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                    <text>Meaningful Applications of Photogrammetry on Shipwreck Excavations - Not Just
for Recording! Using 3D Data to Understand the Ships Kotaro Yamafune (President of A.P.P.A.R.A.T.U.S. LLC) apparatus.japan@gmail.com
Dimitra Voutyrea (Doctoral Candidate of Austrian Archaeological Institute at Athens of
the Austrian Academy of Sciences) dimitra221996@gmail.com
Irena Radić Rossi (Assistant Professor of University of Zadar) irradic@unizd.hr
Javier Rodríguez Pandozi (Director of Instituto Balear de Estudios en Arqueología
Marítima) jrpandozi@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
Photogrammetry has rapidly gained attention in the field of underwater archaeology since around 2011,
largely due to significant time constraints associated with underwater excavation. Photogrammetry is a
technique that utilizes photographs taken with a digital camera to create precise 3D digital models. It has
now become possible to replace some of the manual recording tasks with this technique, which offers
both speed and high accuracy. As a result, underwater recording work can now be completed in a fraction
of the time it once required, while still maintaining accuracy.
However, the most significant advantage of photogrammetry lies in the flexibility of the data it
generates, which subsequently enhances archaeologists' research and facilitates hypothesis formulation. In
this paper, the authors present several case studies where photogrammetry is used not only as a recording
tool but also as a support for scientific research, specifically to enhance our understanding of historical
ships. The case studies to be discussed in this paper include the Fournoi Shipwreck 15 from Greece (5th
century A.D.), the Letavica shipwreck from Croatia (1st century B.C), and the Ses Llumetes shipwreck
from Spain (1st century A.D.). In the context of these three case studies, the authors will explore the use
of photogrammetry as a research and analysis tool in shipwreck studies.
Keywords: Photogrammetry, Shipwreck, GIS, Ship Reconstruction
List of Images
Figure 1. Fournoi shipwreck 15’s QGIS baselines.
Figure 2. Fournoi shipwreck 15’s QGIS database at the end of 2021 fieldwork.
Figure 3. Hypothetical shape of the Letavica shipwreck.
Figure 4. Hypothetical shape of the Ses Llumetes shipwreck.

1. INTRODUCTION
The topic of this paper fits best within this Session 19. Database, monitoring, non-intrusive
documentation techniques and new technologies applied to underwater cultural heritage because
this paper will discuss the potential of photogrammetry as an effective tool for the scientific
analysis of shipwreck sites. Over the past decade, photogrammetry has become an indispensable
tool for maritime archaeology. (McCarthy et al. 2019) This technique allows archaeologists to
record underwater archaeological sites quickly, which is particularly beneficial for underwater
archaeology, as the underwater environment imposes certain time constraints on work
(Yamafune et al. 2017). Photogrammetry, which requires only a digital camera and does not
necessitate expensive scanning tools like LiDAR (three dimensional scanners) or total stations
often used for terrestrial site recording, is relatively low cost. For these reasons,
photogrammetry has emerged as one of the most frequently used tools for recording underwater
archaeological sites.
However, the application of photogrammetry and the utilization of the resultant three
dimensional (3D) digital models are often limited to producing orthomosaics and two

1

�dimentional site plans. The authors of this paper, however, see greater potential in the use of
these 3D photogrammetry models for site analysis, excavation planning, and ultimately, for ship
reconstruction to understand the original shapes of the ships. In this paper, the authors present
three different shipwreck excavation projects to discuss the more efficient use of
photogrammetry for understanding shipwreck sites, beyond just site recording and site plan
production. The three archaeological sites where the authors have applied experimental
methodologies, and which are discussed in this paper, are the Fournoi Project Shipwreck 15
from Greece (fifth century CE), the Letavica shipwreck from Croatia (first century BCE), and
the Ses Llumetes shipwreck from Spain (first century CE).
2. CASE STUDIES
The case studies under consideration are the following shipwreck excavation projects where the
authors have applied experimental research methodologies.
The Fornoi Project and The Shipwreck 15 (Greece)
The primary objective of the Fournoi Project is the documentation of the underwater cultural
heritage of the Fournoi archipelago in the Aegean Sea. Since 2015, the underwater
archaeological survey of the waters around Fournoi has uncovered evidence of fifty-eight (58)
shipwrecks spanning a broad timeframe, from the Archaic period to the 20th century. Moreover,
a multi-period anchorage site and several individual finds have also been discovered, indicating
an area of “high maritime activity” (Campbell and Koutsouflakis 2017, 10-15; Campbell and
Koutsouflakis 2021, 281-284). In 2021, the site known as Shipwreck 15, a remarkably
well-preserved complex, underwent its first season of excavation.
Shipwreck 15 was discovered during the 2015 campaign along the eastern front of the Aspros
Kavos promontory, a stark, sheer, rocky cliff at the northeastern edge of the central island of
Fournoi. The primary deposit lies on a sandy steep sloping seabed at a depth of 43 to 50m. The
exploration of the site so far has revealed a heterogeneous, unorthodox cargo, consisting of at
least eight different types and variants of amphorae, mainly of Black Sea origin, along with a
secondary load of Phocaean Red Slip Ware (LRC). According to the currently available data,
the wreck-assemblage should be dated to somewhere between the last quarter of the fifth
century and the first quarter of the sixth century CE.
Letavica Shipwreck (Croatia)
In 2018, the well-preserved remains of an ancient sunken ship were discovered near Cape
Letavica on the island of Pag. Approximately 400 wine amphorae of the Lamboglia 2 type,
dating back to the 1st century BC, rest on the slope of the seabed, outlining the shape of the
sunken ship. Judging by the research so far, the bow of the ship points to the northeast. The ship
appears to have come to rest on its starboard side, with the keel on the shallower part of the site.
The total length of the visible ship's cargo is about 21 m, suggesting it was a merchant ship
approximately 25 m long. In 2022, roughly twenty pieces of ceramic and metal vessels from the
ship's galley were discovered in the stern part of the ship, and two completely preserved
amphorae were raised from the site.
Ses Llumetes Shipwreck (Spain)
Porto Cristo, a small coastal town on the eastern side of the island of Mallorca (Spain), is part of

2

�the municipality of Manacor. The geography of its coastline makes this cove a perfect natural
harbor for boats needing to replenish water or carry out repairs during their journey. However,
this seemingly ideal anchorage can become a deadly trap for anchored ships when winds blow
from the East or Northeast. As evidence of this, there are the five shipwrecks documented by the
team of the Balearic Institute of Studies in Maritime Archaeology (IBEAM).
Since 2015, IBEAM has focused its efforts on studying the wreck of Ses Llumetes, a Roman
vessel dating back to the 1st century CE. Cargo of the ship consisted of amphorae corresponding
to productions from southern Hispania, mainly Dressel 7-11 types, alongside Haltern 70 and
Dressel 20 types. The amphorae are complemented by Italian materials, including a
representative collection of oil lamps, which give the site its name.
3. RESOURCES
The resources available to conduct the work include digital 3D photogrammetry models created
within Agisoft Metashape Professional Edition photogrammetry software during the field
expeditions of the three above-mentioned projects. The authors primarily applied
photogrammetry to record archaeological sites and create 2D site plans of the underwater
shipwreck sites. For areas of interest, the team tagged, recorded, and occasionally raised
artifacts under the supervision of conservators, anticipating the need for storage and
conservation facilities. To record all proveniences of these removed/raised artifacts, the teams
applied photogrammetry recording before moving any artifacts. As such, photogrammetry
recording was conducted almost every working day, and the 3D photogrammetry models were
produced each day.
All the created photogrammetry 3D models were scaled and locally georeferenced. 'Local
georeferencing' means that depths and inclinations of the shipwreck sites were determined by
depth measurements taken by dive computers. Additionally, archaeological baselines were
established by north-south or west-east directions, or the bow-stern direction if the ships' keel
orientation was known. All daily created photogrammetry 3D models were aligned/overlaid
correctly once created, allowing archaeologists to track the progress of the excavations.
In all these case studies - excavations in Greece, Croatia, and Spain - photogrammetry was used
as a primary recording tool and proved its efficiency as a rapid yet accurate recording method.
However, the authors sought to explore further potential applications of photogrammetry, using
it to understand and analyze shipwreck sites, not just as a recording tool.
4. FRAMEWORK
The research question of this paper is “Can photogrammetry serve as a useful tool for
archaeologists to understand shipwreck sites and the original ships, beyond simply recording the
site?" The authors conducted various case studies to explore this question.”
Fournoi Project Shipwreck 15: GIS-Based Cargo Analysis Using Geo-Referenced
Orthomosaics and Photogrammetry-Based Site Plans
The authors managed to produce geo-referenced photogrammetry 3D models every working day
and also developed geo-referenced orthomosaics each evening based on these 3D models. Once
created, these orthomosaics were imported into GIS software. The primary goal of a GIS

3

�database in a shipwreck context is the intra-site spatial analysis – determining spatial relations
among archaeological remains, which aids in reconstructing the site and understanding the
assembly as a unit. Furthermore, this tool facilitates archiving, management, and monitoring of
every archaeological task undertaken at a wreck site, thereby aiding both fieldwork and data
analysis (Bartoli et al. 2012, E3; Theofanous 2017, 32-33, 38).

Figure 1. Fournoi shipwreck 15’s QGIS baselines: georeferenced orthoimages, site plan with isobaths and
DEM Model. (Image: K. Yamafune and D. Voutyrea).

