25 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/36bcdd5d88fc4e3399f1332bee97eb48.pdf b2c5f3adf35ab2a0dfacfd4f5b4c8a9e PDF Text Text Understanding Behind Shipwrecks: filling the missing gap of local history Dr. Widya Nayati1 Abstract Archaeological evidence of contact and exchange can be found in many sites in Indonesia. Different areas of the Archipelago experienced different levels of socioeconomic complexity because of many factors including local resource distribution and topography, which in turn affected the nature of contact with foreign traders. Contacts between resource-providing areas and outsiders who sought these resources have affected the development of local cultures. Buddhist, Islamic and Christian ideas and material culture were intensively and widely distributed in the Indonesian Archipelago from the seventh century onward. Archaeological data supported the activities of the contact, such as Hindu and Buddhist temples, Chinese temples, Mosques, Churches, forts, ceramics, beads, statues (made from stone and metals), and shipwrecks. While historical data gives information on the varieties of Indonesian commodities. Hundreds of shipwrecks are believed to be within Indonesia seas. However, the study of shipwrecks— especially in Indonesia--is always as a single object and usually only discusses the artifacts found from the shipwreck. Based on the information above, there are many data which could be helpful in understanding the past from shipwrecks. How would it be if the ship had reached the local harbour? Who would buy the artifacts? What would have happened with the locals if they used the artifacts? Is there any tangible artifacts and intangible culture which could be related to the development of the harbours or the local kingdom? Is there any ‗missing link‘ of the local history which is found from the shipwreck? This paper will analyse the effect of shipwrecks and understanding the role of local history behind the shipwreck. This paper will study the correlation of shipwrecks found in the Batam and Cirebon regions of Indonesia with the history of those two places. Keywords: shipwreck, Development of settlements, tangible and intangible culture, Cirebon, Batam Island, Indonesia Introduction The development of trading centres in the Indonesian Archipelago has been significant since early in the first millennium Anno Domini (A.D.)2 when Javanese, Chinese, Malay and west Asians traded in many ports in the Indonesian Archipelago (van Leur 1955; Meilink-Roelofsz 1962; Wolters 1967). Then, all commodities came to Melaka. The Indonesian Archipelago itself was legendary initially for forest, sea and spice products (Cortesao 1944; van Leur 1955; Meilink-Roelofsz 1962). The trade later developed to include inter local and international products, such as ceramics, beads, coins, gongs, jewellery, metal goods, and precious stones (Cortesao 1944; van Leur 1955; Meilink-Roelofsz 1962; Wolters 1967). The exchange in luxury items could possibly have taken place in the coastal, hinterland or ecotone areas, by land (track) and river (Nayati 1 M.A, widyanayati@yahoo.com A Georgian Calendar designation that starts at year one from the birth of Jesus Christ of Nazareth. 2 �2005). In the harbors, the elites controlled the trading activity as they had accumulated the necessary resources (Junker 1990; Nayati, 2005). Such land trading was closely interconnected with sea/inter island trading (Nayati 2005) and trading activity in this region has developed and is intertwined with other systems over a long period. However, evidence shows that changes of trading patterns have occurred as responses to internal, inter-regional, and international contacts (Nayati 2005). Artifacts have been found in the capital kingdom and their settlements both on the coastal area and in land areas (Nayati 1994; Nayati 2005), while intangible cultural influences were interacting with local people (Reid 1984; 1993; Jungker 1990; Nayati 1994; Nayati 2005). Those introduced cultures became interrelated with local cultures, thereby influencing such aspects as language, daily activities, costume, ceremony, politics, and technology (Jungker 1990; Reid 1984; Reid 1993; Nayati 2005). It can be said that understanding the maritime archaeology of this region is not as simple as recording local and non local artifacts, but should be seen as a contact of land to land culture using both land and sea transportation. Such contact involves time, energy, space, and adaptation which could open many other possibilities. So, any interpretation of the scope of maritime archaeology must encompass wider and deeper considerations which can open the way to seeing and understanding the many possibilities generated by the wider cultural contact. Historical documents can help interpret the maritime archaeology. Some documents describe the ships, the dates, the shift of trading activities from one market to another depending on the supply of local products, the fluctuating prices, and the influence of local rulers on the trading activities. The documents also provide a record of each centre by illustrations, sketches and maps. However these data are only recorded for the Complex Entrepots and Fort Regulated sites, where the document writers stayed for longer periods and even established settlements, such as in Banten, Batavia (Jakarta), west coast of Sumatra, and Banda (Cortesao 1944; Nayati 1994; Nayati 2005). By contrast, there are almost no comparable data about the development of the Direct Exchange sites or about the people, culture and trade to be found in such sites (Nayati 1994). Consequently archaeological evidence can throw further light on these changes by comparing the material culture and archaeological remains across different periods, even though not all historical information is supported by material culture or vice versa (Nayati 1994). The archaeological and historical data have already revealed much about the successes of shipping and trading activity in the past. Trading activity by sea and river was risky and full of danger, not only because of pirates but also weather. Hundreds of shipwrecks are believed to lie within Indonesia and its waters. It is believed that there are around 500 sites where ships have sunk within the Indonesian seas, yet, less from data recorded by Nigel Pickford (1994: 155). �Figure 1. Shipwrecks in Sumatra and Java (Pickford 1994: 155). The discovery, investigation and removal of shipwrecks in the Indonesian sea has been done many times. Nevertheless, the study of shipwrecks is always a single object and usually only discusses the artifacts found from a particular wreck. In Indonesian case, the findings from such an action is normally just a "finding" without any further interpretation what it may reveal about the role of local history to the world or vice versa. There are many data from the wreck which could help in a wider understanding of the past. In this paper, I will focus on one site and ask what might have happened in Cirebon and in Batam if the ship had not sunk? Is there any "missing link" of the local history which can be found from this shipwreck? In the history of Indonesia, Batam does not seem to rate any special mention (Cortesao 1944; Meilink-Roelofsz 1962; Kartodirdjo, et al. 1975; Reid 1993). It interprets that Batam, an island in the strait of Malacca, could have acted as a stop-over harbor as Malacca had both important Complex Entrepots and Fort Regulated sites, while direct trading sites were located in Sumatra and Java. It can be assumed that Bantam could play an important role whenever the trading ships/junks were attacked by pirates, or ran into weather problems—as Batam island is located in the monsoon area. While Cirebon did not rate mention in as many historical journals as the Banten kingdom, Batavia city, and Gresik (Cortesao, 1944; Meilink-Roelofsz, 1962; Kartodirdjo, et al. 1975; Tjandrasasmita 2009), both are located on the north Java sea and Cirebon was an important Islamic kingdom from the 15th to the late 19th century (Sulendraningrat 1972; Kartodirdjo, et al. 1975; Sulendraningrat 1985). �Trading Activity within the Indonesian Archipelago: filling some missing link in local history It is difficult to specify the nature of the connections among producers, traders, agents, and consumers in pre-modern society (Nayati 2005). Many different scenarios are possible as an individual can act as producer, as consumer, as agent, and as trader at the same time (Nayati 2005). Goods were distributed and redistributed both in simple and complex societies, both through reciprocity and centralized movement, variables which are related to socio-cultural life (Nayati 2005). These may each have positive and negative gains for the actors – socially and in terms of real wealth. Archaeological artifacts have not been found to confirm the whole range of recorded trading activities. Archaeological evidence can provide some information about commodities arriving in trading sites but little about the local commodities taken out from these markets (Nayati 1994; Nayati 2005). Yet archaeological data can give clues about the local activities that lead to an understanding and explanation of the past by drawing on both historical and archaeological studies (Nayati 1994). However, there are still many questions on trade remaining, such as how the local people–both coastal and in the hinterland– were affected by the international trading network, and what kind of socioeconomic structures and networks they developed to support their involvement (Jungker 1990; Nayati 2005). Related to the questions of this nature that arise, Jesse Ransley (2005) argues that maritime archaeology is a complex discipline. We should be aware about the many possibilities generated for interpreting the past, as the data are unique and the development of culture may differ and is not always linear between one place and the next. Case Study of Cirebon and Batam For a start, not all sea trading was successful. Pickford (1994) in his study of locations of wrecks does not mention any shipwreck along the north Java Sea including Cirebon but does refer to some spots in Batam. There are reports of underwater research activity there (H Harun). These activities were undertaken by the people in Jakarta during the Suharto era and Haji Harun said that all materials found have been brought to Jakarta. Equally, in 2004 to 2005 there was research conducted on a shipwreck located on 05°14‘ 30‖ and 108° 58‘ 25‖, which is 60-70 miles north of Cirebon. �Table 1. Types of artifacts found in Cirebon Shipwreck (Source: PT ParadigmaPutera Sejahtera (Setyawan 2009)—with modification.) No Type of Artifacts Total 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Metal (Gold, Silver, Iron, bronze, copper, Tin) Precious stones Earthenware Ceramics Glass beads Container made from Glass Upstream Kris Ivory Bones and tooth Horn Spices Woods (part of the ship) Others 15.215 2.607 35,819 256.943 1.475 1.591 1 59 281 10 28 19 114 Cirebon Based on the artifacts found from the Cirebon shipwreck, it should be asked – if there could also be any commodities which were destroyed by sea water. This question must be addressed as ships could stopover in many ports before (almost) reaching Cirebon harbor and this implies that these ships possibly bought other commodities, though not from China. Researchers have interpreted that the shipwreck - based on the ceramics and glassware - is dated to the 10th century (Setiawan 2009). Yet such a date should be questioned as the first Cirebon king came to power in 1478 (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Panzuri 1994; Tjandrasasmita 2009). Before this time, Cirebon was just a small fishing village under the local merchant Ki GedeTapa (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Panzuri 1994). This village then became crowded as many people settled there and this growing population was supported by the surrounding area, especially with rice and sea products (Panzuri 1994). According to local history Ki GedeTapa was replaced by his son who built a new kingdom named Pakungwati, and used the name Pangeran Cakrabuana (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Tjandrasasmita 2009). He was in turn replaced by his cousin, named Syarif Hidayatullah or Sunan GunungJati (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Tjandrasasmita 2009). In 1677 Kraton Cirebon (formally Pakungwati) was then divided into three kingdoms: Kraton Kasepuhan, Kraton Kanoman and Keprabonan, which has a centre of learning (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985; Tjandrasasmita, 2009). Between 1798-1803 Kraton Kanoman was further divided into two kingdoms: Kraton Kanoman and Kasultanan Kacirebonan (Sulendraningrat 1972; Sulendraningrat 1985). Interestingly, the most intriguing point is the amount of ceramics found from the Cirebon shipwreck. If all these commodities were to be sold in Cirebon market, what would the Cirebon kingdom look like? Certainly, there are ceramics used in the interior of the palace of Sunan Gunung Jati and the sultan‘s graveyard (Figure 2). Gunung Jati is believed to have married Chinese women, but if there were at least 271.000 ceramics, mostly bowls to be sold in Cirebon, �the people of Cirebon would seem to have been practicing a Chinese life style. Yet, based on the personal survey, only one Chinese temple is known to have been located nearby the central market of the kraton in Cirebon. If those artifacts were to be exchanged in Cirebon how did they collect all the commodities to the harbor? And if so, where did they store these commodities from outside Cirebon and from the local area come from? And, most intriguing of all, what was Cirebon‘s most popular trade commodity, as there are no precise historical data on this for Cirebon? Yet We have to interpret more that Cirebon had developed a powerful political and social organization which could organize the accumulation of local commodities to be exchanged with international commodities. If so, the history of Cirebon is not to be restricted to an account of the succession from father to son/cousin. Cirebon must have been a rich country with great social and political organization; it must have included many non local inhabitants but it was all controlled by the kingdom. Figure 2. Ceramics at Gunung Jati Graveyard (http://thearoengbinangproject.com/2010/11/wisata-gunung-jati/) Batam In contrast, while shipwrecks in Batam have not yet been covered scientifically, yet there are more than 100 Chinese temples in the area. Only 20 of these Chinese temples are legal (Ah Cui). A personal survey of the Chinese temples on Batam island has found that many temples have been relocated because of the developments on the island. Some hilly areas have been leveled, and new settlements built—especially shop house—along the main road, although old Chinese temples remain located in the bay (see Figure 3; the original location of the Chinese temples). Moreover, there are some Chinese ceramics dated between Ming and Qing dynasty and beads on the main altar. �Figure 3. Location of Old Chinese Temples in Batam Island (sources: BAPPEKO Batam (1995-1998), http://pn-batam.go.id/profil-daerah/45-pemerintahan-kotabatam/81-sejarah-pulau-batam.html In Bantam, based on the personal survey on July 2011, there are three groups of temples: firstly, temples used for Toa Pe Kong (ancestor) and Santikong; secondly, temples for Kwan Im; and thirdly, temples with Buddha statues. This can be interpreted as that the first settlers placed their ancestors and santikong in their temples as Tao followers and their clan continues to venerate their grandparents‘ temples. Their duties are to renovate and rebuild it better than before. If they have to move the temple, they have to move the Toa Pe Kong and Santikong with them. Interviewed with Ah Chui informed that when renovations or rebuilding of the old temples are still to still maintain the traditional shape. Any reshaping can only be done in unimportant parts of the temple, while any new buildings must be built outside the original temples. Base on the same survey, there are several Chinese temples with Toa Pe Kong and Santikong located in the strategic bay of Batam. It can be assumed that these temples have been built by the Chinese who originally stopped over in Batam temporarily, possibly because of bad weather or pirates and or trade matters. They could safely anchor in Batam bay—as Batam has many safe bays. It assumed that some Chinese continued living in Batam. This assumption is supported by information from Ah Cui‘s that people in Batu Ampar were Chinese who worked as fishermen and merchants. Moreover there were 13 Chinese families who lived in Batu Ampar, a settlement with a trading center, namely A Chui, Tok Riri, AngTeng Hiang, A Ti Pincang (An Kai Lai), Tan Ching Long, Tan Pa Long, Pen Kiang, Cui Siang, Lao Ho, Qi Bak, Bak Ti, Tio Seng, Po Lim and Po Chin. The oldest Chinese temple was originally in Batu Ampar, but then moved to Nagoya because a factory was built in Batu Ampar. Moreover, Ah Cui a local Malay fishermen living in Tanjung Uma and adjacent areas — noted this is �the case especially along the coastal area. Based on personal survey on the 24th of July 2011, in Tanjung Uma an old mosque has been renovated and became a masjid Jami‘ named Al Mukminin. The history of Batam should be expanded to include the existence of the Chinese and their settlements and history during the 1950s, when the Chinese and Malay of Batam worked in rubber plantations and planted pepper and gambier (Ah