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                    <text>Identifying ‘Islamic Motif’ on Chinese blue and white Porcelain recovered from
the 15th century shipwrecks in the Philippines

Andrea Natasha E. Kintanar
Archaeological Studies Program,
University of the Philippines, Diliman
Philippines
Eamil: andreakintanar@gmail.com
Abstract
This research is based on the raw data of a Master’s thesis that aims to identify Islamic
motifs on Chinese blue-and-white porcelains recovered from the 15th century
archaeological sites in the Philippines. A stylistic analysis of Chinese porcelains
recovered from both underwater and terrestrial sites will be conducted so that the main
aims of the thesis will be attained. The Master’s thesis aims to answer questions that
concern: a) the participation of the Philippines during the 15th century maritime trade;
and b) determine the possible indications of the presence and/or absence of the
porcelains. Large amounts of Chinese ceramics have been found in Philippine sites
dating from the late 9th to the early 12th centuries, and the 14th-18th centuries. Some
Chinese blue-and-white porcelains recovered from Philippine archaeological sites were
preliminarily identified to have Islamic motifs, however these were only initial
descriptions. The Master’s thesis aims to verify the preliminary analyses. The main
objective of this paper is analysis the blueandwhite porcelains recovered from following
shipwrecks of the 15th century: Lena Shoal shipwreck, Española underwater site, and
Pandanan shipwreck in Palawan, Philippines as well as Santa Cruz shipwreck in
Zambales, Philippines. Using the collated motifs from already established ‘Islamic’ art a
criteria and checklist was formulated to illustrate the presence of the motifs in Chinese
blueandwhite porcelain from the abovementioned underwater sites. The initial results of
this research will reveal that porcelains recovered in the Philippines are comparable to
those found in West Asia, contrary to some past studies.
Key words: Maritime Silk Road, Maritime trade, Islamic, Porcelain, Shipwreck

Introduction
The Philippines is an archipelago located near the South China Sea, suitable for ancient
and present maritime trade. In consequence, the region is home to noteworthy
underwater cultural heritage (Orillaneda, 2011). Evidenced by historical and
archaeological data, such as the discovery of plank-built and edge-pegged wooden
boats and shipwrecks dated from the 14th to the 18th century (Dizon and Ronquillo,
1

�2010; Orillaneda, 2013), the Philippine islands is known to have been involved in the
Southeast Asian maritime trade and shipping network beginning the 9th century
throughout the following centuries (Goddio, 2002; Guy, 1980). Chinese annals
documented during the Song period (950-1279), that the Philippines engaged in long
distance trade of porcelain and other goods (Beyer, 1947; Wu, 1959), where the South
China Sea and Malacca Straits played a big role in this maritime interaction (Guy, 1980;
Junker, 2000; Wu, 1959). Trade route diversion occurred due to the ‘inoperable’ state of
the Silk Road caused by the “disintegration of overland commercial networks”
(Orillaneda, 2013: 1). From then, a Maritime Silk Road was born, which connected the
Mediterranean and South China seas (Hall, 2011; Orillaneda, 2013). Centers of
Southeast Asian complex societies which progressed during the 12th-15th centuries
became the heart and core of trade in the Maritime Silk Road (Hall, 1992; Orillaneda,
2013; Wade and Sun, 2010). Scholars claim that the Philippine Islands were merely a
crossroad and only acted as a peripheral destination between Asia, Southeast Asia and
the Pacific (Dizon and Ronquillo, 2010; Guy, 1980; Medley, 1976). With recent
archaeological research, it may be argued that the Philippines participated more closely
to this Maritime Silk Road than past studies would allow. In the most recent research on
this matter, Orillaneda (2013) presented that Philippine society during the 15th-17th
centuries utilized traded items and in turn played roles in their cultural fabric. The
maritime polities in Manila, Maguindanao, Sulu, and Cebu, for example (Junker, 2000),
were competitive when it came to raiding and trading internally, and the goods of this
interisland trade also came from overseas or maritime trading elsewhere (Junker,2000;
Orillaneda, 2013).
One of the major components of this trade is Chinese porcelain. However, Medley
(1976) and Macintosh (1994) observed that porcelains bound to Southeast Asia and the
Philippines, during the 13th-15th centuries, were simpler compared to those sent to
bigger kingdoms (so to speak) or what they would call Islamic nations in West Asia.
Medley (1976) pointed out that pieces in the Philippines were more modest in design
and smaller - jarlets or small plates - based on her research on the Topkapi Saray and
Ardebil Shrine museum collections. Macintosh (1994: 18) stated that when the
inhabitants of the Philippines came to like the blue-and-white porcelain, “they therefore
2

�ordered a quantity of small, sturdily potted wares that could be used in the export trade
to the southern seas”. Such pieces were produced without care and decorated only in
“a sketchily drawn style” as compared to those found in West Asia or Islamic sultanates
(Macintosh, 1994: 18). This paper investigates Chinese blue and white porcelains
recovered from selected underwater sites in the Philippines as it is possible that those
ceramics also depict the same designs seen on porcelains brought to West Asia or
Islamic lands. Contrary to accounts of Macintosh (1994) and Medley (1976), the
Philippines served more than just an area for cheap trade materials and porcelains
recovered from the shipwrecks bare comparable motifs to those found in the Islamic
Sultanates of the West Asia.
Objectives
This paper is the raw data of the author’s thesis. It discusses the initial results gathered
from artifact analysis of four underwater sites in the Philippines. The main objective of
this paper is to conduct a stylistic analysis on the blue and white porcelains recovered
from the following 15th century underwater sites (Fig. 1): Lena Shoal shipwreck,
Española underwater site, Pandanan shipwreck, and the Santa Cruz shipwreck,
Philippines. Using the collated
motifs from already established
‘Islamic’ art (e. g. ceramics,
bronze wares, and architecture),
this

paper

presence

of

illustrates

the

the

on

motifs

Chinese

blue-and-white

porcelains

from

abovementioned
concretize
author

the

the

sites.

To

analysis,

the

formulated

a

criteria

based on earlier studies done on
Islamic motifs and Chinese porcelains. The four underwater sites were selected for their
time period, i.e. the 15th century. This is a relevant period related to the proposed ‘Age
of Commerce’ by Reid (1990) and part of the time when new maritime patterns and ship
3

�technology

was

being

developed in Southeast Asia
(Hall, 2011). Sites in the
Philippines were mentioned
by scholars to have been part
of the maritime trade network
during the 15th century CE
(Junker, 2000; Hall, 2011).
Stylistic analysis of Chinese
blue and white porcelains will
enlighten us on this maritime
trade. Exploring the presence
of ‘Islamic’ motifs on the
recovered Chinese blue and
white porcelains will also give
an explanation of the term
that scholars used in the past Fig. 2a Large dishes with Arabesque Scroll, Lena Shoal Shipwreck. (A. N.
for

describing

Kintanar)

decorations Fig. 2b Large dishes with Cloud Collar, Lena Shoal Shipwreck. (A. N.
found in porcelain which were Kintanar)
from the 15th century (Aga-Oglu, 1951; Crick, 2002; Krahl, 1986; Medley, 1973-1976;
Orillaneda, 2008). The Master’s thesis of the researcher will answer more inferences.
Discussion of method and criteria
The criteria formulated serves as a checklist (Fig. 1) to inspect for indicative design
elements considered as ‘Islamic’. This is based on features Medley (1975), Krahl (1986)
and other art historians identified as Islamic. Two major characteristics being studied
specifically are design elements and forms. When dissected, these may be divided to:
a) arabesque; b) cloud collar; c) symmetry or pattern; d) heavy or dense decorations on
space; and e.) form or size of wares.
Design Elements
Islamic decoration had a keenness to elaborate surfaces, where there were layers of
decoration, as opposed to the adherence of Chinese potters to simplicity (Bloom and
4

�Blair, 1997; Medley, 1975). The main design elements considered as Islamic are the
arabesque (Burckhardt, 1976) and cloud collar (which is still questionable). The
arabesque (Fig. 2a) is “an ornament in stylized plant forms, strictly geometrical”, like a
vine with leaf-scrolls and branches (Burckhardt, 1976: 56). The arabesque began as a
sprawling plant ornament which was characteristic of Sassanian art forms strictly
calibrated into lines of grapevine shoots with stylized images of fruits, animals, or
people (Piotrvskii, 2006). After the 11th century, the arabesque became a stable
characteristic of Islamic art (Piotrovskii, 2006). It became “integral in every Islamic work
of art, which evolved to different patterns. In later periods it came to dominate
decorative arts around the world”, including some blue and white porcelains (Bloom and
Blair, 1997: 283). The cloud collar (Fig. 2b) is considered questionable because
opposing sources say its origin is either Mongol or Persian (Orogo 1, 2011; Orinllaneda,
2006; Esguerra, 2004). The cloud collar is “a decorative form possibly derived from the
Fungus or Ling Chih as the ‘Plate of Long Life and Immortality’ [But], this decorative
motif may also have a Persian or Mongolian origin” (Orogo, 2011). However, Gray
(1963) mentioned that the cloud collar could be Mongolian since the same design can
be seen in both Persian and Chinese clothing about the same period the Mongols were
in control of Central Asia. This design was literally used as a collar in most royal clothing
in the Mongolian court and then adapted by the Chinese and the Persian in most of their
art (Gray, 1963). Nevertheless, this design was rendered in Persian, Mongolian and
Chinese art; ceramics included. It seemed to be more prevalent in ceramics that were
produced during the Yuan (1279-1368 AD) and Ming (1368-1644 AD) Dynasties, as
seen in the porcelains recovered from underwater sites in the Philippines.
Other features under design are pattern and heavy decoration. Scholars like Carswell
(2000),

Macintosh

(1994), and Medley
(1973-1976)
out

that

obvious
influence

pointed

the

most
Islamic

seen

in

Yuan and Ming wares
5

Fig. 3 Collated photographs of ‘Concentric Bands’. (Medley, 1975)

�is the heavy and elaborate way the white porcelain was painted. Medley (1975-1976)
discovered a pattern most Islamic ceramics display in Yuan and Ming wares. Since
scholars mentioned that numerous ceramics found in Islamic nations portray geometric
designs (Curatola, 2006; Philon, 1980), it should follow that even the pattern of
decorations is geometric, a.k.a. ‘concentric pattern’ (Medley, 1975).Chinese potters
made sure there was harmony in porcelain decoration (e.g. bigger feasting plates had to
be decorated with organized balanced). Early Islamic metalwork was brought to China
as reference for new forms of porcelain (Bennett, 2005; Carswell, 2000; Crick, 2002;
Curatola, 2006; Gray, 1963; Medley, 1973-1976; Soucek, 1999). In these references the
Chinese potters discovered a systematic way to decorate wares that were new to them.
The solution to the Chinese potters’ problem was to render the same concentric pattern
in bands or strips (Fig. 3) which Medley (1975) pointed out by showing a picture of one
of the collections from the Ardabil Shrine.
Form
Examples of forms copied from early Islamic metal work are the ewer or crescentshaped kendi (Bennett, 2005). Different forms are dishes, kendis, ewers, and boxes.
Large dishes “appear to be derived from a metal prototype possibly of Islamic origin,”
(Macintosh, 1994: 13) since West Asians normally used large dishes (diameter 30-46
cm) for feasting or communal eating (Bennett, 2005; Casrwell, 2000; Medley, 1975;
Park, 2012). The introduction of large saucers was in the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368)
marked by a better relationship between China and the West being the “largest
continuous land empire ever existed” (Park, 2012: 91). Before this, Chinese dining style
was to serve in individual plates. The crescent-shaped kendi’s form is obviously Islamic.
“The elegant shape of this pouring vessel imitates the bronze water containers of Persia
and Mughal India, Indian metal versions originally derived from animal hide drinking
flasks” (National Art Gallery of Australia website, 2010). The purpose of the kendi in
Islamic rituals is for ablution - the ritual washing of a priest's hands or of sacred vessels
(Foo and Teo, 2007).Another form is the pen/covered box. Muslim metalworkers are
known to have produced large numbers of pen boxes decorated with inlays of gold and
silver (Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2011). In the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), numerous
pen boxes similar to a typical medieval Islamic calligrapher's pen box were created.
6

�Site information and Presentation of Data
Pandanan Shipwreck
Pandanan shipwreck is in the southernmost tip of the mainland of Palawan, 250 m from
shore, with a depth of 40-42 m (Alba, 1996; Dizon, 1996). It is a Chinese junk due to the
use of iron nails connecting the keel to the hull (Dizon, 1996). Total artifacts count is
4,722, consisted of metals, beads, and ceramics. One of the Chinese coins showed that
it was from the reign of Yongle Emperor of the Ming Dynasty (1402-1424) and 70% of
ceramics is Vietnamese (Dizon, 1996). In this site, 21 blueandwhite porcelains were
examined as these were the ones available for research. Only one could be considered
as Definitely Islamic, but 9 pieces have Islamic design elements. A summary of the
findings of all the four sites will be seen at the end of this section.
Española Site
This site is located in Sofronio, Española, southeast Palawan, about 166 km south of
the capital, Puerto Princesa. Although there were fragments of wood found in the site,
this was not enough to qualify for a keel (Dizon et al., 2000). No parts of a ship were
found. The total number of artifacts is 652, majority identified as Thai stoneware jars
with only 7 blue and white porcelains detailed in Table 2 (Dizon et al., 2000).
Lena Shoal Shipwreck
Located off the island of Busuanga, northwest Palawan, the shipwreck at Lena Shoal
was found 48 m deep, where excavations revealed a part of the bottom of the ship’s hull
(Goddio, 2002). The total number of artifacts is 4,789, where 2,084 are blue and white
porcelains, the rest are celadon, earthenware, and Sawankhalok wares (National
Museum of the Philippines, 1997). Analysis of the ceramics places the shipwreck during
the reign of the Hongzhi Emperor (1488-1505) (Crick, 2002). Contrary to the Pandanan
shipwreck, the Lena Shoal shipwreck was identified as part of the South China Sea
shipbuilding tradition - fusion of Southeast Asian and Chinese shipbuilding techniques
(Orillaneda, 2013). With the time and availability of the wares, 62 pieces were closely
examined.
Santa Cruz Shipwreck
The shipwreck was 32 m below sea level, in Santa Cruz, Zambales, North Luzon. The
artifact count in this shipwreck is marginally larger with 14,965 pieces, 97% high-fired
7

�ceramics (Orillaneda, 2008). Most numbered ceramics are celadon with 2,512, followed
by 1,769 blue and white porcelains (Orillaneda, 2008). The ship is estimated to be from
the South China Sea shipbuilding tradition, most probably from Thailand (Orillaneda,
2008).
Discussion
The Española Report dates the
site to 15th century; however,
Brown

(2004)

suggested

it

could be 16th century. Given
that there was no sign of a ship,
the artifacts are assumed to be
jettisoned cargo (Brown, 2004;
Dizon et al., 2000). The bulk of
this is large stoneware jars,
proposed to be Sawankhalok Fig. 4 Two pieces from the Española site with Arabesque Scrolls.
(National

Museum

of

the

(National Museum of the Philippines)

Philippines, 2000). Both Pandanan and Española sites offer us with more brown glazed
wares and Southeast Asian ceramics, while more blue and white wares or Chinese
ceramics were recovered from Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz. This may be approached
with the factor of time since the Pandanan site is dated mid-15th century (Brown, 2004;
Diem, 1996; Dizon, 1996), while both the Santa Cruz and Lena Shoal junks are
proposed to have sunk late 15th century (Brown, 2004; Goddio et al., 2002). No other
interpretations of Española will be made since the whole assemblage is not present and
it is possible that the period is outside the paper’s scope. But it is interesting to note that
there are two pieces decorated with an Islamic design element (Fig. 4), however the
form and other decoration of these two wares do not make it ‘Definitely’ nor ‘Quasi
Islamic’ since the pieces look more Sawankhalok than Chinese. Pandanan reveals that
only one ware can be considered as ‘Definitely Islamic’, with 9 pieces with Islamic motifs.
Since Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz have more blue-and-white porcelain, more samples
were studied. Both wrecks from the late 15th century, tell us of change in traded goods,
or a new trend of Chinese ceramic production - a change in how Chinese ceramics
8

�were decorated over time - since 50% of Lena Shoal porcelains can be considered as
‘Definitely Islamic’ while Santa Cruz has almost 40%. Examples of these are heavily
decorated, large dishes (Fig. 2a and 2b), crescent-shaped kendi (Fig. 5a), ewer (Fig.
5b), and covered boxes (Figs. 5c and 5d).

The growing polities in the Philippine archipelago during the 15th century were most
probably the intended market of these shipwrecks; however this could be proven more
surely with a comparative analysis of underwater and terrestrial artifacts. These
underwater sites were excavated more recently than studies by Medley (1973-1976)
and Macintosh (1994), examples of scholars who wrote that Chinese ceramics
recovered in Southeast Asia were scantily designed and lower in quality compared to
those sent to West Asia. Naturally, earlier claims of scholars could be updated with
more recent research. As evidenced by the cargo of Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz, these
are comparable to export porcelain described by Medley (1975) West Asia. The area or
population does not necessarily have to be a marginally Islamic kingdom for wares with
Islamic motifs to be sent or sold. It would be well to update initial claims that the
Philippines was not a recipient of elaborately designed export porcelains (Macintosh,
1994; Medley, 1976).

9

�Fig. 5a Crescent-shaped Kendi, Santa Cruz Shipwreck. (National Museum of the Philippines)
Fig. 5b Ewer, Santa Cruz Shipwreck. (National Museum of the Philippines)
Fig. 5c Pen box, Santa Cruz Shipwreck. (National Museum of the Philippines)
Fig. 5d Covered Box, Santa Cruz Shipwreck. (National Museum of the Philippines)

Conclusion
Since the data is raw, examining more specimens will definitely allow more
interpretation. But so far, the objectives of this paper have been met. The different
cargoes of the shipwrecks reveal the different time when these sailed and got wrecked.
They also reveal a change in supply and demand of trade goods. The Philippine
archipelago was also a recipient of porcelains decorated with Islamic motifs and it did
not have to be a largely Islamic population. The Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz sites are
effective for testing the checklist formulated, which can explore more closely what
others reported regarding the ceramics found in these shipwrecks (Crick, 2002;
Orillaneda, 2008).Research is in session for the main thesis where a comparison of
porcelain from underwater and terrestrial site is being conducted to further prove that
wares with Islamic motifs indeed reached Philippine shores.

10

�Table 1. Criteria/Checklist of characteristics formulated for the purpose of identifying Islamic designs motifs on
porcelain. (A.N. Kintanar)

Table 2. Summary of findings based on the checklist. (A.N. Kintanar)

Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Bobby Orillaneda, Emil Bersamira, Vergil San Mateo, Allan Quinto,
Clyde Jago-on, Paolo Tabirao, Larry Alba, Amelia Alhambra, Louise Bolunia, and E. Z.
Dizon of the National Museum of the Philippines for their assistance and
encouragements and Dr. Grace Barretto-Tesoro, Kate Lim, Anna Pineda, EnaLuga and
especially Derek Sta Ana for the advice and support.
Endnote
1A

diagram and list of symbols on Chinese porcelain was presented to me by Mr. Fred Orogo from the Archaeology

Division of the National Museum of the Philippines. It is a photocopy of an index of terms from a book which
Mr.Orogo has forgotten, for this reason, I am citing him as my source.

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Biography
Andrea Natasha Kintanar is a Master of Arts in Archaeology student in the University
of the Philippines-Archaeological Studies Program. Currently, she is in the process of
completing her Master's thesis while working as a part-time lecturer in two progressive
colleges in Manila. She received her Bachelor of Arts degree in History from the
University of the Philippines. Her research interests are maritime trade, ceramics,
historical archaeology and Islamic art.

14

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                  <text>Trade ceramics have usually been found together with other evidence in many ancient shipwrecks, harbours, ports, trade centers, hinterlands and burials around the world which were linked to international maritime trade routes. These were specifically Chinese, Indian, Southeast Asian, Middle East and European trade routes over a long period of history. Trade ceramics are virtually indestructible. They are also one of the most important sources of information for maritime archaeological studies concerning the dating of ceramics and shipwrecks, origins of ceramics, points of departure and destinations of ships and shipments, for instance. This session aims to provide an opportunity for specialists to contribute their knowledge on trade ceramics in multi-disciplinary approaches and foster international collaboration for ceramic studies from the shipwrecks, harbours, ports and related archaeological sites in near future. </text>
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                <text>Identifying 'Islamic Motif' on Chinese blue and white Porcelain recovered from  the 15th century shipwrecks in the Philippines</text>
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                <text>This research is based on the raw data of a Masterâ€™s thesis that aims to identify Islamic motifs on Chinese blue-and-white porcelains recovered from the 15th century archaeological sites in the Philippines. A stylistic analysis of Chinese porcelains recovered from both underwater and terrestrial sites will be conducted so that the main aims of the thesis will be attained. The Masterâ€™s thesis aims to answer questions that concern: a) the participation of the Philippines during the 15th century maritime trade; and b) determine the possible indications of the presence and/or absence of the porcelains. Large amounts of Chinese ceramics have been found in Philippine sites dating from the late 9th to the early 12th centuries, and the 14th-18th centuries.  Some Chinese blue-and-white porcelains recovered from Philippine archaeological sites were preliminarily identified to have Islamic motifs, however these were only initial descriptions. The Masterâ€™s thesis aims to verify the preliminary analyses. The main objective of this paper is analysis the blueandwhite porcelains recovered from following shipwrecks of the 15th century: Lena Shoal shipwreck, EspaÃ±ola underwater site, and Pandanan shipwreck in Palawan, Philippines as well as Santa Cruz shipwreck in Zambales, Philippines. Using the collated motifs from already established â€˜Islamicâ€™ art a criteria and checklist was formulated to illustrate the presence of the motifs in Chinese blueandwhite porcelain from the abovementioned underwater sites. The initial results of this research will reveal that porcelains recovered in the Philippines are comparable to those found in West Asia, contrary to some past studies.</text>
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                <text>Andrea Natasha E. Kintanar, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) </text>
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                    <text>Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape

Michael Ng Jian Cheng (Archaeology Unit, Tamasek History Research Centre, ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute [formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies])
ABSTRACT
The paper proposes to build upon existing approaches in the study of Singapore's past narrative by incorporating
the study of the maritime cultural landscape (MCL) to observe the micro connections and provide a closer
examination of the maritime activities around Singapore. This paper highlights Singapore's maritime cultural
landscapes within the premise of the MCL approach proposed by Christer Westerdahl. The case studies under
consideration include historical, archaeological and anthropological sources on maritime activity around
Singapore, the current historical narrative on Singapore, and recent maritime cultural landscape studies. The
expected results are to take on a different perspective in considering Singapore's maritime past as an island and
coastal settlement. It hopes to further the understanding of the island’s maritime past beyond the predominant
trade narrative. Ultimately, this allows stakeholders in Singapore to recognise the various types of maritime
cultural heritage that may reside around Singapore’s coast and waters. Consequently, the paper will highlight
how using the maritime cultural landscape approach could help with the United Nations Sustainable
Development Goals (SDG) and further our thinking on the interactions between humans and seas.