For the Fournoi Project Shipwreck 15 case study, the authors used QGIS, a free, open-source
desktop software. The database was constructed based on a satellite map, multiple
geo-referenced orthomosaics, black-and-white-rendered 2D site plans, and Digital Elevation
Models (DEMs). (Fig. 1) Vector datasets were created from multiple orthomosaics, which
provided temporal data to identify what came earlier and what came later. To examine the
arrangement of the heterogeneous containers and make preliminary interpretations of the
shipwreck’s findings, the authors used color-coding indicative of various amphora types and
other artifacts (Voutyrea 2022). (Fig. 2) Each amphora was outlined by a polygon feature of a
specific color, corresponding to a particular type. A separate point layer was designed to track
the positioning of wooden remains and fine ware. All necessary information for every individual
object (e.g., material, typology, recovery date) was added in the attribute table categories.
This process resulted in a multi-layered geodatabase, providing different kinds of archaeological
and spatial information. The archaeologists can track, observe, and compare data from
numerous perspectives and ask distinct questions of the database, such as "which amphorae
belong to the X type?" or "which finds were raised on the X date?" The database's digital
environment can be updated regularly to accommodate, organize, and handle new
archaeological data as the excavation progresses. The authors anticipate adding new data
categories in the future, such as the conservation status of raised finds and sampling of
amphorae for archaeometrical analysis. The ultimate goal is to combine the GIS database with
other open-source tools, like CloudCompare, to manage workflows, compare, and visualize
results in an integrated manner.

4

�Figure 2. Fournoi shipwreck 15’s QGIS database at the end of 2021 fieldwork. The archaeological objects are
featured by a color - coding. The different layers are providing various information about every single artefact
(Typology, Label number, Inventory number - raised finds etc.). (Image: D. Voutyrea)

Letavica Shipwreck: Understanding Unexcavated Ship’s Size and Positions of Wooden
Structures
The Letavica shipwreck site has only been partially excavated, but the information gathered, and
subsequent analysis provide clear insights into the original ship's size and the locations of
wooden structures, even those that are still buried. (Fig. 3) During the 2022 field expedition, the
team focused on the portside in the bow area and the starboard in the stern area. The bow
section excavation measured approximately 2m x 6m, reaching the bedrock at a depth of 1m
from the surface sediments. The stern area, around 2m x 8m in size, reached the bedrock at a
depth of 1.5m. Beneath the amphorae in the bow area, segments of hull planks were discovered,
featuring distinct pegged mortice-and-tenon joinery. The stern area yielded a variety of pottery,
including oil lamps and cooking pots.
Utilizing photogrammetry 3D models of the entire site, the authors conducted a detailed analysis
to develop a hypothesis regarding the original ship's size and its final resting position on the
seabed. The initial step involved creating a photogrammetry 3D model of a raised and preserved
amphora from the 2018 field expedition. This model was duplicated, color-coded based on size
(in red and blue), and overlaid on the photogrammetry 3D models of the Letavica shipwreck
site. The authors deduced from the positions and inclinations of the amphorae that the ship had
tilted to the starboard side and that most amphorae had also fallen on that side. Further analysis
of the amphorae's arrangement and the height of the piles, coupled with the reconstructed
bedrock topography based on the excavated areas' depths, allowed for the reconstruction of the
original stacking pattern of amphorae in the ship's cargo hold. The pattern appeared to form 3 or
5

�4 layers. Considering the dispersion pattern of the amphorae pile, the length and width of the
original cargo hold were estimated, which in turn helped determine the ship's original
dimensions. Based on these measurements, it was hypothesized that the ship was 24m in length
and 5m in width, and was carrying approximately 920 amphorae when it sank. The
reconstructed hypothetical ship and its cargo provide archaeologists with a clearer vision for
future excavation planning.

Figure 3. Hypothetical shape of the Letavica shipwreck. This reconstructed shape of the hull is primarily based
on data derived from 3D photogrammetry. (Image: K. Yamafune)

Ses Llumetes: Reconstruction of Hull Lines from Excavated Ship Structures/Fragments
Different from above two shipwreck sites, 95% of its preserved hull structures of Ses Llumetes
shipwreck site has been excavated. Unfortunately, only forward half of the portside structure
survived, and the entire starboard structures and the aft half of the portside was not preserved (it
must be noted that there is a possibility that the preserved area is starboard of the stern). In 2022
field expedition, the team removed ceiling planking, and all survived frames and hull planking
were recorded in situ using photogrammetry. Using this 3D photogrammetry model of Ses
Llumetes from 2022 field expedition, the authors experimentally reconstructed the original
shape of the ship. (Fig. 4)

Figure 4. Hypothetical shape of the Ses Llumetes shipwreck. This reconstructed shape of the hull is primarily
based on the curvatures of frames extracted from the photogrammetry 3D model of the Ses Llumetes
shipwreck site. (Image: K. Yamafune)

6

�Research methodology that reconstructs original shapes of the shipwreck is called ‘Ship
Reconstruction.’ Traditionally, ship reconstruction had done by archaeologists using manual
recordings. First, curvatures of exterior face of each frame, positions of each frames, positions
of fastenings has to be carefully recorded. Using all those archaeological information from the
shipwrecks site, archaeologists can reconstruct ‘hull lines’ that represents ships’ original shape
with series of curvatures. Hull lines are 2D plans composed with three different orthogonal
vies/plans, namely sheer plan, half breadth plan, and body plan. From this reconstructed
representation of the ship shapes, or hull lines, archaeologists also can understand, cargo
capacity, sailing abilities, and other characteristics of the ship.
For Ses Llumetes shipwreck, the authors used the photogrammetry 3D model instead of manual
recording to do Ship Reconstruction. First, completed photogrammetry 3D model of Ses
Llumetes is exported to Rhinoceros 3D CAD software. In Rhinoceros, the wooden structures of
Ses Llumetes were re-oriented based on keel and angle of frames according to its entering angle
to the keel in the body plan, or section profiles. In other words, the ship structures are
re-positioned as if it is on plans of hull lines. Then using Rhino’s commands, curvatures, or
section profile of the ship structures are extracted. Then from these curvatures, the authors find
out the most broad curvature, and this curvature must be the external shape of the master frame.
Master frame is the key component of the ship designs, and the most cases it is placed in the
widest points of the full. And in ancient shipbuilding, master frames can be found in the
amidship area. Henceforward, the authors duplicate curvatures of the forward frame and
mirrored those to the aft parts of the master frame. Although, the stern half of Ses Llumetes was
not preserved, the author made curvatures of stern-half slightly narrower and higher based on
many other ship examples. Once all curvatures, or section profiles, of the portside was created,
the author also created horizontal curvatures which pass through the frame curvatures, or section
profile curvatures, at the same height. These horizontal curvatures are called water lines.
Initially water lines were not smooth because the wooden structures of shipwrecks, including its
frames, were distorted while its was pressed by cargos and buried nearly 2000 years under the
seabed. The angles of frame curvature have to be re-angled and modified observing conditions
of frames from photogrammetry 3D models of Ses Llumetes. This adjustment process of the
water line and the frame curvatures is called ‘Fairing.’ After this fairing process is completed,
all curvatures of the portside are, finally, duplicated and mirrored to the starboard side to form
complete hull lines. Furthermore, the authors created surface, or digital 3D model, by
connecting those curvatures of hull lines; and from this digital 3D model, characteristics of the
Ses Llumetes can be calculated inside the software. (Fig. 4)
5. RESULT
The authors believe the most significant advantage of using photogrammetry 3D data for
analysis lies in its repeatability. Once the 3D models are created, archaeologists can extract
measurements and information from the 3D models, rather than directly from the underwater
shipwreck site. These measurements, obtained from the digital 3D models, are uniform,
meaning the data available for analysis and research remains consistent over time.
Consequently, the research and analysis are repeatable, and the results reliable. This
repeatability is crucial for archaeologists to conduct scientific research.

7

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bartoli, D., M. Capulli and P. Holt. 2012. “Creating a GIS for the Underwater Research Project ANAXUM: the Stella
1 Shipwreck”. In The New Technologies for Aquileia: Proceedings of the 2nd Workshop on The New Technologies for
Aquileia, Aquileia Italy 25 June 2012, edited by L. Fozzati and V. Roberto, E1-E9 Aachen.
Campbell, P. B., and G. Koutsouflakis. 2021. “Aegean Navigation and the Shipwrecks of Fournoi. The archipelago in
Context.” In Under the Mediterranean I: Studies in Maritime Archaeology, edited by S. Demesticha and L. Blue,
with K. Baika, C. Beltrame, D. Blackman, D. Cvikel, H. Farr &amp; D. Sivan, 279-298. Leiden: Sidestone Press.
Campbell, P.B. and G. Koutsouflakis. "Shipwreck Capital of the Aegean - The Fournoi Underwater Survey." The
INA Quarterly 44, no. (2017):9-15.
McCarthy J., Benjamin J., Winton T., van Duivenvoorde W. 3D Recording and Interpretation for Maritime
Archaeology. Coastal Research Library 31. Springer, Cham. 2019.
Theofanous, P. “Ανάπτυξη GIS Αρχαιολογικών Πληροφοριών με Βάση Ορθοφωτογραφίες στο Ναυάγιο του
Μαζωτού Κύπρου.” Διπλ. Εργασία, ΕΜΠ. (“Development of GIS Archaeological Information system based on
Orthophotos in the Shipwreck of Mazotos, Cyprus.” Master dissertation, National Technical University of Athens.)
2017.
Voutyrea, D. “Fourni, Shipwreck 15: Documentation and analysis through the creation of an integrated geodatabase.”
Poster presentation in “Under the Mediterranean II”, 2-6 November 2022, Valetta, Malta.
Yamafune, K., Torres, R., and Castro, F. “Multi-Image Photogrammetry to Record and Reconstruct Underwater
Shipwreck Site” in Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 24, no. 3 (2017) : 703-725.