Cui). These plantations no longer exist as all the forest has been cut down and replaced with shop houses, factories and malls. Based on interviewed with several people in Batam from 21th to 25 of July 2011, it can be concluded that Batam people do not forget their history. Much of the history of local Batam is still missing. However, from the location of the Chinese temples we can understand a little more about the past of Batam. Clearly it was not under firm local control as it was not a kingdom, as the Chinese were free to choose where they settled and where they built their temples. It assumed that the Chinese visited Batam because it was located near trading activity, and a safe haven from bad weather and pirates. Thus this location could have then become a silent trading place where the merchants met the producers from Sumatra and other places in Asia before reaching the major trading centre of Malacca. Conclusion The difference in the commercial functions of Cirebon and Batam influenced the spread of Chinese in those places. In Cirebon, a the Complex Entrepots-Chinese were located in a Chinese settlement called Pecinan, near the market and Kraton, however in Batam—a Direct trading sites—Chinese lives spread in the island. Yet any analysis of trading activities must also take account of the reality that trading is not just confined to the exchange of goods but also involves and influences culture (Nayati 2005; Nayati 2009). The different types of trading sites between Batam and Cirebon seems affected to the development of traders—especially the Chinese. People now living in Batam and Cirebon are often not aware of the richness of their own history and culture. Knowledge merely about their local culture and the role of their local histories provides only an inadequate understanding of their true culture. As people who live in coastal areas, the inhabitants of Batam and Cirebon are largely unaware of the significance of their location in relation to both land and sea. Yet it should be the role of education to make people aware that their local histories are developed and influenced from both land and other resources from the sea, and vice versa. However, their culture and histories are not complete as much information could still be hidden under the land surface and underwater. The findings of recent archaeological and historical data should be anticipated in augmenting the riches of the past, local, national, and international, as local history is strongly correlated with world history, especially in relation to trading activity. This data does not always come exclusively from researchers but should, where possible, involve the local community. Therefore, researchers – especially in Indonesia - have a duty to �inform the communities who live surrounding the historical sites about their findings so the local people will better appreciate the importance of their own past for the wider world. Archaeological findings from shipwrecks both in Batam and Cirebon can fill out their local history. Ceramics from the shipwreck in Cirebon dated on the 10th century, nonetheless, there are ceramics in Cirebon—including on the wall— are dated on the 15th onwards. Moreover the historical data of Islamic kingdom of Cirebon is dated on the 15th century. So, the artifacts and the ships are not only data for the shipwreck itself but raise wider issues such as where did the ships come from, what kinds of artifacts were found in the wrecks, how accurately is the dating of the artifacts and ships, and then those shipwreck data should be related with the situation on the land, in this case the island of Batam and the kingdom of Cirebon. Data from shipwrecks is not extensive, but it can help in filling in the local history of the nearby land area. It is important for gaining a better understanding of the local people‘s role (and their ancestors‘ roles) in the wider world. Each place in the world is intertwined and inter-correlated. Why should we think our place is better than others if their lives and cultures, like ours, have been supported and developed in conjunction with other cultures (including other commodities)? Acknowledgments Thanks you to Ms. Ika Ayu Kristianingrum and Mr. Anggoro Budi Prasetyo for accompanied me to do the survey in Batam. Thanks also goes to Mrs. Brigid Ballard to help me fixing my English in this paper. Thanks also to Miss. Jennifer Craig to sharpen the quality of this paper. Oral Sources Ah Cui alias Lim Bouson (61 years old), Head of Vihara Cipta Dharma at Sei Panas, Batam; Coordinator of Yayasan Sosial Umum at Batam, interview on the 21st of July 2011, cited as Ah Cui Haji Harun (70 years old), former fisherman, Batam, interview 23rd July 2011, cited as H Harun. 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Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Understanding Behind Shipwrecks: filling the missing gap of local history Subject The topic of the resource Session 12 Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Archaeological evidence of contact and exchange can be found in many sites in Indonesia. Different areas of the Archipelago experienced different levels of socioeconomic complexity because of many factors including local resource distribution and topography, which in turn affected the nature of contact with foreign traders. Contacts between resource-providing areas and outsiders who sought these resources have affected the development of local cultures. Buddhist, Islamic and Christian ideas and material culture were intensively and widely distributed in the Indonesian Archipelago from the seventh century onward. Archaeological data supported the activities of the contact, such as Hindu and Buddhist temples, Chinese temples, Mosques, Churches, forts, ceramics, beads, statues (made from stone and metals), and shipwrecks. While historical data gives information on the varieties of Indonesian commodities. Hundreds of shipwrecks are believed to be within Indonesia seas. However, the study of shipwrecks—especially in Indonesia--is always as a single object and usually only discusses the artifacts found from the shipwreck. Based on the information above, there are many data which could be helpful in understanding the past from shipwrecks. How would it be if the ship had reached the local harbour? Who would buy the artifacts? What would have happened with the locals if they used the artifacts? Is there any tangible artifacts and intangible culture which could be related to the development of the harbours or the local kingdom? Is there any ‘missing link’ of the local history which is found from the shipwreck? This paper will analyse the effect of shipwrecks and understanding the role of local history behind the shipwreck. This paper will study the correlation of shipwrecks found in the Batam and Cirebon regions of Indonesia with the history of those two places. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Widya Nayati Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 12 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/32782553356f901500377f6efd3ceb7f.pdf 56079b3eebab34e237fbde99723d9de6 PDF Text Text A Blueprint for the Conservation of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Taiwan Dr. Ying-Ying Tung (Kuo-King Tung) 董盈穎 Associate Researcher, Bureau of Cultural Heritage, Ministry of Culture, Taiwan Istituto Centrale per la Patologia del Libro Istituto Italiano Arte Artigianato e Restauro Museology, Tainan National University of the Arts Art Administration Management, National Taiwan Normal University Email: ch0235@boch.gov.tw ; telephone: 866-912600718 Abstract Located on an important East Asian shipping route, the island of Taiwan is surrounded by waters containing a large number of underwater artefacts as a result of weather conditions, changes in the current, submerged reefs, war and other human factors. In 2006, the Bureau of Cultural Heritage (BOCH) commissioned the Institute of History and Philology at Academia Sinica to carry out a survey of underwater cultural heritage. In the ten years since, and with the assistance of scholars from France’s DRASSM, Australia, the United States and Japan, Taiwan has made remarkable progress. Wherever underwater archaeological sites are found, underwater artefacts are also. In the last ten years, the BOCH has recovered 1,567 items, the vast majority of which are metal and pottery. In addition, parts of wooden boats and vessels of the two World Wars and freighted goods have also been found. Because there is a lack of professional facilities and conservators, half of the recovered objects are still being stored in water. Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act, promulgated on 9 December 2015, ensures the protection of Taiwan’s underwater cultural heritage. Item 6 of Article 2 of UNESCO’s 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage states that “Recovered underwater cultural heritage shall be deposited, conserved and managed in a manner that ensures its long-term preservation.” In order to enhance the safety of artefacts once they are out of the water, and to provide comprehensive information about the restored artefacts, it is necessary to plan in advance and proceed carefully. In the next ten years, we need to �train more professional conservation and restoration personnel and to expand the necessary facilities into a complete system for the handling of underwater archaeology—including a series of tasks such as surveying, verification, monitoring, exploration, conservation and restoration, research, educational exhibition and promotional publication. Conserving recovered underwater artefacts is also an important task for underwater archaeology. A complete plan is needed before undertaking an underwater archaeological project, encompassing the conservation, registration and recording of submerged objects and the restoration, research and storage of recovered objects. We need to train conservation and restoration personnel, set up conservation and restoration facilities, equipment and laboratories for recovered artefacts, and all documentation regarding underwater cultural heritage must be centrally administered and kept in good condition at the data centre. A data system should also be set up for use by researchers and the general public. If recovered artefacts are to retain their full cultural and historical value, their conservation must be carried out by professional personnel in a way that retains all their historical information and “make the artefact talk”. Key words: Underwater Archaeology, Underwater Cultural Heritage, Conservation-Restoration, Bureau of Cultural Heritage (BOCH) 1. The Importance of Recovering Underwater Artefacts 1.1 Underwater Cultural Heritage Provides Data Integral to Human History With progress in diving technology and equipment, underwater cultural heritage has become an important type of cultural heritage, providing evidence of historical processes relating to human maritime culture and trade, oceanic migration routes and other human maritime activities. Underwater heritage sites are like time capsules, providing supplementary historical data and enriching human history. Underwater cultural heritage �makes up for deficiencies in land-based cultural heritage; only together do the two types provide the full historical information on human activity. 1.2 Evidence from Historical Research Although recovered relics can supplement or corroborate much historical information, it is only in the last 50 to 60 years that the study of underwater cultural heritage has come to be an academic discipline. Thus, many mammalian fossils have been discovered in the Penghu submarine canyon in Taiwan, including skeletons of mammoths, water buffalo, deer and horses. According to palaeontologists, these fauna fossils (known as “Taiwan Land Bridge Fauna Fossils”) prove that in antiquity the Taiwan landmass was connected to the continental landmass. Many wrecked naval vessels from the Second World War were also discovered in the Penghu sea area (such as the Guangbing gunboat), which, together with historical records and nearby lighthouses built on islands, such as the Guangbing gunboat (from the Guangdong Fleet) and(including the Gupo (Koba) Island lighthouse), constitute a complete network of underwater cultural heritage and sites. According to Japanese historical records, the Yamafuji Maru cargo ship ran aground and sank, whereas United States records state it was sunk by torpedo. Perhaps damaged objects recovered from the area could set the record straight. 1.3 A Perfectly Preserved Time Capsule The artefacts most likely to have retained their original appearance from the time of sinking are those that lie buried under the seabed at depths greater than 60 metres, where they are relatively undisturbed by human passage and where the environment is especially oxygen-depleted. An artefact that has sunk into the sea and remained there for a thousand years may look exactly as it did at the moment it sank, while a land-based �thousand-year-old artefact may long ago have shattered and even been reduced to dust. The thousands of century-old artefacts allow us to turn back time and thus constitute an important asset for historical research. 2. Characteristics and Classification of Recovered Artefacts 2.1 Characteristics of Recovered Artefacts Recovered underwater artefacts are different from regular land-based artefacts because they have been immersed in cold, dark, low-oxygen, salt-saturated seawater for hundreds or thousands of years. Recovery brings them into a new environment, which makes their conservation and restoration even more difficult than for land-based artefacts. Without expert treatment, when they leave their original environment and are exposed to the atmosphere, the rate of decomposition will accelerate. In order to avoid degradation and corrosion, artefacts have to be adapted to suit the surface environment, ensuring that all physical and chemical changes are gradual. Thus, immediately upon being taken from the water they are given urgent first treatment, and once they have been documented (photographed, registered, labeling) they are sent to the laboratory or conservation studio to continue the conservation and protection work, such as desalination, cleaning(algae, molluscs, sand, chlorine), impregnation, reinforcement, drying, filling and retouching. The aim is to restore the object to its original form with minimal intervention, to preserve its integrity and make its historical value “speak” so that it can be used for research and exhibition. 2.2 Classification of Recovered Artefacts According to the definition in Article 1 of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, underwater cultural heritage consists of: �(a) “sites, structures, buildings, artefacts and human remains, together with their archaeological and natural context” (b) “vessels, aircraft, other vehicles or any part thereof, their cargo or other contents, together with their archaeological and natural context” (c) “objects of prehistoric character” Objects found in ruins and towns are mainly stone sculptures, parts of buildings, artefacts and everyday items. Recovered vessels, aircraft and other means of transportation are generally made of wood or metal, while the objects that they carry are mainly pottery, porcelain, coins, stone goods, daily items and food supplies, and cannons and munitions for warships. Organic matter such as rope, sailcloth, textiles, leather and human bones can also be found. In sum, underwater cultural heritage can be divided into three broad categories: (1) organic matter such as bones, textiles and wood (2) inorganic matter such as metal and pottery (3) Composite material The number of categories of underwater artefacts depends on the categorization of discovered underwater archaeological sites and their contents. 3. Recovered Underwater Artefacts in Taiwan 3.1 Quantities To date, the Bureau of Cultural Heritage has overseen the recovery of 1,567 items in total: 174 in 2009, 118 in 2010, 144 in 2011, 126 in 2012, 87 in 2013, 96 in 2014, 393 in 2015 and 429 in 2016 (as shown in Table 1). �Table 1. Total recovered artefacts by year. Total recovered artefacts by year 500 400 300 數量 200 100 0 98年 99年 100年 101年 102年 103年 104年 105年 The recovered items fall into the following categories: 946 metallic items, 15 wooden, 327 pottery, 58 seashell, 127 glass, 56 stone, 1 seed and 37 other. In addition to the artefacts recovered during the BOCH survey, the underwater artefacts were recovered by many places: (1) the Cultural Affairs Bureau of Yilan County government recovered 1,471,804 items at the Qiwulan site, including 946 metallic items, 15 wooden, 327 pottery, 58 seashell, 127 glass, 56 stone, 1 seed and 37 other.organic matter such as bones, textiles and wood (2) In Penghu the recovery of Jiangjun No. 1 shipwreck, under the direction of the National Museum of History, 284 items were recovered in 1995-1998. (3) The Sobraon shipwreck recovery off Matsu Island saw the discovery of X items. 