INTRODUCTION
Singapore's past is deeply connected to the waters surrounding its islands and is situated close to
several major waterways in Southeast Asia. Present maritime borders and traffic separation schemes
separate the various nation-states along these waterways; however, they were not divided in the past.
On the contrary, they were an interconnected network and a platform providing maritime polities in
the region access to the world around them and beyond, and vice versa (Borschberg 2012, 193).
To fully appreciate the past connections between the people of Singapore from various periods and the
surrounding maritime space, it is essential to identify a suitable approach that could encourage further
research. Christer Westerdahl's maritime cultural landscape (MCL) approach could be an appropriate
model to explore these past connections. This paper assesses the potential of Christer Westerdahl’s
approach to better understanding Singapore's maritime past by preliminarily identifying Singapore’s
maritime cultural landscapes based on available maritime-related historical, anthropological and
archaeological data. Hopefully, it will encourage future research on Singapore's past through the MCL
approach and perhaps highlight how the approach could contribute to greater ocean literacy.
Evaluation of the Current Approaches to Singapore’s Past Narrative
Historical and archaeological research has highlighted Singapore’s existence as an entrepôt since the
fourteenth century and further understand the island’s role in the global and regional context
throughout its 700 years of history (Flecker 2022a; Flecker 2022b; Kwa 2004; Kwa et al. 2019; Low
2004; Miksic 2013). In the book 1819 &amp; Before, Singapore's Pasts, Chong (2021, vii–ix) summarised
the historical and archaeological research conducted to examine the island’s past narrative. He
highlighted that the scholars had revealed the networks and linkages connecting Singapore to the
region over the centuries before 1819. Both recent publications, 1819 &amp; Before, and Seven Hundred
Years: A History of Singapore, emphasise the island’s pre-modern connectivity to the region by
including the economic activities of the communities living on and around the island long before
colonialism arrived on this island (Kwa et al. 2019, 6–11; Heng 2017, 42; Heng 2021, 31). A critical

1

�examination of recent academic pursuits of Singapore scholars indicates a considerable emphasis on
the connectivity, trade and exchange between Singapore and the region. These approaches are
essential because small nation-states are more susceptible to exogenous factors; however, viewing
Singapore's past narrative through a macro lens cannot account for the other varieties of past human
activity on the island. As an island coastal settlement, connectivity to the region would only represent
one of the many pursuits in the daily lives of the common folk. The "who we are?" and "what we
are?" questions of these individuals have yet to be thoroughly understood. Miksic (2021, 19–21)
mentioned expanding current arguments on Singapore's past to include artefact provenance and
relationships between human activity and the natural environment. In addition, research on
Singapore’s prehistoric past and the lives of ordinary individuals during Singapore’s colonial period
has not been emphasised. These added questions and challenges seemed like isolated areas of studies
that are not in line with the current approaches to Singapore's past narrative. However, by introducing
and perhaps integrating an approach which acknowledges the diversity in maritime activities, it is
possible to connect these approaches and provide a more wholesome way to study Singapore's macro
and micro maritime past. Thus, the MCL approach could be a viable option to combine these
approaches.
MARITIME CULTURAL LANDSCAPE
MCL can be defined as the human utilisation of maritime space by boat: settlement, fishing, hunting,
shipping, and, in historical times, its attendant subcultures, such as pilotage and lighthouse and
seamark maintenance (Westerdahl 1992, 5). Westerdahl (2011, 13–14; 2020, 6780) highlighted seven
types of maritime cultural landscapes. It includes the economic landscape, the landscape of transport
and communications, the power landscape, the outer resource landscape, the inner resource landscape,
the cognitive landscape and the recreative landscape. The basis of this concept is the study of past
cultures which exist at the edges of different varieties of water bodies, such as seas and oceans
(Westerdahl 2020, 6780). It utilises the physical elements of landscape and seascape to analyse
maritime cultures within an environment (Ford 2011, 4). Singapore, an island nation-state where most
of the past and, at times, present settlements lived along the water's edge, is a good candidate for
further maritime cultural landscape studies. Although the current usage of the concept is heavily
associated with maritime archaeology, the critical premise concerns the understanding of landscapes
created by the material culture left behind by people who lived and interacted with the physical
environment in which they were situated (Ford 2011, 4). Thus, studying maritime cultures will require
an examination of all aspects of the maritime past and a multi-disciplinary approach, including and
beyond maritime archaeology (Ford 2011, 1–4). Some coastal site studies used the MCL approach to
successfully connect the heritage deposits that reside on the shores with its underwater sites. In
addition, accounting for the range of human activities throughout the various technological, economic,
and geopolitical changes in their respective area (Fitzhugh 2011; Lusardi 2011).
Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape
This section identifies Singapore’s maritime cultural landscapes from historical, anthropological, and
archaeological records.
Economic Landscape

2

�The fishing traps and methods, mollusc gathering, the Orang Laut community, and Kelong
settlements are some identified features of sustenance and coastal agriculture within Singapore's
economic landscape. Evidence of traditional fishing traps and methods was highlighted in studies by
Gibson-Hill and Burdon. During the 1950s, Gibson-Hill (1950b) covered the types of fishing boats
that operated from Singapore, while Burdon (1954) examined the fishing methods of Singapore.
These were ethnographic studies that documented the fishing activities around Singapore Island.
Although they were recorded barely seventy years ago, these fishing methods could likely have been
practised before the 1950s or even before the arrival of the British in 1819.
Evidence of mollusc gathering can be identified from two historical sources. The earliest pre-colonial
historical source indicating shellfish collection was the Sejarah Melayu or the Malay Annals. The
book, written in the 16th century, recounted a specific event of mollusc gathering during the early days
of Singapore's history. It described Sang Nila Utama, a Sumatran prince who landed on the shores of
Temasek or ancient Singapore with his entourage and started gathering shellfish immediately after
arriving on the island.
“…Sri Tri Buana went ashore with all the ship’s company and amused
themselves with collecting shellfish…” (Brown 1953, 30)
There were no further descriptions of what they do with the seashells, but as they have arrived from
the sea through a storm, the mollusc likely forms part of their diet. During the colonial period, the
gathering of molluscs continued. However, the purpose of mollusc gathering is no longer restricted to
dietary but also for other uses such as the production of lime. During the colonial period, lime was
obtained from mollusc remains. Lime kilns were set up along the coasts of Singapore to process these
remains into lime. Lime serves an essential function as a disinfectant due to its bacteria-killing
properties, and it is often used to disinfect lavatories. Coastal archaeological sites like the National
Gallery Singapore, Victoria Memorial Hall and Empress Place contained sizable mollusc ecofacts
alongside large quantities of ceramic artefacts in various stratigraphic and temporal layers (Lim 2017;
Lim 2019). It suggests that humans were consuming these molluscs and further research can be
conducted on how people interacted with the environment.
The Orang Laut is a Malay term for “Sea People” or “People of the sea”. They are nomadic people
who settle around the maritime zone within Southeast Asia. Based on ethnographic studies, three
identified groups are within this community (Andaya 2008, 173). The Orang Laut that resides around
the southern tip of the Straits of Melaka and the Riau-Lingga Archipelago was called the Orang Suku
Laut (Chou 2021: 142). In Singapore, they primarily resided along the coasts and at river mouths
(Gibson-Hill 1952b, 161). The history of the Orang Laut stretches since the Srivijayan/Malayu period
(Andaya 2008, 191). Records mentioned them as necessary in the various polities surrounding the
Singapore Straits (Andaya 2008, 173–201). When the British arrived in Singapore in 1819, eyewitness
accounts described their settlements and lifestyle (Gibson-Hill 1952b, 161). Other academics
attempting to preserve the legacy of the Orang Laut through research included Cynthia Chou and the
authors of Beyond Bicentennial: Perspective on Malays publication (Chou 2021; Rasheed et al. 2020).
Unfortunately, due to the ever-growing development and current geopolitical boundaries, many Orang
Laut abandoned their way of life.
On the other hand, there are non-academic attempts to preserve the Orang Laut way of life. Orang
Laut Sg is a local community of Orang Laut originally residing on Pulau Semakau, an offshore island
in Singapore. They started an initiative to share their stories about the island and their way of life
3

�through traditional Orang Laut cuisines and stories.1. Another local blog called " We came from the
sea" was set up to share projects that study Singapore as an island or as islands.2. These attempts show
the need for continued historical and ethnographic studies to preserve this community's knowledge.
Future maritime archaeological research will also have to share the responsibility to protect sites that
could highlight the Orang Laut's lives from a material culture and landscape perspective.
Landscape of Transport and Communications (Communicative Landscape)
Research on Singapore's landscape of transport and communications, or communicative landscape,
has been highlighted in evaluating the current approaches to Singapore’s past narrative section. The
island’s past narrative is dominated by its economic and network-related history. While records
provide the documentation illustrating the ongoing trade Singapore was involved in, archaeological
research provides the material culture to inform on the trade's nature and contents. These significant
networks have profoundly impacted Singapore since the fourteenth century, thus the emphasis.
On the other hand, the history of the minor networks has yet to be thoroughly explored compared to
the study of the major networks. Singapore's geographical location is strategic not only because it lies
along one of the most crucial trade networks but because it is also surrounded by a cluster of islands
and land masses where different polities resided in the past. Regardless of how Singapore's settlement
history oscillates between autonomous society or part of a larger polity, the people in Singapore are
always in contact with their neighbours from Johor, Bintan, Batam and even the Karimun Islands
(Miksic 2013). A perfect example of how intense the connection of Singapore with its neighbouring
polities can be gleaned from the boat traffic between Singapore and Johor during the early colonial
period. Before constructing the causeway between Singapore and Johor, goods and people had to
move between these two locations by boat. The boat traffic was reported to be so intense that it
operates 24 hours a day, seven days a week.3. Thus, historians and archaeologists need to start
examining these micro or minor networks that have sustained the settlement in Singapore throughout
history. That will require an examination of the artefacts found in Singapore that could indicate the
trade and exchange between Singapore and its neighbouring polities, identify the boats and shed light
on their importance in this micro landscape of transport and communication.
Power Landscape
One of the most overt examples of a power landscape that could still be observed in Singapore is the
coastal defences erected during the colonial period of Singapore from 1819 to 1942. During the early
period of colonial Singapore, several forts, including some of the offshore islands, were constructed
around the south of the island to protect it from seaward or water-borne threats. This defensive
doctrine continued till World War II, and some of these fortifications were expanded and improved to
stay current with the latest military trends (Murfett et al. 2011). In 2008, and 2017, there were

1

Sani, Firdaus. 2020. “Orang Laut SG: Our Story.” Accessed May 3, 2023. https://oranglaut.sg/

2

We came from the sea. n.d. “About us.” Accessed May 3, 2023.
https://wecamefromthesea.wordpress.com/about/
3
Yap, Yok Foo. 2001. “The wild days of the Causeway” TODAY, January 8, 2001.
https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/today20010108-1.2.19.3

4

�archaeological attempts to document some of the remaining coastal fortification structures at Fort
Serapong Sentosa.4 and Pulau Ubin5 respectively.

Outer Resource Landscape
Records from the colonial period have indicated ship or boat construction and repair facilities along
Boat Quay.6, Beach road, Tanjong Rhu and Kallang river. These records come in archival drawings
and even photographs of these locations. Further research is required in this area as these records are
scattered throughout the archives. Only a handful of academics covered topics related to boats of
Singapore, such as Gibson-Hill and Eric Alfred. Gibson-Hill (1952a) provided brief descriptions of
the Tongkang vessels and their functions as lighter. Alfred (1987) documented a list of boat types
found in Singapore and provided some details about them. However, very little construction
information could be gleaned from his documentation.
Inner Resource Landscape (145)
Miksic (2013, 266) indicated that during the fourteenth century, Singapore provided raw natural
products, a collection and distribution centre for goods found in its immediate vicinity, mainly in the
Riau Archipelago and as a transhipment point for commodities. Archaeological evidence shows that
past Singaporeans processed raw materials to make finished products (Miksic 2013, 266). These
products include earthenware pottery, copper, bronze and gold implements manufactured from
imported raw materials (Miksic 2013, 266–285). In addition, according to historical records,
perishable goods, including Lakawood, hornbill casques, and sea turtle shells, were retrieved from one
of the archaeological sites close to the Singapore River (Miksic 2013, 285–286). During the 19th
century, Singapore continued to be a transhipment point for commodities obtained from Peninsular
Malaya, such as tin, rubber, pepper and gambier7.
Cognitive Landscape
There is some research which examines the cognitive maritime landscapes of Singapore. Tai (2021)
looked into Zheng He’s navigation methods and delved deeper into his visit to Singapore. Zheng He a
Ming dynasty eunuch who led a Chinese fleet on several voyages to Southeast Asia and onwards to
the West. Tai (2021) examined the place names listed on the Chinese navigational charts with other
Chinese records. His examination accounted for linguistic nuances between the various Chinese
languages. Sinclair (2021) also examined the etymology of Singapore’s previous names, such as
Temasek, Singapura, and some Singapore landmarks' names. He examined predominantly local Malay
sources but made comparisons with other non-local sources and identified the linguistic distinctions
between the languages and scripts.

4

Lim, Chen Sian. 2009. “Colonial Singapore: Archaeological vs Historical Records The Fort Serapong Case Study.”
ScholarBank@NUS Repository.
5
Kao, Aaron. “Pulau Ubin Anti-Motor Torpedo Boat Battery: The Gun That Never Was.” In NSC Highlights (8). Singapore:
ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, 2018.
6
Vernon Cornelius-Takahama. 2004. ‘Bumboats’. Singapore Infopedia, Singapore: National Library Board.
https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_956_2004-12-15.html .
7
Chua, Alvin. 2004. “The Causeway.” Singapore Infopedia, Singapore: National Library Board.
https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_99_2004-12-30.html

5

�Jong racing could be an example of both a cognitive and recreative landscape. Jong is a lightweight
sailing model that was made for racing. Jong racing was a sport played by the people in Singapore, as
well as from the neighbouring islands to the south to the Lingga islands and the Straits of Johor
(Gibson-Hill 1950a, 144–145; Alfred 1986, 133). A larger version of the sport, Kolek (a traditional
local sailboat) racing, was carried out along the coasts of Singapore. Today, the local blog "We Came
from the Sea" continues to preserve the stories from this tradition, highlighting local efforts to revive
these traditions, like Mazlan Mohammed Nasir, who once was a resident on one of the offshore
islands in Singapore.
A Possible Approach for Sustainable Development Goals?
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) is a United Nations initiative to address today's global
challenges, such as poverty, inequality, climate change, environmental degradation, peace and justice.
Ongoing discussions are looking into how underwater cultural heritage and interdisciplinary maritime
activities can be incorporated into this initiative to help achieve goal 14, which represents life below
water (Trakadas et al., 2019). SDG calls for diversity in relating maritime cultural heritage to existing
environmental issues. A suitable approach is required to provide an outline for practitioners to quickly
identify areas for further research, conservation, and, most importantly, collaborations with other
disciplines. These areas must be diverse enough that they could correlate with different fields to
achieve a fuller understanding of our surrounding water environment. Incidentally, this issue mirrors
an ongoing discussion in public archaeology on how to get society to appreciate archaeology better.
One of the key takeaways from this discussion is that we should not just focus on bringing
archaeology to the community, but we have to consider how archaeology could meet society's
educational, social, and cultural needs (Smardz, 1997, p. 103; Copeland, 2004, p. 142; White, 2019;
Erdman, 2019). Perhaps, the key is to highlight archaeology’s multi and interdisciplinary nature and
identify areas which can be incorporated into the needs of society.
Westerdahl’s landscape concept accounts for diverse human interactions with water bodies. As
demonstrated by the above examples, applying landscape studies allows for a more wholesome
understanding of human interaction with water bodies. Most importantly, it was able to create the
connection between the heritage deposits that reside on the shores and its immediate maritime
environment. The MCL approach resonates with the societal objectives identified during the first
Global Planning Meeting organised by the National Museum of Denmark (Trakadas et al., 2019). The
diverse nature of the objectives calls for a diverse research approach to address the inclusion of
maritime cultural heritage into SDG. Thus, using Singapore as an example, this paper highlights the
possibility of adopting the maritime cultural landscape approach to achieve the SDG objectives
locally in the island state.

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, this paper evaluates the current approaches to studying Singapore's maritime past and
proposes integrating the MCL approach to examine Singapore’s past narrative thoroughly. The paper
attempts to identify examples from Singapore's historical, archaeological and anthropological research
that could fit into the seven iterations of the MCL. Admittedly, this paper did not manage to provide
an exhaustive investigation of all the existing research materials; however, with its meagre examples,
it hopes to highlight the potential of this approach and encourage future studies on Singapore's past
6

�narrative by viewing it as a maritime cultural landscape. Applying this approach also raises awareness
amongst Singapore's stakeholders that maritime cultural heritage should not be fixated on the
geographical and economic past. Still, it should illuminate the social–cultural interactions between
people and their natural environment. Although the approach is applied within a local or micro
context in this paper, it could also be used in other areas and on a macro scale. Suppose every coastal
community in the Asia-Pacific region identifies its maritime cultural landscapes and realises its
connectedness with adjacent landscapes and their collective impact on the ocean. In that case, it is
possible to create a deeper awareness and greater sense of stewardship to improve ocean health.

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9

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                <text>Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape</text>
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                <text>The paper proposes to build upon existing approaches in the study of Singapore's past narrative by incorporating&#13;
the study of the maritime cultural landscape (MCL) to observe the micro connections and provide a closer&#13;
examination of the maritime activities around Singapore. This paper highlights Singapore's maritime cultural&#13;
landscapes within the premise of the MCL approach proposed by Christer Westerdahl. The case studies under&#13;
consideration include historical, archaeological and anthropological sources on maritime activity around&#13;
Singapore, the current historical narrative on Singapore, and recent maritime cultural landscape studies. The&#13;
expected results are to take on a different perspective in considering Singapore's maritime past as an island and&#13;
coastal settlement. It hopes to further the understanding of the island’s maritime past beyond the predominant&#13;
trade narrative. Ultimately, this allows stakeholders in Singapore to recognise the various types of maritime&#13;
cultural heritage that may reside around Singapore’s coast and waters. Consequently, the paper will highlight&#13;
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                <text>Ng Jian Cheng Michael</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>Cheng, Michael Ng Jian. 2023. “Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Abhirada Komoot. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1933 </text>
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                    <text>Impact Assessment of Current and Future Sea-Level Rises on Coastal and Underwater
Archaeological Sites in Indonesia
Ulung J. Wisha1,2, Wisnu A. Gemilang3, &amp; Nia N. H. Ridwan3
1

Department of Physics and Earth Sciences, University of the Ryukyus, Nishihara-Japan

2

Research Center for Oceanography, National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN),
Jakarta-Indonesia
3

Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability (RICRV), Ministry of Marine
Affairs and Fisheries, Padang-Indonesia

ABSTRACT
Despite the indirect impact of sea level rises on underwater archaeological sites, identifying future conditions is
imperative to support conservation planning to minimise the possible effects that may occur. This study aims to
identify the sea level trends in several important archaeological sites in Indonesia and estimate the future change
due to sea level rises. Altimetry satellite data were employed to determine the sea level anomaly (SLA) of three
chosen sites: Mandeh Bay, Banten Bay, and southern Tidore, where significant historical objects were recently
discovered. Hydrodynamic-based modelling was also used to estimate the water properties alteration in 2100 as
predicted by IPCC AR6, with a projection of about 0.68-0.70 meters (m) sea level increase. Under the sea level
rise scenario, the current magnitude will increase significantly by about 33-35per cent in 2100. It is followed by
an increase in sediment transport of 18 â€“ 37 per cent. As sedimentation is the primary issue in these three sites,
sea level rises will induce sufficiently high sedimentation on archaeological remains, and artefact shifting
position is also possible due to the more robust current regimes. Therefore, regular monitoring is an effort to
protect the archaeological remains. If possible, excavations are also recommended to conserve the underwater
cultural heritage (UCH) in Indonesia since it faces an upward sea level trend.
Keywords: UCH, shipwreck, artefacts, sea level trends, sea level projections

INTRODUCTION
Sea level rise has become a growing concern in recent years as it threatens coastal areas and poses a
significant threat to the preservation of underwater archaeological sites (Wetsley et al. 2023, 251-253).
Indonesia with its vast coastline and rich cultural history is no exception to this issue. The rising sea
level in Indonesia is gradually eroding coastal areas and threatening to submerge many ancient
underwater archaeological sites, which are essential for scientific research but also for the cultural
heritage of the country (Adhityatama and Yarista 2019, 55-56). Understanding the relationship
between sea level rise and underwater archaeological sites in Indonesia is crucial for preserving the
country's cultural heritage and preventing the loss of valuable historical information. Several
shipwrecks and underwater archaeological sites in Indonesia are threatened by sea level rise, including
those in the waters of Java and Sumatra. These sites would be a significant loss for scientific research
and destroy Indonesia's cultural heritage. Therefore, preserving these sites and preventing them from
being lost to the sea is essential.
Historical shipwrecks are diving sites and the object of research in Indonesia (Dillenia et al. 2021, 2-3;
Ridwan 2011, 5-6). To date, no studies assess the relationship of sea level trends with archaeological
remains in the coastal and terrestrial zones. Some examples of well-known archaeological remains that
may be threatened by sea level rise are: MV Boelongan Nederland, Gosong Nambi Shiwreck, and
Ceramic findings in Sungai Nyalo, situated in the West Sumatra, USS Houston and HMAS Perth in

1

�Banten Bay, and Tonguwai and Soasio archaeological sites in Tidore Island, North Moluccas Province.
This study will compare the status of sea level trends in these sites and their possible influence on the
UCH. Estimating the future state concerning sea level projection established by The
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) can be approached using hydrodynamic
modelling and statistical-based analysis. Therefore, this study describes the possible impact of sea
level rises on underwater archaeological remains in Indonesia. This study is expected to become a
basis for future decision-making regarding UCH preservation for local and central authorities.
CASE STUDIES
As mentioned earlier, this study will assess the possible impact of sea level rise on UCH in Indonesia.
Therefore, in this section, we want to introduce several essential sites threatened by sea level rise.
There are many significant archaeological sites in the West Sumatra Province. However, in this stage,
we will introduce the latest identified sites surrounding Mandeh Bay, namely MV Boelongan
Nederland and Gosong Nambi Shipwreck underwater sites and Sungai Nyalo terrestrial site. In 2017,
RICRV discovered plenty of artefacts in the terrestrial area of Mandeh Bay called Sunyai Nyalo
Village, close to the MV Boelongan Nederland shipwreck. Of 654 fragments were conserved,
consisting of ceramic pieces, green-glass bottles, and earthenware bottles with European, East Asian,
and Southeast Asian motifs (Figure 1a and b). This finding is an example of the incredible impact of
sea level rise since the upward trend of sea level induces significant erosion in the coastal area.
Therefore, these artefacts could be discovered at a one-meter depth. Thus, analysing sea level
anomalies in the West Sumatra region, particularly in the surrounding Mandeh Bay, is significant in
understanding its impact on shipwreck future conditions and the faith of undiscovered terrestrial
remains that may still exist in the West Sumatra Province.