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                <text>Photogrammetry has rapidly gained attention in the field of underwater archaeology since around 2011,&#13;
largely due to significant time constraints associated with underwater excavation. Photogrammetry is a&#13;
technique that utilizes photographs taken with a digital camera to create precise 3D digital models. It has&#13;
now become possible to replace some of the manual recording tasks with this technique, which offers&#13;
both speed and high accuracy. As a result, underwater recording work can now be completed in a fraction&#13;
of the time it once required, while still maintaining accuracy.&#13;
However, the most significant advantage of photogrammetry lies in the flexibility of the data it&#13;
generates, which subsequently enhances archaeologists' research and facilitates hypothesis formulation. In&#13;
this paper, the authors present several case studies where photogrammetry is used not only as a recording&#13;
tool but also as a support for scientific research, specifically to enhance our understanding of historical&#13;
ships. The case studies to be discussed in this paper include the Fournoi Shipwreck 15 from Greece (5th&#13;
century A.D.), the Letavica shipwreck from Croatia (1st century B.C), and the Ses Llumetes shipwreck&#13;
from Spain (1st century A.D.). In the context of these three case studies, the authors will explore the use&#13;
of photogrammetry as a research and analysis tool in shipwreck studies.&#13;
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                    <text>Early Coins from Kerala: Situating the trade networks with special reference to
Pattanam
Hari Sankar B (Research Scholar, Tamil University)
Dinesh Krishnan (Research Officer, Kerala Council for Historical Research)
ABSTRACT
The paper is intended for session 26, titled "Early Coins from Kerala: Situating the trade networks with special
reference to Pattanam.” The research problem of the paper is to understand the distribution of coins and their
role in understanding the trade network. The study would be based on the catalogue of coins from Kerala.
Kerala, being known for its spices from ancient times, was not a secret to the world. Merchants from different
parts of Europe, Arab countries, and Pacific regions came here for commercial activities, which resulted in
exchanges of ideologies and material culture. Pattanam, an early historic port site on Kerala's coast close to the
Arabian Sea, has produced evidence of commercial activities with foreign countries, indicated by the presence
of ceramics and other material remains in large volume. According to early literary evidence, the Cheras
controlled the region, and the presence of their coins from Pattanam also supports this. Apart from these Chera
coins, the surrounding regions of the Pattanam site have been reported with Roman Gold and Silver coins and
early Indian silver punch-marked coins in hoards. Interestingly, these coins were found in the sites connecting
the Pattanam region to the neighbouring early historic sites like Kodumanal, Keeladi, and Azhagankulam.
Hence, these sites can be considered part of the hinterland trade networks that connect the region with other
early historic port towns in southern India. This paper tries to discuss the hinterland trade network of the
Pattanam site and how these coins can be used to trace the early economic condition of the region and its
monetary exchanges.
Keywords: Coins, Trade, Hinterland, burials
List of Figures
Figure 1 Chera coins from Pattanam excavations
Figure 2 Location of coins
Figure 3 The coin hoard sites along with burials

1. INTRODUCTION
The passages connecting the settlements, territories, and landscapes are the pathways that are known
as trade routes, and they have been an important landscape feature in cultural interactions. Polities and
states were keen on developing and controlling trade routes or highways to improve connectivity and
interactions for their advantage (Selvakumar 2018, 3). South India emerged as a prominent trade and
exchange centre during the Early historical period, evident by the literary evidence and material
remains. The geographical location, long stretching sea coast, backwaters and rivers, and various
spices were the main reasons for developing trade and ports in Kerala. Ports like Nelcynda, Bacare,
Naura, Eli, and Muziris are mentioned in the Greco-Roman records. As part of the trade, monetary
exchanges became an inevitable factor. Pattanam was such a port that became prominent during the
Early historical period because of the overall favourable conditions. This can be ascertained from the
rich cultural deposits at the site, which include ceramics.
2. BACKGROUND
Pattanam is an archaeological site (N 10°09.434' E 76°12.587') in Vadakkekara village in Chittatukara
Panchayat in the Ernakulam district of Kerala. Archaeological investigations at the site revealed an
enormous amount of material and structural remains which are indicators of past economy and other
culture-related activities. The site, which is close to the Arabian Sea, falls within the Periyar river
delta, which provides an insight into the early history of Kerala, its economy, and its maritime
activities. The Arabian Sea is about 4 km west of the site; in between the sea and the western

1

�boundary of the site is located the Tattapally River or Munambam backwaters that run parallel to the
Arabian Sea (Cherian et al. 2015, 11-12).
The port was under the control of Cheras during the early historic period. Roman Empire and Kerala
had commercial links established through literary evidence of Pliny and Ptolemy and artefacts such as
ceramics and coins. Pattanam had the presence of Roman Amphora, Arretine ware, Rouletted ware,
which are Roman potteries, and other material remains, including cameos, intaglios, and gaming
pieces. There was no evidence of Roman coins from the site but had the presence of Chera coins. The
periplus and other literary evidence clearly showed that the spice trade, mainly pepper, was
considered a precious spice. The seven and a half kg black pepper found in the famous Early Historic
port town of Berenike in Egypt in an Indian storage jar with first-century CE context (Tomber 2008,
76-77) attests to the pepper trade from the region. It is stated that the western ships arrived in India
comparatively light in weight and that a substantial bulk of Indian commodities were exchanged for
Roman coins (Romanis 2020, 138). This indicates how large the pepper trade was. The presence of
beryl beads from the site indicated the internal trade. Beryl mines are found in the Kodumanal region,
which is the closest source of raw material. All these factors indicate the internal and external trade
networks of Pattanam.
The present study focuses on identifying and understanding the trade routes by locating the coins. The
study also looks at the hinterland sites which could be present along the routes leading to other
contemporary sites of Pattanam, such as Kodumanal, Keezhadi, and Azhagankulam.
3. THE COINS
Coins are part of the source material for historical studies, which helps explain the economic, social,
and political factors of the past formations. In Kerala, coins belonging to various dynasties from early
historic to modern times were found in various places. Their presence can be inferred as part of the
monetary exchange resulting from internal and external trade.
3.1 Chera coins
The earliest coins of the Sangam period are the Chera, small square copper coins with symbols like an
arched hill, elephant, trees, umbrella, river with fishes, swastika, sun, srivatsa, wheel (chakra), garland
and bull on the obverse, and bow and arrow, the dynastic symbol of the Cheras on the reverse. These
coins are die-struck. The Cheras in the Sangam age also issued silver coins with the symbols like the
Sun, square tank, caduceus, and sadacharachakra on the obverse and the dynastic symbol 'bow and
arrow' on both sides (Vijayaraghavan 2000, 28-31).
Three coins were reported from Alangad near North Paravur in the Ernakulam district of Kerala.
These were found in an earthen pot unearthed during digging for agricultural purposes—two of the
coins found were semicircular, and one with a square shape. The coins bear a bow and arrow symbol
on the obverse and an elephant figure on the obverse (Sreekumar 1999, 162). Copper Chera coins
were found from Pattanam during excavations lasting nine seasons from 2007, with a clear legend,
bow, and arrow on the obverse and elephant on the reverse. These coins are also found in Tamil Nadu
in Coimbatore, Karur, Perur, Vellalur, and Kodumanal.

2

�Figure 1. Chera coins from Pattanam excavations (Courtesy: KCHR coin collection)

3.2 Roman Coins
The Roman coins were found in various places within Kerala and outside, mainly in the form of
hoards. The Roman coin hoard was first found in Nellore in Andhra Pradesh in 1786, with around 40
gold coins (Berghaus 1996, 8). A die made of bronze from emperor Hadrian was reported from Karur
in Tamil Nadu, which shows the demand for Roman coins in exchange for goods (Krishnamurthy
1996, 43-48). These coins are found buried in many sites in Kerala, like Kottayam (Aurei of Augustus
Nero), Eyyal, and Poonjar (Aurei of Augustus) (Gupta 1965, 47).
Eyyal - Eyyal was the first Roman coin hoard discovered in Kerala in 1945. Located about 15 km
southeast of Kunnamkulam in Tallappalli taluk of Thrissur district in Kerala, the site is located on the
Highway between the ancient emporium of Tyndis and Muziris. The hoard contains about 117 coins,
of these, 71 were Gold, 12 were silver, and the rest of the 34 were punch marked coins. The coins of
this hoard cover a period of about 123 BCE to 117 CE. This hoard has Denarii of Octavian, Claudius,
and Tiberius found in highly worn condition and Aurei of Tiberius, Claudius Nero, and Trajan in a
well-preserved condition (Gupta 1965, 48).
Valluvally- The site is Located 6 km south of North Paravur in the Ernakulam district of Kerala. The
hoard was discovered by local people while digging for agricultural purposes in 1983. The hoard
contained thousands of coins, but only 252 were recovered by the local police (Sathyamurty 2011,
14). Most coins were in good condition with inscriptions.
Nedumkandam- Nedumkandam is located in Udumbanchola Taluk of Idukki district in Kerala. The
site is located near the Ghat route to Tamil Nadu. Over 50 silver coins were discovered from this
hoard in 1992, but the reported coins are few (Berghaus 1996, 31).
Poonjar- Poonjar is located along the Ghat route in the Kottayam district of Kerala, and the hoard had
about 5 Aurei (Sathyamurthy 1965, 4).
Idamaruku- Coins of the early Julio-Claudian period have been discovered at Idamaruku in the
Kottayam district of Kerala. Idamaruku is a place close to Poonjar (Turner 1989, 74).
Niranam- Another finding has been at Niranam near Tiruvalla in the Pathanamthitta district of Kerala
(Turner 1989, 74).
Puthankavu- About 50 aurei have been reported from Puthenkavu, located near Chengannur Taluk in
Alappuzha District. The exact number of coins is unavailable (Champakalakshmi 1996, 265).
Kumbalam- The Kumbalam hoard in Ernakulam district of Kerala has nine aurei (Berghaus 1993,
29-42).
3

�Figure 2. Location of coins (Roman in yellow, pmc in red, Chera in green) (Created with Google Earth)