3.2 Storage Sites �BOCH currently stores recovered artefacts at four locations: Taichung, Penghu, Keelung and Tainan. Many of those recovered by the Yilan County Cultural Affairs Bureau are stored in Yilan Cultural Centre. Artefacts from the Jiangjun No. 1 are stored at the National Museum of History and the Penghu County Bureau of Cultural Affairs. The Sobraon artefacts are stored on Matsu Island. (as shown in Table 2). Table 2. Total recovered storage place. Site Department in charge / Deposit Place Green Island BOCH No.1, Guangbing Penghu Underwater gunboat, S.S. Archaeology Work Bokhare, Station Masushimakan, The National Museum … of Marine Science & Technology, Keelung Cultural Heritage Research Center, Tainan Qiwulan Site Yilan County Bureau of Cultural Affairs Jiangjun No. 1 Penghu County Bureau of Cultural Affairs Sobraon Cultural Affairs department of Lienchiang County Government. Matsu Quantity notes 100 1,022 26 100 1,151,066 Before the setting up of the 284 Underwater Cultural Heritage 25 Section at BOCH In its earlier development in Taiwan, underwater archaeology was understaffed, with a relative lack of manpower and technical ability for the conservation and restoration of recovered artefacts. Thus, the first batch of artefacts salvaged from Jiangjun No. 1 did not go through each and every part of the conservation process: 794 items of the underwater artefacts recovered by BOCH are still being stored in water. approx. 51% �have yet to be processed. Of the 1,473,655 items recovered in Taiwan, most of them have yet to be processed. 3.3 Efforts to protect underwater cultural heritage On 10 December 2015, Taiwan passed the Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act, which laid the optimal groundwork to guarantee conservation of Taiwan’s underwater cultural heritage. To bolster the security of recovered artefacts, BOCH has set up an index to record their information and is organizing a storage/exhibition space and professional training in conservation workshops. This will preserve for posterity the historical data of these recovered remnants and fully realize their great historical value. 3.3.1 Staff Training and Workshops In August 2015, BOCH invited two scholars, Australia’s Mark Staniforth and Japan’s Jun Kimura, to come to Taiwan and share their expertise with the Taiwan Underwater Archaeology Team. From 2 to 12 October 2016, Australians Andrew Viduka and Jon Carpenter ran a study workshop on on-site processing of underwater artefacts (metal and wood). In collaboration with Academia Sinica’s underwater archaeology team, BOCH carried out the Taiwan Coastal Waters Underwater Cultural Heritage Survey Project and trained front-line staff at the site of the Green Island No. 1 shipwreck in the waters off Green Island to correctly handle recovered artefacts and follow the right workflow. The training gave personnel a good grasp of the knowledge and skills needed to carry out on-site conservation and protection of recovered artefacts and work management. It also helps improve the process of conserving and managing recovered underwater cultural heritage. 3.3.2 Taking Inventory and Building a Database �In 2015 and 2016, an inventory of recovered artefacts was carried out and a data registration form was drawn up in the hope of gathering the scattered information about recovered objects into one place, ultimately to be entered into a forthcoming database. 3.3.3 Setting Up the Penghu Work Station In 2014, BOCH signed a contract with Chunghwa Telecom to turn the historic Penghu Post Office and the telecommunications bureau dormitory on its east side into a national underwater archaeology work station, combining data resources and equipment for the use of the underwater archaeology workforce as a work and exhibition space. By May 2015, the renovation was complete, a reuse survey had been carried out and a plan had been drawn up to finish the work by February 2018. The historic post office building was chosen to act as an exhibition space, and the underwater archaeology work station would be moved to the former site of the telecommunications bureau dormitory. A research area, storage area, car park, preparation zone, cleaning zone and dormitory have been planned. 3.3.4 Setting Up a Collection Space for Recovered Artefacts BOCH will set up a collection space on the fourth floor of the Weishui Building at our Taichung office’s to be used as an initial repository for underwater artefacts recovered by the future underwater archaeology research centre. The space is approximately 90 m2 and able to house around 24,000,000 m3 of recovered artefacts. Detailed plans have already been drawn up, and construction is due to be complete before the end of the year. 4. Recommendations 4.1 Train conservation and restoration personnel �The lack of professional staff is why the majority of recovered underwater artefacts continue to be stored in water and also one reason why Taiwan is not doing its utmost to recover objects. Of course, if the necessary skills to treat recovered artefacts are lacking, recovery is the wrong course of action, but it is also poor policy not to salvage important underwater artefacts that are of historical value or that lie in an inhospitable environment simply because of a lack of professional restoration staff. In this way, the laborious work of surveying and identifying underwater cultural heritage has all been in vain, and the hard-won discovery of underwater archaeological sites will not lead to any further research. After surveying, checking, rechecking and confirming underwater archaeological sites, if they contain objects that fill in gaps in human history, recovery should be under consideration. But in order to resolve this problem, we must immediately start training conservation and restoration personnel, perhaps by inviting international scholars to Taiwan on a yearly basis to give courses on metal, pottery, wooden and other organic materials, so that staff can earn course credits or certificates on the treatment of recovered artefacts. Training of underwater cultural heritage conservation staff could start with those who have a Master’s degree or higher in cultural heritage, art culture, artefact conservation or other fields relating to conservation techniques. They should be encouraged to gain qualifications in underwater cultural heritage conservation, protection or management, either in Taiwan or abroad. 4.2 Expand the size of underwater archaeological work station The Penghu underwater archaeology work station is located opposite Makung Harbour. The Penghu site has a high number of wrecks, so it is the ideal location for the work station, but it currently measures only �633.54 m2. Discounting the Penghu Post Office exhibition space, the telecommunications bureau dormitory has to provide space for underwater archaeology personnel and diving-related facilities such as divers’ sleeping quarters and office space, diving tank recharge area, shower area, drying room for diving suits, storeroom, a room for various marine survey equipment, car park and corridors. If an emergency room for treating recovered underwater artefacts is to be set up, it will be rather cramped. In the event that a large volume of objects is recovered, a certain amount of space will be necessary for their treatment, so it will be necessary to find a bigger space in Penghu. Other underwater archaeological sites such as Green Island, should evaluate its quantities of underwater cultural heritage. 4.3 Integrate the data and management of all underwater artefacts in Taiwan Information regarding the underwater artefacts at Yilan’s Qiwulan site (more than 10,000) the Jiangjun No. 1 wreck in 1995 (over 200), and the Matsu Sobraon wreck (25), which were all recovered before the passing of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act, should be integrated and managed centrally. 4.4 Set up first-rate restoration laboratories in work stations Recovered underwater artefacts are vastly different from regular landbased artefacts. The former requires immediate appropriate treatment, so the more underwater sites an area has, the more first-rate restoration and testing spaces are needed. A properly equipped facility can be used to give recovered artefacts the care they need. By restoring and preserving an artefact’s original shape and appearance, we can preserve its original historical data, to be studied by historians and exhibited for the public, and �everyone can get a closer look at precious underwater cultural artefacts that would otherwise be out of reach. The size of the conservation room determines the size of the artefact that can be treated. Because artefacts require desalination, impregnation, and chemical substitution, we must install large tanks for water or solvents or electrolysis tanks. These are extremely heavy and must be installed on the ground floor to make it easier to unload artefacts and avoid concerns about overloading the floor. 4.5 Set up an underwater archaeology data centre According to Rule 33 of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, “The project archives, including any underwater cultural heritage removed and a copy of all supporting documentation shall, as far as possible, be kept together and intact as a collection in a manner that is available for professional and public access as well as for the curation of the archives.” Since the promulgation of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act in Taiwan, BOCH, Ministry of Culture is the only government administrative body to have jurisdiction over underwater cultural heritage. Although Taiwan has only been undertaking underwater cultural heritage work for ten years, the annual surveys and related research data should be systematically collected and stored centrally as soon as possible. An underwater archaeology centre should also be set up with the goal of assembling all the data for the use of researchers and the general public. 4.6 Underwater excavation work only to be carried out by trained conservation and restoration personnel According to Article 35 of Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act, when artefacts are excavated a plan must be drawn up �for their conservation and protection. Emergency treatment must be carried out by professionals of underwater archaeology, underwater work and conservation. During assessment of artefact recovery, professional restoration personnel must be brought in in order to understand the degree of risk artefacts face in their environment and situation and so better prepare for recovery. For example, should the artefact be recovered by hand, by wrapping it up, or using a bag or a hook? On the day of recovery, the professional conservation personnel should be on board the work boat to handle, labelling and clean the items or give urgent attention to more fragile items. Some excavation sites are remote, and excavation may take several days or weeks, in which case a temporary work station should be set up on shore. If the quantity of objects is very large, it will be necessary to consider setting up a formal work station, where personnel, apparatus and all the main facilities can be stationed. 5. Conclusions The waters around Taiwan are teeming with historical maritime culture. It is estimated that just over 99% of our underwater cultural heritage still lies on the seabed, waiting to be uncovered. Underwater archaeology has developed late in Taiwan and still faces serious challenges. It needs the support of government policy and an influx of fresh young talent. Recovered artefacts need to be dealt with carefully, with advance planning. Item 6, Article 2 of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage states that “Recovered underwater cultural heritage shall be deposited, conserved and managed in a manner that ensures its long-term preservation.” It is impossible to store recovered artefacts in water tanks forever—they will still decompose. But while we cannot allow over half of our recovered artefacts to continue to be stored �in water, nor can we leave them unrecovered simply because we lack storage locations or trained personnel, i.e. preserving the status quo by using “in-situ preservation”. Henceforth, the most important criterion for conservation and protection personnel is professional qualification, which means we need to start training people straightaway. We need to work closely with professional personnel when setting up laboratories and conservation facilities. Surveying, verification, exploration, conservation and restoration, research, educational exhibition and promotional publication are all tasks for underwater archaeology. We must not merely work on the initial stages and then ignore the subsequent conservation and restoration of recovered artefacts. Rather, we have to look at it as a whole process and take each task to completion. With the right restoration and testing space and the right equipment and tools, we can give recovered underwater artefacts the attention they require, restoring and preserving their original shape and appearance. In this way, we can preserve the entirety of these items’ historical data, so historians can study them, the public can see them in exhibition and everyone can get a closer look at precious underwater cultural artefacts that would otherwise remain out of reach. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 7: Underwater Cultural Heritage Politics, Laws, Ethics and Values Description An account of the resource All cultural materials are potentially cultural resources. However, because not all of them can be preserved or studied, choices must be made based on evaluation and re-evaluation. Values are learned and depend on cultural, intellectual, historical, and psychological frames of reference. Consequently, valuation is made individually, but is shared by communities. Valuation of underwater cultural heritage has, then, a broad range of determining value depending on the community to which it belongs. A clear example of this is the protection of human remains. The 2001 UNESCO Convention includes, in its definition of underwater cultural heritage, human remains which have been underwater for more than 100 years. However, the Christian philosophy on the treatment of human remains is different to that of Asian philosophy that teaches that human remains will never become underwater cultural heritage since, if they are seen by someone in an underwater site, it is imperative to rescue the human remains and bury them on land according to their beliefs. This session aims to create a forum for policymakers, managers, and archaeologists devoted to underwater cultural heritage where they can share their experiences of and research on the valuation of underwater cultural heritage. We aim to accept papers that help us to understand the definition of ‘underwater cultural heritage’ in the Asia-Pacific regions, comparing those definitions with the definition of the 2001 UNESCO Convention and trying to find a common interpretation. We will also be looking to examine the meaning of the underwater cultural heritage sites and objects for different communities. Finally, we will be expecting papers exploring the different possibilities of the use and/or conservation of this underwater cultural heritage according to the values and needs of the different communities. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Elena Perez-Alvaro Licit Cultural Heritage Ltd., UK Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Blueprint for the Conservation of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Taiwan Description An account of the resource Located on an important East Asian shipping route, the island of Taiwan is surrounded by waters containing a large number of underwater artefacts as a result of weather conditions, changes in the current, submerged reefs, war and other human factors. In 2006, the Bureau of Cultural Heritage (BOCH) commissioned the Institute of History and Philology at Academia Sinica to carry out a survey of underwater cultural heritage. In the ten years since, and with the assistance of scholars from France’s DRASSM, Australia, the United States and Japan, Taiwan has made remarkable progress. Wherever underwater archaeological sites are found, underwater artefacts are also. In the last ten years, the BOCH has recovered 1,567 items, the vast majority of which are metal and pottery. In addition, parts of wooden boats and vessels of the two World Wars and freighted goods have also been found. Because there is a lack of professional facilities and conservators, half of the recovered objects are still being stored in water. Taiwan’s Underwater Cultural Heritage Preservation Act, promulgated on 9 December 2015, ensures the protection of Taiwan’s underwater cultural heritage. Item 6 of Article 2 of UNESCO’s 2001 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage states that “Recovered underwater cultural heritage shall be deposited, conserved and managed in a manner that ensures its long-term preservation.” In order to enhance the safety of artefacts once they are out of the water, and to provide comprehensive information about the restored artefacts, it is necessary to plan in advance and proceed carefully. In the next ten years, we need to train more professional conservation and restoration personnel and to expand the necessary facilities into a complete system for the handling of underwater archaeology—including a series of tasks such as surveying, verification, monitoring, exploration, conservation and restoration, research, educational exhibition and promotional publication. Conserving recovered underwater artefacts is also an important task for underwater archaeology. A complete plan is needed before undertaking an underwater archaeological project, encompassing the conservation, registration and recording of submerged objects and the restoration, research and storage of recovered objects. We need to train conservation and restoration personnel, set up conservation and restoration facilities, equipment and laboratories for recovered artefacts, and all documentation regarding underwater cultural heritage must be centrally administered and kept in good condition at the data center. A data system should also be set up for use by researchers and the general public. If recovered artefacts are to retain their full cultural and historical value, their conservation must be carried out by professional personnel in a way that retains all their historical information and “make the artefact talk”. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Ying-Ying Tung Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Dr. Ying-Ying Tung ( Language A language of the resource English https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/f1055c6be0be9d64246c07116f63264d.pdf 11c1cbbe28a30bcf3f84f86fbaea0074 PDF Text Text A National Cultural Treasure Revisited – Re-assessing the ‘Balangay’ Boat Discoveries Roderick Stead1 and Dr. E Dizon2 Abstract The discovery of the balangay boats in the Butuan area of Northern Mindanao was arguably the most important find in pre-colonial maritime archaeology throughout island South East Asia. This class of vessel was well known from the accounts of early Spanish visitors to the Philippines, such as the Pigafetta journal of Magellan‟s voyage, but no extent examples had been located until the 1970s. As a by-product of an organised excavation of a settlement at the mouth of the Agusan River, a wave of illegal pot-hunting began in the Butuan area. As these ships had no commercial value they were reported to the National Museum. A total of 11 vessels were reported as discovered between 1976 and 1998, under some 2 metres of silt. In recent years a replica of a balangay boat has been built in the Philippines and it carried out a number of trial voyages in South East Asia. This replica is due to be put on show for the public in Manila. The first vessel discovered was conserved and is exhibited on site. A second ship was excavated and is on display in Manila in a partially reconstructed form. A third vessel and portions of a fourth have been excavated and are stored in pieces on site. The National Museum is planning to reopen the site in order to record in detail the remaining ships, to trace the stylistic developments of these vessels, and to test the dating evidence. The earlier excavations indicated a range of dates covering the millennium before the Spanish colonisation. This paper is a description of the plans for the re-excavation of this prominent site. The location is very sensitive as vessels were declared „National Cultural Treasures‟ by Presidential Decree in 1986. 1. Introduction The discovery of a collection of the hulks of balangay boats in Mindanao has been the most important archaeological contribution to our understanding of the maritime heritage of the Philippines in the last forty years. Many of the boats discovered were not fully excavated, dated nor recorded. This paper describes a current review being carried out to assess whether this site should be reexcavated to allow further investigation of the remaining vessels. 2. Historical References to Balangay Boats Early European visitors to the Philippines reported and described a number of indigenous vessels and boats, constructed in accordance with a local ship building tradition. The first detailed reports were from the voyage of Ferdinand Magellan. The account of Antonio Pigafetta, the chronicler of this voyage, was translated and published by Lord Stanley of Alderley in the nineteenth century. Soon after the arrival of the expedition in the Philippines in1521 Pigafetta records, “we came upon two long boats, which they called ballanghai, full of men. In the largest of them was the king sitting under an awning of mats” (Stanley 1 Phd student at Southampton University Head of Maritime Archaeology at the National Museum, Manila 2 �2 1874:76). He also records a conference near Samar, “the king… led us under a place covered with canes, where there was a ballanghai, that is to say, a boat, eighty feet long or thereabouts, resembling a fusta. We sat with the king upon its poop” (Stanley 1874:78). The fusta was a kind of light galley from this period, used mainly in the Mediterranean, with a single mast, a lateen sail and up to 18 oars. Ruy López de Villalobos certified the receipt of a fusta, the San Martin, as one of six vessels provided for his voyage to the Philippines in 1542 (Blair and Robertson 1903:2, 60). The spelling of balangay took various forms in the early accounts, perhaps due to Pigafetta preparing his original account in Italian, with subsequent translations into French and Spanish. Most of the modern versions of his chronicle are based on French texts, such as the 1525 Paris imprint (which has been reproduced in facsimile by the University of Michigan). The word appears as barangay, barangai, ballanghai or balangay in various sources. There is no doubt that the etymological source of this word is linked to the expression in Tagalog and other local languages for the smallest political unit of Philippine society, which is consciously modelled on a boat crew (Scott 1994:4-6). There is an extensive description of the balangay and the ship building techniques used to construct them in Francisco Ignacio Alcina‟s unpublished text, Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas (1668:197-213). He recorded that he had actually built and sailed a number of these craft himself. He described the vessel as follows; barangay, llaman a la que va creciendo ya en tamaño y talle; y estas embarcaciones, llamadas así, son las mas ligeras que se usaban, y usan, por acá entre estos naturales. Lábrense sobre quilla cuadrada, añadiéndole sus tablas por banda, con que quedan bajas de bordo y a propósito para remar 3 (Alcina 1668:200-203). Apart from Alcina there were frequent descriptions of these vessels in other early accounts, notably in the Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas of Antonio de Morga (1609:190). In the translation by Alfonso de Salvio, Norman F. Hall and James Alexander Robertson he describes the barangays as, “certain quick and light vessels that lie low in the water, put together with little wooden nails. These are as slender at the stern as at the bow and they can hold a number of rowers on both sides”. These early accounts indicate that they were general purpose cargo-carrying vessels and widely used in inter-island trade. They were propelled by rowers or paddlers and by sail. They can be contrasted with the caracoa, a swifter, lighter naval vessel used for raiding and as a people carrier (Scott 1981:5-10). The barangay has not survived to the present day, but a number of more modern types of plank-built wooden craft show some influence from this tradition. 3 “Barangay is what they call the next larger in size and proportion. The vessels bearing this name are the lightest that were used and are still being used by these natives here. They are built upon a square keel, adding boards for the side. They are completed with low sides suitable for rowing…” translated by C.J. Kobak and L. Gutiérrez 2005:201-202. �3 Many of the boats used as houseboats by the sea gypsies in the Sulu Sea (between Mindanao and Borneo) have similar features to the balangay (Peralta 1980:42). Luzon Butuan Site Cebu Palawan Sulu Sea Mindanao Figure 1. Map of the Philippines to illustrate site location 3. Discovery of the Balangay Boats in Butuan No original examples of the balangay were known until a fortuitous discovery in Butuan City in Northern Mindanao (See Figure 1). Archaeological materials were found near the estuary of the Agusan River in 1974 by the Butuan City engineers who were draining seasonal flood water from the low-lying land near the Masao creek. Excavation of fish ponds in the local area also produced evidence of ancient burials. �4 These accidental discoveries were reported to Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro and a series of archaeological excavations were carried out from 1975 to 1977 by staff and students from Xavier University and Mindanao State University. A report on the earlier finds and these excavations was prepared by Linda Burton (1977:95-112). The sites revealed a number of burials with extensive grave goods, including porcelain items from the Yuan period (thirteenth to fourteenth centuries) and the Ming period (fourteenth to seventeenth centuries). A settlement area with middens was also located. The material culture excavated here included sherds, iron slag, ornaments and animal and marine remains. The discovery of undisturbed burials, with valuable imported ceramics, caused a surge in illegal excavations to loot cemeteries in the area. The activities of the pot hunters, using sounding rods and test pits, destroyed much of the archaeological potential of the area, but turned up a number of timber boats preserved in the estuary mud and silt . As these had no commercial value they were reported to the National Museum (Cembrano 1998: 2-4). It is not surprising that these vessels were discovered at Butuan as this was a well-known trading port in the pre-Hispanic era, and this area, called the Caraga, was an important source of gold (Scott 1994:164-165; Hontiveros 2006). The first recorded trade mission to China from the Philippines was dispatched in 1001 Common Era (CE) from Butuan (Pu-duan in the Chinese sources). The Song Shi (Sung History) describes it as a small country with regular contact with Champa. The King is named as Kiling (Qi-Ling) (Scott 1989:3 and Appendix 1). 4. The Geophysical Environment The Agusan River delta is an area of extensive deposition of sand and silt. The evolution of the estuary has been traced in detail by a recent geophysical report (Javelosa, et al. 2002). The site where the boats were found is a waterlogged, marshy forest, mixed with coconut, banana and nipa palm. In some areas it has been cleared for fishponds, which will have destroyed the subsurface deposits. All the boats were found buried in one to two metres of silt, within a two kilometre radius around a paleochannel which survives as the narrow Masao creek. The sites are some distance from the present channel which indicates that it was considerably wider at the date of hulking4, or that it has subsequently changed its course. The high water table means that this is a difficult area to excavate, but this is, of course, the key to the preservation of the timber structures. None of the sites was marked on the ground and it is difficult to correlate the excavation sketch maps in the National Museum files to modern topographical maps. Even the memories of those who participated in the excavations are unclear given the lack of land marks in the marsh (as discussed on site with the original excavation team members). 4 Hulking, meaning the deliberate abandonment of the vessel �5 It is not clear the extent to which illegal pot hunting has disturbed and contaminated the sites as a large number of test pits have been dug. 5. The Boat Discoveries A total of eleven hulks or wreck fragments have been reported in total. The first nine vessels were identified by serial numbers 1 to 9, and subsequently two further boats were reported. All these discoveries were accidental or due to the activities of illegal pot hunters. Figure 2. Boat No 1 on display at „Balangay Shrine‟ (Photo M R Stead 2011) The first vessel was excavated in 1976 and following conservation treatment with polyethylene glycol, has been displayed in a glass case at the „Balangay Shrine‟, just next to the original discovery site (see Figure 2). The plank hull has a length of approximately 15 metres and beam of approximately 4 metres (Peralta 1980: 43). The carbon dating of this hulk indicated a surprisingly early date of 320 CE, +/- 110 years (Ronquillo 1987:71-78). There is a detailed plan drawing of the surviving timbers in Joseph Peralta (1980:44-45). The ceramics associated with the excavation seem to suggest a much later date but the depredations of the pot hunters may have disrupted the stratigraphy (Peralta 1980:44). �6 The second vessel was discovered in 1977 (see Figure 3). This vessel is of a similar size, about 14 metres long with a comparable design. This vessel has a C14 date of 1250 CE +/- 90 years reported by Wilfredo Ronquillo (Ronquillo 1987:71-78). The vessel has been comprehensively recorded by an Australian team, including a photo mosaic and a plan drawing of the timbers derived from the photos (Clark, et al. 1993:143-159). The boat is now exhibited in the National Museum in Manila in a partially reconstructed state. Figure 3. The Balangay No 2 under Excavation (Courtesy of National Museum). The third vessel was represented by only three planks and these suggested a rather smaller boat. This vessel was reburied. Boat no. 4 was discovered after damage from pot hunters. A few remnants of this vessel are retained on site at the „Balangay Shrine‟ whilst the rest was reburied. The 5th vessel was excavated and is retained at the „Balangay Shrine‟ in pieces. It is currently the subject of further conservation efforts. This vessel was dated to 990 CE +/- 70 years (Ronquillo 1987:71-78). A plan drawing of the timbers of this vessel from the National Museum archives is reproduced by Paul Clark, Jeremy Green, Tom Vosmer and Ray Santiago (1993:145). Vessels number 6, 7, 8 and 9 have not been excavated. Subsequently two further vessels are reported to have been discovered, but have not been formally numbered (Cembrano 1998:4). The excavations mostly took place a generation ago and no site identification marks or landscape features are available to fix the sites exactly. Memories of the precise locations are not clear or consistent. The sites lie in three groups in three separate properties. The site maps from the original �7 excavations are essentially sketch maps, which are difficult to tie in to modern topographic maps. Therefore it is not always possible to identify exactly where the boats were excavated and where the unexcavated vessels lie (see Figure 4, which is a comparison of the original site map with a Google Earth image of the area today). The area is extensively scarred by pot hunter pits. Figure 1. Google Earth image (left) and old site map (Bautista 1988). Note highway bend and forks in river for reference (indicated by red arrows). Approximate site locations retrieved from this field visit are shown on the Google Earth image, and are compared with locations marked in the old map (indicated by orange arrows and encircled). Figure 4. Modern satellite map comparing site location to historic site map (Courtesy of Ms Ligaya Lacsina of the National Museum). 6. Vessel Construction The balangay boats found at Butuan seem to have followed similar designs. They correspond closely to the descriptions contained in Alcina‟s manuscript (1668:167-195). He indicates that all the larger craft in this indigenous tradition had common construction methods. He uses a number of technical terms in Spanish and the local language, Visayan, to describe the components and construction methods. The construction began with carving a keel and stem and stern posts, “la quilla y las dos rodas de proa y popa”. The strakes, “tablas”, were �8 carved two from each tree trunk using axes and adzes. This avoided using the outer sap wood and the core of the log, neither of which gives strong, resistant timber. These strakes were carved with curved ends, “lubag”, to create the appropriate hull curvature. The strakes were always cut to the full length of the hull. The size and shape of the strakes determined the beam of the vessel and the shape of the hull. On the inside of the planks were left rounded protrusions or lugs, “tambuko”, with holes for the hull fastenings. Inner ribs called “agar” were lashed to the hull using the “tambukos” to hold the vessel together. The strakes were joined and attached to keel by wooden battens or dowels which fitted into holes carved by an auger5. The number of strakes determined the height of the freeboard. Oars of appropriate lengths were selected based on the height of the freeboard. According to Alcina the ship was usually left to season for one or two months and then the dowels were checked by dismantling the hull. The strakes were caulked with a palm extract, “baruk”. The hull was then stressed by lashing, a process called “usus”. The dowels were locked in position with wooden plugs, to “cegar las junteras” called in Visayan “pamuta”. The vessel was then fitted with outrigger poles and connecting timbers, “katig”. The outriggers could support platforms especially for fighting or carrying passengers. A central hull platform, the “burutlan”, was used for working the sails or carrying passengers or freight. A temporary awning of palm leaves was often rigged to protect the passengers from the sun or rain. The ships carried either a single mast or a tripod mast, which could be raised or lowered quickly. The sails themselves were usually wider than they were high, and strung on two bamboo yards. However, there is very little evidence from the excavations as to whether these vessels had outriggers and masts. This probably reflects the theory that they were hulks and such equipment would have been stripped. The lack of finds of shipboard equipment in the excavations would seem to support this interpretation. Most of the vessels have not been published in detail although there is much information in the excavation reports in the files of the National Museum. The most comprehensive published account is the survey of the timbers of boat number 2 carried out in 1988 (Clark, et al. 1993:143-149). This vessel is about 14 metres long and the remains consist of a keel with two strakes on one side and five on the other. The dowels were not locked in this vessel, but locked dowels had been noted in the first Butuan discovery. A series of hooked scarf joints6 were observed on these strakes. It would clearly be very valuable to have all the vessels published to this level of detail, in order to easily compare and contrast the vessels and seek to develop a typological evolution linked to comprehensive dating evidence. 