Figure 1. The documentation of archaeological remains in the Indonesia waters; Sungai Nyalo artifact (a and b); Gosong
Nambi wreck (c and d); MV Boelongan Nederland (e and f); HMAS Perth (g and h); USS Houston (i and j); Artefact
findings in Tidore (k and l)

A shipwreck discovered by local fishers in 2015 and initially established in 2020 is the Gosong Nambi
wreck (Wisha et al. 2020, 63-65). Despite the lack of historical context for these remains, the
shipwreck is the centre of biodiversity since it is trapped within an atoll formation (Figure 1c and d).
Recently, locals reported that the position of this wreck is lowered due to the rubble avalanches
induced by extreme weather and tides. Therefore, since the remains are vulnerable, the long-term sea

2

�level rise could cause a more lowering position of this wreck and even be buried by rubble and
sediment.
On the other hand, MV Boelongan Nederland was a cargo ship built in the 1920s by the Dutch
shipping company Koninklijke Paketvaart-Maatschappij (KPM). The ship was used for transporting
goods and passengers in and around Indonesia and Southeast Asia. During WWII, the ship was taken
over by the Dutch and used to aid the war effort. However, in 1942, the Dutch scuttled the ship to
prevent it from falling into the hands of the advancing Japanese forces (Ridwan et al. 2015, 84-87).
The remains of MV Boelongan Nederland now lie in the waters off Mandeh Bay, West Sumatra,
Indonesia, and have become a popular recreation dive site. The shipwreck is also of historical
significance as it provides insights into the maritime history of Indonesia and the role played by
shipping companies like KPM in the region. This site is threatened by massive sedimentation, which
frequently hampers the diving activity due to the high sediment supply from the Mandeh Estuary right
in front of the shipwreck position (Figures 1e and f). The shipwreck lies at a depth of about 20 m, and
under the scenario of sea level rises, it is hypothesised that the sediment issue will get worse with
increasing sea levels.
The other case studies considered in this study are USS Houston and HMAS Perth shipwreck sites.
The USS Houston and HMAS Perth were two naval warships that were heavily damaged during the
battle and eventually sank during WWII in the Battle of Sunda Strait, which took place on 28 February
1942. Today, the USS Houston and HMAS Perth wrecks are popular dive sites in Indonesia and are
located near the island of Java. The wrecks are historically and culturally significant and essential for
scientific research and a reminder of the sacrifices made by those who fought in WWII. Efforts have
been made to preserve and protect the wrecks, including establishing a protected zone around the sites
and conducting ongoing monitoring and research to document changes in the condition of the wrecks
over time (Figure 1gâˆ’j) (Shaw 2017, 2-7).
Based on the recent documentation and field identification conducted by RICRV in 2018, HMAS
Perth is positioned at 19-34 m depth, while the USS Houston is at a depth of 16-30 m, both located in
the northern Panjang Island. The main problem in these sites is high sedimentation, with almost zero
visibility (Ridwan 2019, 1626-1627). Moreover, the shipwrecks are surrounded by mining and
industrial activities; they are located in the fishing zone; and are degraded by marine debris pollution
(Wisha et al. 2022a, 106009). Therefore, the increase in sea level could worsen the shipwreck
conditions in terms of greater sedimentation and degradation.
In east Indonesia Tidore Island, was the location to witness the first circumnavigation of the Earth by
Ferdinand Magellan and Juan Sebastian Elcano. There are many remains on Tidore Island as evidence
of Portuguese and Spanish colonialism over spice resources in this area. The most reachable sites are
Tongwai and Soasio, where many artefact fragments, such as cannon, ceramics, earthenware, and
metals, are scattered on the surrounding coral reef ecosystem, increasing the attractiveness of these
sites to recreation (Figure 1k and l) (Rahmawan et al. 2021, 173-174). Since it is directly connected to
the Pacific Ocean, the sea level rise may deteriorate the site conditions.
RESOURCES
To review the sea level trend in the study sites, we used the ~27-year sea level data (1992-2019) from
altimetry satellites, The Sea Level Explorer established by the University of Colorado Boulder, the
University of Hawaii Sea Level Center, and NASA Jet Propulsion Lab, (see
https://ccar.colorado.edu/altimetry/ ). The altimetry data were sourced from the Propulsion Labâ€™s
Physical Oceanography Distributed Active Archive Center (PODAAC). The sampled altimetry
coordinates (Table 1) are in Mandeh Bay, Banten Bay, and southern Tidore Island.
On the other hand, to estimate the possible future alteration due to sea level rises, we employed a sea
level projection data provided by the NASA Sea Level Projection Tool allowing users to visualize and

3

�download the sea level projection data from the IPCC 6th Assessment Report (AR6) (see
https://sealevel.nasa.gov/ipcc-ar6-sea-level-projection-tool). It is estimated that in 2100 CE the sea
level will increase by 0.68 m for Mandeh and Banten Bay and 0.70 m for Tidore Island.
The archaeological and environmental data were obtained from RICRV reports of field surveys in
Mandeh and Banten Bay in 2018 and in Tidore in 2019. The field survey consisted of diving activity
to the shipwreck sites, mini excavation, oceanographic parameters measurements, sediment sampling,
local social-economy, interviews, acoustic-based measurements, and many others.
Table 1. Coordinates of the sampled sea level data
Location
Mandeh Bay
Banten Bay
Southern Tidore Island

Longitude
100.2500oE
106.0833oE
127.4167oE

Latitude
1.2500oS
5.9167oS
0.5833oN

FRAMEWORK
The sea level anomaly (SLA) data was gained from yielded deviation between sea level at a specific
time and the mean sea level. Then, a future linear trend was used to calculate the sea level trend, the
annual amplitude, and the semi-annual amplitudes of each archaeological site.
As for estimating the future changes based on sea level projection, we employed a coupled model of
MIKE21 with flexible mesh to simulate the mutual interaction between waves and currents using a
dynamic coupling between the hydrodynamic and spectral wave models (Wisha et al. 2022b, 78). We
sampled the result from the coupled model developed according to site locations.
The sediment transport model is based on the hydrodynamic models previously simulated (Wisha et
al. 2022b, 78). The following equation defines the correlation between the wave energy flux
component and the sediment transport:
ð‘Šð‘’ð‘“ =

ðœŒð‘”
8

ð»ð‘2 ð¶ð‘ ð‘ ð‘–ð‘›ð›¼ð‘ ð‘ð‘œð‘ ð›¼ð‘

(1)

Where:
ð‘Šð‘’ð‘“ = Wave energy flux component along the coast at the time of wave breaking kilogram-meter per
second (ð‘˜ð‘”. ð‘š. ð‘  âˆ’1 )
ðœŒ = Specific gravity (seawater) kilogram per cubic meter (ð‘˜ð‘”. ð‘šâˆ’3 )
ð‘” = Gravity acceleration (9.81 meter per second squared(ð‘š. ð‘  âˆ’2 )
ð»ð‘ = Wave Height at the time of breaking (ð‘š)
ð¶ð‘ = Breaking wave celerity meters per second (ð‘š. ð‘  âˆ’1 )
ð›¼ð‘ = Breaking wave angle
A formula established by Triatmodjo (2012) was used to estimate the annum sediment transport. The
formula is defined as follows:
ð‘„ð‘  =

ð¾
ð‘Š
(ðœŒð‘  âˆ’ðœŒ)ð‘”(1âˆ’ð‘›) ð‘’ð‘“

(2)

Where:
ð‘„ð‘ 
= Sediment transport along the coast cubic meter per second (ð‘š3 . ð‘  âˆ’1 )
ð¾
= 0.39
ðœŒð‘ 
= Specific gravity (sand) (ð‘˜ð‘”. ð‘šâˆ’3 )
ð‘›
= Porosity (ð‘› â‰ˆ 0.4)

4

�RESULT
Sea Level Trend Over the Archaeological Sites in Indonesia
The altimetry data show upward trends of sea level over the sampled sites, at 0.39 centimetres per year
(cm/year), 0.40 cm/year, and 0.52 cm/year for Mandeh Bay, Banten Bay, and southern Tidore (Figure
2 and Table 2). Over 27 years of observed data (1992-2019), different patterns were observed in the
three parts of the Indonesian region. In Mandeh Bay, the sea level has increased since 2004 and
peaked in 2017 with an SLA magnitude of about 38 cm. Similar to Mandeh Bay, the SLA in Banten
Bay rose significantly in 2007, where the lowest sea level was observed in the next year, reaching -30
cm. The maximum sea level over 27 years was identified in 2018, reaching 26 cm.

Figure 2. Sea level trend over Indonesia region (a) derived from Altimetry data; (b) SLA in southern Tidore island;
(c) SLA in Mandeh Bay; (d) SLA in Banten Bay

In Tidore Island, the recorded sea level is arbitrarily erratic (Figure 2b). The sufficiently high sea level
trend in this area is due to the influence and circulation of the Pacific Ocean, where El-Nino Southern
Oscillation (ENSO) plays a significant role in shaping sea level (Moon et al. 2015, 8229). The lowest
sea level ever recorded was observed in 1998, reaching -28 cm, while the peak levels were observed
several times, such as in 2012 and 2018, reaching 25 cm. Overall, all those sampled archaeological
sites face an upward trend in sea level (Table 2), so future estimation of coastal dynamics due to sea
level rises is imperative.
Table 2. Sea level trend over 27 years of observation
Parameter

Mandeh Bay

Banten Bay

Southern Tidore Island

Trend (cm/year)
Annual Amplitude (cm)
Semi-Annual Amplitude (cm)

0.39
1.66
4.56

0.40
3.03
3.21

0.52
3.63
0.53

5

�The Possible Impact of Sea-Level Rises on Archaeological Remains
Sea level rises significantly impact shipwreck sites, particularly those located in coastal regions or
underwater. As sea levels rise it can lead to increased erosion, flooding, and sedimentation causing
damage to shipwrecks and their associated artefacts. Additionally, changes in ocean currents and
weather patterns can contribute to shipwreck deterioration.
One of the primary concerns with rising sea levels is the potential for loss of archaeological
information. As shipwrecks are exposed to increased water pressure and changing environmental
conditions, they can be subject to accelerated decay and destruction. This can result in losing valuable
historical and cultural information these sites contain. Moreover, sea level rise can make it difficult for
archaeologists and researchers to access shipwreck sites. As water levels increase, locating and
exploring these sites, particularly submerged ones, can become more challenging. This can limit the
ability of researchers to conduct surveys and excavations and potentially delay or prevent the recovery
of artefacts and other historical evidence.
Overall, sea level rise significantly threatens shipwrecks and their associated cultural heritage.
Archaeologists and policymakers must work together to mitigate the impact of rising sea levels and
ensure the preservation of these valuable historical resources for future generations.
Future Projection of SLR and its Influence on Coastal and Underwater Cultural Heritages
In 2100 CE the IPCC sea level projection, with a scenario of high gas emission (SSP3-7.0) is that it
will increase by ~0.68 m for Mandeh and Baten Bay, while in Tidore, the sea level is projected to
increase by ~0.70 m (Figure 3). From these values, we simulated a model predicting the changes in
water properties in the three sampled archaeological sites that have been validated using fieldmeasured data provided by RICRV. Overall, the increase in sea level contributes to higher
sedimentation (Figure 4).

Figure 3. Sea level projection estimated by IPCC AR6 in 2100 CE in Indonesia: Mandeh Bay (a); Banten Bay (b); and
Tidore Island (c)

In Banten Bay, the strongest current magnitude was approximately 0.66 m/s observed in August, and
the lowest was in April with a magnitude of 0.54 m/s. Under the sea level rise scenario, the current

6

�magnitude will increase by about 33.52 per cent ranging from 0.08 to 0.096 m/s (Figure 4a). A weaker
current profile was identified in Mandeh Bay, ranging from 0.042 to 0.059 m/s. With the estimated sea
level rise of 0.68 m in 2100, the current magnitude will increase by approximately 34.78 per cent,
reaching 0.079 m/s (Figure 4b). In Tidore, the current profile ranged from 0.047 to 0.062 m/s, and the
value will increase by about 35.73per cent in 2100 CE, ranging from 0.079 to 0.09 m/s (Figure 4c).
Similar to the current features, sediment transport will also increase under sea level rise.
Percentagewise, the increase in sediment transport in Banten Bay, Mandeh Bay and Tidore was
approximately 34.86, 18.54, and 37.07 per cent, respectively. Generally, the highest sediment transport
was observed during the southwest monsoon and vice versa for the northeast monsoon (Figure 4d-f).

Figure 4. Monthly average of current magnitude in the surrounding site; Banten Bay (a); Mandeh Bay (b); Tidore
Island (c); and the estimated sediment transport sediment in the Banten Bay (d); Mandeh Bay (e); and Tidore Island
(f). The negative values denote the left-ward transport, and the positive values denote the right-ward transport.

Overall, the sea level rise potentially changes the water properties of the three sampled archaeological
sites. The increase in current velocity relates to the potency of coastal erosion and sedimentation.
Since sedimentation is the most crucial issue in these sites, the sea level rise will significantly impact
the archaeological remains by inducing higher suspended sediment and sedimentation. In some cases,
aside from making the remains more submerged, the shifting in the position of the shipwreck and
artefacts due to the robust current profile is possible. Therefore, regular monitoring is required to
protect the remains from the impact of sea level rise. However, archaeological excavation is also
recommended if possible.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We would like to thank Research Institute for Coastal Resources and Vulnerability (RICRV) for the basis data provided.
Gratitude is also given to University Colorado Boulder for providing the sea level data and to those who have helped in the
completion of this study.

7

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Utara.â€ Jurnal Kelautan Nasional 16, no.3 (2021): 169-184. (In Indonesian).
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Journal of Geomatics and Planning 9, no.2 (2022b): 73-88.

8

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                    <text>In Search of the Larpent’s Survivors – Hazards and Securities of
Sailing about Taiwan

Kuo-tung Chen
Institute of History and Philology
Academia Sinica
Taipei, Taiwan
e-mail: kchen@asihp.net

Abstract
The British bark Larpent left Liverpool for the Far East in May 1850, and
was lost in the China seas the year next. Three of its survivors were
rescued, and both Great Britain and the United States sent agents to
search other possible survivors in Taiwan. The efforts of the British and
the Americans have produced a bundle of information about the sailing
issues near the island. The paper will explore these materials, and in the
meantime, trace the few earlier European observations about the sailing
conditions by or around the island, such as the records Lord’s Anson’s
and De la Perous’s voyages. The Larpent event, in fact, has something to
do with the overture of lighthouse building in and around Taiwan Straits in
the second half of the 19th century. By studying the sailing facilities in the
Taiwan area before the mid-nineteenth century, the paper will also trace
back the pagodas and old-style lighthouses used by the Chinese to guide
navigators in the 16-18th centuries.
Key words: Taiwan, sailing, structures

Introduction
In 1883, the Eluanbi (South Cape) lighthouse started to work. It greatly
helped improve the safety of navigation in the vicinity of that area. Most
researches on the causes of its construction emphasize the effects of two
events. They believe that the shipwreck of American bark The Rover
brought up the issue of the necessity of building a lighthouse in South
Cape of Taiwan, and then, another event happened in 1874 created the

�conditions of so doing. Such reasoning is, in fact, not quite in accordance
with historical facts. The reason of appealing for a lighthouse lies
prominently in the frequent shipwrecks occurring in the neighborhood of
Southern Taiwan about 1850 and thereafter.
The reasons of incessant shipwrecks were like these: (1) Exportation of
Chinese laborers to America. Great Britain abolished slavery in 1833
produced a vacuum of working force, and Chinese laborers were sought
to fill the gap. From 1845 onwards, the British firm Tait &amp; Co., basing on
Amoy, commenced to ship out coolies to South America. A few years
later, gold mines were discovered in California, and the need of laborers
was enhanced. In consequence, shipping between China and America
grew phenomenally.1 (2) Another reason is, even before the opening of
treaty

ports

in

Taiwan,

foreigners

eagerly

sought

commercial

opportunities down there. Even it was not legal at all, more and more
foreign vessels came to Taiwan for trade, and even tacitly permitted by
local officials.2 (3) A third reason is that in Northern Taiwan, in the area of
Keelung, coal was abundant. Foreign steamers came to refill their tanks
or just ship off coals for profit.
While shipping increased, number of shipwrecks naturally grew up. It is
the reason of navigational disaster that made the necessity of some sorts
of navigational aids apparent. Thus the captain of the Science, an illegal
trading ship operating in the harbor of Takao (nowadays Kaohsiung), went
into an agreement with the Circuit Intendant (Taotae) of Taiwan in written
document. In that agreement, the Intendant “permits him to place lights at
the entrance of the port on a flag-staff erected for such a purpose, and
station buoys on the bar.”3
This is the earliest instance of erecting lights in a Taiwan port at the urge
of foreigners.

In addition to the “lights”, “station buoys” were also

�consented to set up. However, such kinds of port facility to render aids to
shipping vessels were not entirely new to Taiwan. Therefore, the
Intendant was not reluctant to give his permission. Before the first modern
lighthouse (the Xiyu Pagoda Light or the Fishermen’s Island Lighthouse)
was built up in Taiwan region, there were already two predecessors: one
stood in the very site of the Xiyu Pagoda Light, and the other in the estuary
of Tamsui River on Northern Taiwan.4 As for buoys, probably due to the
influence of the Dutch occupation in the period of 1624-1662, the harbor
of Taiwanfu (Tainan) was provided with lines of spar buoys to guide the
operators of vessels. The buoys were called “dangying 盪纓,” and
recorded in many sources. “Dangying” means “swinging tassel,”
describing the motion of spar buoys in the waters.5
Anyway, in the second half of the 19th century, records of shipwrecks were
plenty. Giving some examples, there are the wrecks of the Kelpie (1848),
Sarah Trottman (1849), the Larpent (1850), Lady Evelyn (1853), The
Rover (1867), and so on. A detailed list can be made with the data
provided by James W. Davidson (1872-1933).6 According to this authority,
between 1850 and 1894, some 90 ships encountered bad lucks, two on
average each year. During this period, Taiwan was bestowed an
embarrassing name – the “Inhospitable Shores (Coast).”7
In the unfortunate The Kelpie, there was Thomas Nye on board. His
cousin Gideon Nye (1812-1888) was a famous (or infamous) China trader
of those days. Gideon pressed very hard to the Chinese authorities for
rescuing his relative, but to no avail. In fact, none of the survivors of the
Kelpie was found, and the whereabouts of Thomas Nye was uncertain. It
had to wait for a few years when three survivors of the Larpent made their
appearance in Shanghai that aroused a general concern among the
westerners.