Kothamangalam- The Roman coin from the eighth to tenth centuries was reported from
Kothamangalam in Ernakulam District of Kerala (Valath 1991, 68).
There are a few other stray finds in the Alappuzha district, Kilaloor in the Kannur district, and
Kadakavur in the Trivandrum district. However, the details regarding the coins are not available.
3.3 Punch-Marked coins
Punch-marked coins are the earliest coinage of India, and most scholars consider them of indigenous
origin. Punch-marked coins are generally known in silver and rarely in copper, with various sizes and
weights. The size of the coins varies according to shape and weight. These are made of silver and
copper and rectangular or square and sometimes irregular in shape. The term punch-marked comes
from the technique used for preparing coins where the symbols are stamped on them with punches.
They were in vogue when writing was not current in India and were rarely used (Goyal 1995, 79).
Symbols are one most conspicuous features of these coins and do not bear any legend or inscription.
Various forms of representations, like hills, birds, trees, animals, human figures, and floral and
geometrical patterns, appear on them. However, the exact importance still needs to be clarified and
remains as mysterious as ever (Vanaja 1983, 5).
Several silver punch-marked coins have been discovered in different parts of Kerala. Three hoards of
punch-marked coins were found from the region, which includes the Elikulamkara hoard in the
Kottayam district, the Eyyal hoard in Thrissur district and the Kodusserry hoard from Angamali in the
Ernakulam district (Department of Archaeology, Administrative Reports 1971-72, 75-76). The coin's
origin is considered to be of something other than Kerala origin. However, an interesting fact is the
discovery of punch-marked die from Karur, which can be used to mint coins (Murthy 1994, 51-56). A
total of 218 silver punch-marked coins were discovered from the first two hoards, Elikulamkara, and
Eyyal, in 1946. Of these, 184 coins were unearthed from Kottayam, and only 162 coins have been
classified. Rests of the 34 coins were reported from Eyyal (Gupta 1965, 5).
Kodussery- Kodussery is located near Angamaly in the Ernakulam district of Kerala. The coins were
found inside an earthen jar discovered while digging the foundation of a house. The hoard containing

4

�783 silver punch-marked coins is now kept in the Numismatics Study Center, State Department of
Archaeology, Nedumangad, Thiruvananthapuram (Satyamurthy 1994, 45).
4. TRACING THE HINTERLAND SITES AND TRADE ROUTES
The three varieties of coins from the early historic period were found in various places over Kerala.
Their distribution pattern will be traced to understand the trade routes and hinterland sites. The
Pattanam site has Chera coins, but Roman and punch-marked coins are absent. These coins are found
in large numbers outside the site. Foremost, the location of these coins and theIron age- early historic
sites can be combined to get further information about hinterland trade and networks. The interesting
fact regarding combining the iron age-early historic site data and of the coin hoards is that there is no
evidence of well-recognised settlements identified, or even large mounds which are found in many
parts of India in the region except at Pattanam and a few sites like Anakkara and Nachivayal.
However, megalithic burials are found all over the area. (Krishnan 2017, 111). An important point
highlighted here is that a burial cannot exist without the settlements. So naturally, nearby the burial
sites, settlements must have existed. However, the issue is that we cannot recognise them because of
the topographic features, continuous habitation, landscape modification, habitation remains, and the
environmental conditions of Kerala, mainly seasonal floods. Therefore, we can assume that each
burial site refers to a habitation. However, people definitely lived nearby since the vast material
culture represented in the burials cannot come from nowhere. 
Secondly, the traded materials, mainly pepper, can also be used in this context to understand the
hinterland sites. As noted in Sangam and Classical texts, black pepper was one of the important
products shipped out in vast quantities. It is possible to produce such a large amount of pepper only in
the high ranges as it requires vast areas for cultivation, geographical conditions, trade, and
communication for such large-scale trade. The Tamil inscription of Rajendra Chola found on a
megalithic menhir stone near Rajakumari in the upper Periyar valley indicates spice production
centres and the trade route passed through the region in the later periods also (Kumar 2017, 78-85). In
modern days this region is also known for spice cultivating, especially pepper. Considering this,
production of the resources must have taken place in the hinterland settlements and neighbouring
regions and then transported to Pattanam for external trade.
Furthermore, the port town Azhagankulam on the northern bank of river Vaigai in Tamil Nadu must
have trade relations with Pattanam. Both these sites might have connected through the highland area
of the Western Ghats and Madurai. Mainly there are two routes connecting these regions, one through
the Bodinayakanur pass via Kothamangalam, Adimali, Munnar, Rajakkad, Theni, and Madurai. The
second is through Cumbum pass via Kothamangalam, Idukki, Kumly, Cumbum, Theni, and Madurai.
The Roman coin hoard found from the Nedumkandam and Poonjar is located in the same region,
which indicates that trade and transport prevailed in the region.
Another critical aspect being considered here is that in certain burials, there is the presence of
carnelian beads where the raw materials are not locally available. Their presence in these burials is a
big question unless there is a great trade network or communication. The literature says that the
products from South India reached the Ganges. They also mention that export items such as products
of semi-precious stones might have come from the Kongu region of Tamil Nadu. The region is known
for the mines of stones and production centres of various stone objects. The semi-precious stones raw
materials, such as carnelian, chalcedony, agate, and beryl from Pattanam, might have come from these
regions (Krishnan 2017, 252).

5

�Figure 3. Coin hoard sites along with burials and modern road ways
(coins in yellow, burials in red), (created with Google Earth)

The Eyyal hoard of coins with Roman and punch-marked coins is also found along the route to
Kodumanal in Tamil Nadu, an early historic site with Roman contacts glimpsed from the excavations.
The Palakkad gap is a natural pass leading to the Coimbatore region and then to Kodumanal, famous
for beryl mines. Roman coins from Coimbatore and Palakkad and the beryl beads and raw materials
from Pattanam indicate trade and transportation between the sites and Eyyal being on the route. The
Roman coin hoards are found in various places of Tamizhakam, such as Pollachi, Karur, Vellalur,
Kalayamuttur, Madurai, Coimbatore, Yesvantpur, Pudukkottai, Eyyal, Kottayam, Valluvalli,
Panangadu, and Puthenchira indicates the commercial contacts from region to region (Krishnan 2017,
190).
5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The Roman coin hoards, the Chera coins, and punch-marked coins belonging to the Early historic
period were recovered from various places in Kerala. The discovery of coins, a medium of exchange,
means there were internal and external trade contacts. The material from Pattanam also supports this
statement. Many artefacts belonging to the Romans, such as different varieties of pottery and beads,
were found at the site. No Roman or punch-marked coins have been recovered from the site, which is
a matter of question as they were found in surrounding places. The Chera coins were found at the site
and from a nearby site, indicating internal trading activities. The Roman coins were found on the route
to other contemporary sites in Tamil Nadu, such as Kodumanal, Karur, Azagankulam, and Keeladi.
All these sites, along with intermediate sites, have the presence of Roman coins indicating the trade
networks. It is clear that the development of the Pattanam site as an urban centre is based on maritime
contacts with foreign countries as well as local interactions and development. The Iron Age people,
who lived in the interior areas, supported the development of the port town of Pattanam. The
commodities exported from the Pattanam site might have come from these interior locations where the
local people cultivated or collected them. The coins might be part of this exchange system for goods
found in several places.

6

�Considering the factors mentioned above, it can be assumed that the coins were found on the trade
routes or nearby hinterland settlements/ burials which supported the port town of Pattanam. The coins
came as part of the trade network and communication between these sites and Pattanam. However, the
monetary value of the coins cannot be traced with limited literary evidence.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors thank KCHR for providing coins for the study. We also express our gratitude to Dr Selvakumar V of Tanjavur
University and Sarath Chandrababu for their suggestions and kind support.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Berghaus, Peter. “Roman Aurei from Kumbalam, Ernakulam District, Kerala”. in Studies in South Indian Coins 3. Edited by
Narasimha Murthy. (1994): 29–42. Madras, India: New Era publication.
Berghaus, Peter. “Roman coins from south India”. in Studies in South Indian Coins. Edited by Narasimha Murthy. Vol. 6.
7–14. Madras, India: New Era publication, 1996.
Champakalakshmi, Radha. Trade, Ideology, and Urbanization: South India 300 BC to AD 1300. Oxford University Press,
USA, 1996.
Chedambath, Rajan. An Investigation into the Megalithic and Early HistoricPeriod of the Periyar and Ponnani River Basins
of Kerala, Unpublished PhD. Dissertation, Pune: Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Institute, 1998.
De Romanis, Federico. The Indo-Roman Pepper Trade and the Muziris Papyrus. Oxford University Press, USA, 2020.
Goyala, S. The Coinage of Ancient India. Jodhpur, India: Kusumanjali Prakashan, 1994.
Gupta, Parmeshwari Lal. The Early Coins from Kerala. Thiruvananthapuram, India: Department of Archaeology,
Government of Kerala., 1965.
Krishnamurthy, R. “A Roman coin die from Karur, Tamilnadu”. in Studies in South Indian Coins. Edited by Narasimha
Murthy. Vol. 6. 43-48. Madras, India: New Era publication, 1996.
Menon, A. Sreedhara. A Survey of Kerala History. D C Books, 2007.
Sathyamurthy, T. Catalogue of Roman Gold Coins. 2nd ed. Department of Archaeology, Thiruvananthapuram, 2011.
Sathyamurthy, T. “Nedumkandam hoard of Roman Dinarii”. in Studies in South Indian Coins. Edited by Narasimha Murthy.
Vol. 6. 31-42. Madras, India: New Era publication, 1996.
Sathyamurthy, T. “Angamali hoard of silver punch marked coins”. in Studies in South Indian Coins. Edited by Narasimha
Murthy. Vol. 4. 45-50. Madras, India: New Era publication, 1995.
Sathyamurthy, T. Catalogue of Roman Gold Coins in the Collections of Department of Archaeology, Kerala,
Thiruvananthapuram, India: Department of Archaeology, Government of Kerala,1992.
Satyamurthy, T. Angamali Hoard of Silver punch-marked coins in Studies on South Indian Coins IV (1994): 45-50,
Selvakumar, V. “Ancient trade routes and inscriptions of Tamizhagam” in Epigraphical society of India-XLIII Annual
session ( 2018): 3-39. Kozhikode, Kerala.
Sidebotham, Steven E., and Willeke Wendrich. Berenike 1999/2000: Report on the Excavations at Berenike, Including
Excavations in Wadi Kalalat and Siket, and the Survey of the Mons Smaragdus Region. ISD LLC, 2007.
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Government of Kerala, 1999.
Turner, Paula J. Roman Coins from India. Routledge, 2016.
Vanaja, R. Indian Coinage. New Delhi: National Museum, 1983.