5 Auger, a tool for carving circular holes in wood Hooked scarf joints are a way of fitting together strakes in a potential area of hull weakness, discussed at length (Clark, et al. 1993: 150). 6 �9 7. The Reception of the Discoveries This discovery is without doubt one of the most important maritime archaeological sites in Southeast Asia from the pre-colonial era. The importance of these discoveries was recognised immediately and the early moves by the National Museum to excavate and conserve the first two vessels were commendable. There are extensive displays on these vessels in the National Museum in Manila and in the Regional Museum in Butuan City. The first vessel is now, of course, the central focus of the „Balangay Shrine‟. The importance of the discoveries was confirmed in 1986 when they were declared as „National Cultural Treasures‟ by President Corazon C. Aquino under Presidential Proclamation No 86. Since 2009 there have been three separate replicas of balangay boats built in the Philippines. A series of voyages were undertaken in Philippine and South East Asian waters with the first replica to demonstrate the seaworthiness of the design (discussed with Daniel Calo, a crew member). This vessel is to be preserved in Manila and put on permanent display. The third vessel, the Masawa Hong Butuan, was built in Mindanao and is currently moored in the Agusan River, close to Butuan (visited by the site visit team in 2011). 8. Proposal to Conduct Further Work on Site In February 2011 a visit to the site was organised by Roderick Stead, one of the authors, accompanied by Ligaya Lacsina of the Archaeology Division from the National Museum in Manila. The purpose of this visit was to evaluate if further work should be undertaken on the site. The staff of the Regional Museum in Butuan were particularly helpful in seeking to identify the original sites of the boat discoveries. To reopen the site would be feasible, but is complicated as the exact location of the boats is not always clear. The first challenge would be to locate the hulls again, which ironically would probably require the use of similar sounding rods as in the pot hunters‟ tool kits. The use of more sophisticated electronic devices would be complicated by the waterlogged nature of the site. The wet site is also a complication for re-excavation as the trenches would need to be shored up and kept clear of water by continuous pumping. Great care would be needed to avoid deterioration of the fragile wood of the vessels, even if the exposure was only temporary. However such is the importance of this site that further excavations on the remaining craft is certainly justified. This would include testing the date range of all the vessels. A fairly limited number of C14 tests were undertaken on the three excavated boats and the reported results ranges over a millennium, which would seem suspiciously broad considering the very consistent range of designs. The surviving timbers would need to be recorded accurately using photography and scanning technology. The wood species used in construction would need to be analysed. The surviving tool marks may give clues to the construction process. Computer modelling could be used to reconstitute an electronic model of each vessel. A range of environmental samples would be �10 needed to analyse the stratigraphic layers in which the vessels sit. Finally there could be an attempt to construct a typological evolution of the design if the time elapse period is as long as reported. There are two precautionary considerations. We do not know how much the trial pits of the pot hunters have damaged the archaeological layers and contaminated the site. It is also important to note that these appear to be abandoned hulks, discarded at the end of their useful lives. Therefore it is likely that all reusable equipment was stripped from the hulls at the time of abandonment. 9. Conclusion The „balangay‟ boats continue to be an important symbol of the pre-colonial maritime culture of the Philippines. This project could significantly extend our knowledge of these vessels, their use and their construction. A controlled process of reburial would protect the hulls for future re-examination. Abbreviations IJNA International Journal of Nautical Archaeology Bibliography Historia de las Islas e Indios de Bisayas, 1, 3, 3, republished in Manila in 2005 by University of Santo Tomas with a translation by Kobak C.J. and Gutiérrez L. Report on Archaeological Excavation Butuan City, Agusan Bautista, A.P., del Norte Province June 5 to July 5, National Museum, 1988 Philippines Blair, E.H., and The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, 55 vols, Cleveland Robertson, J.A., 1903-7 Burton L., "Settlement and Burial Sites in Butuan City: A Preliminary Report", in Philippine Studies, 25, pp.95-112. 1977 Cembrano, M.R., Patterns of the Past, the Ethno Archaeology of Butuan, 1998 National Museum, Manila. Clark, P., "Philippines Archaeological Site Survey, February 1988", Conese, E. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 18, 3, Nicolas, N. and pp.255-262 Green, J., 1989 Clark, P., Green, "The Butuan Two boat, known as a balangay in the J., Vosmer, T., National Museum, Manila, Philippines", in International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 22, 2, pp. 143-159 Santiago R., 1993 Green, J. N., "Interim Report on the Australian-Philippines Butuan boat Alcina, I. F., 1668 �11 Vosmer T., Clark P., Santiago R., and Alvares M., 1995 Hontiveros, G., 2006 de Morga, A., 1609 Ronquillo, W.P., 1987 project", IJNA, 24, 3, pp. 177-188. Butuan of a Thousand Years, Butuan City, Butuan City Foundation Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, reissued in 2006, London, Hard Press "The Butuan archaeological finds: profound implications for Philippine and Southeast Asian prehistory", in Man and Culture in Oceania, 3, pp. 71-78. "Ancient mariners of the Philippines", in Archaeology, 35, Peralta, J.T., 1980 5, pp.41-48. First Voyage Round the World by Magellan: Translated Pigafetta, A. trans. by Stanley, from the Accounts of Pigafetta and Other Contemporary Writers Cambridge. C.U.P. J.E.H., 2010 The Voyage of Magellan, The Journal of Antonio Pigafetta Pigafetta, A. trans. by Page, William l. Clements Library, University of Michigan S.P., 1969 Scott, W.H., "Boat Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine Society", in Anthropological Papers No 9, National 1981 Museum, Manila, Filipinos in China before 1500, De La Salle, Manila. Scott, W.H., 1989 Barangay, Sixteenth Century Philippine Culture and Scott, W.H., Society, Ateneo de Manila U.P. , Manila. 1994 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A National Cultural Treasure Revisited - Re-assessing the "Balangay" Boat Discoveries Subject The topic of the resource Session 4 The archaeological study of ships’ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure Description An account of the resource The discovery of the balangay boats in the Butuan area of Northern Mindanao was arguably the most important find in pre-colonial maritime archaeology throughout island South East Asia. This class of vessel was well known from the accounts of early Spanish visitors to the Philippines, such as the Pigafetta journal of Magellan’s voyage, but no extent examples had been located until the 1970s. As a by-product of an organised excavation of a settlement at the mouth of the Agusan River, a wave of illegal pot-hunting began in the Butuan area. As these ships had no commercial value they were reported to the National Museum. A total of 11 vessels were reported as discovered between 1976 and 1998, under some 2 metres of silt. In recent years a replica of a balangay boat has been built in the Philippines and it carried out a number of trial voyages in South East Asia. This replica is due to be put on show for the public in Manila. The first vessel discovered was conserved and is exhibited on site. A second ship was excavated and is on display in Manila in a partially reconstructed form. A third vessel and portions of a fourth have been excavated and are stored in pieces on site. The National Museum is planning to reopen the site in order to record in detail the remaining ships, to trace the stylistic developments of these vessels, and to test the dating evidence. The earlier excavations indicated a range of dates covering the millennium before the Spanish colonisation. This paper is a description of the plans for the re-excavation of this prominent site. The location is very sensitive as vessels were declared ‘National Cultural Treasures’ by Presidential Decree in 1986. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roderick Stead E Dizon Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 4 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/cfa098913665dc154fddf76dd74aa421.pdf 26911d5cb3f7987668cdd7f2ea6eb048 PDF Text Text Maritime Means and Mountain Ends: the origin of stoneware jars in mid 15th CE burial complexes of the Southern Cardamom Ranges, Cambodia. Peter Grave Archaeology & Palaeoanthropology University of New England, NSW Australia 2351 email: pgrave@une.edu.au orcid.org/0000‐0001‐5076‐2386 Lisa Kealhofer Anthropology/Environmental Studies Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, CA USA 95053 orcid.org/0000‐0002‐8308‐462X N. Beavan Institute of Environmental Science and Research, Kenepuru Science Centre, Kenepuru, Porirua 5022, New Zealand orcid.org/0000‐0001‐5649‐0430 Tep Sohka Royal University of Fine Arts, Cambodia Miriam Stark University of Hawai’I‐Manoa, Honololulu, USA 96822‐2223 orcid.org/ 0000‐0003‐1700‐4406 Ea Darith APSARA Authority Siem Reap, Cambodia Abstract Southeast Asia during the first half of the second millennium CE. Their hegemony is particularly apparent in lowland areas throughout the Lower Mekong basin, expressed in both architecture and ceramics. How strongly this control was exercised in more geographically marginal regions – and what the nature of power was after the capital moved southward -- has not been explored. In this paper we present the results of a geochemical analysis of ceramics from absolutely and comprehensively dated mid-15th century CE burial complexes in the Southern Cardamom Ranges of southeastern Cambodia and a nearby contemporary shipwreck. The �wreck assemblage was typical of a Southeast Asian maritime trader. Comparison of burial and shipwreck ceramic compositional data enables us to confirm a provenance for some of the jars and fine wares from production centres in central Northern Thailand. A second group, not represented in the wreck assemblage, is from a yet unidentified source that we suggest is located in the adjacent Cambodian lowlands. The results of this provenience analysis highlights both the role of the relatively well-known maritime trade, as well as a previously unsuspected continuity in local Cambodian stoneware production. This window into 15th c exchange networks expands our understanding of the context of subsequent European 16th-17th c engagement during the Early Modern Period, is one piece of the broader picture needed to more closely define the processes of economic transformation. Key words: Southeast Asia, ceramics, geochemical analysis, shipwreck, Cardamom Mountains Introduction The dramatic expansion of archaeology across mainland Southeast Asia in the last twenty years is beginning to provide the level of detail needed to evaluate previous models of exchange and interaction (e.g., Bronson 1977; Reid 1988). The role of maritime interaction and trade has long been argued to be a critical factor in the development of coastal polities throughout the region (Manguin 2000). However, this perspective has relied heavily on historical data, much of which begins in the Early Modern period for this region. This historical bias has focused attention on economic and political development for the coastal regions and the Early Modern period as an instant of economic and political rupture (Wallerstein 1974). It has also promoted an externalist bias in how mainland political and economic transformations are viewed. Arguably, our understanding of the posited economic and political ruptures in the region remains hampered by the still relatively sparse direct archaeological evidence of the local economic trajectories across the transition (Stark 2010). �Here we add to a growing body of material evidence that Southeast Asia was a large scale, internally complex and integrated exchange system prior to European engagement (e.g., Carter 2013; Manguin 2004; Manguin 2014). Ceramic compositional data from exceptionally well dated mid-15th c burial sites in the Cardamom Mountains of Cambodia, as well as from a contemporary shipwreck just off the west coast of Cambodia, are analyzed to better understand these local maritime/coastal economies outside the main political centers, in the decades prior to the Early Modern period engagement in SE Asia and the Pacific. Maritime exchange spheres in mainland SE Asia The organization of trade and exchange systems in Southeast Asia is a key research area for archaeologists and historians of the region. In the 1970s, Bronson suggested a dendritic model integrating coastal and inland sites (Bronson 1977), while others have focused on maritime patterns over time (Cartier 1988; Evers 1988; Manguin 1993). These earlier models heavily relied on historical data and ethnographic comparisons, but with a few exceptions, little direct archaeological data (e.g., Junker 1993; Junker 1998). More recent terrestrial archaeology across both island and mainland Southeast Asia has greatly expanded our understanding of the development of polities and their interaction beginning in the first millennium CE (Hendrickson 2010; Hendrickson 2011; Manguin 2004; Manguin 2014; Murphy and Stark 2016; Stark 2010; Stark 2006). Two main types of evidence are used to reconstruct pre-modern trade and exchange in the region: shipwrecks and trade goods. Shipwreck data allow us to track the expansion of maritime trade (and technology). Beginning with the 9th c. Belitung shipwreck in Indonesia, with cargo from China and the Middle East, the shipwreck evidence increases through the �early second millennium CE. The Gulf of Thailand, in particular, has a shipwreck record of extensive local trade from the 13th-15th c. CE (Brown 2004; Green and Harper 1987). Wrecks like the 15th c. Pandanan, in the South China Sea, reveal the extensive exchange between island and mainland SE Asia, and with points to the west (Diem 1998). In terms of ceramics, these wrecks commonly include a range of jars and fine tablewares (typically glazed bowls and plates) from a wide range of production centres in Southeast Asia and China (Grave and Maccheroni 2009). With the improvement and expansion of both regional archaeological databases and archaeometric analyses, we can begin to evaluate the regional trajectories of trade across SE Asia. In addition to site excavations and surveys, specific trade goods, such as carnelian beads from burials, provide some evidence of the direction, scale, and intensity of interaction across mainland SE Asia (Carter, et al. 2016; Carter 2015; Carter and Dussubieux 2016; Theunissen, et al. 2000). Patterns of exchange and emulation of South Asian religious items and iconography have also provided insights into inland and maritime exchange networks (Brown 1996; Shaffer 2015). Large scale changes in economic and political relationships SE Asia took place in the 10th-11th c. CE. These included the development of the Khmer Empire and the expansion of interaction with China (Wade 2009). Chinese interaction and exchange is apparent through both technological adoption and trade goods. Manguin (Manguin 2000) argues that the 10th13th c CE is one the major phases of intensified maritime exchange that promoted the growth of coastal polities (Baker 2003). However, while the Khmer traded with the Chinese, and expanded northward in mainland SE Asia, their production and exchange appear to have remained internal. �The 15th c CE was a critical nexus in both political and economic reorganization in SE Asia. Documentary sources suggest the Khmer Empire collapsed by the mid-15th c. CE. Post-Angkorian power migrated south to a series of 15th-18th c capitals that flanked the Tonle Sap lake (Srei Santhor, Bakan [Pursat] and then to the Oudong and Longvek area that lies c. 35 km NW of Phnom Penh). At the same time, other polities emerged across the region during this time (Grave 1995), and the expansion of maritime trade was supported by a network of entrepôts (e.g., Melaka, in the Malacca Straits). Chinese records suggest that 15th c Cambodia was a sea power in close relations with China (Vickery, et al. 2004:43). Despite Ming Dynasty trade restrictions, 15th c private Chinese ships continued their active trade throughout Southeast Asia (Hall 2016:406-409; Wade 2004:19-27). At least one previously-established Ming trade route through Southeast Asia included Siam (Ptak 1998:27), and maritime research on 15th c shipwreck sites offer ample evidence of durable Southeast Asian goods, including high-fired ceramics from kiln complexes in central northern