�The Larpent Event and Aftermath
The Larpent event has been quite well told in James W. David’s book
about half a century after the tragedy.8 However, supporting by more
complete sources, we are now enabled to enquire into much more details.
The new data come from different corners. First, the survivor’s testimony
reported in the Treaty Ports newspapers, including the Hong Kong
Register and the North China Herald, etc. Second, the men sent to Taiwan
to distribute rewards to those who had helped the wreckers and to get
information about any other detained foreigners. The British bark
Salamander took them to Taiwan. Among the people involved, Mr. (later
Sir) Harry Smith Parkes (1828-1885) was present as the interpreter.
Although he did not publish his own observations, the Salamander’s
officers did have their reports. In the meantime, the American envoy to
China, the Rev. Peter Parker, also caused a Chinese agent to be sent to
Taiwan for information gathering, and this man’s report was translated into
English and available to concerned parties. A couple of years later, when
the British vessel the Inflexible was ordered to go to Taiwan for conducting
a coastal survey, Robert Swinhoe (1836-1877) was on board to interpret.
He and Inflexible’s captain, as well as the assistant surveyor, all had their
reports. Adding to that, we will also make use of the U.S. government
papers for documentation.
Here follows is a concise summary of the Larpent’s story. The Larpent
was built in Moulmein, Myanmar, owned by a Mr. Thomas Ripley. It left
from Liverpool on May 18, 1850, commanded by Captain Gilson. News of
its anticipated arrival at Shanghai appeared times and again in the North
China Herald. But ultimately it failed. After a voyage of 116 days, it came
to the waters off Island Botel Tobago near Taiwan. The waves and surfs
were not heavy, and the sky was somewhat clear. Unexpectedly, it ran

�aground on the edge of Southeastern Taiwan coast. The captain and
seven others took the gig, while the 23 rest crews took the long-boat to
escape. Later on, the gig was lost. The long-boat, after many hazards,
reached a Sugar-loaf Rock in the southern tip of Taiwan. The men on
board started to land, but were shot by the natives with matchlocks. Some
of them died on the spot, and the rest were forced to disperse. They were
not heard for about eight months. Then, in the beginning of May, 1851,
three survivors were rescued by an American vessel, the Antelope, and
brought to Shanghai via Hong Kong. The British consul at Shanghai, Sir
Rutherford Alcock (1809-1897) took the matters into his own hands. In the
meantime, the Shanghai foreign community also took some steps to help
the survivors.9
The story of the unfortunate Larpent was duly taken down and published,
not only in the North China Herald based on Shanghai, but also in the
Canton-based The Chinese Repository. In consequence the news was
widely circulated in the treaty ports along the China coast.10 Therefore,
when Charles Shaw11 stood out to raise funds on behalf of the crew of the
Larpent, many people came forward. In a few days, a sum of 865 dollars
was collected. A list of the contributors is available from the pages of the
North China Herald. The British decided to dispatch the steam boat
Salamander to Taiwan, with part of the money raised for distributing to the
good-hearted Taiwanese. Apart from Harry Parkes, there were Captain
Ellman and Lieutenant Lambert on board. Surprisingly, an unnamed
employee of the Tait &amp; Co. also went along together. His purpose is
obscure. As for the rescued survivors of the Larpent, two (Alexander
Berries and William Blake) also joined the mission. The last one, James
Hill, being indisposed, was absent. With some difficulty, the Salamander
got a pilot en route in the Pescadores and dropped anchors between

�Xiaoliuqiu Island (the Lamay Is.) and Taiwan mainland. Some of the
members successfully landed on the coast of Fangliao (“Pongle” as
appears in the source materials) by a bamboo raft. They were informed
by local people: it is most advisable to pay a visit to a person by the name
Lin Wanzhang (Wancheang, or Bancheong). He lived not far from the
landing place, and he wielded strong influence upon the aborigines in the
neighboring area. An appointment was duly made and the two parties met
in Lin’s residential compound in Neiliao (or Lailiao), just a few kilometers
away.
From the conversation, it is confirmed that Lin Wanzhang did know the
case quite well. Lin admitted that he had seen Blake and Hill in person in
March of the same year (1851). He said he would have helped the two to
get free but their master wanted them to stay a bit longer, arguing that if
they stayed longer they would learn that his villagers were different from
those who attacked them and killed their companions. Blake and Hill
escaped later with the assistance of Berries and his master. Lin pointed
out straightforwardly that the tribe who had committed the crime was
Koalut. It was a small tribe of about 200 people. Out of them, only 60 or
so could fight. Had it not been there were in want of consensus among
other villagers in the area, it would have been crashed. He added that if
the British party wanted to attack the Koalut, he could provide at least 400
matchlock-men. Thereafter, Lin Wanzhang sent a subordinate to
accompany them to Langjiao for giving out the rewards. Lin also wrote a
letter for them to be delivered to a “towkay” (headman) in a village near
Langjiao.

�Fig. 1: The Location of Koalut.
The Salamander’s men arrived at Langjiao on August 17, 1851. On the
next day, rewards were distributed through the hands of Berries and
Blake. A man by the name Kewah or Kenah received a large share ($225),
because he was the very person who made the final stage of their
liberation and escape possible. Kewah’s relative Chako received $50. He
was quite handsomely rewarded because his wife gave Kewah the
information of Berries’s detention. Chako’s wife was an aborigine woman
whose village had detained Alexander Berries before Kenwah ransomed
him. Some others had also given hands to the Larpent’s survivors and
were duly rewarded. The village head of Sheliao (near Langjiao), who Lin
Wanzhang wrote to, was given some money, too. He was said to have
some influence on “the wilder tribes”.12 As for the information about any
other shipwrecks and possible survivors, the Salamander team was not
able to get solid information. The Salamander then went to the South
Cape for surveying the Koalut area, and finally returned to Shanghai.

�More than one decade later, Sir Harry Parkes made a statement in the
meeting of the Royal Geographic Society. Though his memory is not
completely sound, he did give a short account about the mission:
“The South Cape was about the very worst point for a vessel to
get on shore; for on that extreme point of the island there was a
particular aboriginal tribe, numbering 200 or 300 individuals,
who had an unfortunate passion for human heads, and it was a
habit with them to murder any foreigner that came in their way.
He had occasion to make the acquaintance of these people
about twelve years ago, when one of our vessels were lost on
that point, and he was sent over by Her Majesty’s Government
to make some inquiries respecting the missing crew. They
succeeded in rescuing two of the men, who were in the hands
of another tribe on the western point, the wreck having taken
place on the eastern point of the said Cape. These two men had
been bought by the Chinese at 6 dollars a head, and had been
in captivity with them six months.” 13

As Harry Parkes was the interpreter, he was responsible for transmitting
the information. However, probably time weakened his memory, he made
the mistake to say only two men were rescued. Probably he was confused
by the fact that only two out of the three were accompanying the
Salamander to visit Taiwan. The money paid for ransoming those men
was seven dollars each for Hill and Blake, although Berries was six. Blake
and Hill were detained by aborigines for 4 months (not 6 months) and then
purchased by a Chinese, who kept them with him for another four months
until they escaped to Berries’s place. Berries’s master (Kewah) then
arranged them to reach the Antelope and leave Taiwan.
In the beginning, the Americans also tempted to send a gunboat to
Taiwan, but after learning of the commission of the Salamander arranged
by the British, they dispatched a Chinese agent, by the name Oo-sian,

�instead. This Oo-sian took a Chinese junk on August 8 in Amoy and
arrived at Donggang, Taiwan, in the evening of the 11th. When still in the
harbor, he encountered a typhoon and lost almost all his belongings. He
spent a couple of days in Donggang and then went to Neiliao (Lai-liao) to
pay Lin Wanzhang a visit.
There he learned that the men of the Salamander had already been to.
Oo-sian and Lin Wanzhang met on the 17th of August. The latter
ascertained that there were no more Western fugitives. He himself knew
the whole southernmost area well. And, he added, if there were any more
Westerners in captivity, they must have been found out for rewards owing
to the Salamander men had given such a promise.
Before going to see Lin Wanzhang, Oo-sian had also collected information
from local folks. It was said Lin Wanzhang owned a watch, a spyglass,
and a sextant, apparently from certain wrecks. Oo-sian mentioned this to
Lin Wanzhang for clarification. Lin Wanzhang replied that they were
brought to him by some aborigines about four years ago for sale, so he
exchanged some goods for them. Sometimes later, a mandarin shew his
interest in these objects and Lin Wanzhang just gave them away. Lin
Wanzhang expressed that he did not know anything more about the origin
of those objects.
According to Oo-sian’s report, he visited the South Bay where the
attackers of the unfortunate sailors lived, then he went to some hillside
places, several harbors in the southwestern coast of Taiwan, and even
the Pescadores, but no more important information was gathered.14
Time elapsed for a couple of years, then, in 1858 another British steam
ship the Inflexible, came to Taiwan for surveying the coast of that island.
Robert Swinhoe, who later became the first vice-consul to Taiwan and

�was renowned for his discovery of several endemic species of flora and
fauna, was on board to render interpretive service. Swinhoe, as well as
the commander of the Inflexible and an assistant surveyor all reported this
visit.
The Inflexible left Amoy on June 7, 1858 for Taiwan via the Pescadores.
After visiting a few harbors to distribute proclamations in search of
surviving ship wreckers and seeing some dignitaries, it arrived at the road
of Fangliao on June 14, 1858. The men took bamboo raft to land, and
went directly to see Lin Wanzhang (spelt as Bancheang in Swinhoe’s
paper). On the way to Neiliao, Swinhoe found that Fangliao was at odd
then with Neiliao, but they were not molested, anyway. Upon arrival, he
found there were two Chinese characters written on the door lintel,
reading as “wan ke”.15 Douglas Fix thinks the original words for “wan ke”
must be “wanji萬記”16 – some sort of house name –, but I would like to put
it as “Fange 番割” – broker with the aborigines –, which we will dwell upon
a little bit more later in this paper. As the group of men from the Inflexible
had read Oo-sian’s (spelt as Urian) report beforehand, they also asked
about the instruments Lin Wanzhang once in possession, and he gave the
same answer as what to Oo-sian. Lin Wanzhang added that he did not
hear any news about shipwreck after the event of the Larpent.
Lin Wanzhang: In the Vacuum of Government Power
The men of the Salamander, Oo-sian, and the officers of the Inflexible all
paid Lin Wanzhang visits when they came to Taiwan for finding out
information about Western ship-wreckers. Then, who is Lin Wan Zhang?
And, why should they do so?
Swinhoe describes his impression of Lin Wanzhang: “The Hero in his
house we found, not as we expected to meet him, a dashing Robin Hood,

�but a thin stooping elderly man, with bad teeth.” He also records that Lin
Wanzhang was married to an aborigine woman, and guesses that Lin
Wanzhang might have learned tribal language from her.17 In another
publication, he has more about this man:
“……When circumnavigating the island in 185718, I had the
pleasure of seeing a few women, who were married to Chinese
at Pongle and Langkeaou. They were much browner than
ordinary Chinese, and had their hair plaited and entwined with
red cotton after the manner of their people, but they were
otherwise dressed like Chinawomen. At Laileaou a Chinaman
named Bancheang, of large landed property, traded with the
Kalees of the hills, and was on very friendly terms with them. He
was constantly at variance with the Chinese authorities who had
outlawed him, but could not touch him, as he was so well
defended by his numerous Chinese dependents and the large
body of Aborigines at his beck. This man was wedded to a
Kalee, but she was shy and would not show during our visit. He
evidently considered himself vastly superior to Europeans, for
he evinced to us none of that formal civility characteristic of a
Chinese gentleman.”19

Again, as we see before, Lin Wanzhang was married to an aborigine
woman, and here Swinhoe describes here of the Kalee tribe. The family
records of Lian Wanzhang’s descendants disclose that this woman
(named Talimaraw Sauniyaw) belongs to the Paiwan ethnic group living
not far from Neiliao where Lin Wanzhang resides. This is an important
clue to ascertain that the words written on the lintel of his house should
be “fange” instead of “wanji”. In fact, an Intendant of Taiwan, by the name
Xü Zonggan, once wrote “Lin Wanzhang (is) a fange 番格 (Those who
married to aborigine woman is called a fange). His family serves as Yimin
義民 for generations.”20 Fange was the kind of person who stood between
Chinese and aborigines as liaison person, but mainly for the purposing of

�exchanging materials.

A fange was usually a Chinese, or a man

descended from a Chinese father and an aborigine mother. In the latter
case, he is called a tushezai or tushenan, meaning a “mestizo”.21
The commander of the Inflexible, G. A. C. Brooker, was not failing to
mention Lin Wanzhang’s involvement in trading with the aborigines:
“Mancheong (Lin Wanzhang) is in the habit of trading with some
of the aborigines through some of his people; and he assures
me, from what he knew of their fierce, savage disposition and
thirst for blood, no European’s life would be spared if one fell into
their hands. He says, they are more savage in some parts of
the island than in others, especially in the South. I left several
proclamations with Mancheong, who would have them
conveyed and explained to the savages, whose language is
quite distinct to the Chinese, and totally different in sound. I
heard there were many Chinese settled among these wild
inhabitants of the woods, and had great influence with them,
because they were the means of procuring articles from the
Chinese which the aborigines themselves could not obtain.”22
Lin Wanzhang had proficiency in aboriginal language, traded with the
aborigines, and wielded influence upon the latter, hence was a suitable
person to contact. This explains why everybody directed the Westerners
to visit Lin Wanzhang when they came to Taiwan for shipwreck issues.
One thing also merits mentioning. Swinhoe noticed the forces possessed
by Lin Wanzhang, and could commandeer aborigines to fight for his
cause. G. A. C. Brooker also observed:
“This Mancheong has upwards of five thousand men under his
control, whom he employs tilling the land, of which he possesses
a large extent in the neighbourhood of the hills where he resides.
Consequently he commands great influence with the people,
and at times sets the authority of the Mandarins at defiance, and
presents so formidable an appearance that the latter have more
than once retired from an attack they have made on Mancheong
for the purpose of extorting money from him.”23

�Robert Swinhoe told a much vivid story in his report. After seeing Lin
Wanzahng, they left Neiliao and passed the village of Fangliao where they
called upon the tiny military officer stationed there. Swinhoe found the
Chinese officer and soldiers were much afraid of Lin Wanzhang, because
they were defeated by him not long times ago. According to Swinhoe, the
Chinese authorities sent an army of a thousand men to invade the area
under Lin’s control. When they came near, “Bancheang himself loaded a
gun and discharged it at the invaders, knocking over eighteen men at one
discharge. The Imperialists were bewildered and immediately made good
their retreat…”24
The event described by Swinhoe happened in 1855. Why the authorities
had taken troubles to attack Lin Wanzhang? It is not clear, but we can
guess. In the previous passages, we cite Xü Zonggang’s description about
this man. Xü Zonggang wrote in his diary that the family of Lin Wanzhang
“serves as Yimin 義民for generations.”“Yimin” (literally “righteous person”)
were those men who stood on the government’s side to fight against
rebels. Lin Wanzhang did help the government in quelling some social
unrest. However, he was implicated in a rebellion occurred in 1853 which
his relatives got involved. He was not indicted after the 1853 event was
over. Probably the authorities postponed taking action until 1855 for a
better timing, although still failed. Anyway, all these facts reflect that Lin
Wanzhang was too strong to be controlled.
To sum up the observations of British visitors about the person Lin
Wanzhang, we have no doubt that he is an influential local bully. He
wielded power over the local people in the neighborhood of Fangliao, both
the Chinese and the aborigines through his role as a fange. As he owned
his own force, he was also daring to offend the authorities, even fought

�and defeated their armies. Why the Qing government performed so badly
then? It is because that the southernmost past of Taiwan was declared
“Forbidden Land” (jindi 禁地) after a fierce rebellion occurred in 1721 and
the government force withdrew from the territory south of Fangliao.
Fangliao became the last point with a very small army (no more twenty
soldiers) and in fact, the southernmost region was left uncontrolled by the
government. Several ethnic groups of aborigines occupied that region.
Although the Qing government prohibited and dissuaded Chinese to enter
into that region, it was not successful at all. As a result, besides the
aborigines, there were other ethnic groups consisting of Fujianese
Chinese, the Hakkas, and identifiable mestizos. They also took on their
own hands to protect their own interests. Lin Wanzhang was one of such
ethnic leaders, and probably the strongest. This explained why he was
named to visit by local informants to western visitors.
Shipwrecks and the Safety of Survivors
However, it is still quite a distance from Fangliao to the very end of the
Island. On the area near the southeast tip of Taiwan lived the Koalut tribe
who was accused by Lin Wanzhang and others as the bloodthirst killers
of the wreck survivors. Although Lin Wanzhang boasted that if the British
wanted to attack that tribe, he would be happy to provide more than 400
men with matchlocks, no party was interested so to do at that moment.
Later on, in 1867, due to the incident of the wreck of the American bark
the Rover, Le Gendre – U.S. consul at Amoy – came to Taiwan. He was
successful to reach an agreement with the common leader of the league
of aborigines in the southernmost region, Tok-e-tok. Killing or harassment
against ship wreckers did not happen again, at least in the area under
Tok-e-tok’s sway. But there was still another issue waiting to be solved. It
is the improvement of sailing security.

�The most dangerous threat to navigation is the Vele Rete Rocks. The
group of rocks and shoals lie about 10 kilometers south of the South Cape
(the southeast corner of Taiwan). Citing the result of Capian Ross’s
investigation, James Horsburgh has the following description about the
Vele Rete Rocks:
“This is a mass of rocks, several of them a little detached from
each other, and even with the surface; some of them are above
water, and may be seen 9 or 10miles. The channel betwixt this
danger and the South end of Formosa, is about 4 leagues wide,
and very safe. But very turbulent ripplings are often experienced
in this, and the neighbouring channels, which Capt. Ross
observed to extend in a N. E. and S. W. direction, and running
so high, that the breakers resembled the sea beating furiously
over a dangerous shoal.”25

It is confirmed that the Rover broke up on the Vele Rete Rocks and the
unfortunate survivors were murdered by the Koalut.26 The landing place of
the survivors was in Dawan (now the famous resort of Kenting) within the
sphere of the Koalut. In the time of Le Gendre, what occupied his thought
was the safety of the survivor, not the navigational security. In
consequence he pressed hard to the Chinese authorities to build up a fort
in the southwestern tip of the southern end of Taiwan (now called
Maobitou). Although the idea of a lighthouse to guide the sailors existed
in his mind, he did not emphasize the importance and the urgent need of
such a construction.27 Although Robert Hart, in cooperation with the Qing
government, started to launch lighthouse-building along the China coast
in 1867, a lighthouse in the neighborhood of the Vele Rete Rocks was not
in his plan.28

�Fig. 2: The Location of Dawan in Kualut Sphere.
The construction of a lighthouse in the southern tip of Taiwan still had to
wait for decades. In 1874, the Japanese invaded Taiwan in excuse for
revenging on behalf of the Ryukyuans, whose compatriots were killed
after a shipwreck in 1871 by the tribes a bit north of the former league
under Tok-e-tok.

In the negotiation between China and Japan, the

question of navigation safety was raised, and setting up a lighthouse was
brought forward.29 One year after, it started. In January 1875 the engineerin-chief of the Customs, David Marr Henderson, trekked to the Southeast
tip for a survey.30 Thereafter, Michael Beazeley, an assistant engineer of
the Customs in Takao (Kao-hsiung), went to the South Cape to purchase
a piece of land for the use of erecting a lighthouse with local chieftain. The
place he acquired, he pronounced, is Wo-lan-pi, now styled as Eluanbi.31
A temporary screw-pile lighthouse was erected soon after, but the
permanent one took a long time to come out. When the lighthouse was
first lighted in 1883, it turned out to be an unusual, fortified lighthouse. 32

�Its chief engineer John Reginald Harding had in fact called it a “fightinglighting machine”. Navigation security and personal safe were all taken
into consideration in designing and building the lighthouse. What can do
better?
Endnotes
Robert Nield, China’s Foreign Places: The Foreign Presence in China in
the Treaty Port Era, 1840-1943 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press,
20150, pp. 17 and 27;Tan Chee-Beng ed., Routledge Handbook of the
Chinese Diaspora (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon. And New York:
Routledge, 2013), p. 76. Cf. Elizabeth Sinn, Pacific Crossing: California
Gold, Chinese Migration, and the Making of Hong Kong (Hong Kong:
Hong Kong University Press, 2013).
1

2

James W. Davidson, The Island of Formosa, Past and Present: History,
People, Resources, and Commercial Prospects (London, New York:
Macmillan; Yokohama: Kelly &amp; Walsh, 1903), p. 172.
3

Jules Davids ed., American Diplomatic and Public Papers: The United
States and China, Series 1: The Treaty System and the Taiping Rebellion,
1842-1860 (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1973), vol. 12, p. 218,
Document no. 26, “Agreement entered into between the Intendant of
Formosa and George A. Potter on Carrying on Trade in the Island.”
Please see Stephen Davies’s wonderful paper for this
conference:“China’s first purpose designed and built lighthouse: findings
from the analysis of a long lost but recently rediscovered photograph of
the Xiyu Pagoda Light (李西山塔晚燈, Lixishanta Wangdeng)”.
4

5

Cf. Wang Bichang 王必昌, Xüxiu Taiwanxian Zhi 續修臺灣縣志 (Taipei:
Bank of Taiwan, 1961), pp. 35-36.
6

James W. Davidson, The Island of Formosa: Past and Present (London
and New York: Macmillan , 1903), pp. 180-182 and 216-218.
7

For example, the commander of the American fleet in China, Captain W.
S. Walker, wrote to U.S. chargé d’affaires Peter Parker, reporting the
British motion after hearing the case of the Larpent on July 14, 1851. In
that letter, Captain Walker writes: “any of the missing vessels (of whatever
nation) having been wrecked on this inhospitable coast….” See Jules
Davids ed., American Diplomatic and Public Papers: The United States

�and China, Series 1: The Treaty System and the Taiping Rebellion, 18421860 (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1973), vol. 12, p. 56.
8

James W. Davidson, The Island of Formosa: Past and Present, pp. 110112.
9

North China Herald, May 17, 1851. Cf. The Chinese Repository, vol. 20
(1851), pp. 490-492.
10

For the influence of newspapers published in the treaty ports, please
refer to Marlon Zhu, “Diplomatic Intelligence and Inter-port Journalism:
The News of Japanese and Chinese Troop Steamers during the Formosa
Incident of 1874,” Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia
Sinica, no. 93 (September 2016), pp. 1-39.
11

Mr. Shaw is one of the proprietors of the Shaw, Bland and Co. Cf. The
Chinese Repository, vol. 15, p. 8.
12

The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle, October 1851, pp. 520525, “Salamander’s Visit to Formosa.”
13

Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. VIII (25th Feb.,
1864), p. 27.
Oo-sian’s report was translated and published in the July 1851 issue of
The Chinese Repository, pp. 490-492. It seems available to many
interested persons. In G. A. C. Brooker, “Journal of H.M.S. Inflexible on
a Visit to Formosa in Search of Shipwrecked Seamen,” in The Nautical
Magazine and Naval Chronicle, vol. XXXVIII, no. 1 (January 1859), pp. 911, a “Translation of a Report by Urian, who was sent to Formosa by the
United States Consul at Amoy, to search for missing Europeans”is also
included. The content is almost the same with a little variance only.
However, for unknown reason, Oo-sian was spelt as Urian.
14

Robert Swinhoe, “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa,” Journal
of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. I, no. ii (May
1859), pp. 149-150.
15

16

費德廉(Douglas Fix)、羅效德編譯，《看見十九世紀臺灣――十四位西
方旅行者的福爾摩沙故事》（臺北：如果出版，2006）, pp. 21-22.
Robert Swinhoe, “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa,” Journal
of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. I, no. ii (May
1859), p. 150.
17

�18

Swinhoe makes the mistake to record it in 1857, in fact, it was taken
place in 1858.
Robert Swinhoe, “Notes on the Island of Formosa,” in Henrietta
Harrison ed., Natives of Formosa: British Reports of the Taiwan
Indigenous People, 1650-1950 (Taipei: Shung Ye Museum of Formosan
Aborigines; SMC Publishing, 2001), pp. 66 and 74.
19

“林萬掌，番格也（娶番婦為室，謂之番格），世為義民。” See Xü
Zonggan’s “Diary of 1853” in his Suweixinzhai zalu 斯未信齋雜錄 (Taipei:
Bank of Taiwan, 1960), pp. 84-85.
20

See Kuo-tung Ch’en, “Chinese Frontiersmen and Taiwanese
Tushengnan in the Local Economy of Taiwan before 1900,” in Wang
Gungwu and Ng Chin-keong, eds., Maritime China in Transition, 17501850 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2004), pp. 139-149.
21

G. A. C. Brooker, “Journal of H.M.S. Inflexible on a Visit to Formosa in
Search of Shipwrecked Seamen,” The Nautical Magazine and Naval
Chronicle, vol. XXXVIII, no. 1 (January 1859), pp. 4-5.
22

G. A. C. Brooker, “Journal of H.M.S. Inflexible on a Visit to Formosa in
Search of Shipwrecked Seamen,” The Nautical Magazine and Naval
Chronicle, vol. XXXVIII, no. 1 (January 1859), p. 4-5.
23

Robert Swinhoe, “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa,” Journal
of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. I, no. ii (May
1859), p. 150.
24

25

James Horsburgh, India Directory, or Directions for Sailing to and from
the East Indies, China, New Holland … , vol. ii (London, 1827 third
edition), p.384.
26

James W. Davidson, Formosa Past and Present (London and New York:
Macmillan, 1903), p. 115. In the letter from Anson Burlingame to William
H. Seward, Secretary of State, U.S.A. (Peking to Washington, April 23,
1867), it is clearly stated that the place of tragedy is “evidently the Vele
Rete rocks.” See, United States Department of State, Executive
documents printed by order of the House of Representatives, during the
second session of the fortieth Congress, 1867-’68, China, pp. 477 and
499.

