain of northern Vietnam are blue-and-white wares produced in Chu Dau
kiln in northern Vietnam (Dizon 1996:99). These are composed of bowls, dishes
or saucers, pots, jarlets, covered boxes and water droppers.

�Porcelain and stonewares of central Vietnam
Porcelain and stonewares of central Vietnam were thought to have been
produced in the Go Sanh kiln in Binh Dinh Province in Central Vietnam. These
are composed of celadon saucers or dishes with an unglazed ring portion at the
inside.

Porcelain and stonewares of Thailand
Porcelain of Thailand is composed of a large bowl with a fish design drawn in
iron pigment inside. Stoneware of Thailand is a blackish brown glazed four-eared
large jar. The former was produced in the Sukhothai kiln, the latter was produced
in the kilns along the Noi River.

Metal artifacts
Metal artifacts are divided into bronze artifacts and iron tools. Bronze artifacts are
composed of two small canons, one lamp, one scale balance, one mirror, one
covered box, one disc, one fish hook, one ferrule and five gongs. Iron tools are
composed of one sword, one knife and over 60 cauldrons (Dizon 1996:68).

Coins
Several Chinese coins were found in the wreck site. One of them was identified
as a coin which had been made during the rule of Emperor Yung Le
(reign:1402~24)(Dizon 1996:66).

Glass artifacts
Thousands of glass beads were found in a storage jar (Dizon 1996:66; Cayron
2006).

Stone tools
Stone tools were composed of 21 grinding stones. These stones were either
used for honing metal blades or for food processing.
The main cargos of porcelain and stonewares are the products in
Vietnam. Dizon mentioned that about 70 % of artifacts had been produced in
present-day Vietnam (Dizon 1996:66).

Date of Sinking of the Pandanan Ship

Dizon (1996:72) thinks that the date of sinking of the ship is at the middle of 15 th
century, because most of the ceramic cargo belongs to this period, although
porcelain found in the site ranges from the Yuan Dynasty (1271~1368) to the
Ming Dynasty (1368~1644).
Two Japanese scholars also mentioned the date of the ship sinking.
Kenichi Morimura (1996) thought that it is from the middle of the 15 th century to
the late 15th century on the basis of dates of tombs in China with associated
Chinese porcelain similar to the porcelain found in the wreck site. These are a
celadon dish with a flaring rim made in Longquan kiln and a small jarlet with a

�peony design produced in Jing-de-zhen kiln. The former was found in a tomb
with a gravestone with an inscribed date of 1444 (Morimura1996:112). This is the
tomb of Wei Yuan and located Yongxiu County in Jingxi Province. The specimen
similar to the latter in shape and design was found in a tomb with an inscribed
gravestone dated to 1437 (Morimura1966:112). This is the tomb of Zhu Panshi
and located in Xinjian County in Jiangxi Province.
Ko Mukai (2003:96-98) sequenced the black glazed four-eared jars made
in Thailand, and from this, thought that the Pandanan ship was
contemporaneous to the wreck of the Royal Nanhai found off the eastern shore
of the Malay Peninsula, the wreck found off the Ko Khram Island in the Gulf of
Thailand and the Feature no. SK01 at the Kyonouchi area in the Shuri Castle
Site in Okinawa, Japan. He thought that all of them belonged to the middle of the
15th century (Mukai 2003:96-98).

Earthenwares of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site
These are 301 earthenware vessels and fragments found in this site. The
earthenwares of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site are divided into five categories by
type: pot, lid, jarlet, pouring vessel and stove.

Figure 2. Eartenware Jarlet (1), Pot (2), Stove (Type1)(3) of the Pandanan
shipwreck site.

Pots
There are four pieces of whole and restorable pots. One pot has a decoration
and the other three pots are plain.
The decorated one has a carination at the middle of the body and an out-turned
rim. The rim diameter is 15.6 centimeters. The height is 10.8 centimeters. The
maximum width of the body is 17.2 centimeters. The decoration was executed