7

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                    <text>Examining the World War II Underwater Cultural Heritage of Maui and Lānaʻi
through 3D Photogrammetric Modeling
1

Dominic Bush (East Carolina University, PhD Candidate)
Jason Raupp (East Carolina University, Assistant Professor)

2

3Justin

Dunnavant (University of California at Los Angeles, Assistant Professor)

ABSTRACT
In October 2022, archaeologists from East Carolina University and the University of California at Los Angeles investigated
underwater cultural heritage associated with World War II around the islands of Maui and Lānaʻi in Hawaiʻi. Working in
partnership with the National Geographic Society and the Ocean Exploration Trust, the team surveyed the remains of lost or
abandoned aircraft, amphibious assault vehicles, ships, and moorings associated with WWII training and staging exercises. In
keeping with Session Four’s (Underwater Cultural Heritage of World War II in the Asia-Pacific Region) focus on “discoveries,
opportunities and challenges”, the maritime heritage research centered on assessing the physical state of these WWII wreck sites
to evaluate preservation threats, while also contributing to the creation of educational resources and outreach tools. A total of
eight WWII-era sites were surveyed using photogrammetric recording methods; these include the wrecks of two US Navy
aircraft, five amphibious landing craft, a mooring station, and a semi-submerged gasoline tanker. Project members used the
collected imagery to produce 3-dimensional photo models. The models proved not only to be effective visual aids for showcasing
some of Hawaiʻi’s rich submerged maritime heritage, but also provided archaeologists with detailed site maps made in a fraction
of the time generally required. This paper examines the indelible impact left by the war on Maui and Lānaʻi through the
investigation of tangible remains of the island’s’ wartime cultural landscape.

KEY WORDS: World War II, Photogrammetry, Hawaii, LVT, Aircraft
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Map of Maui survey area with site locations
Figure 2. A 2011 photograph of the site (above) juxtaposed over 3D model of Makena LVT-4 (below); damage to pontoon and
cab plating indicated in red (Top image courtesy of NOAA ONMS/UH MOP; bottom image courtesy of ECU/UCLA). Figure 3.
3D model of previously unrecorded LVT-2 wrecks in Māʻalaea Bay. Identifiable components are labeled (courtesy ECU/UCLA).
Figure 4. 3D model of Helldiver site (right) compared with 2D site plan (left) (courtesy NOAA ONMS/UH MOP)
Figure 5. 3D model of “3 Anchors”, a WWII era USN mooring (courtesy ECU/UCLA)
Figure 6. Earlier photo of YOGN-42 (above) compared with 3D model of YOGN-42 (below) (Top image courtesy of R. and K.
Brooke, n.d.; bottom image courtesy of ECU/UCLA).

INTRODUCTION
In October 2022, the Ocean Exploration Trust (OET), with funding from the National Geographic
Society, launched the third of its three “Shore to the Abyss” expeditions focused on the Hawaiian
marine environment (OET 2022). Bringing together researchers, educators, and story-tellers with
diverse backgrounds, this third expedition targeted the islands’ World War II (WWII) maritime
heritage, specifically around the southern coast of Maui and along Lānaʻi’s Shipwreck Beach. Rather
than emphasizing discovery, the research plan called for condition assessments of previously-recorded
underwater cultural heritage (UCH) sites, many of which were subjected to prior archaeological
investigation by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and the University of
Hawaiʻi, Mānoa (UH).
The present study, however, diverges from previous efforts through its methodological focus on threedimensional (3D) photogrammetric site recording. Instead of relying on standard recording techniques
to generate two-dimensional site maps, the research team conducted video surveys of each site. The
thousands of still images extracted from videos were used to construct 3D digital models, which
1

�simultaneously serve as visual site assessments and powerful outreach tools. Photogrammetry is no
longer a new concept in underwater archaeology and has been executed on a far more sophisticated
level than presented here. That said, this study is intended to serve as an example of making this
seemingly complex and expensive method of site documentation more accessible to management
agencies and aspiring citizen scientists. In addition to providing site descriptions and analyses of
notable changes, this paper highlights the maximization of time and budgetary resources in the
creation of the ‘digital mosaic’ presented below.
METHODOLOGY
The initial Shore to the Abyss expedition plan called for the photogrammetric survey of three landing
vehicles, tracked (LVT; two LVT(A)-4 and one LVT-4) and two aircraft (Grumman F6F-3 Hellcat and
Curtiss SB2C-1C Helldiver) found in Māʻalaea Bay (Figure 1). After consultation with the diver
operator, however, it was decided that survey efforts would also include a WWII naval mooring and
two previously unrecorded LVTs, also located within the bay. At each site, one-meter (m) scales were
placed on the surrounding seafloor prior to the video survey to assist with later archaeological
analysis. Using a GoPro Hero 9 Black action camera ($299) situated within an underwater housing
equipped with a fisheye-lens (Telesin Dome Port $68), divers followed predetermined swim patterns
over the site of interest. This involved first swimming overlapping east-west transects, followed by a
series of intersecting north-south transects. The vertical site profile was filmed by swimming
ascending circles around the object. The 4k videos were then imported into Adobe Photoshop for the
extraction of still images (2 frames per second) and color correction. The color corrected images were
processed using Agisoft Metashape Professional v1.8 (Professional Edition, Educational License,
$549) for the purpose of developing a 3D model.

2

�Figure 1. Map of Maui survey area with site locations

Proximity to the island of Lānaʻi permitted the research team to conduct an aerial videographic survey
of USS YOGN-42, a decommissioned gasoline barge scuttled off Shipwreck Beach. For the exposed
portion of YOGN-42, a 5-minute test survey was carried out using a DJI Mavic Air drone (starting at
3

�$799) with video capabilities flown from the deck of the research vessel. The same process was
followed for extracting still images from the video, which were also imported into Metashape for
processing. Hazardous surf conditions hampered attempts to video survey the submerged section of
the wreck.
RESULTS
The four-person team completed 36 dives and logged roughly 28 hours of time underwater between
the sites. Video surveys resulted in the collection of nearly 300 minutes of footage and over 34,000
extracted images. The project results and 3D models were shared directly from the research vessel
during numerous virtual events for the public. Summaries of the project have since been presented as
a documentary short via YouTube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iB0m-qu7bJU) and as a
segment for Hawaii News Now. After the expedition, models were uploaded to the interactive 3D
modelling website Sketchfab, and textured versions can be viewed on YouTube. Results were shared
with the State of Hawaiʻi’s Historic Preservation Division and NOAA’s Office of National Marine
Sanctuaries (ONMS). Previously, most of the following sites were archaeologically recorded through
collaborations between ONMS and UH’s Maritime Option Program (MOP) (see NOAA Maritime
Heritage Program 2017; ONMS 2011; Van Tilburg 2014). These earlier surveys and 2D site maps
served as an invaluable baseline for assessing change at each of the known sites.
Landing Vehicles
An LVT-4 located off Makena Landing was the first site surveyed (Figure 2). It lies upright on the
seafloor at a depth of 18 m, surrounded by a small debris field made up of structural elements and
wiring. As was the case for all the LVTs surveyed, much of the vehicle is heavily encrusted in marine
growth with pockets of coral concentrations, especially on engine parts. The driver’s compartment
(cab) has collapsed, exposing the front-mounted engine. The floor of the rear compartment is mostly
worn away, apart from a segment on the port side that is noticeably more deteriorated than it was in
2011. A section of the cab plating has also shifted and broken apart. The most significant change in
site condition is the complete collapse of the starboard pontoon. Snapped along the bottom front
corner, the bulk of this pontoon now lies within the rear compartment.

4

�Figure 2. A 2011 photograph of the site (above) juxtaposed over 3D model of Makena LVT-4 (below); damage to
pontoon and cab plating indicated in red (Top image courtesy of NOAA ONMS/UH MOP; bottom image courtesy of
ECU/UCLA).

According to a local informant (P. Fiene pers. comm. 2022), the pontoon collapsed after the
magnitude 6.9 earthquake, which impacted Hawaiʻi in 2018. This tectonic event and over a decade of
storm events have affected the site by increasing debris strewn around it.
The second site, an LVT(A)-4, is also located near Makena Landing. Unlike the previous site, the
debris field is more expansive and diverse in its composition. Batteries, driving sprockets, hoses, and
sections of track and grouser are amongst the scattered remains. The driver’s cab cowling can be
5

�clearly identified 4 m forward of the wreck. The only portions of the vehicle that remain upright and
marginally intact are the diagnostic 75-milimeter (mm) howitzer barrel, turret, rear-mounted engine,
and a rear starboard section of the hull. Beyond the shifting of smaller debris pieces, no appreciable
changes were observed. The highly disarticulated nature of this site is attributed to the postwar
detonation of the vehicle’s unexploded ordinance (ONMS 2011).
In ʻAhihi Bay, lies a second LVT(A)-4 at a depth of 24 m. Though not as fragmented as the LVT(A)-4
at Makena Landing, this site is also characterized by significant deterioration and scattered debris. The
rear deck plating has disappeared, exposing both the engine and two fuel tanks. Both driving sockets
are resting on the seafloor, forward of the collapsed driver’s compartment. Hull support for the turret
has weakened, causing it to collapse onto the wreck and slump towards the more deteriorated
starboard side. In 2011, the portside hull and track are noted as “almost complete” (ONMS 2011).
This is no longer the case, as the portside track has disintegrated and can now be found in segments
both in and around the wreck. Given the less diffused debris field, this LVT(A)-4 likely represents
natural deterioration brought on by corrosion and swell energy. It is possible the destruction of the
portside track is a result of the same earthquake activity that collapsed the Makena Landing LVT(A)-4
pontoon.
Project team members were alerted by a local consultant of the remains of an unrecorded site located
within Māʻalaea Bay. As this site is not currently included in the state database, information related to
its position is withheld until it can be properly assessed for management purposes. The site consists of
two, abutting LVTs (Figure 3). Based on the rear engine configuration, dimensions, and presence of a
small glass window (55 centimeter (cm) -x-40 cm), both vehicles are tentatively identified as being
LVT-2 types (Mesko 1993; US War Department 1944). The first LVT-2 has its bow pointing west and
sits upright. Its starboard pontoon has collapsed and lies on the seafloor, with some pieces of track
still attached. The port pontoon remains intact and standing, though most of the track has broken off
and is scattered around the wreck. The bottom third of this pontoon appears dug into the sediment.
The coral encrusted rear-mounted engine is clearly visible and is connected to the front transmission
via a propellor shaft. The midpoint of the shaft is connected to a power takeoff that leads to a buried
bilge pump. The hull floor cannot be discerned as it is covered by sediment overlaid with debris. Near
the engine, identifiable components, including both oil coolers, the portside battery, and fire
extinguishers are evident. Toward the bow, in the vicinity of the transmission, appears to be the
vehicle’s radio, side window, and possibly one of its guns. Forward of this area are the driving
sockets, which have collapsed and remain partially buried.