�27

Douglas L. Fix and John Shufelt eds., translation of Charles Willian Le
Gendre’s Notes of Travel in Formosa (Tainan: National Museum of
Taiwan History, 2013) , pp. 314-318.
28

United States Department of State, Executive documents printed by
order of the House of Representatives, during the third session of the
fortieth Congress, 1868-69, Vol. I (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office, 1868-1869), pp. 467-470.
29

Edward Howard House, The Japanese Expedition to Formosa (Tokyo:
1875).
30

Robert Bickers, The Scramble for China: Foreign Devils in the Qing
Empire, 1832-1914 (London: Penguin Books, 2011), p. 266.
M. Beazeley, “Notes of an Overland Journey through the southern part
of Formosa, from Takow to the South Cape, in 1875, with an Introductory
Sketch of the Island,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and
Monthly Record of Geography, no. 7 (January 1885), p. 5.
31

32

John King Fairbank, Katherine Frost Bruner, Elizabeth MacLeod
Matheson eds., The I. G. in Peking: Letters of Robert Hart, Chinese
Maritime Customs, 1868-1907 (Cambridge, Mass. : Belknap Press of
Harvard University Press, 1975), pp. 355-356.
References
“林萬掌，番格也（娶番婦為室，謂之番格），世為義民。Suweixinzhai
zalu 斯未信齋雜錄, 1960. Taipei: Bank of Taiwan.
Beazeley, M., 1885. “Notes of an Overland Journey through the southern
part of Formosa, from Takow to the South Cape, in 1875, with an
Introductory Sketch of the Island,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical
Society and Monthly Record of Geography, No. 7 January 1885.
Bichang, W., 王必昌, Xüxiu Taiwanxian Zhi 續修臺灣縣志, 1961, Taipei:
Bank of Taiwan, pp. 35-36.
Bickers, R., 2011. The Scramble for China: Foreign Devils in the Qing
Empire, 1832-1914, London, Penguin Books.

�Brooker, G. A. C., 1859. “Journal of H.M.S. Inflexible on a Visit to Formosa
in Search of Shipwrecked Seamen,” in The Nautical Magazine and Naval
Chronicle, January 1859, Vol. XXXVIII (1): 9-11.
Ch’en, K., 2004. “Chinese Frontiersmen and Taiwanese Tushengnan in
the Local Economy of Taiwan before 1900,” in Wang Gungwu and Ng
Chin-keong, eds., Maritime China in Transition, 1750-1850, Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz Verlag, pp. 139-149.
Chee-Beng, T., ed., 2013. Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Diaspora
(Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon. And New York: Routledge.
Davids, J., ed., 1973. American Diplomatic and Public Papers: The United
States and China, Series 1: The Treaty System and the Taiping Rebellion,
1842-1860. Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, Vol. 12: 218.
Davidson, J.W., 1903. The Island of Formosa, Past and Present: History,
People, Resources, and Commercial Prospects. London, New York:
Macmillan; Yokohama: Kelly &amp; Walsh.
Davies, S. “China’s first purpose designed and built lighthouse: findings
from the analysis of a long lost but recently rediscovered photograph of
the Xiyu Pagoda Light (李西山塔晚燈, Lixishanta Wangdeng)”.
Document no. 26, “Agreement entered into between the Intendant of
Formosa and George A. Potter on Carrying on Trade in the Island.”
Edward Howard House, 1857. The Japanese Expedition to Formosa,
Tokyo.
Fairbank, J. K., Bruner, K. F., Matheson, E.M., eds., 1975. The I. G. in
Peking: Letters of Robert Hart, Chinese Maritime Customs, 1868-1907,
Cambridge, Mass., Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Fix, D.L., and Shufelt J., eds., 2013. Translation of Charles Willian Le
Gendre’s Notes of Travel in Formosa, Taiwan, National Museum of
Taiwan History.

�Horsburgh, J., 1827. India Directory, or Directions for Sailing to and from
the East Indies, China, New Holland… , Vol. ii, third edition, London.
Nield, R., 2015. China’s Foreign Places: The Foreign Presence in China
in the Treaty Port Era, 1840-1943. Hong Kong, Hong Kong University
Press.
North China Herald, May 17, 1851.
Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, 1864. Vol. VIII, 25
February 1864, p. 27.
Sinn, E., 2013. Pacific Crossing: California Gold, Chinese Migration, and
the Making of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press.
Swinhoe, R., 1859. “Narrative of a Visit to the Island of Formosa,” Journal
of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. I(ii): 149-150.
Swinhoe, R., 2001. “Notes on the Island of Formosa,” in Henrietta
Harrison ed., Natives of Formosa: British Reports of the Taiwan
Indigenous People, 1650-1950, Taipei, Shung Ye Museum of Formosan
Aborigines; SMC Publishing.
The Chinese Repository, 1851. Vol. 15: 8.
The Chinese Repository, 1851. Vol. 20: 490-492.
The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle,
“Salamander’s Visit to Formosa.” pp. 520-525,

October

1851,

United States Department of State, Executive documents printed by order
of the House of Representatives, during the second session of the fortieth
Congress, 1867-’68, China.
United States Department of State, Executive documents printed by order
of the House of Representatives, during the third session of the fortieth

�Congress, 1868-69, Vol. I, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, 1868-1869).
Zhu, M., 2016. “Diplomatic Intelligence and Inter-port Journalism: The
News of Japanese and Chinese Troop Steamers during the Formosa
Incident of 1874,” Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia
Sinica, No. 93 September 2016: 1-39.
費德廉(Douglas Fix)、羅效德編譯，《看見十九世紀臺灣――十四位西方
旅行者的福爾摩沙故事》（臺北：如果出版，2006. pp. 21-22.

Biography
Kuo-tung CH’EN received his Ph.D. degree from Yale University in 1990,
is now affiliated with the Institute of History and Philology, Academia
Sinica. His previous publications in English, among others, include: The
Insolvency of the Chinese Hong Merchants, 1760-1843 (Taipei: The
Institute of Economics, Academia Sinica, 1990), etc. His works in Chinese
language are three books, in addition to several papers on the Chinese
practice of bottomry loan (marine insurance), Chinese adoption of
Vietnamese terms for sandbars, sea routers and landscape guide for
Chinese mariners, observations on underwater archaeology, and so on.
He is at present working with Paola Calanca of EFEO in a Taiwan-France
joint project: “Maritime knowledge for China Seas”. The main themes
include: Nautical and navigation knowledge, Port governance and
infrastructure, and Seafaring language.

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                  <text>Southeast Asia (SEA) has been rich in maritime and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) over a long period, from ancient pre-history, through the age of commerce, into the World War II era. Recently, UCH research, survey, and mapping activities; preservation and management efforts; as well as human capacity building programs show the promising progress in SEA countries. However, various threats to UCH preservation and some shortcomings still can be found in many SEA countries, for instance, lack of funds, inadequate technology, limited human resources, and also lack of public and government attention to UCH legal protection and its long-term preservation.    &#13;
&#13;
This session will highlight some topics, including current status of UCH preservation; current research or investigation on maritime heritage or UCH in SEA countries; maritime history in SEA; current legislations; recent human and natural threats to UCH in SEA countries; raising awareness and public education programs; in-situ preservation of UCH; sustainable shipwreck tourism development and balancing preservation efforts with economic benefit; community and general public engagement in UCH management plan; regional capacity building in Southeast Asia; as well as collaboration opportunities among stakeholders and SEA countries in researching, protecting, preserving, and managing UCH sites.&#13;
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                <text>The British bark Larpent left Liverpool for the Far East in May 1850, and was lost in the China seas the year next. Three of its survivors were rescued, and both Great Britain and the United States sent agents to search other possible survivors in Taiwan. The efforts of the British and the Americans have produced a bundle of information about the sailing issues near the island. The paper will explore these materials, and in the meantime, trace the few earlier European observations about the sailing conditions by or around the island, such as the records Lord’s Anson’s and De la Perous’s voyages. The Larpent event, in fact, has something to do with the overture of lighthouse building in and around Taiwan Straits in the second half of the 19th century. By studying the sailing facilities in the Taiwan area before the mid-nineteenth century, the paper will also trace back the pagodas and old-style lighthouses used by the Chinese to guide navigators in the 16-18th centuries.</text>
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                    <text>In Situ Preservation – Application of a Process-Based
Approach to the Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage
Vicki Richards1

Abstract
Over the past few decades, the archaeological community has been moving away from the more traditional
methods of excavation and recovery of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) towards a less intrusive
management approach, essentially involving the preservation of sites in situ. Over the years, different
remediation strategies have been utilised in order to protect these sites in situ and most of the techniques
involve reburial of sites. Reburial may be an appropriate means of stabilising and decreasing the
deterioration rate of a site, however, there needs to be a holistic approach to the study of the environment,
before and after reburial to gain a full understanding of the changes that are occurring on the site and
determine the effectiveness of the technique.
This paper outlines a process-based approach to the development of appropriate long-term
management strategies for UCH sites.

Introduction
Over the past 50 years, technology has advanced at such a rate that the development and
exploitation of the seabed has increased exponentially, which has, in turn, led to the
discovery of increasing numbers of UCH sites. Conditions often exist in these underwater
environments that favour the long-term preservation of archaeological remains and
valuable information regarding our past can be gained through comprehensive
archaeological investigation of these submerged sites. In more recent times however the
archaeological community has moved away from the more traditional excavation and
recovery methods and further towards on-site examination and in situ preservation of UCH
sites. This trend has been politically galvanised in the recently ratified United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) Convention on the Protection
of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2001: Article 2), that states as a
fundamental principle, ‘the preservation of underwater cultural heritage in situ should be
considered as a first option’. However, this does not preclude partial or even total
excavation and recovery of sites if they are considered under threat.
Nonetheless, concerns have been raised regarding the application of in situ
preservation techniques as a management tool for UCH sites. Those opposing in situ
preservation often argue that the sites are ‘out of sight and out of mind’. This is probably
true to some extent and under certain circumstances, however increasingly, post
stabilisation site monitoring is becoming an integral part of any on-site management
programme (Caple 2004; Hogan et al. 2002; Nyström Godfrey et al. 2011; Richards et al.
2009). Others claim that the ability to preserve sites in situ has not currently been proven
and that more scientific investigation is required (The Institute of Field Archaeologists
2008). Although this may be an accurate statement if the suitability of such practices are to
be properly evaluated it is essential that more, not less, in situ preservation projects are
initiated in order to provide information that will ultimately lead to a better understanding of
this technique.
Reburial of an archaeological site following exposure either by natural causes,
industrial interference or archaeological excavation may be an appropriate means of
stabilizing and decreasing the overall deterioration rate of our underwater cultural resource
1

Department of Materials Conservation, Western Australian Museum, Shipwreck Galleries, 45-47 Cliff St,
Fremantle, WA 6160, Australia, TEL: +61 8 9431 8472: FAX: +61 8 9431 8489: email:
vicki.richards@museum.wa.gov.au

�by limiting dissolved oxygen, nutrients, etc and minimising the effects of water movement.
This should ultimately decrease physical, chemical and biological degradation of the site.
Unfortunately in the recent past, when sites were reburied there was often little, if any
subsequent monitoring to determine the effectiveness of the technique (Gregory 1999). It
is imperative that there be a holistic approach to the study of the environment, pre and
post burial to gain a full understanding of the changes occurring in the reburial
environment and the associated deterioration of the archaeological material (Caple 1994;
Hogan, et al. 2002). This, in turn will allow an accurate assessment of the success or
failure of the adopted remediation strategy on the long-term preservation of the site
(Godfrey, et al. 2004; Godfrey, et al. 2005).
In order for any in situ preservation strategy to be successful the following points must
be addressed in the overall management plan:
1. Ascertain the extent of the site.
2. Assess the most significant physical, chemical and biological deterioration
processes occurring on the site.
3. Assess the pre-disturbed local burial environment and the major factors affecting
the long-term stability of the site.
4. Identify the major material types present on the site and their extents of
deterioration.
5. Implement an appropriate in situ preservation strategy to mitigate continued
deterioration and stabilize the site long-term.
6. Implement a long-term monitoring programme to evaluate the efficacy of the
implemented in situ preservation strategy.
7. Provide alternative plans and procedures if the implemented in situ preservation
strategies are unsuccessful.
8. Provide resources for the conservation and storage of any recovered artefacts.
Each of these points will be discussed in more detail below and are integral to a
process-based approach when assessing UCH sites and establishing successful long-term
management plans.

Point 1
The first point to be addressed in preparing any in situ preservation plan is the extent of
the site that is to be stabilised. Many wreck sites are not conveniently contained within the
confines of the remaining hull structure and are often spread over a wider area. These
problems become even more apparent when parts of the wreck assemblage lie buried in
the sediment. Simple mechanical probing with long stainless steel rods and dredging of
test trenches can be used to define the area of a site, however these techniques are time
consuming and would not be suitable for sites dispersed over a large area or deeply
buried. In addition, excavated areas must be adequately reburied post investigation.
More commonly, marine geophysical instrumental techniques, such as side-scan
sonar, magnetometers and multi-beam sonar, which can be deployed over large areas,
are used to detect sites exposed above the seabed. However, the use of sub-bottom
profilers in conjunction with side-scan sonar has enabled the detection of both exposed
and buried wreck material (Quinn, et al. 1998). These techniques can also provide
invaluable information regarding the broader-scale sedimentary processes occurring onsite (Quinn 2006). Consideration of this type of information is vitally important when
designing an appropriate long-term in situ preservation strategy for a site.

Point 2
The synergistic physico-chemical and biological processes that naturally occur underwater
can significantly threaten the integrity of archaeological sites. For example, many sites are
at risk of physical damage by exposure through dredging or sediment erosion. The

�exposed material is subjected to increased wave movement and elevated levels of
dissolved oxygen, which lead to increased physical, chemical and biological deterioration.
Biological attack of organic materials is primarily dependent on the concentration of
oxygen in the surrounding environment. When a site is disturbed, the increase in oxygen,
water and nutrient contents will almost certainly lead to a more aggressive environment.
Importantly, this also applies to the recent reburial environment. Under these conditions,
marine borers will be excluded due to the limited supply of dissolved oxygen within the
recently deposited sediment however, degradation would continue through fungal and
bacterial attack, that are able to tolerate much lower oxygen levels (Björdal and Nilsson
2002). If the reburial sediment remains stable and is not subjected to continued or
seasonal erosion then microbial processes will eventually consume the oxygen and near
anaerobic conditions will prevail where organics will only be subjected to the relatively slow
action of erosion bacteria (Nilsson 1999). Due to the manner of this microbial attack the
strength of the organic structure is reduced but little archaeological information is lost.
Mary-Lou Florian (1987) reported that anaerobic bacteria only survive to a depth of
approximately 60 centimetres (cm) in undisturbed sediments and other authors have
shown that the extent of biological degradation of organic materials decreases significantly
with burial depths greater than 50 cm (Björdal and Nilsson 2002; Gregory 1999; Nilsson
1999). This is directly related to the decrease in oxygen levels with increasing sediment
depth. Lower oxygen levels adversely affect the activity of aerobic and facultative microorganisms that cause significantly more damage than anaerobic bacteria that are more
prominent at greater sediment depths.
Chemical processes can also affect the integrity of archaeological metal objects.
One of the most common is the corrosion of iron and other metals. While it is generally
accepted that the corrosion rates of most metals are significantly reduced under anaerobic
conditions microbially induced corrosion of ferrous alloys can still be an issue in anoxic
environments.
It is important to understand the natural deterioration processes occurring on
underwater archaeological sites in order to reduce these effects and obviously the depth of
burial and the stability of the local environment are two of the most important factors to
consider when developing appropriate remediation strategies.

Point 3
The physico-chemical and biological characteristics of the pre-disturbed local environment
should be assessed prior to excavation and/or reburial to assist in determining the inherent
stability of the site, the major degradation mechanisms occurring on-site and the effect the
local environment will have on buried materials. In addition, this pre-disturbance
information will be used as baseline data to determine if and when the reburial
environment returns to its original pre-burial state and the rate at which this occurs
following the changes that necessarily accompany reburial. For example, during reburial
via dredging, previously anaerobic sediments will be exposed to increased oxygen
concentrations and an influx of nutrients when the sediments are initially deposited. This
will lead to increased chemical and microbiological deterioration of the reburied materials
before the sediment attains conditions that are conducive to long-term preservation again.
The critical parameters to measure include the chemistry of the seawater, pore
water and sediments [pH; redox potential (Eredox); dissolved oxygen, total iron and organic
contents; sulphide, sulphate and carbon dioxide concentrations; nutrient levels], the type
and nature of the sediments (loss on ignition; particles size distribution; porosity) and the
level and type of microbiological activity within the sediment (Nyström Godfrey and
Berstrand 2007; Richards, et al. 2009).
It is also strongly recommended that the broad scale and localised sediment and
water movement is monitored at regular intervals over an extended period of time. As

�mentioned previously while some of this information may be obtained via marine
geophysical techniques it is imperative that the current strength and direction, turbidity,
tidal period, etc are also monitored. Extensive assessment of these site-related coastal
processes and the physico-chemical and biological microenvironments present on the site
will provide information regarding the major factors governing the stability of the site so
that successful site specific in situ preservation strategies may be developed.

Point 4
It is important to obtain a full understanding of the extent of deterioration of the major
material types present on a site when considering in situ preservation. For instance, if the
remaining hull structure, whether constructed of wood, iron or a combination of both, is
extensively degraded it may not be able to withstand the weight of large quantities of
sediment required for reburial in order to minimise further deterioration. Similarly, totally
corroded iron is not amenable to in situ preservation by cathodic protection using sacrificial
anodes. Moreover, it is essential to collect this baseline data for long-term comparative
analysis to quantify the effect the mitigation strategy has on the reburied materials.
Knowing the state of preservation will also enable conservators to choose the optimal
treatment regimes in those cases where the recovery of material is necessary.
In order to assess the extent of deterioration of the major material types a
comprehensive on-site pre-disturbance conservation survey should be conducted. The
range of measurements and analyses that are recommended is summarised below.

Metals
In Situ Measurements
corrosion potential (Ecorr), pH, total depth of concretion and corrosion (dtotal), total depth of
corrosion (dc), water depth and temperature at the measurement point.

Organic Materials
In Situ Measurements
Visual inspection, simple probing, pH profiles, pilodyn measurements, sample collection
for ex-situ analysis.
Ex-situ Analyses
Maximum water content (Umax) – measure general extent of deterioration.
Microscopic analysis - wood species identification, measure extent and identify the type of
microbiological attack.