�from the neck to the upper part of the body by a pronged tool. Two parallel
vertical lines are incised from the neck to the upper part of the body with about 7
to 8 millimeters intervals. The lower ends of these incised parallel vertical lines
are bordered by an incised horizontal wavy line. Some parts from the rim to the
upper portion of the body were covered with soot, indicating this pot was used for
cooking on the ship.
One of plain pots has polishing marks on the surface of the bottom. They
were executed in only one direction all over the surface of the bottom. The pot
has an out-turned rim. The rim diameter is about 13.7 centimeters. The height is
8.2 centimeters. The width of the bottom is 13.2 centimeters. This pot is a
relatively small one. The outer surface of it, except the bottom, is covered with
soot.
The other plain pot with accession no. 3684 is a relative large one. It has
an out-turned rim and a rounded bottom. The rim diameter is about 17.1
centimeters. The maximum width of the body is about 17.7 centimeters. The
height is around 10.8 centimeters. The outer surface from the rim to the curved
potion of the body is covered with soot.
Another plain pot with an accession no. 3044 has also out-turned rim and
a rounded bottom. The rim diameter is 14.8 centimeters. The maximum width of
the body is 19 centimeters. The height is 14.5 centimeters. The outer surface
from the rim to the angle-body is partially covered with soot. The bottom is also
partially covered with soot.

Lids
There are three whole lids. All of them have a similar shape. They have a
concave top portion and a convex bottom portion. They have a small knob at the
center of the concave top. Two of them have a knob with a flattened top of the
knob, the other one has a knob with a rounded top. There are two sizes. One is
11.8 centimeters to 11.9 centimeters in diameter. The height is 2.6 to 2.7
centimeter. The other is 14.3 centimeter in diameter. The height is 3.0
centimeters. Three of them have a lot of reddish brown small particles in the
paste. These three lids are thought to have been made in Thailand on the basis
of the characteristics of the shape.

Jarlet
There is one piece of jarlet. It has an out-turned short rim, a short neck and an
ellipsoidal body. The rim diameter is 6.8 centimeters. The maximum width of the
body is 10 centimeters. The height is 6.5 centimeters. The joining trace of a neck
part and a body part is evident. There are also horizontal traces of wiping at the
rim and the neck.

Pouring vessels
There are two pieces of pouring vessels. One is almost a complete one. The
other lacks the rim and the neck. Only the body, the bottom and a lower portion
of a spout remained.

�The almost complete one has an out-turned short rim, a short neck and a
spherical body. The outer surface of the bottom has a dimple at the center. There
is a horizontal applique ridge at the upper portion of the body. The bottom is well
polished. This pouring vessel is very similar to one of the pouring vessels (KT
Slipped and Polished, Form D-I-C) excavated in the Calatagan Site in Batangas
Province in Luzon by Fox (Main and Fox 1982:27).
Another pouring vessel has only the body, the bottom and the lower
portion of the spout. The shape of the body is ellipsoidal. The upper part of the
body is relatively flat. There is a distinctive shoulder. The center portion of the top
of the body is a little bit higher than the outside part. Then there is a 3.1
centimeters diameter hole. It is thought that the neck portion was joined at this
portion originally. However, that portion is already missing. The outside of the
bottom is slightly hollow and has a concave shape. The inside of the bottom has
a convex shape. The maximum diameter of the body is about 16 centimeters.
The height of the remaining body and bottom is about 9.7 centimeters. The
diameter of the broken hole at the center of the upper part of the body is about
3.1 centimeters. The width of the spout is 7.3 centimeters at the joining portion to
the body.

Figure 3. Earthenware Stove (Type 2) of the Pandanan shipwreck site.

Stoves
A stove has two sections. One is used to put the pot on top of it and the lighted
firewood are placed underneath. The long end of the firewood stretches to the
other section where the cook can handle the firewood to keep the fire under
control.

�The first type (Type 1) (Plate 1:1~3):
The shape of the part for putting firewood of the first type has a shape like a fan.
The adjacent part for burning firewood is a half-cut cylindrical shape. Three small
cleats are put on the top of this cylindrical shaped wall. The ringfoot is attached
to the bottom. The total shape of the stove of this type is similar to the stove
excavated in Sta Ana Site in Manila (Fox and Legaspi 1977:Figure 8).

Figure 4. Earthenware Stoves of the Pandanan shipwreck site.
The second type (Type 2)(Plate 1:4~6):
The shape of the part for putting firewood of the second type is quadrangular.
This part is edged with low walls.
The third type (Type 3)(Plate 1:7~9):
The shape of the part for putting firewood of the third type is also quadrangular.
This part is also edged with low walls. Meanwhile, the part for burning firewood is
a cylindrical shape with an quadrangular large cut-out at the front part. Therefore,
the top of this part is like a ring. Three small cleats are attached on this ring.