6

�Figure 3. 3D model of previously unrecorded LVT-2 wrecks in Māʻalaea Bay. Identifiable components are labeled
(courtesy ECU/UCLA).

The other LVT-2, with its bow pointing east, is situated upside down. Listing towards its port side, the
bow (driving socket and front hull plating) is propped up by the adjacent vehicle on its starboard side.
The starboard pontoon has collapsed inwards, following the direction of the list. The track and
grousers on both pontoons are in relatively good condition. Much of the floor hull plating, extending
from the engine compartment, up to the driving sprockets has deteriorated. This has exposed the
bottom of the engine compartment, though the top half of the engine itself remains buried. From the
engine, various pipes and tubing, some of which are related to the bilge pump at the hull’s floor, run
along the vehicle’s centerline and terminate just aft of the driving sockets.
The debris fields for the Māʻalaea Bay LVT-2 wrecks are rather limited, suggesting that this site has
been protected from natural and cultural transformations. Furthermore, the presence of removable
gauges, knobs, and other salvageable parts is a clear indicator of the site’s lack of recreational
visitation. The coincidence of two LVTs in such close alignment may represent an intentional
dumping effort as opposed to an accidental loss.
Aircraft
The first aircraft survey of the Shore to the Abyss project centered on the partial remains of a
Grumman F6F-3 Hellcat situated in 11 m of water near Māʻalaea Bay’s southeastern shore. The site is
7

�divided into two main components, with the first consisting of the plane’s midsection. Here, portions
of both wings are still attached to the fuselage. This part of the aircraft is upside down, making visible
the retracted landing gears. Some of the wing’s aluminum skin, especially on the portside, have
deteriorated away, exposing frames. As the aircraft is upside down, it is not possible to discern if the
cockpit is buried, or if it sheared off in the wrecking event.
Around 23 m away, the radial engine (cowling missing), propellor, and nose ring are intact and
standing upright. Just below the propellor hub, sediment covers two of the propellor blades and the
bottom third of the engine. The third propellor blade is broken in half and extends vertically into the
water column. Like most ferrous components in this environment, the engine is heavily encrusted in
coral. During the photogrammetric survey, divers recognized what appears to be either the distal end
of one of the wings or a portion of the tail stabilizer buried 5 m away. The only two observable
changes to the site, when compared to the results of the 2011 survey, are a missing piece of the
portside wing flap and increased sediment cover of the starboard wing. While the landing gear
configuration, engine, and exhaust flaps all led to the identification of the site as an F6F-3 Hellcat
(ONMS 2011), the specific identity of the plane is unknown.
In the middle of Māʻalaea Bay lies an almost fully-intact Curtiss SB2C-1C Helldiver (Figure 4). The
aircraft’s structural completeness made its identification fairly easy (ONMS 2011). Its engine has
slightly broken off from the airframe and the cowling rests on the seafloor to the starboard side. The
vertical tail stabilizer is also detached and partially buried aft of the wreck. Since 2011, the Helldiver
has remained in relatively good condition. The most notable changes include the collapse of the port
wing aileron, and the dislodgment of an aluminum panel on the starboard side of the nose, exposing
the engine bearing struts. Minor damage has occurred to the plane’s tail, where part of the elevator’s
portside framing is now missing. After its discovery in 2010 by a local dive operator, the Helldiver’s
Bureau Number (184000) was identified on the detached vertical stabilizer. The ONMS (2011)
website provides a description of the crash incident, which along with the subsequent rescue of the
pilot and radioman, explain the missing rescue raft and the open position of both canopies. The
aircraft’s story is now memorialized on an interpretive plaque that was recently placed at the site.

Figure 4. 3D model of Helldiver site (right) compared with 2D site plan (left) (courtesy NOAA ONMS/UH MOP)
8

�The aluminum planes appear to have undergone less deterioration than the steel LVT sites, which is
likely owed to the anti-corrosive properties of aluminum and the LVTs’ lack of cathodic protection
due to their increased fragmentation (i.e. less components electronically connected) (e.g. Richards and
Carpenter 2017).
Naval Mooring
Known locally as “Three Anchors”, a naval mooring is found 1 kilometer (km) off Lāʻie Beach, near
the Māʻalaea Bay Hellcat site (Figure 5). This location has become a recreational diving destination,
due to an abundance of marine life attracted to it. The site consists of two large admiralty anchors and
one US Navy (USN) stockless anchor that are all chained to a central cement block. The block is
chained to an octagonal, hollow concrete mooring buoy, which is thought to have supported a naval
degaussing station (Settle-Chesser n.d.). The station itself was located 2 km to the northeast, currently
the site of the ONMS Visitor Center in Kīhei (ONMS 2009). This site was not surveyed in 2011 or
2013, though it has been recorded by others and is featured prominently on dive operator websites.

Figure 5. 3D model of “3 Anchors”, a WWII era USN mooring (courtesy ECU/UCLA)

9

�Shipwreck Beach
Shipwreck Beach takes its name from the presence of YOGN-42 (Van Tilburg 2003), which lies
stranded on the reef, 350 m from the shoreline. Launched in March 1943, this ferrocement (reinforced
concrete) vessel served in the Pacific Theatre until the war’s end (NavSource 2015). Stricken from the
USN Register in 1949, the ship was intentionally scuttled at Lānaʻi in 1950 (Van Tilburg 2003).
YOGN-42 lies parallel to the coast, with its bow pointed east, causing the ship’s portside to absorb the
waves. Most of its hull is above the waterline, making the 114 m vessel easily visible from the beach.
While the ship’s ferrocement composition has helped maintain hull integrity, it is not free of
deterioration as evidenced by the chunks of concrete and rebar that litter the surrounding seafloor.
Corrosion of the ferrous structural elements, combined with over 70 years of exposure to the
prevailing winds, rain, and swell energy, has slowly chipped away at the WWII vestige.
Due to its size and fragility, traditional archaeological surveys are extremely difficult. To circumvent
this problem, the research team worked with an aerial drone pilot to capture 4K video of the barge.
The team obtained approximately 5-minutes of footage, which included several passes over the ship’s
deck and around the sides of the hull. The resulting photogrammetric model was then compared with
publicly-available photos of the ship (Figure 6).

Figure 6. Earlier photo of YOGN-42 (above) compared with 3D model of YOGN-42 (below) (Top image courtesy of R.
and K. Brooke n.d.; bottom image courtesy of ECU/UCLA).

Immediately, it was apparent that the ship’s decks were becoming increasingly compromised. Deck
plating on the starboard quarter of the main deck has disappeared, exposing underlying deck beams. A
similar observation was made for the starboard side of the forecastle deck. More concerning is the
near-total collapse of the ship’s quarterdeck. Deck plating in this area, beside the footprint of the
former pilothouse, is almost non-existent. A large mechanical piece (perhaps a towing winch) once
supported by the quarterdeck, has fallen through to the underlying hold and much of the deck’s
concrete sides have broken off, exposing rooms and bulkheads. A large section of the forecastle deck
on the portside has also weathered away, exposing support stanchions. This area is likely to further
undergo collapse, as the ship’s windlass and anchor chain sit precariously on the crumbing deck.
10

�Changes such as these are important to monitor for safety reasons, as snorkelers and divers are drawn
to both the wreck and the marine biota it supports.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The archaeological sites of the 2022 Shore to the Abyss expedition survey represent a snapshot of the
islands’ WWII underwater heritage. The global conflict had a profound impact on Maui, in particular,
where almost 200,000 servicemembers were hosted during the war’s duration (Maui Historical
Society 1992). Training accidents were an inherent risk, and today the sunken remains of landing
vehicles and aircraft wrecks attest to those hazards. Other physical manifestations of the US war
effort, including moorings and intentionally scuttled vessels, speak to strategic and logistical
considerations. Aside from the newly-documented LVT-2 wrecks, each of the sites possess both
historical and socioeconomic significance given their status as dive and snorkel sites. Local and offisland stakeholders routinely visit these sites out of reverence, enthusiasm, and recreational
motivations related to wreck diving and marine ecology.
The Shore to the Abyss project results demonstrate the significant changes these sites experience
within a relatively limited period of time (10-12 years). Environmental forces, such as corrosion,
tectonic activity, and wave energy, are the most likely culprits, though the effects of improper site
visitation (e.g. anchoring onsite) should not be discounted. To combat the former, rigorous scientific
methods should be applied, including corrosion studies. Understanding the various corrosive
pathways, as well as the way in which steel and aluminum react differently, will be key in formulating
mitigation strategies. Climate change and its influence on corrosion poses another fruitful topic for
further exploration. For direct human-induced threats, education remains an important resource. The
hope is by presenting the physical layout and historical significance of these sites, they are seen as
recognizable archaeological resources worthy of reverence and protection. Onsite interpretive
plaques, such as the one installed at the Helldiver site, and the dissemination of dive guides generated
from archaeological investigations are two immediate ways of spreading awareness to the diving
community. Eventually, it may be desirable to establish a heritage dive trail, as done elsewhere in the
Pacific (McKinnon 2013; Philippou and Staniforth 2003). At a broader level, projects that seek to
bring the general public’s attention to Maui and Lānaʻi’s WWII heritage may help foster a new
appreciation for a site category that remains ‘out-of-sight-out-of-mind’ for many.
The photogrammetric surveys presented here were completed using small teams and inexpensive
technology. The results helped identify significant alterations to several of the sites and aided in the
interpretation of two unrecorded LVT-2 wrecks. Rather than spending days or weeks documenting a
single wreck, 3D models for each site were produced within 24 hours. Additionally, the 3D models
can provide detailed plan views and cross-sections of the sites with a greater degree of accuracy than
traditional 2D methods. This form of rapid site evaluation is in no way intended to replace traditional
archaeological recording methods, nor is this methodology a novel application of photogrammetry.
Instead, this project represents a case study demonstrating the utility of periodic assessments that do
not require significant resources in the form of time and money. The scalable 3D models are easily
viewed from different combinations of distances and angles. Details not readily apparent to divers or
easily captured in 2D photographs can now be identified when examining the 3D site representations.
These photogrammetric surveys can be repeated (with higher quality photography equipment when
possible) at scheduled intervals, to create a visual log of how a site is changing. Recognizing physical
site alterations or areas of structural weakness could help site managers devise in situ preservation
11