Point 5
If the initial assessment of the pre-disturbed environment indicates that the site is unstable,
the archaeological remains are severely degraded and at risk of exposure and further
damage resulting in significant loss of the submerged archaeological record then different
mitigation strategies need to be considered in order to ameliorate these problems. It is at
this planning stage that an overall evaluation of whether it is both practically and
economically feasible to leave the site in situ should be discussed. In situ preservation of a
site in its original position is only one option. Dependent on the nature of the local
environment, the effects of residential or industrial developments and the archaeological
significance of a site, the entire site or parts thereof, may need to be excavated, recovered
and possibly conserved or re-deposited in another area under similar or preferably

�improved environmental conditions. In the end the measures taken are always a
compromise between the archaeological value of the site, the expected effects of the in
situ preservation strategy, the time span over which it has to be effective, the effect on the
local environment and the resources required.
There are a number of different in situ preservation techniques, or more commonly,
combinations thereof, that may be used to protect underwater archaeological sites.
• Stabilization by land reclamation
• Reburial/backfilling by dredging surrounding sediment
• Sandbags – canvas, polymeric
• Deposition of rock, gravel, sediment
• Stabilisation after sediment deposition (e.g. using geotextile fabrics, shade cloth,
rubber matting)
• Sediment encapsulation (e.g. cofferdams of wood, sheet metal, polymeric crash
barriers filled with sediment)
• Sediment trapping (e.g. geotextile fabrics, shade cloth, debris netting and artificial
seagrass used to trap suspended sediment through natural water movement)
• Cathodic protection of ferrous elements (sacrificial anodes, impressed current)
Obviously, simple reburial options are preferred but often they are fraught with postdeployment problems. For example, one potential problem with the sediment drop option
is lateral dispersion of the sediment on dumping, which will significantly reduce the overall
depth of coverage leading to a reburial area considerably larger than the actual wreck
itself. Another issue with this option is, unless the physical environment on-site is relatively
benign, that even short periods of increased water movement can cause significant loss of
deposited sediment unless the reburial mound is stabilised by layers of geotextile or
rubber matting (Manders, et al. 2008; Richards, et al. 2009). Sand bags are often used to
stabilise underwater archaeological sites, however the choice of materials (e.g. cotton
versus ultra-violet (UV) stabilised polymeric sand bags) and the method of deployment are
very important. Therefore, under most circumstances the use of sand bags is not
recommended for the medium to long-term preservation of a wreck site (Gregory 2010;
Manders, et al. 2008; Richards, et al. 2009).
The more complicated techniques include sediment trapping methods, which rely
on trapping suspended sediment in the water column resulting in the formation of an
artificial sediment mound or sediment encapsulation methods where a cofferdam, usually
made from wood, steel sheet or polymers, is filled with sediment to the required depth and
covered with geotextile to minimise sediment loss during periods of high water movement.
Notable examples of the sediment trapping techniques are the use of artificial
seagrass on wrecks, such as the William Salthouse (Figure 1) (Harvey 1996; Hosty 1988),
the James Matthews (Figure 2) (Richards, et al. 2009) and the Hårbølle wreck (Gregory, et
al. 2008) and different types of netting (shade cloth, debris netting, wind netting) used on
several wrecks in the Netherlands (Manders 2004), Sri Lanka (Manders, et al. 2004) and
also trialled on the James Matthews (Figure 3) (Richards, et al. 2009) and the Hårbølle
wreck (Gregory, et al. 2008).
The use of sediment encapsulation techniques utilising cofferdams is not common
as their deployment is complicated, labour intensive and usually expensive. In addition,
cofferdams constructed of timber or steel sheet can deteriorate rapidly and adversely
affect the delicate balance of the wreck ecosystem. However, Trevor Winton and Vicki
Richards (2005) proposed the use of environmentally inert polymeric ‘crash barriers’ that
interlock into a ring-like arrangement that can be placed around the periphery of a site and
filled with sediment to the required depth. It is currently being trialled on the James
Matthews site (Figure 4) (Richards, et al. 2009). This negates the need to increase the
reburial area which is common with the sediment drop method and toe scouring problems
that can arise with the other sediment trapping techniques.

�Formatted: Centered

Figure 1. Successful application of artificial Cegrass® on the William Salthouse, six weeks
after installation. Photo: Heritage Victoria

Formatted: Centered

Figure 2. Unsuccessful application of artificial seagrass on the James Matthews, five years
after deployment. Photo: Western Australian Museum

�Formatted: Centered

Figure 3. Successful application of a sediment trapping mat on the James Matthews, five
years after deployment. Photo: Western Australian Museum

Formatted: Centered

Figure 4. Polymeric ‘crash barrier’ cofferdam trialled on the James Matthews, three years
after installation. Photo: Western Australian Museum
Alternatively, if the local on-site environment is not conducive to in situ stabilisation
of a site then excavation and reburial in another more suitable area may be necessary.
Notable examples of this procedure are the San Juan in Red Bay, Canada (Stewart, et al.
1995; Waddell 2007), the Day Dawn in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia (Moran 1997)
and the reburial of artefacts recovered from the Fredricus in Marstrand Harbour, Sweden
(Berstrand, et al. 2005), which was the catalyst for the collaborative reburial research
project, “Reburial and Analyses of Archaeological Remains” (RAAR) (Nyström Godfrey
and Berstrand 2007; Nyström Godfrey, et al. 2011).
Finally, the corrosion rates of iron hulled vessels or structural features can be
significantly lowered through cathodic protection using sacrificial anodes. The anodes,
usually zinc or aluminium alloy, corrode in preference to the iron, effectively protecting the
ferrous alloys from rapid decay. This technique has been used widely on many iron
shipwrecks, with Australia being one of the world leaders in its application (MacLeod 1986;
2010; Heldtberg, et al. 2004).

Point 6
Good organic and metal preservation depends on the maintenance of a stable chemical
environment characterised by an anoxic, reducing environment, with near neutral pH, low
porosity, organic content and bacterial activity. Hence, long-term monitoring of a reburied
site is a critical component of the overall management plan. The sediment levels and the
biological and physico-chemical environment of the reburial mound should be monitored at
regular intervals. Ideally, the same suite of analyses should be performed on these post
reburial sediments as was previously described in point 3 for the pre-disturbed
environment. As destructive sampling of reburied archaeological materials is contrary to
the aims of reburial, it is recommended that sacrificial modern wood and metal samples be
included in the reburial mound and retrieved and analysed (see point 4) at regular intervals
(Gregory 1999; Richards, et al. 2009). The results of the biological and physico-chemical
analyses can then be correlated to the extents of deterioration of the sacrificial samples
and extrapolated to the condition of the reburied archaeological material thereby allowing

�the effectiveness of the adopted mitigation strategy on the long-term preservation of the
wreck site to be properly assessed.

Point 7
An alternative and fully costed contingency plan must be developed in the event that the
adopted in situ preservation strategy is unsuccessful.

Point 8
A provisional budget must be allocated for the conservation of any recovered artefacts that
are deemed unsuitable for reburial.

Conclusion
Application of this process-based approach should hopefully provide a better
understanding of the major deterioration processes occurring on-site and assist in the
application of the most appropriate in situ preservation strategies customised to
accommodate the unique qualities of each site. Long-term monitoring feeds back into this
system, quantitatively evaluating the effectiveness of the remediation strategy and
providing evidence for alternative measures to be sought if the chosen technique is
unsuccessful. In this way, the current uncertainties surrounding in situ preservation as a
management tool for UCH sites can be addressed and ultimately lead to a better
understanding of this technique in the future.

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Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management</text>
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                <text>Over the past few decades, the archaeological community has been moving away from the more traditional methods of excavation and recovery of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) towards a less intrusive management approach, essentially involving the preservation of sites in situ. Over the years, different remediation strategies have been utilised in order to protect these sites in situ and most of the techniques involve reburial of sites. Reburial may be an appropriate means of stabilising and decreasing the deterioration rate of a site, however, there needs to be a holistic approach to the study of the environment, before and after reburial to gain a full understanding of the changes that are occurring on the site and determine the effectiveness of the technique. &#13;
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                    <text>In-situ preservation In Tropical Seas:
Case Study on the Avondster Shipwreck
Chandraratne Wijamunige

Abstract
The VOC ship Avondster sunk on 2nd July 1659 when anchoring near the beach in Galle Bay,
geographically located in the southern part of Sri Lanka. She was re-discovered in 1993 and
subjected to a series of research projects including excavation in the bow, stern and mid-ship
areas. Due to construction work in Galle Harbour it was important to protect the shipwreck in situ.
The environment in the Galle Bay badly affected the wreck site and it was a big challenge to
overcome all the harmful factors that were likely to damage the remains of Avondster.
In order to preserve Avondster a plastic net was introduced as a protective layer over the
wreck site. This was monitored constantly throughout and after the research period. The
protective layer was used over the fragile timbers for nearly 8 years before a violent tsunami hit
Galle Bay in December 2004. Despite the serious damage caused on the land by the tsunami, it
had less effect on the site and the covering-plastic net was still intact. From that time on
monitoring has continued every two months.
This paper discusses in detail the present condition of the in situ protection and its validity
as a preservation technique in the conditions found in tropical seas.

Introduction
The requirements to preserve the underwater cultural heritage (UCH) are now
emphasized in the maritime archaeological field more now than previously. Due
to new technology and well developed equipment diver numbers have increased.
Some divers are engaged in various tasks and functions that can be harmful to
the UCH in many ways. Submerged archaeological remains are regularly found
all over the world day-by-day due to increased diving activities. The idea of
preserving in-situ as seen in parts of the European continent and other
economically developed countries prior to the year 2000. This trend is seen in the
Asian region after the year 2000. For example, in Sri Lanka there were more than
30 maritime archaeological sites reported in the Southern coastal belt, of which
26 are in Galle Bay harbour. Despite the scarcity in human and technological
resources, funds and minimal political involvement; the Maritime Archaeology
Unit (MAU) team was able to record and do research on most of these sites
during the last decade.
In a developing country, such as Sri Lanka, the new trend to conduct insitu preservation and analysis is a better option than to excavate. It is an efficient
way to scientifically identify the deterioration threats on recorded UCH sites
which are being continuously discovered, and to rebury them and/or utilize other
protection methods. Excavation costs huge amounts of money. In both the
International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) 1996 Charter and
Article 01 of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) 2001 Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage
(2001 Convention) emphasis is placed on, “in-situ protection should be the first
option” (Prott 2003:xxiii).

�One of the pioneer countries to have undertaken in-situ conservation
methods on UCH is the Netherlands. Since the early 1980s they have identified
the needs of in-situ preservation and practiced it with their projects. One of these
was a project to conserve more than 30 sites in-situ in Zuiderzee - bed in the
flevopolders area. Further in 1988 the BZN3 shipwreck site, which was owned by
Dutch East India company (VOC), was protected physically and by the law
(Manders, et al. 2004:1251-1252). In the same manner several shipwrecks were
preserved in-situ in Europe, Australia and Canada: the wooden shipwreck in Red
Bay, Canada (Manders, et al. 2008:179-194); the German 14th century merchant
vessel Darssar Cog (Manders, et al. 2008:189); the 4th century Roman quay in
the Netherlands (Manders, et al. 2008:190); and in Australia, the William
Salthouse (1841) in Victoria and the James Matthews wreck (1841) in Fremantle
(Manders, et al. 2008:192).
Different methods were followed to preserve these sites considering the
following facts: location, deterioration threats, environment, utility to the public
and the technological improvements during that period. For example, sacrificial
anode (see Godfrey, Richards and Cha this volume) treatment was used to
preserve the metal parts of the James Matthews wreck in Fremantle, Western
Australia (see Carpenter and Richards this volume). Thus far, Sri Lanka has only
one example regarding in-situ conservation, the Avondster shipwreck situated in
Galle Bay harbour. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the process of in-situ
protection implemented on the Avondster shipwreck and its necessity, success or
failure.

History of Avondster Shipwreck
The Avondster was originally a British ship (30-40 meters in length), captured
and modified by the Dutch (http:cf.hum.uva.nl/galle/). The vessel was
constructed with two decks and the capacity was 250-260 tonnage. After a long
life span of long distance trans-oceanic voyages it was assigned to short-haul
coastal runs. It was wrecked on July 2nd 1659 while anchored in the Galle Bay
harbour (Parthesius, et al. 2005:220). After the ship was discovered in 1993 the
site was monitored; it became clear that the wreck was increasingly exposed
through changes in the dynamics of the seabed, and it was considered important
to implement a rescue archaeology project on the site to safeguard this important
collection (Manders, et al. 2004:1253). The wreck lies close to the shore, in 6
metres of murky waters (Figure 1). From the year 2001 until the end of 2004
important sections of the ship have been excavated and conserved in-situ.
Explorations revealed in-situ wooden parts of the hull, brick construction of the
galley, six iron cannons and one of the ship’s anchor. At the time when the yacht
sunk the rudder was separated from the stern section because it struck the
sandy sea bed (http:cf.hum.uva.nl/galle/). The rudder now lies 18 meters away
from the main shipwreck.

�Figure 1. Location of the Avondster/Site L. (Photo – WA museum)

Reasons for Preservation in situ
Even before the official discovery of the Avondster shipwreck, looters collected
artefacts from the surrounding zone. With the monsoon activities every year the
sea bed become rough with high waves and exposed to erosion. It had become a
common practice of the local divers to collect exposed artefacts and things
moving on the sea bed after the monsoon season (Carpenter 1996:44-50) The
marine drive, built by the Road Development Authority of Sri Lanka in the late
1960’s, reduced the distance between the seashore and the wreck to 90 meters
(previously it was about 150 meters); and in 2002, with the second stage of this
development, reduced it to 70 meters. These developments and the construction
of the stone barrier to stop sea erosion caused rapid changes to the coastal
seabed. The natural sand and sediments which existed for hundreds of years
shifted every year (Parthesius, et al. 2007:159). The high slope of the stone
barrier directly impacted the seabed adjacent the beach, where the Avondster
shipwreck lies. The waves from the open ocean struck the stone barrier with
more force than the natural shore. This rolling wave pattern moved the sand from
side by side causing erosion on the wooden wreck parts. The explorations made
during the years 1997, 1998 and 1999 emphasized that the movable artefacts
should be excavated and undergo sustainable conservation to prevent further
erosion. This was included in the aims for the Avondster 2001 field season
project (Parthesius, et al. 2005:221-222).
In both theory and practice in-situ conservation is an acceptable method
for Sri Lanka. I will explain why, first, through the legalities. This country’s
legislature has the capacity to provide what is needed to protect the UCH. Under
the Sri Lankan law conservation of both maritime heritage and UCH is included
(Antiquity Ordinance No.19 of 1940 and it’s Amendment No.24 of 1998).

�Avondster is one of the well preserved oldest wooden yachts found in Sri
Lanka. As such there is a responsibility to keep it protected from damaging
physical factors. At the time that three excavation trenches were initiated at the
site there were neither maritime archaeologists armed with enough technological
and scientific knowledge available in the country nor the infra-structural facilities
needed with the MAU. The necessity of conserving this type of heritage for
further scientific method study by future generations influenced the direction for
its preservation.
Though the legal protection bans treasure hunters, looters and fishermen,
it isn’t enough to protect against the natural physical, chemical and biological
processes. Avondster is situated in a place facing direct impact from tidal
movement and/or changes in water circulation and sediment erosion (Manders,
et al. 2004:1253), these actions cause an aerobic environment within which more
oxygen enters the exposed wreckage creating good conditions for wood-borers
and many bacteria (Bonke, et al. 2007:133). Also the fresh water flowing from
two networks of gutters coming from the city increased this situation and brought
more bacteria. It was a common scene to see the waste and garbage coming
from the city floating in the water over the Avondster. During the first
archaeological excavation on Avondster, on its front bow section, we were able
to identify and observe the quick deterioration on the wooden parts after they
were exposed.
Due to above circumstances we had to cover the Avondster site. In
February 2003 we decided to do a test project. A 4 x 4 meter area on the
Avondster bow section was selected for the purpose. The highest parts of the
hull's timber were coming out from the sea bed up to one and a half feet. A black
plastic net (100% polypropylene and 60% density) was used for this purpose
(Parthesius, et al. 2007:162). In order to prevent the net moving with the swell old
iron chains were placed on it using plastic zip-ties/ty-raps (small plastic straps
use to tie things).
After covering it was monitored twice a week for one month. During the
first month success was observed. At the end of the first month tears were seen
in a number of points on the net. A sand deposit 10-15 cm thick was found under
the net. As the marine growth has covered the small holes of the net any further
deposit of sand could not be identified. The marine growth on the net helps to
gather sand on the net and keep it stable (Weerasinghe and Manders 2003:10).
Although it was believed for some period that the test programme would
be a success and that we can use this system for the rest of the wreck, when we
checked the situation a few month later (the diving was stopped for nearly four
months due to the monsoon rain) the whole plastic covering was destroyed by
the high waves. It was not strong enough to resist it. This helped us to
understand the situation in this area and to select a more suitable net of greater
strength and to better secure it.

�Covering the shipwreck
In implementing the main in-situ project after the failure of the first test our
challenge was to select a more suitable and stronger net. We had to check many
samples for the strength and for the density (strength by checking the material
and try to tear it and density by checking the size of the holes of the net). Finally
the 100% polypropylene and 40% - 50% density manufactured in Israel was
selected as the most suitable net. The area needed for coverage on the
Avondster shipwreck was estimated to 400 square meters. Fourteen pieces of 25
x 4 meter size nets were purchased. The specialty of this net was that it is
stronger and wider than the previous one. With less density the holes in the net
will help sand to permeate and deposit under it.
The covering was placed in November 2003 from the bow section. Before
taking the strip of net to the sea it was rolled from both sides to the middle. After
placing it on the wreck the rolled strip was unrolled to the each side covering the
wreck. In order to prevent the net from swinging some bags of sand were placed
on both ends. The second net was placed overlapping the first one and the ends
tied with plastic threads (zip-ties/ty-raps). In total four strips of net covered the
ship from bow to mid-ship. Sand bags were put on some sharp wooden edges to
prevent the damage caused to the net by swells (Weerasighe and Manders
2003:9). On some points we covered the wreck with some sand by using a water
dredge in reverse, especially on the excavated areas.

Monitoring and stabilization
We placed sand bags on the net to prevent movement and damage but it did not
stop it completely. The movement of the net helps sand and silt go though the
net. Fine sand and silt deposits are quite suitable for the creation of a stable
anaerobic environment (Richards 2007: 119-120). As such, the swinging motion
of the net is similar to a filter (sieve) used for removal of gravel and pebbles from
the sand used in construction (Author’s personal experience). In the preliminary
monitoring and maintenance programme the team of divers always paid attention
in the prevention of damages to the net and measured the sediment deposition.
Monitoring by way of visual observation, was made four times within one week
after the process of conservation. Thereafter monitoring was made in the
aforesaid manner once every two weeks. Monitoring revealed within the first
week that sand deposits under the net ranged from 5-15cm. Our MAU Avondster
in-situ Data Sheets from fieldseasons 2005-2009 recorded minimum deposition
was observed on the starboard side and the maximum was deposited towards
the port side.
We did not expect to see sand deposits on every part equally. We noticed
the port side gained more sand than the starboard. Minimum deposition was
observed towards the west corner of the bow section. The mid-ship area was not
covered because there was an ongoing excavation on that area. In April 2004
two strips of nets were used to cover the 4 meter space towards the stern section
from the galley. After placing the net it was covered with sand immediately
because the monsoon season was beginning and there was no time to let the net

�fill naturally. We did not try to cover the galley because it stands nearly 5 feet
above the sea bed. After the excavation of the mid-ship area, the decision was
made to cover the trench through the same system. After the excavation the
trench was filled with sand using the water dredge in reverse, and again after the
net was laid. Also two strips of net were placed on the trench.
During the diving in May to September we noticed the nets were damaged
in several places due to the high waves. The nets were loosened and moving
from side to side. The nets on the excavation trench were in bad shape. The hull
was exposed in this area and the net was torn badly in some places. Especially
the places near the wooden parts of the hull. But we were not able to do anything
about these issues due to the rough sea conditions. Our MAU Dive Report for
October 2004 recorded that this work resumed and the tears were covered with
sand bags. The sand is resting on the nets again and the net at the stern area is
in good shape.
Up to December 23rd 2004 these visual monitoring activities were
conducted, together with the excavation, on the end of the stern section. During a
period of three months, from October to December, we noted a sedimentation
pattern had formed that was conducive to an anaerobic environment.
Three days after the end of the Avondster project on December 26th 2004
a strong tsunami wave hit Sri Lanka destroying many coastal areas. The city of
Galle was also badly affected and the MAU laboratory and the diving unit were
completely destroyed. Luckily no one was hurt because it was a Sunday and the
unit was closed. It took more than three months to get-back on to our feet and
start work. The MAU building was partly reconstructed and most of the artefacts
and equipment that were left were brought to a new building inside the Galle fort.
In March 2006 we did our first dive on the Avondster to find out its situation. We
were expecting to see more damage on the galley, which was in an unstable
situation even before the tsunami and to examine the damage to the nets. The
site was completely covered with sand. We were not able to see any wooden
parts at the bow section. It was covered with a thick layer of sand, including the
edges of the nets. The upper part of the galley was located and the brick
structure was well intact. Two cannons and some wooden hull parts were
detected at the stern section. The condition of the galley gave us hope for the
rest of the wreck. The whole seabed was destroyed with waste and debris that
came with the tsunami. A lot of fibreglass (from boats) hung all over the
Avondster site. We also noticed few large tree logs on the site that we worried
were harmful to the galley.

�Figure 2. Location of the covering nets and the control points for monitoring
(Drawn by R. Muthucumarana).

The day we had our fist dive we had very bad visibility. During the
following months we did more diving on Avondster and found out the wreck
survived without further damage. The sand layers deposited under and on the
net withheld against the tsunami wave firmly and protected the wreck.

Forming a system for monitoring
As there was no sufficient equipment to do the biological and chemical analysis
of the shipwreck we decided to monitor the sediments on the wreck. The
sedimentation level was measured manually. In November 2005 four aluminum
poles were hammered and fixed vertically around the wreck near the net. Each
was 3.5 meters long and had a 2 inch diameter. They were secured at 1.5 meters
depth and each pole stood 2 meters above the seabed. Two were fixed near the
bow section and two near the stern. Rods were not placed in the center of the
shipwreck because it was thought that it would damage the artifacts attached to
the vessel. The poles were marked using plastic tape and zip-ties/ty-raps. Zipties/Ty-raps were used to mark 5cm intervals. In order to find the poles more
easily during occasions of low visibility, the rods were inter-connected with nylon
rope. A diving data sheet was prepared to record the measurements. The
monitoring work was begun in November 2005 and is planned to continue
through the coming years (once every two months). During the monsoon season
this is expected to be difficult and also when the team going on the field work out
of the Galle region.

�Result Analysis
Generally inside the Galle bay there are no seasonable and noticeable
deferences in pH level (see Godfrey, Richards and Cha this volume), salinity,
water temperature and Oxygen percentage. Also we didn’t have the
sophisticated and necessary equipments to measure these things regally. The
only topic given attention is sedimentation or its fluctuations. Most of the time
anaerobic biological situations are formed due to the thickness of the protective
sand layer or direct impacts caused by this. It is generally accepted that an
anaerobic biological situation is formed under a sand layer with a minimum of 15
cm coverage (Richards 2007: 116-117). However, this is based on the type of
protective layer. For example, a protective layer made of core sand or pebbles, of
somewhat large size, is not as stable as a protective layer made of silt or fine
sand. The spaces among the large particles circulate oxygen creating a
welcoming environment for organisms. As such, not only the thickness of the
protective layer but the composition and the steadiness were also considered.
Table 1.Sedimentation levels taken from the measuring poles from 2005- 2009
(MAU Avondster In-situ Data Sheets 2005/2009)
Pole Pole Pole Pole
Date
B
C
D
A
2005/12/04
2006/04/26
2006/10/27
2007/03/30
2007/11/04
2008/04/30
2008/12/16
2009/04/08
2009/10/12

9cm
17cm
11cm
15cm
13cm
18cm
4cm
20cm
26cm

13cm
22cm
16cm
23cm
19cm
28cm
14cm
24cm
32cm

15cm
28cm
24cm
33cm
36cm
46cm
42cm
55cm
63cm

23cm
34cm
32cm
41cm
48cm
56cm
44cm
71cm
92cm

�Chart 1Sedimentation levels taken from the measuring poles from 2005- 2009
(MAU Avondster In-situ Data Sheets 2005/2009).
At the time when the monitoring system was established in November
2005; a considerable level of erosion had occurred towards the starboard side of
the shipwreck. At the time, we start the monitoring a 40-50 cm sand mound was
observed on the net along the port side hull. This sand mound was recorded as
established up to December 2009 when monitoring work ceased.
Data extracted from the aforementioned diving data sheets are given
below. The sediment level on the net or on the middle of the wreck was taken
between A-C and B-D poles with a bubble-level which was attached to a string.
Table 1 summarizes the data collected.