Thailand (Flecker 2001:225-226). The onset of the Early Modern period, in the 16th c. with the European intervention in the region, arguably, caused a major rupture, redefining production, exchange and scale of interaction. While current research projects are beginning to address the nature of this transformation, we argue that the political and economic relationships of the 15th-16th c. CE in Southeast Asia are critical elements for understanding the impact of the Early Modern economic transformation in SE Asian societies. Our use of two Cambodian case studies allows us to trace one such relationship: mid-15th century commodity flows across the region. �Here we make use of contemporary evidence from mid-15th c. CE isolated burial sites in the Cardamom Mountains as well as a contemporary shipwreck on an adjacent coastline to assess exchange networks on the eve of the Early Modern Period. Our Cardamom Mountain samples derive from work at “Jar and Coffin burial sites” whose artifacts and bioarchaeology has been reported previously (e.g., (Beavan, et al. 2012a; Carter and Beavan 2014; Halcrow, et al. 2014). Using Neutron Activation Analysis [NAA] we characterize ceramics from both the burial and shipwreck sites, and compare these results with legacy stoneware data sets from both well dated shipwrecks and production centers in Thailand and Cambodia. These analyses allow us to begin to evaluate the economic relationships of these upland communities with coastal shipping and elsewhere at this key historical juncture. Background: The Sample & Context A relatively small sample of seventy one ceramics were selected for geochemical profiling from fragmentary material in four contemporary mid15th c CE archaeological assemblages (i.e. three burial sites in the Cardamom Range and the shipwreck Koh Sdech assemblage)(Fig 1). A total of fifty samples were selected from the three burial sites and 21 samples came from the shipwreck (Table 1). Both the burial sites and the shipwreck included earthenware and stoneware samples. Due to the disparity in sample populations between the burial sites the burial sites are combined into a single Southern Cardamom group to compare with both the shipwreck assemblage and other reference NAA datasets. The contemporaneity of these sites facilitated this grouping. �Fig. 1: Study area and general location within mainland Southeast Asia (inset) showing locations of burial sites and shipwreck discussed in the text. �Table 1: Summary of the NAA geotechnical results for the Cardamom and Shipwreck samples organized by ware type (stoneware/earthenware) and by compositional group (A-D for S. Cardamom A B C C1 C2 D E 100 200 210 300 400 500 S SW EW N 20 4 2 1 1 11 1 4 3 2 5 12 5 71 40 31 Koh Sdech Shipwreck Earthenware Stoneware Group stoneware, E refers to the celadon singleton; 100-500 for earthenware). 12 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 5 0 0 21 14 7 8 3 1 1 1 11 1 4 3 0 0 12 5 50 26 24 The earthenwares include cooking pots, kendis, water jars, while the glazed stoneware are mainly storage jars but also includes a few fine glazed and decorated bowls. The glazed stoneware jar assemblage includes brown, black, and green glazes, and potentially some unglazed samples. The shipwreck site is located in the Gulf of Thailand near the island of Koh Sdech (20 km off shore). Radiocarbon dating of a piece of short-lived cargo (bamboo core lacquerware box) established a mid-15th c CE date for this assemblage (Beavan, et al. 2012b). The shipwreck included a large assemblage of small, medium and large stoneware jars, �predominantly from Singburi / Maenam Noi (based on typology (Cort 2017), as well as basins, bowls, mortars, kendis and Sisatchanalai and Sukkhothai bowls (black under-painted and green glazed/celadons). Earthenware types included cooking pots, lids, and stoves. Only a few Chinese ceramic bowls were found, and were interpreted as the private items of the ship crew (Sokha 2013). Non-ceramic items included lacquerware, ‘picul’ (lead tokens), a betel box, ingots, a cannon, two ivory tubes, and some sandstone. The three burial sites, all with secondary interments, are distributed in a cluster within the southern Cardamom Mountain range, 150-700 m asl, ca. 40 km inland from the east coast of the Gulf of Thailand. Both log coffin and jar inhumations are present at these sites. Through an extensive program of radiocarbon dating these burials have also been chronologically bracketed within the mid-15th c. CE (Beavan, et al. 2012a; Beavan, et al. 2015). Other trade goods present in the burials include simple copper finger rings and glass beads (Carter, et al. 2016). The glass beads are consistent with types circulating in the maritime trade of SE Asia at the time. Methods The ceramic samples were processed at UNE, and shipped to Maxxam Labs, Ontario Canada for NAA. Processing included documentation, photography prior to sampling. Subsamples were cleaned and crushed to homogenize the sample, and submitted for analysis. NAA results were structured and grouped using an iterative combination of non-parametric multivariate procedures (PCA) and hierarchical cluster analysis (Ward’s method). �The compositional data from the ceramics were compared with two general reference stoneware compositional data sets from Thailand and Cambodia. For Thailand the production sites include Sisatchanalai/Sawankhalok, Sukkhothai, and Suphanburi (n=24); the production sites from Cambodia, dating to the Angkorian period, include: Tani, Sar Sei, Thnal Mrech, Bangkong, Khnar Po, Torp Chey, Chong Samrong, Veal Svey, and Cheung Ek (n=877). Several of these kiln sites are closely clustered and have similar compositional fingerprints (e.g., Sar Sei/Thnal Mrech as one group, and Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey as another). Our sample of five stoneware samples from the Suphanburi kilns are of unglazed grey stamped jars. The excavated shipwreck assemblage included a large number of jars of various, all attributable to the Maenam Noi kiln complex in the Singburi province of central Thailand. While we could not include reference results from the Maenam Noi kilns in Singburi, we suggest that that there is a common geochemical profile for Singburi and Suphanburi (75 km to the southwest), reflecting the geographic proximity of these two Thai production centres in the same geochemically undifferentiated (?) alluvial plain. Results The Cardamom Mountains and Shipwreck data (Table 1) Analysis of the NAA dataset for the combined Cardamom Mountains burial and shipwreck assemblages shows that it is highly compositionally structured with multiple discrete groups. We identified six earthenware groups (n=31) and four stoneware groups (n=40) including one singleton outlier (Group E; a fine ware celadon, typical Sisatchanalai/Sawankhalok, central Northern Thailand)(Table 1). of �The largest stoneware group (Group A, n=20) is split between burial (n=8) and shipwreck (n=12) samples. The samples in the second largest stoneware group, (Group D n=11), are from burial sites only, and include several samples previously identified as dark brown glazed “Angkorian” jars. Four of the six earthenware groups are from burial sites only, and are dominated by cooking pots. None of these have compositional matches or external parallels and therefore are treated here as locally produced in the Cardamom Mountains area. The other two earthenware groups are exclusive to the shipwreck samples and include a range of vessel types. Therefore, the distribution of earthenwares in this sample shows no evidence of maritime trade in earthenwares. Comparison with all SE Asian production centers (Table 2) �Table 2: In this table we compare the burial and shipwreck stonewasamples with the reference kiln ceramics from Thailand and Cambodia. The data presented are a subset of the data illustrated in Figure 2, focusing on the groups found only in the Cardamom Mountain burials and the shipwreck. Singleton samples have also been excluded. Cambodia Thai. The table notes the total number of samples for each assemblage (N) followed by percentage membership in each compositional group. The letters following groups 3 and 4 refer to group identifications defined in Table 1 (e.g., 3(A)). The matches in the greyed blocks are suggested to be misleading, see Discussion section. The matches in black boxes indicate matches between assemblages. For example, for Group 3, matches are between the Cardamom and shipwreck jars and a production center in Suphanburi/Singburi; the greyed block for Cheung Ek indicates an apparent, but rejected, connection to the Group 3 burial and shipwreck Site S. Cardamom burials Koh Sdech Shipwreck Suphanburi Sisatchanalai Chong Samrong Torp Chey Veal Svey Cheung Ek N 26 14 5 16 117 53 41 145 % Jars W.ware 3 (A) 4 (D) 2.9 42 42 4 93 --100 ---69 19 -98 --100 --98 -92 --- Given the size of the region with potential production centres, and the strong likelihood there were many more production centers in operation than we have reference material for, we undertook a further comparative analysis to provide more general provenience information. This combined analysis is useful for allowing a better understanding and differentiation of shared or unique geological settings. �We combined the compositional data from the nine Khmer and two Thai ceramic production complexes (n=799). In this analysis, five general geochemical groups were identified (Table 2) which were most clearly distinguished by systematic variations in Fe (iron) and Sb (antimony)(Fig. 2). Four singletons are discounted due to small sample size (with the exception of two fine ware bowls: Sukhothai underpainted and Sisatchanalai celadon sample). The groups and sites with singleton matches, or with production groups not matched in our burial and shipwreck assemblages, are excluded from Table 2. �3. Antimony (Sb) ppm 3 5 2 1 4 2.9 Iron (Fe) % Fig. 2: Five compositional groups for stoneware samples identified in the combined NAA dataset (n=839) defined by Fe/Sb concentrations in the Southern Cardamom burial sites, the Koh Sdeach shipwreck assemblage, Thai production centres at Sisatchanalai and Suphanburi, and nine Khmer production centres (Bangkong, Cheung Ek, Chong Samrong, Khnar Po, Tani, Thnal Mrech, Torp Chey and Veal Svey). Note group 2 is composed entirely of whitewares from residual clays in the Kulen hills and is not represented in the burial or shipwreck assemblage. It is also distinct from white wares from Sisatchanalai (group 2.9). The singleton 3.9 is the only example of a fine ware bowl produced at Sukhothai (inset) from the Cardamom burials. �At this scale, these groups represent the broad differences in chemical composition of stoneware clays across the region. In some cases, specific kiln complexes can be identified within specific groups, but more commonly where complexes shared geologically similar settings, multiple kiln complexes are grouped together (as noted above). For example, one group combines kiln samples from Torp Chey, Chong Samrong, Veal Svey, and Sisatchanalai although these can be differentiated at a finer level of analysis. Evaluation of the shipwreck and burial assemblages within this combined analysis of production centers, shows that all of the burial and shipwreck samples can be assigned to four of five general compositional groups (Groups 1, 3-5; Table 2, Fig 2). (The fifth group [Group 2] is composed entirely of whitewares from the Kulen hills which are absent in the shipwreck and burial assemblages.) Group 3, which matches with the Suphanburi kiln samples, includes both shipwreck and burial site samples. In addition to the Suphanburi reference samples, Group 3 also includes all the Cheung Ek samples. We discount Cheung Ek as a source for this material for several reasons. First, a more detailed separate analysis of Group 3 shows that Group A samples group separately from Cheung Ek reference material. Second, the Cheung Ek kilns date to the 11th c. CE, centuries before the Cardamom Mountains burials. Lastly, there is no evidence for Cheung Ek jars, or any Khmer jars, in Southeast Asian shipwreck assemblages. However, the burial sites also match a second source (Group 4) that is not found in the shipwreck assemblage. In addition to samples from the burial sites, Group 4 includes the proxemic Angkorian production centers of Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey (also the latest dated Angkorian production center 14th c CE). While not direct support for an origin in these �specific complexes, it does suggest an origin in a similar geological setting within the region. We would note that Group 4 also includes samples from the Thai reference group of Sisatchanalai/ Sawankhalok. We suggest that the Cambodian reference groups provide a more likely source region for two main reasons. First, Sisatchanalai jars are not found in the shipwreck assemblages; and second, the burial samples are compositionally closer to the Cambodian reference samples when Group 4 is analyzed separately. Archaeological perspective Burial site assemblage: The earthenwares from the burial sites are predominantly cooking pots. Their compositional differentiation into multiple groups is likely to reflect local production groups. The stoneware samples from the burial sites include matches with both the Suphanburi and the Sisatchanalai reference samples (jars and bowls; Groups 3 and 2.9). A further group of jar samples (n=10), is not represented in the shipwreck assemblage and only broadly/generically matches our Thai reference groups. This group (Group 4) includes the “Angkorian” jars and compositionally is better approximated by the geographically proximate Cambodian centres of Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey. Shipwreck assemblage: The earthenware groups identified in the shipwreck assemblage only occur in the shipwreck. We do not have sufficient data to posit any origin for these earthenware samples. The shipwreck stoneware sample, including typical Maenam Noi jar types, are strongly dominated by one compositional group (93%), which �approximates the Suphanburi grouping, supporting a likely origin in this region (Singburi). Discussion The unusually fine chronological resolution of these data, based on an extensive dating program of multiple materials from multiple sites, allows a high degree of certainty about the mid-15th c. single generation use of the Cardamom burial sites (Beavan, et al. 2012a; Beavan, et al. 2015). In addition to this inland assemblage, the shipwreck assemblage is also firmly dated to the mid-15th c. from short-lived cargo (Beavan, et al. 2012b). In combination these two assemblages provide an unparalleled window on exchange dynamics between inland and maritime trade. The shipwreck assemblage is typical of other contemporary local trading vessels within the Gulf of Thailand: with a few exceptions, the cargo is composed of locally produced (mainly Thai) goods, cooking pots, multiple jar types, and fine ware bowls (Brown and Sjostrand 2002). The composition of the stoneware samples from the shipwreck are consistent with production from a single complex, in this case jars that are readily typologically attributed to Maenam Noi, Singburi province. The Cardamom Mountains burial assemblage includes locally produced earthenwares, fine wares and jars from Thailand (Sukkhothai, Singburi, and Sisatchanalai), but also a typologically unmatched stoneware jar type. This distinctive stoneware jar type has no parallels in the shipwreck assemblage, either in form or composition. However, geochemically it is consistent with stoneware samples from the 14th c. Angkorian kiln complexes (Torp Chey/Chong Samrong/Veal Svey) east of Angkor. As the likelihood that this group reflects heirlooming of old jars is small given the number of jars represented (n=11), we suggest this compositional type �was probably produced in a similar geological zone (near Torp Chey?) in the 15th c.. The combination of both maritime and inland trade goods in the Cardamom Mountain burials supports a scenario where upland groups are providing goods in both directions as part of a larger regional interaction sphere. This is better documented in Northern Thailand where upland and lowland groups were closely connected through an inland exchange economy in the 13th-16th c.. Lowland urban elites controlled production of stonewares, both emulating exotic types and innovating new ceramic types (Grave 1995). Upland groups, thought be harvesting and exchanging forest goods (Wheatley 1959), consumed both these regionally produced ceramics as well as relatively large volumes of maritime trade wares. Again the combination of local and exotic stoneware ceramics were critical to the operation of Northern Thai inland economic networks. A further parallel is the similar and distinctive mortuary practices of the Cardamom Mountain and upland northern Thai groups, particularly in relation to stoneware consumption. These comparable patterns of consumption suggest that while historically invisible, groups in the upland and inland regions across mainland Southeast Asia engaged in extensive interaction networks which supported local lowland production centers and their controlling elites (in this case, stoneware production, but likely a wider range of goods). Conclusion Historians have presented the transition from the premodern to Early Modern period in Southeast Asia primarily through the lens of maritime trade (Reid 1993). Arguably, the greatest impact of this transition is in the �production and consumption dynamics of groups in the interior of Southeast Asia, who remained beyond the reach of historical sources. While as yet relatively rare (e.g., Grave 1995), archaeological research on the Early Modern period in inland areas offers the potential to understand the interior dynamics of this transition. Our data provide insight into an economy that was apparently still functional within and beyond the Greater Angkor region after the collapse of the Khmer Empire. This economy utilized (at least) local stoneware production to articulate with a large regionally integrated economy. We conclude that local lowland elites in Cambodia found ways to engage with the larger regional exchange economies after the political collapse of Angkor Wat. How these inland groups negotiated the transformations of the Early Modern period of the following century is now the challenge and opportunity for future fine-grain, chronologically high resolution studies. Acknowledgments We thank Cambodia’s Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts for permission to undertake field investigations that collected data used in this project. Analytical research for this project was supported by the Australian Research Council (DP140103194). Our Khmer Production and Exchange Project is a collaboration between APSARA Authority, University of New England, Santa Clara University, and the University of Hawai’i at Mānoa. We thank Don and Toni Hein for Thai reference material used in this study. We also thank the conference organizers for the opportunity to present our research. References Cited Baker, Chris 2003 Ayutthaya rising: from land or sea? 