�strategies. Furthermore, the visually stimulating digital 3D models produced have proven to be an
effective and engaging way of presenting archeological sites to the public, especially amongst the
youth. Online, these models can be compared with earlier iterations and site photos to illustrate the
fact these are fragile, ‘living’ sites susceptible to further loss and destruction. By doing so, the
preservation threats that site managers fret about are made real to current and future site stakeholders.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Maui Historical Society. World War II's Impact on Maui County: A Social History. Maui: Lahaina Restoration Foundation,
Hawaii Committee for the Humanities, Hāna Cultural Center, 1992.
McKinnon, Jennifer. “Difficult Heritage: Interpreting Underwater Battlefield Sites.” In Between the Devil and the
Deep: Meeting Challenges in the Public Interpretation of Maritime Cultural Heritage, edited by Della Scott-Ireton, 173-187.
New York: Springer, 2013.
Mesko, Jim. AMTRACS in Action: Part One. Carrollton, TX: Squadron/Signals Publication, 1993.
NavSource, “YOGN-42.” Online, http://www.navsource.org/archives/14/13042.htm, 2015.
NOAA Maritime Heritage Program. The Unseen Landscape: Inventory and Assessment of Submerged Cultural Resources in
Hawai`i. OCS Study BOEM 2017-021. Submitted to the US Department of the Interior, Bureau of Ocean
Energy Management, Pacific OCS Region, Camarillo, CA, 2017.
Ocean Exploration Trust. “From Shore To the Abyss: Exploration of Maritime Heritage and Microplastic Pollution in the
Main Hawaiian Islands.” Online, https://nautiluslive.org/cruise/na146, 2022.
Office of National Marine Sanctuaries. NOAA-ONMS Pacific Islands Region Facilities Master Plan. Honolulu:
National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, 2009.
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Philippou, Cassandra, and Staniforth, Mark. “Maritime Heritage Trails in Australia: An Overview and Critique of the
Interpretive Programs.” In Submerged Cultural Resource Management: Preserving and Interpreting Our Maritime Heritage,
edited by James D. Spirek and Della A. Scott-Ireton, 135-149. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, 2003.
Richards, Vicki, and Carpenter, Jon. Conservation Survey and Management Program: Saipan WWII Underwater
Archaeological Wreck Sites. Corpus Christi, TX: Ships of Discovery and Exploration Research, 2017
Settle-Chesser,
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United States War Department. TM 9-775: Landing Vehicle Tracked, LVT Mk.I and Mk. II Technical Manual. Washington
D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1944.
Van Tilburg, Hans. U.S. Navy Shipwrecks in Hawaiian Waters: An Inventory of Submerged Naval Properties. Project No. 01121. Submitted to The Naval Historical Center Washington Navy Yard, Washington D.C., 2003.
Van Tilburg, Hans. “The Local Pacific Inventory: Maritime Heritage Resources in the Main Hawaiian Islands.” In
Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Underwater Cultural Heritage Conference, edited by Hans Van Tilburg, Sila
Tripati, Veronica Walker, Brian Fahy, and Jun Kimura, 1-14. Honolulu: 2014 Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on
Underwater Cultural Heritage Planning Committee, 2014.

12

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                <text> Bush, Dominic, Jason T. Raupp, and Justin Dunnavant. 2023. “Examining Underwater Cultural Heritage of World War II around Maui and Lanai through Photogrammetric Modeling.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Alexis Catsambis. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1895 </text>
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While evidence of conflict in the Asia-Pacific Region dates back thousands of years, World War II brought more people into contact with the seas of the Asia-Pacific region than ever before and left a correspondingly large archaeological signature. Today, the ship and plane wrecks, maritime infrastructure and underwater dumping sites from WWII present an archaeological resource of conflicting values ranging from artificial reefs and tourism assets, to war-graves and even ecological threats. Most recently, the different values placed on these sites has been thrown into sharp relief with the illegal salvage of a number of naval ships in South-East Asia and subsequent outcry from former colonial powers.&#13;
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Maritime warfare throughout the Asia-Pacific Region has had a far-reaching impact on the people who lived, and continue to live in these areas that goes beyond the mere recording of battlefields and the machinery involved. Maritime archaeology has significant potential to provide insights into the lives and experiences of those who have been overlooked by traditional war histories including non-combatants and indigenous people.&#13;
&#13;
The protection and management of World War II-related Underwater Cultural Heritage (WWII UCH) provides particular challenges in the contemporary Asia-Pacific Region. While the 2001 UNESCO Convention provides a code for internationally recognised best practice, most countries in the region are yet to become signatories. Many countries in Oceania in particular see the current interest in WWII UCH as overshadowing the need to protect and preserve indigenous UCH. A potentially useful framework that could be used to provide a balance in interests and benefits for more of the Asia-Pacific community is the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals that provide a holistic and relevant path for incorporating all UCH into sustainable environmental and development policies and practices. This should lead to an appreciation of all that constitutes Asia-Pacific UCH and their particular challenges.&#13;
&#13;
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&#13;
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Bill Jeffery&#13;
Hans Van Tilburg&#13;
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                <text>Aircraft were a major component of the U.S. war effort in the Pacific Theatre of WWII, and today numerous examples can be found throughout the waters of the Asia-Pacific region. Due to their cultural and historical significance to modern stakeholders, understanding the decay trajectories has become an important issue in the realm of archaeology and cultural heritage management. While the majority of corrosion studies have focused on electrochemical exchanges at the seawater-metal interface, far less attention has been paid to the effects of colonizing microorganisms (e.g. sulfate-reducing bacteria) that can contribute to increased rates of corrosion. Some studies of the microbiome of historic steel wrecks have been investigated in recent years, revealing a diverse mix of aerobic and anaerobic organisms. Yet, little has been done to understand the morphology and structure of the microbial community on aluminum aircraft in relation to corrosion processes. This paper summarizes the issues and previous efforts made in regards to microbially-influenced corrosion (MIC) of historical wrecks, while also outlining a proposed study that aims to investigate MIC of WWII aluminum aircraft in Saipan and Hawaii. It is the hope of the research team that the results will be used to better understand the decay trajectories of the aircraft and inform resource managers in their preservation practices. Field work and laboratory analysis are scheduled to take place in the spring and summer of 2020, with financial support being provided by a National Center for Preservation Technology and Training grant from the National Park Service. The project represents a collaboration between archaeologists and microbiologists in a concerted effort to confront historical preservation issues with an interdisciplinary approach. Finally, this paper concludes with a discussion on the importance of a public archaeology focus and how this project will include the local community throughout our time in the field. </text>
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                <text>Douglas Brooks</text>
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                <text>Brooks, Douglas. 2021. “Japanese Boatbuilding.” Edited by Brian Fahy, Hans Van Tilburg, Bill Jeffery, T. Kurt Knoerl,&#13;
and Riley Smith. In Proceedings of Fourth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage:&#13;
Keelung,Taiwan, and Virtual, November 1-5, 2021. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology URL:&#13;
https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/exhibits/show/apconf-muchproceedings/item/666</text>
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                <text>The craft of boatbuilding in Japan is in crisis. Nurtured by an ancient apprentice system, Japan’s rapid growth&#13;
in the post-War years disrupted this tradition. The last century was a pivotal time for this craft: the devastation&#13;
of World War II forced one more generation to assume the work of their fathers, but the rapid recovery and&#13;
ascendance of the Japanese economy starting in the 1960’s pulled the children of these men into the corporate&#13;
jobs of a new Japan. In a single generation the apprentices the craft depended on disappeared. Without a new&#13;
generation of apprentices, craftspeople were unable to pass on their knowledge. Because this was largely an&#13;
oral tradition, and infused with secrecy, it presents particular challenges for documentarians. It is critical now&#13;
to document the work of Japan’s last generation of boatbuilders. Over the course of twenty-five visits to Japan&#13;
spanning twenty-nine years I have apprenticed with seven boatbuilders from throughout Japan. In addition, I&#13;
have traveled to all of Japan’s forty-seven prefectures, meeting and interviewing over fifty boatbuilders. My&#13;
teachers were in their seventies or eighties at the time I studied with them, and I am the sole apprentice for six&#13;
of my teachers. Most of my teachers used no drawings whatsoever, and worked entirely from memory.&#13;
Drawings, where they did exist, were left intentionally incomplete. The goal of my work has been to document&#13;
as much as I can - essentially writing the secrets down - in an effort to preserve the designs and techniques of&#13;
boatbuilding. In this talk I will review the challenges, processes, and insights I have gleaned from this work.&#13;
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                    <text>The sea stories and stone sails of Borobudur
Douglas Inglis
Texas A &amp; M University
PO Box 114, Waimanalo, HI, 96795 US
E-mail: divingarchaeology@gmail.com
Abstract
The most profound examples of ancient Southeast Asian ship iconography are found on
the walls of the 9th century Borobudur monument in central Java. As the contemporary
assemblage of nautical iconography from Southeast Asia is limited, the ship reliefs play
an important role in debates over trade and expansion in India, Indonesia and mainland
Southeast Asia.
The Borobudur ships are technical depictions, and contain data about rigging, rope use,
rowing configurations and outrigger construction. Elements in their design have
persisted independently as Indonesian watercraft evolved, including outriggers, bipod
masts, canted rectangular sails, and quarter rudders. Discussion has focused on
construction features, and scholars have made various assertions about how the
vessels might have been built, how they were used, and their origin.
The vessels' artistic context is often ignored. The ship reliefs are part of a religious
narrative which directly influenced how the panels were designed, how the ships were
portrayed, and how we should ultimately interpret them. The stories provide important
clues as to where each vessel was headed, who was aboard, and what is happening on
deck. Despite their detail, the Borobudur vessels should be interpreted cautiously, and
not as ancient blueprints. They are artistic renditions that were never meant to float they were meant to inspire.
Key words: Borobudur, bas-reliefs, Sailendra, Indonesia, Java, nautical archaeology