�Chart 2a and b. Measurements taken from the poles and from the sand mound
near the port side hull 2005- 2009 (Dive reports from 2005/2009)

Conclusion
Preserving organic wreckage in tropical and shallow seas with high oxygen
concentration and temperature is a challenge. In these conditions the wrecks can
vanish without any trace (Manders, et al. 2004:1253). There is no 100% reliability
with regard to the success of the in-situ preservation even after 8 years of
process. The wreck is still open to the risk of natural, biological and human
factors. To some extent the wreck is protected from looters and fishermen.
Before covering the wreck, after the monsoon activities, there were a lot of
loose artefacts moving on the seabed around the wreck. Now that situation is
fully controlled.
Deep in the mid-ship area within an excavation trench we found a thick
layer of steady protective silt with well protected wooden/organic remains. The
trench is now fully filled with sand and may have a stable anaerobic environment.
The effectiveness of the polypropylene net covering was quite successful.
The edges that can be found in some places are still in good strength, so we
recommended this type of net we used in other tropical regions attempting in-situ
preservation projects.
By using the 2 meter wide stripes to cover the wreck the advantage is
ease of access to excavate or re-open the wreck site, or a part of a site. We can
easily remove the sand by a water dredge and uncover the exact area we seek
by removing the associated strip. There is no need to cut or remove the whole
net.

�Overall we can report that the port site of the wreck’s hull is relatively safe
and some parts of the starboard side is exposed, especially during the monsoon
season.

Bibliography
Amendment No. 24
1998
Bonke, H.,
Parthesius, R.,
Ketel, C.V.D.P.,
2007
Carpenter, J.,
Richards, V.,
1996
Green, J.,
Parthesius, R.,
1997
Law No. 19
1940
Manders, M.R.,
Chandraratne, W.M.,
Dayananda, A.M.A.,
Muthucumarana, R.,
Weerasena, K.B.C.,
Weerasinghe, K.D.P.,
2004
Manders, M.R.,
Gregory, D.J.,
Rechards, V.,
2008
Parthesius, R.,
Millar, K., Devendra,
S., Green, J.,
2003
Parthesius, R.,
Millar, K.,
Devendra, S.,
2004
Parthesius, R.,
Millar, K.,
Jeffery, B.,
2005
Prott, L.V.,
2003

Amendment No.24 of Antiquity Ordinance No.19 1998.
Artifacts Catalogue Avondster Site, 1998-2004, Centre For
International Heritage Activities, The Netherlands.

Conservation in Galle, interim report of the Galle Harbour
Project.
"Galle - A Port City In History", in Papers from the seminar
Australian Centre For Excellence in Maritime Archaeology.
Antiquity Ordinance No.19 of 1940.
“The Physical Protection of a 17th century VOC shipwreck in
Sri Lanka”, in Current Science, Volume, 86. No.09. India.

In-situ Preservation of Archaeological Sites Underwater An
Evaluation of Some Techniques, The Netherlands.

Avondster Project Report 2001-2002, Amstradam Historisch
Museum, The Netherlands The Mutual Heritage centre, Sri
Lanka.
Avondster Project. Galle 2001-2004, Mutual Heritage
Cooperation Sri Lanka, The Netherlands, Australia.
"Preliminary Report on the excavation of the 17th century
Anglo - Dutch East- Indiaman Avondster in bay of Galle Sri
Lanka", in The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology.
"Finishing The Interrupted Voyage", in Papers of the
UNESCO Asia Pacific workshop on the 2001 convention on
the protection on the underwater cultural heritage, Institute of

�Richards, V.,
Carpenter, J.,
Parthesius, R,.
2007

Art and Low, UNESCO.
Avondster conservation survey report, Department of
Materials Conservation, Western Australian Maritime
Museum, Excavation report of the VOC ship Avondster,
Special Publication No.1, Centre For International Heritage
Activities, The Netherlands.
"In-situ Monitoring and Stabilisation of the James Mathews
Shipwreck site", in Proceeding of the 10th ICOM Group on
Wet Organic Archaeological Materials Conference,
Amsterdam.

Richards, V.,
Godfrey, I.,
Blanchette, R.,
Held, B., Gregory, D.,
Reed, E.,
2007
Weerasinghe, K.D.P., The Physical Protection of The Avondster Wreck Site,
Manders, M.,
Attachment 02, Maritime Archaeology Unit, Sri Lanka.
2003
Dive reports, 2005 to Dive reports, Maritime Archaeology Unit, Fort, Galle.
2009

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Case Study on the Avondster Shipwreck</text>
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Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management</text>
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                <text>The VOC ship Avondster sunk on 2nd July 1659 when anchoring near the beach in Galle Bay, geographically located in the southern part of Sri Lanka. She was re-discovered in 1993 and subjected to a series of research projects including excavation in the bow, stern and mid-ship areas. Due to construction work in Galle Harbour it was important to protect the shipwreck in situ. The environment in the Galle Bay badly affected the wreck site and it was a big challenge to overcome all the harmful factors that were likely to damage the remains of Avondster.&#13;
&#13;
In order to preserve Avondster a plastic net was introduced as a protective layer over the wreck site. This was monitored constantly throughout and after the research period. The protective layer was used over the fragile timbers for nearly 8 years before a violent tsunami hit Galle Bay in December 2004. Despite the serious damage caused on the land by the tsunami, it had less effect on the site and the covering-plastic net was still intact. From that time on monitoring has continued every two months.&#13;
&#13;
This paper discusses in detail the present condition of the in situ protection and its validity as a preservation technique in the conditions found in tropical seas.&#13;
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                    <text>In-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage in Taiwan and related issues
TSANG Cheng-Hwa and HUANG Han-chang (National Tsing Hua University)
ABSTRACT
The preservation of underwater cultural heritage is a nascent matter in Taiwan, and it is necessary to accumulate
experience from trial and error in order to establish appropriate and feasible practice. As far as the in-situ
preservation of underwater cultural heritage is concerned, in accordance with the ‘UNESCO Convention on the
Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage’, the domestic ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act’
stipulates that ‘underwater cultural heritage should be preserved in-situ as a principle’, and thus the competent
authority imposes strict restrictions on the practices of preservation and excavation of underwater cultural
heritage. But such actions have caused debates, such as: ‘Is in-situ preservation reasonable in theory or feasible
in practice?’
In Taiwan, since 2006, the underwater archeology team of Academia Sinica commissioned by the Cultural
Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture has officially launched the archaeological investigation of
underwater cultural heritage. It has so far collected more than 700 pieces of documentary records of shipwrecks
and underwater cultural relics in the surrounding waters of Taiwan, and 500 of them have been preliminarily
investigated and verified as significant underwater targets. Among the 500 targets, 97 were confirmed as the
remains of shipwrecks and cultural relics, and 6 of them have already been listed by the competent authority as
special underwater cultural heritage in accordance with the ‘Act’ by now. Many more underwater cultural
heritages are being prepared for listing. The problem currently arising is that are all listed underwater cultural
assets required to be preserved in situ? How can we appropriately preserve them in-situ? Undoubtedly, this is a
subject that needs to be carefully evaluated and planned.
Keywords：underwater cultural heritage, in-situ preservation, underwater archaeology, protection zone of
underwater cultural heritage

THE DEVELOPMENT OF UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY IN TAIWAN
Taiwan has a vast sea area. Due to the factors of human history and natural environment, there are rich
and diverse underwater cultural heritage, including the remains of human activities in the Paleolithic
Age more than 10,000 years ago, the submerged coastal settlement sites, as well as various material
remains of human navigation activities from the Neolithic Age to modern times, are an extremely
important historical and cultural treasure trove, which not only contains scientific research materials
and evidence, but also precious cultural heritage. Underwater archaeological investigations are
certainly needed. In the past, the National Museum of History firstly conducted archaeological
investigations on the ancient shipwreck of the ‘Jiangjun No. 1’ in the waters of Penghu in 1996, 1999,
and 2001 (Luo Shengzong 2011). However, after the completion of this work, the underwater
archaeological work in Taiwan died down, and there was no further development.
It was not until the end of 1995 when the Council for Cultural Affairs entrusted the underwater
archaeological team of Academia Sinica to carry out a research project on ‘the Investigation and
Excavation of Ancient Shipwrecks in Magong Port, Penghu, and the Talents Cultivation Program for
Underwater Cultural Heritage and Conservation Science ‘, and underwater archeology in Taiwan has
sprouted again since then. Afterwards, the work of underwater archaeology, including carrying out
general underwater archaeological surveys and doing research on ancient documents, archives and
oral history relevant to underwater cultural heritage have been persisting until now. The Underwater
Archeology Team has so far collected more than 700 pieces of information about shipwrecks and
underwater cultural relics in the surrounding waters of Taiwan, and about 500 of them have been
preliminarily investigated and confirmed as underwater targets with significance. Currently, 97 of
these underwater targets have been verified as cultural relics and 20 of them have been identified as
historical shipwrecks. Currently, the competent authority has listed 6 shipwrecks as special
underwater cultural heritage for management in accordance with the ‘ Underwater Cultural Heritage
1

�Protection Act’ (hereafter as ‘Act’) (Cheng-hwa Tsang 2003, (Cheng-hwa Tsang et al 2012, 2014,
2015, 2016, 2018, 2019, 2020).
LEGISLATIONS AND MANAGEMENT SYSTEMS FOR THE PROTECTION OF
UNDERWATER CULTURAL HERITAGE IN TAIWAN
The ‘ Act ‘ is the main law for the protection of underwater cultural heritage in my country. Article 1
of the ‘Act’ states that
‘In order to preserve, protect and manage underwater cultural heritage, to establish the
link between nationals and history, to promote the characteristics of this ocean Nation,
and to value the spirit of the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural
Heritage of the United Nations and relevant international agreements, this Act is
hereby enacted.’
The competent authority of the ‘Act’ is the Ministry of Culture. Following the coming into effect of
the ‘Act ‘ in 2015, 13 sub-laws or regulations related to the preservation of underwater cultural
heritage have promulgated one after another. The most important ones among them are:
1.

‘Rules for the Implementation of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation
Act’ (2016),

2.

‘Regulations for Notification and Management of Activities Involving Seabed or
Subsoil ‘(2016),

3.

‘Regulations for the Investigation and Management of Underwater Cultural
Heritage before the Development and Utilization of waters’ (2016), ‘Regulations for
Cultivating Professionals of Underwater Cultural Heritage’ (2016),

4.

‘Regulations for the Administration of Activities directed at Underwater Cultural
Heritage’ (2016),

5.

‘Regulations for the Designation and Management of Underwater Cultural
Heritage Protection Zones’ (2016), and

6.

‘Guidance on the Operations of Underwater Cultural Heritage Survey and the
Technology of Instrument Detection ‘(2017).

Therefore, the legal system concerning the protection of underwater cultural heritage in Taiwan covers
most of the relevant aspects of protection and management. It seems to be quite complete, and should
be able to provide a good foundation for the implementation and development of underwater
archaeology. However, after many years of implementation, there are still some problems in the
practice and enforceability with these regulations. In the following, I will focus my discussion on
three practical issues of preservation in-situ.
PRACTICAL ISSUES ARISING FROM IN-SITU PRESERVATION OF UNDERWATER
CULTURAL HERITAGE IN TAIWAN
As mentioned above, there are a large number of sunken ships in the waters around Taiwan, and
currently 6 of them have been listed by the competent authority as special underwater cultural heritage
in accordance with the ‘Act’. Many more underwater cultural heritages are being prepared for listing.
The problem currently arising is that are all listed underwater cultural assets required to be preserved
in situ? How can we appropriately preserve them in-situ? Undoubtedly, this is a subject that needs to
2

�be carefully evaluated and planned. As far as the current situation is concerned, at least three relevant
issues are worthy of discussion:
(1) The issue of taking cultural relics out of water.
(2) Problems in the supervision and protection of listed shipwrecks.
(3) The dilemma of establishing protection zones for underwater cultural heritage.
1. The issue of taking cultural relics out of the water
Article 2, paragraph 5, of the UNESCO UCH Convention: ‘ The preservation in situ of
underwater cultural heritage shall be considered as the first option before allowing or engaging in any
activities directed at this heritage.’ This has become one of the most important provisions of this
Convention. Correspondingly, my country's ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act’ has a
similar provision.
Article 27 stipulates that
The preservation in-situ of underwater cultural heritage shall be the first option
before allowing or engaging in any activities directed at this heritage. The proper
means for in situ preservation referred to in the preceding paragraph may include
recordation management, protection zone, or other proper preservation measures.
Therefore, preservation in-situ is one of the most important criteria for the preservation of underwater
cultural heritage in Taiwan. Its legislative intention is probably even stronger than that of the
Convention. Therefore, the fifth chapter of the ‘Act’ has a special chapter on ‘Excavating Out of the
Water’, in which there are very strict regulations for the excavation of underwater cultural heritage:
‘Underwater cultural heritage shall not be excavated out of the water except for the
following situations:
1. the underwater cultural heritage related to historical status or recognition of the nation.
2. The absence of such underwater cultural heritage could be detrimental to a full
understanding of human history.
3. The underwater cultural heritage is of substantial commercial value that cannot be
protected without excavating it out of the water.
4. Excavation is necessary for the investigation and research of underwater cultural
heritage.
5. The underwater cultural heritage cannot be sufficiently preserved, protected or managed
without excavating it out of the water due to an emergency or the change of the existing
environment.
6. Other situations in which the competent authority deems necessary to excavate out of
the water.
Based on these provisions, the competent authority has become very cautious about the underwater
cultural heritage being taken out of the water. Even for approved underwater archaeological
investigations, any action of taking underwater cultural relics must be reported for approval in
advance. Even if there is an urgency for research or even maintenance, it must first be reported to the
competent authority for deliberation and approval. This administrative rule that sticks to the law may
3

�not be appropriate. Not only may it hinder the research needs and understanding of underwater
cultural heritage, but also increases the risk of underwater cultural heritage preservation. This is
because cultural relics preserved in water may not be absolutely safe, and they are often destroyed or
vanished due to various human or natural factors. Therefore, whether cultural relics should be or not
should be out of the water should be based on whether the measures of in-situ preservation can be
better protected and maximize their benefits. And it should be evaluated and judged based on
professional knowledge, not just a rigid legal clause.
2. Issues on the supervision and protection of underwater cultural heritage
Article 27(2) of the ‘ Act ‘ stipulates that
The proper means for in situ preservation referred to in the preceding paragraph may
include recordation management, protection zone, or other proper preservation
measures.
In my country, there is so far no underwater cultural heritage protection zone that has yet been
established so far. The only way to protect the 6 listed special underwater cultural heritage is
recordation management, which consists of monitoring and recording. The monitoring work is an
attempt to observe the preservation state of the shipwrecks and to observe any change caused by either
natural or human factors. The recording work aims to collect basic environmental data related to the
preservation of the shipwrecks, mainly including: (1) sea area hydrology: current velocity, flow
direction, tide, water temperature. (2) sea water quality: salinity, pH value. (3) sea organisms:
planktons and benthic organisms. (4) sediment and topography of the sea bed: sediment morphology,
water depth, seabed topography, and slope. Based on years of experience, it seems that there are still
some deficiencies that need to be improved in the future. For example, in-situ preservation is not only
necessary to avoid intrusion and interference by human and natural factors, but more importantly, to
conserve the underwater cultural heritage on site. Professional understanding of the state of the in-situ
preserved underwater cultural heritage, such as the decaying condition of the wooden relics, the
degree of corrosion and decomposition of the metal objects, etc., will provide valuable information for
taking appropriate maintenance measures. This kind of work is undoubtedly a very important part of
in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage. Every underwater archaeological operation should
be joined by professionally trained conservation personnel. It can assist underwater archaeologists to
take immediate protection measures and provide suggestions for further actions to improve them.
However, there is a complete shortage of personnel in this area and there is an urgent need to train
them in my country.
3. The dilemma of establishing protected area for underwater cultural heritage
Article 28 of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Protection Act stipulates that
When the review committees make a decision that it is necessary to designate a
specific underwater cultural heritage protection zone, the competent authority should
consult with relevant authorities to designate and publicize an underwater cultural
heritage protection zone within such a water area to preserve the underwater heritage
in situ.
In order to implement the establishment of Underwater Cultural Heritage Protection Zones, the
‘Regulations for the Designation and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage Protection Zones’
(hereafter as’ Protection Zones’ coming into effect in 2016. Article 2 of this regulations stipulates that
The criteria for designating underwater cultural heritage protection zones are as follows:
（1） It has important historical, cultural, archaeological, artistic or scientific value and must
be preserved on site in the form of a protected area.
4

�（2） The texture of the underwater cultural heritage is fragile and prone to man-made or
natural damage. In order to ensure the safety of the underwater cultural heritages, they
must be preserved on site in the form of protected areas.
（3） The remains of underwater cultural heritage are widely distributed or are closely
related to the surrounding environment. It is not enough to present a complete context
unless preserved underwater, and must be preserved on site in the form of protected areas.
（4）Other needs for the preservation, protection or management of underwater cultural
heritage.
Although the government has established comprehensive regulations for the establishment of
underwater cultural heritage protection zones, no protection zone has been able to achieve so far due
to many difficulties. According to Article 14 of the’ Protection Zones’, the competent authorities may
designate protection zones and make public announcements in accordance with the provisions of
Article 28 (1), of the ‘Act’. In addition, according to Article 30 of the ‘Act’, after the announcement
of the protection zone, the competent authority should formulate to set up a management and
protection plan, and may designate the following zones as appropriate: 1. core zone; 2. buffer zone.
However, these provisions seem to be over idealized.
I herewith just mention three cases which show the difficulties of establishing a protection zone.
Case 1: The Green Island No. 1 was an important mid-19th century European trading vessel, the
wreck of which is located in the water near the southeast coast of the offshore Island of Green Island
in Southeastern Taiwan, and it is necessary indeed to designate it as a protection zone because of its
underwater cultural heritage value. However, since its location is near the main port of Green Island
and close to a recreational diving spot, it has immediately encountered resistance from local residents
and tourism operators when a protection zone is proposed to set up there.
Case 2: The British steamship SS Sobraon wrecked near the northern coast of the Dongyin Island of
the Mazu archipelago in 1901, the site of which is located in the military artillery shooting range.
Although it can produce the effect of protecting underwater cultural heritage if a protection zone is set
up there, the security of national defense must also be taken into consideration. Because Article 31 of
the Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act states:
Activity undertaken for the needs of national security or emergency may not be
subject to the restrictions……, Any activity undertaken thereafter should be reported
to the competent authority, except that a military or national defense secret involved.
Case 3: The underwater archaeological team has discovered a large number of sunken ships within
and surrounding Dongsha Atoll in the South China Sea. This atoll is located in the South China Sea
and is a very isolated island group, which seems to be a very ideal place for being designated as an
underwater cultural heritage protection zone. But, it is exactly due to its remote and isolated
geographical location, which makes supervision and management extremely difficult. Even if the
protection zone is designated, it is difficult to achieve the effect of protection. Even today, fishermen
from different countries sometimes come here to dismantle iron shipwrecks and salvage underwater
cultural relics.
It is clear that the designation of an underwater cultural heritage protection zone requires
consideration of many factors and is not an easy task. As Article 13(2) of the ‘ Protection Zone’
states:
When deliberating the management and protection plan of the protection zone, the
review committee may consider whether it will have a major impact on the rights
and interests of stakeholders as well as underwater cultural heritage and their
5

�context, including economic activities, research, education, tourism, leisure and
entertainment that rely on the area, activities and other related rights and interests,
fishery rights, aboriginal culture, ceremonies, or self-use behaviors that conform to
sustainable use.
In 2021, Chapter 5 of the ‘Regulations for the Designation and Management of Underwater Cultural
Asset Protection Areas’ was amended to include new regulations on access to underwater cultural
heritage protection zones for tourism diving, including the requirements for qualifications for
underwater tour guides. For the purpose of enhancing this provision, the competent authority has
recently conducted training programs for underwater cultural heritage tour guides and hope to make
preparations for opening some of the underwater cultural heritage protection zones in the future.
However, If the establishment of the protection zones can finally be realized, sufficient planning must
be completed before it is opened for diving tourists, especially for those who want to go underwater
for guiding tours, the requirements for professional qualifications and knowledge training must be
strengthened. Otherwise, it will be difficult to avoid irreparable harm to underwater cultural heritage.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
Although the investigation of underwater cultural heritage in my country has not been developed for a
long time. A large number of underwater cultural heritage sites have been discovered, and it has
aroused the general attention of the state and the people. Finally, the ‘Underwater Cultural Heritage
Preservation Act’ was promulgated in 2015, but since its implementation is still a new matter, it still
needs to accumulate experience from trial and error in order to establish appropriate and feasible
ethics and norms. Among the many issues currently facing, the implementation of in-situ preservation
is the most controversial. This may be due to the fact that the competent authority has been misled by
the principle that ‘ The in- situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage should be considered as
the first and preferred option before allowing or engaging in any activities directed at this heritage.’
stated in the ‘Convention’. On the other hand, it may be due to the lack of understanding of the actual
immediate hazards faced by underwater cultural heritage and the environment in which they are
located. As a result, many strict restrictions have been set for subsequent excavations and removal of
cultural relics from the water. Although the current situation has gradually improved after continuous
communication between underwater archaeologists and the competent authority. But, the issues of the
supervision and protection of the listed shipwrecks and other underwater cultural relics as well as the
difficulties faced in designating protection zones for underwater cultural heritage are still important
issues to discuss and find solutions.