�Discussions
The following things are already revealed on the observation of earthenwares
excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site.
 As mentioned before by Dizon (1996:67), there is a pouring vessel (a
globular pot) similar to the pouring vessel (the globular pot) excavated in
the Calatagan Sites in Batangas Province in Luzon (Main and Fox
1982:Figure 72); at least three kinds of stoves; and pots were used for
cooking because all of them have soot on the outer surface.
 One type of stove, whose shape of the section for handling the firewood to
keep the fire under control is like a fan, is similar to the stove excavated in
Sta Ana Site in Manila (Fox and Legaspi 1977:Figure 8).
 Two other types of stoves have the quadrangular shapes at the section for
handling the firewood to keep the fire under control. Stoves with the
section for handling the firewood of quadrangular shape were excavated
in the Butuan Sites in northeastern Mindanao (Cembrano 1998:Figure 10).
 There is the pot with an incised design whose design elements are similar
to the those of the pot excavated in the Calatagan Sites in Batangas
Province in Luzon (Main and Fox 1982:Figure 84-(b)).
 There is a pot whose polishing marks on the bottom is similar to the pot
excavated in the Calatagan Sites in Batangas Province in Luzon (Main
and Fox 1982:Figure 5:Type III of Base Polish).

Concluding Remarks
There are several earthenwares excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site,
which are similar to the earthenwares excavated in the Calatagan Sites in
Batangas Province, Luzon Island: a pouring vessel, a pot with incised design and
a pot with polishing marks at the bottom. In addition, there is a stove whose
shape is similar to the stove excavated in Sta Ana Site in Manila. The Calatagan
sites in Batangas Province and the Sta Ana Site in Manila revealed the stoves
similar to the stove of Type 1 of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site. However, these
sites did not revealed the quadrangular stoves like the stove of Type 2, which is
similar to the stove found in the Butuan Sites in Northeastern Mindanao.
Meanwhile, the Butuan sites did not revealed the stove of Type 1. It seems that
the stoves have the local characteristics. In addition, the Calatagan Sites
revealed celadon dishes (Fox 1959: Plate 90, 91) made in Binh Dinh Province
which were one of main cargoes of the Pandanan Ship. This fact suggests one
possibility of the route of the ship. That is the ship had passed near Batangas
area before the ship sank off the Pandanan Island, since Dizon’s view via south
route (Dizon 1996:70) is still another strong option. Further archaeological
excavations of the terrestrial sites in Southern Palawan is awaited. Until then, it is
also probable that the Pandanan ship might had been trading too in Calatagan
and Sta Ana and even Butuan.

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Earthenware vessels of the Pandanan Shipwreck Site</text>
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The archaeological study of shipsâ€™ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure</text>
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                <text>Eighteen shipwreck sites had been identified and researched in the Philippines by 2003 (Dizon 2003).  The main goods of the cargos of these ships were porcelain wares and stoneware jars which had been produced in kiln sites in China and Mainland Southeast Asia such as Vietnam, Thailand and Myanmar (Alba 1993; Crick 1996; Diem 1996; Desroches 1996; Salcedo 1993; Valdes 1993). Many scholars have been interested in these porcelain wares and stoneware jars.&#13;
&#13;
Beside these porcelain wares and stoneware jars, earthenware vessels were also found in the shipwreck sites. However, only a few scholars have paid attention to earthenware vessels found in shipwreck sites. One of whom is Amalia de la Torre (1993; 1996), she conducted the study of earthenware vessels found in the San Diego Shipwreck Site. Earthenware vessels found in the shipwreck sites are often not goods for trading or bartering but for daily utensils of the people on a voyage (de la Torre 1993; 1996).&#13;
&#13;
The Pandanan Shipwreck Site is one of the rare shipwreck sites dated around the middle of the 15th century, its rarity is presumably because the Chinese imperial court totally banned private trading during this period (Sakuma 1989). Allison Diem (1996) has already conducted the study of glazed ceramics such as porcelain wares and stoneware jars found in the site and identified as wares produced in kiln sites in central Vietnam (Binh Dinh Province). However, she did not conduct the study of the unglazed earthenware vessels. Consequently there is no significant documentation of the earthenware vessels excavated in the Pandanan Shipwreck Site &#13;
&#13;
The writer believes that earthenware vessels of the shipwreck sites are also very important artifacts which sometimes indicate daily lives of the people on board and the possible route of the ship and the trade, even though they are easily neglected. In this article, the writer will point out the similarity of the forms of globular pots with a spout excavated in the Pandanan Wreck Site, the Lena Shoal Wreck Site and the Calatagan Sites (the terrestrial sites) in Batangas Province (Tanaka 2005). On the basis of this similarity, the sailing route of the Pandanan ship will be discussed in this article.&#13;
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                <text>Kazuhiko Tanaka</text>
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                <text>Eusebio Z. Dizon</text>
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                <text>November 2011</text>
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        <name>Asia-Pac Session 4</name>
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