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Cort, Louise Ceramics in Mainland Southeast Asia: Maenam Noi (Singburi) Kilns, Vol. 2017. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Diem, Allison I 1998 2001,“The Significance of Pandanan Shipwreck Ceramics as Evidence of Fifteenth Century Trading Relations within Southeast Asia”. Bulletin of the Oriental Ceramic Society of Hong Kong (12):28-26. Evers, H.-D. 1988 Traditional trading networks in Southeast Asia. Archipel 35:89-100. Grave, Peter 1995 Beyond the Mandala: Buddhist landscapes and upland-lowland interaction in Northwest Thailand AD 1200-1650. World Archaeology 27(2):243-365. Grave, Peter, and Michael Maccheroni 2009 Characterizing Asian Stoneware Jar Production at the Transition to the Early Modern Period (1550-1650 C.E.). Scientific Research on Historic Asian Ceramics. , Washington D.C., USA, 2009. Vol. Proceedings of the Fourth Forbes Symposium at the Freer Gallery of Art, pp. 186-204. Smithsonian Institute. Green, J., and R. Harper 1987 The maritime archaeology of shipwrecks and ceramics in Southeast Asia. In Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology. J. Green and R. Harper, eds. Pp. 1-38: Victorian Archaeology Survey. �Gutman, Pamela 2001 The Martaban trade: An examination of the literature from the seventh century until the eighteenth century. Asian Perspectives 40(1):108-118. Hendrickson, Mitch 2010 Historic routes to Angkor: development of the Khmer road system (ninth to thirteenth centuries AD) in mainland Southeast Asia. Antiquity 84(324):480-496. — 2010 A transport geographic perspective on travel and communication in Angkorian Southeast Asia (ninth to fifteenth centuries ad). World Archaeology 43(3):444-457. Manguin, P. Y. 1993 Trading ships of the South China Sea. J. Econ. Social Hist. Orient 36:253. Manguin, Pierre-Yves 2000 City-states and city-state cultures in pre-15th century Southeast Asia. A comparative study of thirty city-state cultures:409-16. — 2004 The archaeology of early maritime polities of Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia: From Prehistory to History:282-313. — 2014 Early Coastal States of Southeast Asia: Funan and Śrīvijaya. Lost Kingdoms: HinduBuddhist Sculpture of Early Southeast Asia:111. Murphy, Stephen A, and Miriam T Stark 2016 Introduction: Transitions from late prehistory to early historic periods in mainland Southeast Asia, c. early to mid-first millennium CE. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 47(3):333-340. Orillaneda, Bobby C 2016 Maritime trade in the Philippines During the 15th century CE. Moussons. Recherche en sciences humaines sur l’Asie du Sud-Est (27):83-100. Phraichanchit), Sāyan Phraichānčhit (Sayan 1988 Rāi ngān kānsamrūat lae khutkhon Tao Mǣnam Nǭi: Tambon Chœng Klat, Amphœ Bang Račhan, Čhangwat Singburī (Report on the survey and excavation of the Maenam Noi kilns, Bang Rachan town, Sing Buri province). Krom Sinlapākǭn (Fine Arts Department). Ptak, Roderich 1998 From Quanzhou to the Sulu Zone and beyond: questions related to the early fourteenth century. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29(2):269-294. �Reid, A. 1988 Southeast Asia in the age of commerce 1450-1680: the land below the winds. 2 vols. Volume 1. New Haven: Yale University Press. Shaffer, Lynda Norene 2015 Maritime Southeast Asia, 300 BC to AD 1528: Routledge. Sokha, Tep Discovery of Ceramics from the Koh Sdach Shipwreck, Koh Kong province, Cambodia, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.), The MUA Collection, accessed October 13 2017, http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1620. Stark, Miriam T 2010 From Funan to Angkor. After Collapse: The Regeneration of Complex Societies:144. Stark, Miriam T. 2006 Early Mainland Southeast Asian Landscapes in the First Millennium A.D. Annual Review of Anthropology 35(1 %R doi:10.1146/annurev.anthro.35.081705.123157):407-432. Theunissen, Robert, Peter Grave, and Grahame Bailey 2000 Doubts on diffusion: challenging the assumed Indian origin of Iron Age agate and carnelian beads in Southeast Asia. World Archaeology 32(1):84-105. Wade, Geoff 2004 Ming China and Southeast Asia in the 15th Century: A Reappraisal: Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore. Wallerstein, I 1974 The modern world system: capitalist agriculture and the origins of the European worldeconomy in the sixteenth century. Academic Press, New York. Chārưk Wilaikǣo 1990 Tao Mǣnam Nǭi 2 [Maenam Noi Kilns, part 2]. Krom Sinlapākǭn (Fine Arts Department). — 2002 Taikoku Shinburi-ken Noigawa yōsekigun hakkutsu chōsa hōkokusho [Excavation report on the Maenam Noi kiln group, Singburi province, Thailand] Kansai kinsei kōkogaku kenkyū (Kansai early modern archaeological research) 10:185-209. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 3: Ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world Description An account of the resource Ceramics are the crucial cultural materials for understanding the cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world. This session will discuss how interdisciplinary approaches such as archaeology, art, history, geophysics, and material science can broaden our horizons on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange. Second, we will discuss the connection of ceramic trade and exchange between the early age of commerce (c.900-1300 C.E.) and the age of commerce (1450-1680 C.E.) in Southeast Asia and other regions. This established some challenges in ceramic trade including the influence for new creativity and production development, such as in Europe where some trademarks were developed under the Chinese influence. Our goal is to deepen our knowledge on the application of interdisciplinary approaches on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange across the two historical periods. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sharon Wong Wai-yee Department of Anthropology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Hong Kong Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Maritime Means and Mountain Ends: the origin of stoneware jars in mid 15th CE burial complexes of the Southern Cardamom Ranges, Cambodia Description An account of the resource Southeast Asia during the first half of the second millennium CE. Their hegemony is particularly apparent in lowland areas throughout the Lower Mekong basin, expressed in both architecture and ceramics. How strongly this control was exercised in more geographically marginal regions – and what the nature of power was after the capital moved southward -- has not been explored. In this paper we present the results of a geochemical analysis of ceramics from absolutely and comprehensively dated mid-15th century CE burial complexes in the Southern Cardamom Ranges of southeastern Cambodia and a nearby contemporary shipwreck. The wreck assemblage was typical of a Southeast Asian maritime trader. Comparison of burial and shipwreck ceramic compositional data enables us to confirm a provenance for some of the jars and fine wares from production centres in central Northern Thailand. A second group, not represented in the wreck assemblage, is from a yet unidentified source that we suggest is located in the adjacent Cambodian lowlands. The results of this provenience analysis highlights both the role of the relatively well-known maritime trade, as well as a previously unsuspected continuity in local Cambodian stoneware production. This window into 15th c exchange networks expands our understanding of the context of subsequent European 16th-17th c engagement during the Early Modern Period, is one piece of the broader picture needed to more closely define the processes of economic transformation. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Peter Grave Lisa Kealhofer N. Beavan Tep Sohka Miriam Stark Ea Darith Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Peter Grave Lisa Kealhofer N. Beavan Tep Sohka Miriam Stark Ea Darith Asia-Pac Session 3 2017 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T’ang Exotics Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Edward H. Schafer Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of California Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1963 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Edward H. Schafer Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1963 Place Berkeley Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of California Press Title A name given to the resource The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T’ang Exotics China Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Vermilion Bird: T’ang Images of the South Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Edward H. Schafer Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of California Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Edward H. Schafer Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Place Berkeley Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available University of California Press Title A name given to the resource The Vermilion Bird: T’ang Images of the South China Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zheng He: China and the Oceans in the Early Ming Dynasty, 1405-1433 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Edward L. Dreyer Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Longman Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2006-05-13 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Edward L. Dreyer Item Type Book ISBN 0321084438 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2006-05-13 Library Catalog Amazon.com Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Longman Short Title Zheng He Title A name given to the resource Zheng He: China and the Oceans in the Early Ming Dynasty, 1405-1433 China Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Background of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Edwin G. Pulleyblank Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Oxford University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Edwin G. Pulleyblank Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955 Place London Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Oxford University Press Title A name given to the resource The Background of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan China Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ennin's Travels in TÊ»ang China Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Edwin Oldfather Reischauer Edwin Oldfather Reischauer Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Ronald Press Co. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Edwin Oldfather Reischauer Edwin Oldfather Reischauer Item Type Book Call Number 951.01.R375e Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955 Extra Leader: am 0c a Control Number: rla00280969 Fixed field: 820526s1955 nyuc 00100deng LCCN: 55006273 Local system no: CUDGR556273-B Local system no: (UPRA)tmp18756857 Cataloging source: CarP CStRLIN CU-A UPRA Geographic area code: a-cc LC Call Number: DS707 .R45 LC offprint number: Copy 2 Dewey class number: 951.016 Local LC call number: DS707 .R45 Physical description: xii, 341 p. : port. ; 24 cm Holdings: 951.01.R375e DEWEY 1 DOHSTK4WK 31275015170476 Held by: GRANDDEPOS Library Catalog library.usc.edu Library Catalog Place New York Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Ronald Press Co. Title A name given to the resource Ennin's Travels in TÊ»ang China China https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a2aa71e25ef45afdfe9fafe8b1111d12.pdf 4afaaea29b06d4c815497cfc407b03c2 PDF Text Text Ceramics and Other Archaeological Finds as Evidence of Ancient Ports Existence and Its Role in Eastern Coast of South Sumatra in Early Centuries Eka Asih Putrina Taim National Research Center of Archaeology University of Indonesia ekaasih_taim@yahoo.com Abstract The East Coast of Sumatra has been often associated with great maritime empire in Southeast Asia, namely Srivijaya. However in this paper does not focus on the presence of that empire, but the traces of settlements and port related maritime activities early centuries AD. Foreign ceramics is one solid indication of their relationship and trade exchange activities between the origin places of ceramics was produced with which it was found on the very site of east coast South Sumatra, the same thing happened to other findings as well. By revealing these sites we might have picture what Southern Sumatra role was in maritime activities of early centuries AD. Key words: Ceramics and Archeological Findings, Southern Sumatra, Ancient Ports Preface The east coast region of Sumatra Island is commonly known for seafaring since ancient times. As a “gate route” to enter the Indonesian Archipelago, its connected or passed by ships with destinations to and from the Yellow Sea in the North. The peak of trade activity in east coast region of Sumatra Island happened during the period of the Maritime Kingdom of Srivijaya. Its vast territory covered almost all of the western part of Indonesian Archipelago and Malay Peninsula (Kedah) up to southern part of Thailand (Ligor). Based on ancient inscriptions and foreign written sources, the period of this enormous kingdom was emerging presumably in 6th until 13th �Centuries. Yet it cannot deny, some of archaeological evidences that found in east coast of Sumatra Island, indicated the contacts activity with foreigner already conducted far before 6th Century. The peak of trading activity in eastern Sumatra through the Malacca Strait at that time appropriated with the period of “silk road” trade routes between East and West from the 8th -11th Centuries (Wolters, 1967). In land route of “silk road”, the traders were assessing the desert land through Central Asia, Eastern Asia to Europe, like wise from Europe to Central Asia. However, the sea routes in “silk routes” were sailing the routes which connected Mesopotamian and Persian Gulf in the West to South of China, through the Melaka strait and the East Coast of Sumatra. Meanwhile the trade network from trade centers in the West also expanded to the South East. The 8th -11th Centuries were expanding period of Muslim trade along coastline of Indian Sea to China. The Ships sailed from Mesopotamia and Persian Gulf or from Egypt and Middle Sea (Mediterranean) to India and Malabar, continued to Srilangka, Indonesia, Indochina, and Southern China territory. They were loaded with commercial goods such as rocks, turtle skin, comb, and metal bars. All of those things were exchanged for elephant trunks, rhinoceros horn, and camphor along the Indian seashore. Whereas in China, the trade goods were exchanged for precious things such as silk and ceramic, all of those were going to sale in Mediterranean markets and the Indian sea became center for the distribution of spices, perfume, aromatic ingredients, and medicines. (Lombard, 1996) The sea trade routes between East and West had went on far before the arrival of the Islamic religion into Indonesian Archipelagos. Traders and seafarers from China, Arabia and Persia had travelled using the advantage of monsoon winds. By assessing the historical records, we �have descriptions of their navigation network and the kind of commodities which were traded. The journey from China to Indonesian Archipelagos and South East Asia, at least had 3 stages period of journeys: The first period was the 5th – 7th Centuries; the journeys were motivated by religious pilgrimages. It is marked by Fa-shien journeying to religious centers in India and Ceylon in 414 AD. In his returned journey to China, he passed and stopped in Yeh Po Tie which located in the East Coast of Sumatra. At this time, the trade commodity was limited only to luxurious or royal goods such as: pearls, turtle skin, and religious effects such as benzoin, perfume and other exceptional things (Wolters, 1967). The second period was in the 7th – 13th Centuries; the sea journeys not only were intended for luxurious and royal goods, but also for spices and medicines. This