6

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Luo, Sheng-tzung, “The Story of General No. 1” in “Scientific Development” February, Issue 458, 2011
National Historical Museum, “Report on the Survey of General No. 1 Excavation of the Ancient Shipwreck in Penghu Sea
Area”. Taipei: National Historical Museum, 1997
National Historical Museum, “Report on Excavation of the Ancient Shipwreck General No. 1 in the Penghu Sea Area”.
Taipei: National Historical Museum, 1999
Tsang, Chen-hwa, Huang Han-chang, et al.
“General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Seas Near Taiwan Report Series: The Third Phase Report
(3),” Published by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture. 2019.
“General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Seas Near Taiwan Report Series: The Third Phase Report
(2),” Published by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture. 2019.
“General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Seas Near Taiwan Report Series (1): The Third Phase
Report”, Published by the Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture. 2019
“General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Seas Near Taiwan: Phase II Report (3)”, Published by the
Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture.2018
“General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Seas Near Taiwan: Phase II Report (2)”, Published by the
Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture.2018
“General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Seas Near Taiwan: Phase II Report (1)”, Published by the
Cultural Heritage Bureau of the Ministry of Culture.2018
“Report of the General Survey of Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Seas Near Taiwan: The First Phase Report”,
Published by the Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture.2016

7

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                <text>Tsang, Cheng-hwa  and Han-chang Huang. 2023. “In-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage in Taiwan and related issues.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Elena Pérez Álvaro. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2006 </text>
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                    <text>Inclusion and Negotiation: Interpreting Underwater
Battlefield Sites for the Public
Jennifer F. McKinnon

Abstract
The development of a World War Two (WWII) underwater heritage trail focusing on the Battle of
Saipan has recently been undertaken in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands on
Saipan. This WWII heritage trail was formulated out of the interest of the local Historic
Preservation Office’s (HPO) desire to protect and interpret its underwater cultural heritage (UCH).
Through a United States of America (U.S.) National Park Service American Battlefield Protection
Program grant in collaboration with a non-profit organisation and university program this trail was
developed during 2009-2010 and launched in 2011.
The development of a heritage trail that interprets such a confronting, painful and tragic
event for multiple culture groups is a difficult task. A balanced approach of interpreting battlefield
heritage can only be achieved through the identification and inclusion of the various stakeholders
and an awareness of what is being included, ignored or inadequately represented in the
interpretation. Listening to the multiple stakeholders’ views about the significance of such sites
and incorporating those views into interpretive and management practices is key to an inclusive
and shared interpretation of heritage. Further, an awareness and acknowledgment of the social
and political context in which one is working is fundamental to understanding how practitioners
negotiate the process of interpretation. As Logan and Reeves (2009:13) have communicated so
well, “Heritage conservation is a form of cultural politics; it is about the links between ideology,
public policy, national and community identity formation, and celebration, just as much as it is
about technical issues relating to restoration and adaptive re-use techniques”.
This paper provides an in-depth discussion on the process of developing a battlefield
heritage trail. It will explore the theory and practice, the pitfalls and highlights, and the problems
and solutions of interpreting and managing a battlefield site.

Introduction
The remains of the WWII Battle of Saipan, fought between Japanese and U.S.
forces in June-July 1944, were recently the focus of a large-scale archaeological
project. This project was directed by the non-profit organisation Ships of
Exploration and Discovery Research, Inc. of Corpus Christi, Texas (Ships of
Discovery) and Flinders University of Adelaide, South Australia. Funded through
a National Park Service (NPS) American Battlefield Protection Program (ABPP)1,
the project goals were three-fold: to refine current knowledge of the Battle of
Saipan through the documentation and study of the associated submerged
heritage sites, to increase public awareness of their historical significance and to
stimulate the local economy through the development of a maritime heritage trail.
This WWII heritage trail was formulated out of interest from the Commonwealth
of the Northern Mariana Island (CNMI) HPO desire to protect and interpret its
1

This material is based upon work assisted by a grant from the Department of the Interior,
National Park Service. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed
in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the
Department of the Interior.

�UCH, and the local government’s desire to create sustainable, economicallybeneficial heritage tourism products. These objectives were achieved through
three archaeological field seasons that occurred in July 2009, February 2010 and
June 2010, as well as, ongoing historical research and public consultation with
stakeholders throughout the project period.
The development of a heritage trail that interprets such a confronting,
painful and tragic event for multiple culture groups is a difficult task. A balanced
approach of interpreting battlefield heritage can only be achieved through the
identification and inclusion of the various stakeholders and an awareness of what
is being included, ignored or inadequately represented in the interpretation.
Listening to the views of the multiple stakeholders about the significance of such
sites and incorporating those into interpretive materials and management
practices is key to an inclusive and shared interpretation of heritage. Further, an
awareness and acknowledgement of the social and political context in which one
is working is fundamental to understanding how practitioners negotiate the
process of interpretation. As Logan and Reeves (2009:13) have communicated
so well, “Heritage conservation is a form of cultural politics; it is about the links
between ideology, public policy, national and community identity formation, and
celebration, just as much as it is about technical issues relating to restoration and
adaptive re-use techniques.” This paper provides a discussion on the process of
developing a battlefield heritage trail in Saipan. It will explore the theory and
practice, the pitfalls and highlights, and the problems and solutions of interpreting
and managing a battlefield site.

Location and background
The Mariana archipelago is located east of the Philippines, north of New Guinea,
and south-southeast of Japan (Figure 1). Saipan, the capital of the CNMI and the
largest and most populated island, was the site of arguably one of the most
strategic battles in WWII’s Pacific Theatre. Saipan is 19 kilometres (km) long by
9km wide and is fringed by a barrier reef on its western side which creates a
large lagoon. The lagoon is separated into three smaller ones, Garapan,
Tanapag and Chalan Kanoa Lagoons, which range in width from 375 metres (m)
to 3.5 km and in depth up to 14 m (Amesbury, et al. 1996). The clarity and
consistently warm temperatures of the water make SCUBA diving in the lagoons
possible year-round.

�Figure 1. The Mariana Islands (Perry-Castañeda Map Collection).
Several submerged cultural heritage surveys and assessments have been
conducted in the waters surrounding Saipan from 1979 to 2008 (Thomas and
Price 1980; Miculka and Manibusan 1983; Manibusan and Miculka 1983;
Miculka, et al. 1984; Pacific Basin Environmental Consultants 1985; Thompson
1984; Miculka, et al. 1990; Carrell 1991; Lord and Plank 2003; SEARCH, Inc.

�2008a; SEARCH, Inc. 2008b; Carrell, et al. 2009). These surveys provided
invaluable baseline data for identifying and conducting further research on sites
to be included in the heritage trail. Particularly useful were the surveys and
publications produced by the NPS (Carrell 1991), Southeastern Archaeological
Research, Inc. (SEARCH, Inc.) (SEARCH, Inc. 2008a; SEARCH 2008b) and
Ships of Discovery (Carrell, et al. 2009).
In April and May of 2008, remote sensing and diver identification surveys
in Saipan were conducted by SEARCH, Inc. The purpose of these investigations
was to locate and identify archaeological resources inside and outside Tanapag
and Garapan Lagoons. The remote sensing surveys including magnetometry and
side scan sonar were broad in nature; however the focus of the historical
research and diver identification was on WWII heritage. The surveys were
intended to be a baseline inventory for future investigations to build upon and
were funded through a historic preservation grant provided to HPO and
administered by the NPS. A total of 1,543 anomalies were located, of which 142
were chosen for diver survey. According to the report of investigations, “The
majority of identified anomalies represents material culture from WWII and offers
a unique opportunity for Saipan to interpret its history through maritime heritage
and dive trails” (SEARCH, Inc. 2008b:i).
In 2009, a comprehensive overview of the maritime history and
archaeology of the CNMI was completed by Ships of Discovery (Carrell 2009).
The project was undertaken as part of the CNMI’s on-going efforts to meet its
historic preservation and inventory mandates and also was funded through a
historic preservation grant administered by the NPS. The maritime context
document provided an in-depth discussion of the history of the CNMI from the
pre-historic period to the present, and pulled together all of the currently available
information on submerged cultural heritage sites in the islands.
Together these two projects provided the background information and
emphasis for the development of a more intensive archaeological investigation
and a public interpretation program for the WWII heritage. In fact, at the same
time that SEARCH, Inc. was conducting the remote sensing project in 2008, staff
and students from Flinders University were on the island working with the HPO to
create a plan for developing a “maritime unit” within their existing program. In an
earlier trip to Saipan in 2007, the HPO had voiced concerns about their lack of
ability to manage submerged heritage (due to a lack of training in underwater
archaeological techniques) and the pressing need to do so due to the amount of
tourist divers visiting the WWII sites. They also were interested in developing a
maritime heritage trail which would provide two favourable outcomes: developing
a presence on the water as the agency charged with managing the resources
and developing a heritage tourism product that could promote sustainable use of
the already heavily visited sites. Thus the idea was formulated to develop a plan
to accomplish a number of objectives that would assist HPO in better managing
their submerged heritage. These objectives included:
• Training staff in underwater archaeological methods in order to create a
team of diving archaeologists

�•
•

Conducting more intensive archaeological research and recording known
and heavily visited sites
Developing a maritime heritage trail for the purposes of creating
sustainable heritage tourism

Training staff in underwater archaeological methods
The first objective was accomplished in January 2009 when Flinders University
and HPO supported archaeological technician John Castro to travel to Australia
and participate in the Flinders University Maritime Archaeological Field School in
South Australia. Castro’s extensive diving and archaeological background
allowed him to participate as a supervisor in the two-week field school where he
gained additional underwater archaeology experience. Next, training was held in
July 2009 on Saipan for staff from several government agencies, including HPO,
Coastal Resources Management (CRM), the NMI Museum of Culture and
History, and Department of Environmental Quality (DEQ), as well as few local
interested divers. A total of 20 diving and non-diving participants took part in the
two day course (Figure 2). Based on the Flinders University’s Underwater
Archaeology Methods topic, it included classroom lectures, practical terrestrial
exercises, a diving exercise and an intertidal exercise for those not SCUBA
certified. The training was a great success and provided the agencies and locals
with information about the importance of preserving underwater heritage.

Figure 2. 2009 training participants, Saipan, CNMI (J. McKinnon).

�In the final stages of the development of the trail, two Heritage Awareness
Diving Seminars (HADS) were run on Saipan in April 2011. HADS is a specialty
course run through the three largest diver certification agencies in the world,
NAUI, PADI and SSI, and is training intended for course directors, instructor
trainers, instructors, dive masters, boat captains and dive shop owners. It was
developed to provide diving industry professionals with a greater knowledge of
how to proactively protect shipwrecks and other submerged cultural heritage
sites (Scott-Ireton 2008). The goal of HADS is to increase awareness of the
fragility of submerged heritage, teach proper anchoring, mooring and diving
behaviour on such sites, as well as demonstrate the need for preservation of
such resources for future generations and the economic benefits of heritage
diving tourism. A total of 16 participants took part in the HADS training, including
dive shop owners, the president of a local dive professional organization, boat
captains, dive instructors and dive masters, U.S. Coast Guard staff, and a staff
member from the NMI Humanities Council. This training was funded through a
National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Pacific Region Grants
Cooperative grant awarded to Pacific Marine Resources, Inc. (PMRI), a local
non-profit organisation concerned with environmental and historical research and
sustainability. This training was seen as a crucial element to the development of
the trail and its sustainability. It aimed at educating the end users to protect the
sites and educate their students and clients about using the sites appropriately.

Conducting more intensive archaeological research and
recording known and heavily visited sites
In January 2009 Ships of Discovery applied for an ABPP grant for the
archaeological and historical investigation of submerged WWII heritage and the
collection of data for the development of a proposed maritime heritage trail. The
planning for this grant application began in 2007-2008 and included a great deal
of local consultation. Public lectures were given to gauge local interest, and
meetings were held with several stakeholders including local divers and dive
clubs, HPO, CRM, DEQ, NMI Humanities Council, and the Marianas Visitors
Authority (MVA). This consultation centred on the needs and wants of the
community and government in terms of their heritage and a heritage tourism
product. As a result, three agencies (HPO, CRM, and DEQ) pledged their
assistance with the project provided funding was secured. Funding was
announced for $49,900(U.S.) in August 2009 and the project quickly began.
HPO, CRM, and DEQ provided an invaluable amount of in-kind assistance during
the project, including staff support both on and off the water, boats and vehicles,
equipment and fuel. Their support was instrumental to the success and
completion of the project.

Archaeological survey
The archaeological documentation survey took place within Garapan and
Tanapag Lagoons, where most of the accessible shallow water WWII sites are
located. The underwater surveys focused on locating and mapping individual

�sites, groups of sites and artefacts relating to the pre-invasion, invasion, and
post-invasion period. Most of these sites had been located and briefly recorded in
previous archaeological surveys and were specifically targeted for potential
inclusion on the heritage trail based on this knowledge. Twelve sites were subject
to extensive archaeological survey; however additional unrecorded sites were
encountered. These additional sites were cursorily recorded and basic details
were collected for future investigation (Table 1.)
Table 1: Table of submerged or partially submerged sites recorded in 2009-2010.
Name of Site
Trail
(Y/N)
Merchant
Ship,
presumably
Shoan Y
Maru/Chinsen (Japanese Shipwreck)
Possible Auxiliary Submarine Chaser – Y
Main Site (Japanese Shipwreck)
Possible Auxiliary Submarine Chaser – N
Second Site (Japanese Shipwreck)
Sherman Tank 1 (U.S.)
Y
Sherman Tank 2 (U.S.)
Y
Sherman Tank 3 (U.S.)
Y
Landing Vehicle Tracked-(A)-4 (U.S.)
Y
Fishing base Landing Vehicle
N
Fishing base LVT
N
Landing Craft (U.S.)
N
Possible U.S. Landing Craft (in shoreline)
N
Barges (U.S.)
N
Barge near Japanese Lighthouse (U.S.)
N
Daihatsu Landing Craft 1 (Japanese)
Y
Daihatsu Landing Craft 2 (Japanese)
Y
Kawanishi H8K “Emily” (Japanese Aircraft) Y
Aichi E13A “Jake” (Japanese Aircraft)
Y
Martin PBM Mariner (U.S. Aircraft)
Y
TBM Avenger (U.S. Aircraft)
Y
Navigational Marker (Japanese)
N
Visits to each of the sites listed in Table 1 included basic underwater
survey recording (photographs, overall dimensions, general descriptions, site
identification, site location and site condition). Some sites, particularly those to be
included on the trail, warranted more extensive survey for the purposes of
creating site plans and also collecting baseline data for future monitoring
purposes. No archaeological excavation was conducted at the sites and no
cultural materials were recovered.
All cultural and natural features on and around the sites were recorded.
Modifications, battle scars, presence of unexploded ordnance, identifying marks
and any other features that may aid in the interpretation of the sites were
detailed. An overall description of the site and its general environment (depth,

�visibility, current and bottom composition) were also recorded. Cultural and
natural impacts to the site were noted, including anchor damage, salvage,
removal or movement of artefacts, and deterioration and scouring. Biological
data including fish counts was also collected. Data about future access to the
sites by the public, such as possible anchoring or mooring locations, was
recorded and a reconnaissance of the surrounding area to search for associated
sites and activity was conducted.

Developing a maritime heritage trail for the purposes of creating
sustainable heritage tourism
The ABPP funding received for documenting and researching submerged WWII
sites also included using that data to develop a maritime heritage trail in
conjunction with HPO. This trail was conceptualized as part of a plan to aid in the
preservation and protection of submerged heritage sites which were already
being impacted through tourist visitation. By providing interpretive literature which
outlined each site’s history and importance, legal protection and proper etiquette
for visiting such heritage sites, it was hoped that divers, snorkelers, and
swimmers would be better educated and develop a greater appreciation for the
heritage, thus avoiding impacting or harming the sites further.
Planning the trail included a great deal of local and international
consultation. Several leading experts in the field of heritage trail development
were sought to provide input into the planning. More discussions were had with
the agencies charged with managing historical and biological resources;
particularly useful were relationships with CRM and DEQ, whose focus is
primarily the environment. These agencies provided investigation permits and
worked alongside the project staff to develop a program for placing moorings on
all the sites for use by boaters and tour operators – a necessity for reducing
anchor impacts to sites.
Discussions with local divers, dive shops, dive boat operators, and other
tourism operators were held concerning their needs and wants in terms of
access, the types of sites they would like to see on the trail and what products
would best suit. These conversations were most useful in gauging diver and
snorkeler interest and behaviour on heritage sites. The trail was not intended to
be exclusive to divers so sites particularly close to land that could be accessed
by swimmers and snorkelers were also selected. The demographics of diving
tourists were also sought from the MVA, who suggested that the products be
printed in Korean and Russian, in addition to the already planned printing in
English, Japanese, Chamorro, and Carolinian.

Trail Products
The end results of the fieldwork include the production of a 180-page, detailed
report on the activities of the fieldwork and development of the trail (McKinnon
and Carrell 2011). Nine underwater guides inclusive of site plans, site
descriptions, access information, and a conservation message were produced on

�100% waterproof, 100% recyclable, 100% tree-free paper (Figure 3). Each of
these has a small hole punched in the corner so a lanyard can be attached.

Figure 3. Aichi E13A dive guide (Ships of Discovery).
Four themed posters also were produced including: U.S. Aircraft,
Japanese Aircraft, Shipwrecks, and Assault Vehicles. The posters are 18 x 24
inches and double-sided; the front includes a glossy photograph of a site and the
back is populated with photographs as well as historical and archaeological
information about the battle and the wrecks (Figure 4). The posters are inclusive
of multiple viewpoints and include quotes of several culture groups involved in
the battle (i.e. Chamorro, Carolinian, Japanese, etc.). They also include a
message about the importance of protecting sites, examples of how divers
impact sites through intentional and non-intentional behaviour, and specific
information about the legislation that protects submerged sites. All products were

�printed in English and Japanese; funding is currently being sought to have them
printed in Chamorro, Carolinian, Korean and Russian.

Figure 4. Assault vehicle poster (English) (Ships of Discovery).

Pitfalls and highlights
The development of the WWII maritime heritage trail was a complex and lengthy
process. There were many concerns that needed to be addressed from the very
beginning stages of planning - concerns for the project director were multiple. We
were very aware early on that we were yet another “colonial” entity with “grand
ideas” arriving on the doorstep of an archipelago plagued with past colonial
occupation. We were conscious that we were seeking U.S. federal funding to
interpret a battle between and among people who were victims of our own
country’s actions. We were aware that there were still survivors both on and off
the island that were affected greatly by this tragic event. We knew the task of
trying to include multiple viewpoints in the interpretive literature would be difficult.
We were also aware that for the trail to be successful in terms of protecting the
heritage rather than harming it, a comprehensive plan would need to be designed
and that a strategy needed to be in place to monitor the heritage in the long-term.
The only solution to our concerns appeared to be inclusion, consultation,
and negotiation. These three actions were called upon numerous times during
the process of the grant. For example, at a public consultation and presentation
fishers on the island expressed concerns that their rights to fish sites would be
impinged upon as a result of the trail. In this case the answer was “no it would

�not”; had it been “yes”, a great deal more consultation with stakeholders would
have been necessary. At times local interest and support for the project waned
and negative comments appeared on in the comments section of newspaper
websites. One such comment appeared just prior to a public lecture that provided
an update regarding the completion of the trail. The post related concerns of yet
another entity scoring public grants to spend money on travel to the island with
little results or products (Marianas Variety, accessed 12 April 2011). Following
the public lecture and several reports on local television and newspapers in both
English and Chamorro, the same username posted, “This will make a good
addition to the WWII sites already toured by visitors on Saipan. Japanese and
other divers will have an even better reason to choose the waters of the CNMI to
scuba in…” (Marianas Variety, accessed 26 April 2011). This example simply
demonstrates that the community has an interest their heritage and a right to be
involved in these processes.
There is no doubt that there will be complications and issues that follow,
such as finding funding for reprinting guides and posters. But steps have been
made to alleviate such issues by providing the final artwork to multiple agencies
on the islands and uploading the artwork to a website whereby it can be printed
by anyone. Long-term monitoring and stabilisation of the sites on the trail will also
be of concern. This will hopefully be addressed in another recently awarded
ABPP grant which consists of conducting conservation surveys and the
production of a management plan for long-term monitoring (American Battlefield
Protection Program, accessed 20 September 2011). The list of questions and
issues goes on, but in the end, as the situation stood, diving tourism activities
related to WWII heritage were simply not sustainable. It is hoped that through the
efforts of the local community, agencies, non-profits, and universities involved
that the work conducted to record and interpret these sites will provide protection
for them into the future.

Bibliography
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Battlefield
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Program, 2011
Amesbury, J.,
Moore D., and
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Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management</text>
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                <text>The development of a World War Two (WWII) underwater heritage trail focusing on the Battle of Saipan has recently been undertaken in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands on Saipan. This WWII heritage trail was formulated out of the interest of the local Historic Preservation Officeâ€™s (HPO) desire to protect and interpret its underwater cultural heritage (UCH). Through a United States of America (U.S.) National Park Service American Battlefield Protection Program grant in collaboration with a non-profit organisation and university program this trail was developed during 2009-2010 and launched in 2011.&#13;
&#13;
The development of a heritage trail that interprets such a confronting, painful and tragic event for multiple culture groups is a difficult task. A balanced approach of interpreting battlefield heritage can only be achieved through the identification and inclusion of the various stakeholders and an awareness of what is being included, ignored or inadequately represented in the interpretation. Listening to the multiple stakeholdersâ€™ views about the significance of such sites and incorporating those views into interpretive and management practices is key to an inclusive and shared interpretation of heritage. Further, an awareness and acknowledgment of the social and political context in which one is working is fundamental to understanding how practitioners negotiate the process of interpretation. As Logan and Reeves (2009:13) have communicated so well, â€œHeritage conservation is a form of cultural politics; it is about the links between ideology, public policy, national and community identity formation, and celebration, just as much as it is about technical issues relating to restoration and adaptive re-use techniquesâ€.&#13;
&#13;
This paper provides an in-depth discussion on the process of developing a battlefield heritage trail. It will explore the theory and practice, the pitfalls and highlights, and the problems and solutions of interpreting and managing a battlefield site.&#13;
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