period was marked by the emerging of maritime kingdoms in Sumatra such as Sriwijaya and Melayu. As we found in ItTsing’s records (677 AD), in his journey to India he stopped in Palembang, he noticed that Palembang had already become an important port. Another record made by another Chinese traveler, Hsu- T’ang –Shu, mentioned that Sriwijaya had at least 14 harbors or ports and Barus were one of its biggest one in the west coast of Sumatra, which produced camphor and had its own administrative rules (Wolters, 1967). The third Period was in the 14th -17th Centuries; it was the summit of Chinese commercial activity in the Ming Dynasty. At that time the Chinese Empire was as its acme in prosperity and leading culture. At the beginning of the 15th century, it was a period where there was an enormous interest from the Chinese Empire to expand its influence to overseas lands, its trade’s become more developed and more diverse, as well as China’s knowledge in geography had became wider and more detailed (Mills, 1969). The famous and legendary trader and envoy at this time was �Admiral Cheng Ho or Ma Huan (1403-1430 AD). Ma Huan or Cheng Ho noted and recorded on his journey in his journal and he wrote a book “ Ying Yai Sheng Lan” ( The Overall Survey of The Ocean’s Shores) (Mills, 1969). Base on its chronology, ports and trade settlements along east coast Sumatra could divide into several periods, 1. Ports which emerged in pre or early Sriwijaya period 4th– 7th C 2. Ports during Sriwijaya Period 7th – 13th C 3. Ports which existed after Sriwijaya period and at the time of emerging of many maritime kingdoms in Sumatra such as Panai, Malayu, and Samudra Pasai, as same period with Majapahit supremacy in East Java in 13th C. 4. Port that was emerged and developed in 18th-19th C From all of the five stages of Chronology, the existing of the ports was the most varied. Some of ports could survive through several periods but there also ports which only existed only in one period and abandoned afterward. Archaeological researches in eastern Sumatra, supported by written sources, is also conducted by field research through either surveys or excavations. The results of this research revealed that most of the sites in this area were dated back to pre- and during the Sriwijaya period in 4th 13th C. The primary indications for the existence of those ports in east coast of Sumatra were an enormous number of ceramics found, mostly along the line of its seashore. As well as the ceramic sherds there’s also traces of ancient settlements remains such as bricks, poles of wooden �house pillars, fragments of ancient ships/vessels, beads, metal and wood relics. Other data that we could use to explain the existence of the ports are the shipwreck cargos, which found in Indonesian Sea, such as shipwreck from Pulau Buaya, Bangka Belitung, and the recent finding from Cirebon Sea. The data from these projects are very important and relevant evidences reveal the ancient trade activity and its commodities for export and import from other places outside of the Indonesia Archipelago. More over with sunken ship sites, which might have same chronological assemblage, contains a high value of large number ceramic data related to other kinds of commodities which were also important. The ceramics we could identified the origin of its dated and place, and from ceramics dating we could confirm the variation of other commodities which came from the same period of the ceramics. This paper tries to decipher which sites have indicated that these activities and how their role in shipping, trade and cultural exchanges of the past by using both written source and artifacts that found in very sites. The Archaeological Findings And Past Ten Years New Reveals In South Sumatra Most of sites that indicated maritime and long distance trade activity in early centuries are located in two provinces in southern part Sumatera, which are South Sumatra province and Jambi province. A. Jambi Province The existence of ancient port in south Sumatra began with toponim of a place called “Muara Sabak”. It’s located in Batanghari estuary. The word Sabak could be refer to Arabian noted in 7th C called Zabag , a place that might be located in Sumatera (L. Damais, 1964). Nowadays Muara Sabak �is in Tanjung Jabung distrik, along with others sites that had reveals later in late 90’s such as Lambur. Nipah Panjang, Siti Hawa, and Koto Kandis. Fig. 1: Tanjung Jabung District in Jambi Province. Tanjung Jabung district lies in a delta at the mouth of the Batang Hari River, the second largest river in southern Sumatra. The lowland region mostly consists of peat swamps. Several rivers flow into this delta, which partly empties into the Berhala Strait, among other rivers; Pemusiran, Lambur Luar, and Simbur Rise. Those sites located in this region are on the banks of the river flow, both of which still exist as well as the flow of an ancient river that has dried up. The most prominent finding on sites in this region is the distribution of foreign ceramics which is quite dense and evenly distributed on every surface of the site. Ceramic findings, especially Chinese ceramics are quite dominant to the sites in the estuary area up to Muara Jambi site in the mid-stream of the River Batanghari. In addition to ceramics, the findings in the estuary of the river, also a variety of other ship findings such as wooden pegs, fiber ropes, ship fragments, metal, pottery, gold, and other findings that show traces of settlement activities and maritime activity of past trade. Mostly �ceramic finds in this area came from the Sung Dynasty era; 11th to 13th Century, and consists of various kinds of white ceramics, caldrons, jars, ewers, which came in quite fine quality. B. South Sumatra Province Other than Batanghari River, the largest river in South Sumatra is Musi River. The maritime site in this province mostly scattered in the bank of this river. South Sumatra province are well-known on its role in trade route either in historical or archeological data. Fig. 2: Air Sugihan Site, South Sumatra Province. The oldest data in this region date came from the early of the 7th century AD, known as the Srivijaya period. The sites located in the estuary of the Musi River facing directly into the Strait of Malacca, among others are the wetlands sites on along the edge of the east coast of South Sumatra, such as the sites in Bayunglincir, Karang Agung to Air Sugihan, and the site of Kota Kapur in Bangka Island. These sites clearly indicate the trace of ancient settlements existence and maritime activities from the beginning of AD (century 3-4 AD). In addition to the findings of ancient settlements, �there are household appliances (grinding), pottery, beads, and metal fragment fragments, as well as Chinese ceramic findings from Tang dynasty by the end of 9th century AD. For the oldest ceramic find in the eastern seaboard South Sumatra is a jug from the 6th Century Sui dynasty found on the site of Air Sugihan. The district of Air Sugihan lies on the south side of the delta of Musi River on an ebb and tide, swamp area. Since 1980 was made for transmigration settlements, canals and bridges were built to reach the villages. Since inhabited, many archaeological findings were reported yet illegal digging occurred around the 1990s. Preliminary surveys were conducted in 1998 and again in 2003 through to 2011, and 2013 by Indonesian National Research Center of Archaeology. The research had identified several sites with surface finds such in Kertamurti, Nusakarta, Banyubiru, and canal 7. Excavations were carried on at 2007 and 2008, 2011 and 2013. Beside the traces of ancient settlement, sites in east coast of South Sumatra also show remains of ancient maritime activities such as; part of the remaining ancient boats, wooden fragments of ships; oars, peg wood, rope fibers, shoe stoves, as well as remnants of an ancient dock. Some others finds in Air Sugihan area which indicated similarity with other sites in South India. China Mainland and South East Asia have various beads made of glass and stone; stamps made of glass/stone; decorated pottery; Chinese ceramics; and metal objects. �Fig. 3 (left):Tthe end of a wooden boat fragment (National Research Center of Archaeology). C. Bangka Island Bangka Island was used to part of South Sumatra Province, now the island namely Bangka and Belitung have became a Province of Bangka Belitung. The Bangka Island it self with its Menumbing hill has been known by sealer in early centuries. The oldest written story written before Sriwijaya about Bangka obtained in India. A Buddhist literature written in century 3 AD (Mahaniddesa) mentions a number of place names in Asia, among others about Swarnnabhūmi, Wangka, and Java. Swarnnabhūmi name can be identified with Sumatra as mentioned also in the book Milindapanca while Wangka may be identified by Bangka. More detailed information about the picture there Bangka Island the Chinese news from the year 1436 AD is Hsing-Ch'a Sheng-lan ( General Reports Journey at Sea) written by Fei Hsin of a place called Ma-yi-tung lying west of Kau-lan (Belitung) in the southern sea (L. . Damais, 1995; Groeneveldt, 1960) Kota kapur, a prominent archaeological site in Bangka island, well known as its inscription about the invasion to Bumijawa. The inscription was originally thought to have come from the 7th century AD, but with the discovery of a statue Vishnu style 4 -5 centuries AD as it is also found in the port of Oc Eo sites in northern Vietnam. With the discovery of these findings, it can be said Kota Kapur site has been going on around the 4th �century AD or the period before the Realm of Srivijaya. The findings from this site not only inscription but also remains of brick temples, with one of it center consist about 20 ceramic bowls dated from North Song Dynasty 10th C arranged in circle row. The island of Bangka has a strait of Bangka that connects with Malacca Strait. In the 7th century AD, the Malacca Strait has become an important shipping lane and crowded with the Indian region. In 2013, National Research Center of Archaeology has revealed remnants of an ancient dock /port on southwest shore of Kota Kapur, facing to the mouth of Musi River, This remnant presumably as an entrance dock to Kota Kapur in early century. In addition to the rest of the pier, around the location are also found the remains of a large wooden boat, pottery shard, and the remains of house poles. Fig. 4 (right): Excavation on ancient dock in Kota Kapur Site of Bangka. (National Research Center of Archaeology) Conclusion Indonesia was presumably greatly involved in the Indian Ocean network trade at very early period. Indonesian products such as camphor, benzoin, cloves, and gold were demand in India and China, moreover to Middle East, Rome and west coast of Africa. Historical evidence however �indicates that the main emporia in western Indonesia were not located near the producing center, but instead were in south east Sumatra (Miksic, 1979) The oldest evidences of long distance trade route, between southern Sumatra’s east coast to elsewhere, are the finding of ceramic jars from the Sui dynasty’s 6t -7th century , the Arikamedu’s pottery shard of 4th 5th century, also some potteries which as the same as found in Oc Eo site (4-5 C). In Air Sugihan site, not only the potteries but also beads, metal works, and also amulet are similar with those found in 4th-5th century site of Oc Eo. From the chronology of ceramic finds, ceramic that found in Tanjung Jabung area of Batanghari estuary are mostly latter than those found South Sumatera east coast. It is indicated that settlements in South Sumatra by the Musi River estuary were older (9th-10th C) than Batanghari’s (11th -13th C). The ceramics and other artifacts such as metal work , glass and others found in Jambi and South Sumatra sites are the same as those found in Pulau Buaya, Intan and Cirebon Shipwreck , which mean all those were came from the same period and the same trade business (Taim, 2016) Some boat fragments found in Air Sugihan or Bangka site shown the use of Southeast Asian tradition of boat making. Southeast Asian boat making techniques that consist of sewn plank technique and lash lug techniques. This technique was flourishing in Southeast Asia so it use to call as Southeast Asian Technique, which starts in early first century (Abas, 2009). The eastern coastal area of southern Sumatra contains several areas that indicate long-distance maritime and trade activities. The region covers �Jambi province, south Sumatra, and Bangka Belitung. Based on the findings of archaeological remains, the Jambi province area relatively younger by archeological findings than the other two regions (southern Sumatra and Bangka). This is in accordance with the chronology of the history of the kingdom of Srivijaya which was mentioned in Sumatra by Coedes (Coedes, Damais, Kulke, & Manguin, 2014). Wolters, an English Historian , also said that Jambi to South Sumatra area are the suitable and strategic location, as enter port while waiting for the best wind that might bring the ship to east (Manguin, Py,. Soeroso MP, 2006) References Abas, N. 2009. Perahu Kuno di Situs Punjulharjo , Rembang. Berita Penelitian Arkeologi, 23, 46–59. Coedes, G., Damais, L.-C., Kulke, H., & Manguin, P.-Y. (2014). Kedatuan Sriwijaya. (A. G. and P. M. Veronique de Groot, Ed.) (2nd ed.). Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu. Damais, L. 1964. "Etudes sino-indonesiennes III. Latrascription chionese, Holloing designation de Java. BEFEO, 52(1), 93–161. Damais, L. . 1995. “Agama Buddha di Indonesia. In Epigrafi dan Sejarah Nusantara: Pilihan karangan Louis-Charles Damais. Jakarta: Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional. Groeneveldt, W. P. 1960. Historical notes on Indonesia and Malaya compiled from Chinese sources. Jakarta: Bhratara. Retrieved from http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/783716 Lombard, D. 1996. Nusa Jawa ; Silang Budaya (3rd ed.). Jakarta: Gramedia. Manguin, Py,. Soeroso MP, M. C. 2006. Daerah Dataran Rendah dan Daerah Pesisir. In Menyelusuri Sungai Merunut Waktu : Penelitian Arkeologi di Sumatera Selatan (pp. 49–62). Jakarta: Enrique Indonesi. �Miksic, J. N. 1979. Archaeology, Trade and Society in Northeast Sumatra. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Cornel University. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/302932664?accountid=13771 Mills, J. 1969. Ying-yai Sheng-lan: “The Overall Survey of the Ocean”s Shores. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Taim, E. A. P. 2016. Keramik Muatan Kapal Karam Cirebon: Sebaran Di Situs-Situs Arkeologi Sumatera Bagian Selatan. Kalpataru, 25 No. 1(Mei 2016),29–44. Retrieved from http://jurnalarkeologi.kemdikbud.go.id/index.php/kalpataru/article/view/81 Wolters, O. W. 1967. Early Indonesian commerce : a study of the origins of ʹSrīvijaya. New York, Ithaca: University Press. About Author Name: Eka Asih Putrina Taim Occupation: Researcher / Doctor Candidate of Indonesian University Affiliation: National Research Center of Archaeology/ University of Indonesia Address: Jln. Raya Condet Pejaten no .4, Jakarta Selatan 12510 Indonesia Email: ekaasih_taim@yahoo.com Specialty in: Ancient Settlement of Hindu Buddha period in Sumatra and Ancient Ceramics � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 3: Ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world Description An account of the resource Ceramics are the crucial cultural materials for understanding the cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world. This session will discuss how interdisciplinary approaches such as archaeology, art, history, geophysics, and material science can broaden our horizons on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange. Second, we will discuss the connection of ceramic trade and exchange between the early age of commerce (c.900-1300 C.E.) and the age of commerce (1450-1680 C.E.) in Southeast Asia and other regions. This established some challenges in ceramic trade including the influence for new creativity and production development, such as in Europe where some trademarks were developed under the Chinese influence. Our goal is to deepen our knowledge on the application of interdisciplinary approaches on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange across the two historical periods. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sharon Wong Wai-yee Department of Anthropology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Hong Kong Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ceramics and Other Archaeological Finds as Evidence of Ancient Ports Existence and Its Role in Eastern Coast of South Sumatra in Early Centuries Description An account of the resource The East Coast of Sumatra has been often associated with great maritime empire in Southeast Asia, namely Srivijaya. However in this paper does not focus on the presence of that empire, but the traces of settlements and port related maritime activities early centuries AD. Foreign ceramics is one solid indication of their relationship and trade exchange activities between the origin places of ceramics was produced with which it was found on the very site of east coast South Sumatra, the same thing happened to other findings as well. By revealing these sites we might have picture what Southern Sumatra role was in maritime activities of early centuries AD. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Eka Asih Putrina Taim Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Eka Asih Putrina Taim Asia-Pac Session 3 2017