Introduction
The most informative examples of ancient Southeast Asian ship iconography are found
on the ninth century CE Borobudur monument in central Java (Fig. 1). Borobudur is a
massive terraced pyramid, decorated with thousands of bas-reliefs that tell stories from
the lives of the Buddha, Bodhisattvas and other saintly figures. Javanese artisans
depicted 11 boats within the 1,460 elaborately carved stone panels (Fig. 2). Due to the
quality of their technical detail, the artistic, religious, and narrative context of the
Borobudur vessels is often ignored. This is problematic, because the vessels are
1

�components of Buddhist narratives which directly influenced how the panels were
designed, how the ships were portrayed, and how we should interpret them. Moreover,
examining the Borobudur vessels in the context of their associated seafaring stories
provides unique insights into the Javanese perception of sailing, the ocean, and its
dangers.
Borobudur
Members of Java’s Śailendra Dynasty
erected Borobudur sometime between
780 and 832 CE (Miksic, 2010:29).
Viewed from above, Borobudur’s nine
terraced levels resemble a series of
nested concentric squares and circles.
Fig. 1: Eastern Indonesia, showing the location
of Borobudur

Thislayout is similar to that of a mandala,
a sacred diagram that represents the

structure of the universe (Miksic, 2010:37). The unique design of the monument has
generated more than a century of debate, yet its ultimate nature remains a mystery.
Borobudur seems to have been a place of pilgrimage and instruction. Over the centuries,
diverse groups of monks and devotees deposited thousands of votive stupas and clay
tablets at the monument (Ray, 2005:318). The visitors continued their pilgrimage as
they slowly circled the monument, ascending level by level. The panels on the lower
levels depict the core of Buddhist teaching: the Mahakarmavibhanga (laws of karma),
the Jātakas (stories of the Buddha's past incarnations), the Lalitavistara (stories from
the Buddha's final incarnation), and the Avadānas (stories of other enlightened beings)
(Soekmono, 1976:20-36). It is probable that once these basic lessons were mastered,
monks might have permitted select pilgrims to ascend to the upper levels containing the
more challenging and esoteric teachings of the Gandavyuha and Bhadracari (Miksic,
2010:71). Surrounded by reliefs of holy figures, miracles and magical stories, the visitor
was within a scared, mystical world (Miksic, 2010:46).

2

�The

Ship

Reliefs

and

Their

Artistic Context
Eleven

ships

Borobudur’s

are

depicted

reliefs.

They

in
are

remarkably technical depictions,
with data about rigging elements,
rope use, rowing configurations,
and
Fig. 2: Vessel I.b.86, Minister Hiru’s ship (from Van
Erp, 1923)

outrigger

construction.

Numerous scholars have used the
reliefs

to

expand

our

understanding of ancient sailing vessels including Van Erp (1923), Hornell (1946),
Mookerji (1957), Needham et al. (1978), Horridge (1982), Manguin (1993), Ray (1994),
Jahan (2006), and numerous others. Debate has focused on five outrigger vessels with
canted rectangular sails, bipod masts, and rowing galleries; they are most akin to kora
kora of the 16th and 17th century (Horridge, 1978:9). Due to their exquisite detail, the
Borobudur vessels are often treated as ancient blueprints, while their artistic context is
ignored. This is problematic, because the vessels are components of religious
narratives which directly influenced how the panels were designed, how the ships were
portrayed, and how we should interpret them.
The vessel depicted in panel I.b.86 has inspired several reconstructions. These sailing
hypotheses combined information from the reliefs with evidence available from artwork,
ethnography, archaeology, and indigenous seafaring traditions. These reconstructions
include Sarimanok, commissioned by Robert Hobman and sailed from Java to
Madagascar in 1985 (Dennison, 1985), Philip Beale’s full-sized replica, which was
launched in 2003 and sailed from Jakarta to Ghana (Beale, 2005), and the Spirit of
Majapahit, launched from Jakarta in 2010 on a goodwill voyage to Brunei, the
Philippines, Japan, China, Vietnam, Thailand, and Singapore (Antara, 2010, July 5).
Erik Peterson used I.b.86 as a set of blueprints to draft a detailed reconstruction (Fig. 3).
Petersen (2003:42) hypothesized that the artist "started by making a precise picture of
the ship as seen from the side.” To accommodate for some of the obviously skewed
3

�elements,

Peterson

suggested that the artist
changed perspective to
illustrate

the

rowing

galleries and outriggers
“as seen from above and
from in front." Peterson
executed

this

blueprint

experiment well, but there
are several problems with
the
1 Fig. 3: Erik Peterson’s elegant reconstruction of I.b.86 (from
Peterson 2003).

underlying

assumptions.
carvings

The
are

not

schematic side profiles with elements added in contrary views. The artist who created
I.b.86 was a master stone-carver (Van Erp, 1923:19). They chose to depict I.b.86 sailing
toward the viewer at an angle, an incredibly difficult illusion to attempt in bas-relief. To
show this perspective, the artist exaggerated the stagger of the bipod mast legs and
depicted the forward face of the outrigger booms, none of which would be visible in
schematic view. The ship tapers dramatically from stem to stern to further reinforce this
perspective. The point where the bow enters the water (marked by a furled wave) is
close to the lower part of the frame while the break of the stern is positioned much
higher. When combined with the tapered form, this slanted waterline gives the
impression of an oblique view. The artist tried to simulate this viewpoint in panel I.b.53
as well. The strake lines sweep up to the stem, and down the other side, giving us a
head on view of where they meet at the bow. More importantly, I.b.86 is not sitting
upright in the water. The artist went to great efforts to show the ship under full sail. The
canvas billows in the wind. The rigging is taut. The artist also exaggerated the forward
rake of both stem and stern to show that the vessel is heeling over on its side and
responding to the force of the wind (this was not corrected in Peterson’s model, which
has retained the extreme forward rake of the stem and sternpost).1The artist was
attempting to show a dramatic three-dimensional view.
4

�Peterson (2003:42) hypothesized that while the individuals aboard the vessels were
exaggerated, "the relative size of all the ship parts seemed to be accurately
represented.” In his reconstruction of I.b.86, Peterson insightfully suggested that each of
the modules in the rowing gallery accommodated one individual, and derived a
waterline length of 16.4m (23.4 m overall) by estimating that the distance between each
of the "modules" in the rowing gallery was 1 m (Petersen, 2003: 52). However, size is
seldom realistic in ancient iconography. Manguin (1993:263) correctly observes that
"with very few exceptions, iconographic representations of sailing vessels teach us little
of the structure and size of the craft depicted… …What one learns from these
depictions concerns the superstructure: how many masts and sails were used and what
their shape was, the position and number of rudders, and whether or not outriggers
were present."

Fig. 4: Multiple panel layouts. I.b.53 has three subdivision, while I.b.86 is divided in two (based
on images from www.photodharma.net, Anandajoti, 2013).

5

�Panel proportions and division are the primary factors determining the size, shape, and
complexity of the Borobudur vessels. The long panels of the first gallery are commonly
divided in half or in thirds (Fig. 4). These sub-divisions show related scenes, a
progression of events, or serve to clarify the characters and activities depicted. The
watercraft in half-panel format (I.b.86, I.b.88 and I.b.88) have much more detail than
those compressed into third-panel format (I.a.115, I.b.23, I.b.53, I.b.82) or those on the
Balustrades (I.B.a.54 and I.B.a.193).We can see the effects of compression when we
compare three of the outrigger-type ships, I.b.53, I.b.86, and I.b.88. Each has the exact
same configuration of an outrigger with three booms, rowing galleries, bowsprit, and two
bipod masts. I.b.53 is shortest, with 6 rowing stations and 6 sailors, I.b.88 has
10stations and 10 sailors, while I.b.86 is the longest with 12 stations and 19 sailors. One
could argue that each panel represents different sized vessels (Manguin, 2010:185).
This is not necessarily the case. Vertically, each ship consistently fills 90-95% of the
panel. The yard ends nearly reach the top of the frame, while there is only a small gap
of water between the outrigger and the bottom of the frame. I.b.86 fills a much greater
horizontal area than I.b.53, which makes I.b.86 appear long and skinny while I.b.53
looks practically tubby. They have the exact same configuration, and likely represent the
same type of vessel, just compressed and uncompressed according to the work space.
The point of these observations and critiques is that the Borobudur Vessels were not
created in a vacuum. They are framed by other scenes. The needs of those scenes
dictated how much space the artist could work with. If space wasample, they created a
beautiful, intricate vessel such as I.b.86. If they had to include more events, the artists
allocated less space to the ships and compressed their features, as with I.b.53.In
examining the details of these ships, it is important to remember that the vessels are
components of stories. The activities and individuals aboard are the centerpieces of the
narratives, while the watercrafts are elaborations.
Seafaring Stories and Buddhism
The maritime folklore associated with the Borobudur vessels is critical to their
interpretation. Sea stories have deep roots in the literature of India. The second
millennium BCE hymns of the Rigveda mention merchant voyages and sailing to distant
6

�islands.2 Although Vedic literature mentions incidents in the sea, it does not provide
evidence of extensive maritime travel (Ray, 2003:13). Shaw (2012:131) observes that
surprisingly, almost no travel by watercraft occurs in India’s great epics the
Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyana. Where sea travel is mentioned, it is in similes and
metaphor. For instance, the Karna Parva (Book 8 of the Mahābhārata) describes
overwhelming grief like "shipwrecked mariners struggling on the bosom of the vast
deep" (Ganguli, 1889:II) while the Anugita Parva (Book 14) compares joy to the elation
of castaways who have made it safely to shore (Ganguli, 1896:LXX). The absence of
sea travel likely reflects the prohibitions against travel by boat found in Indian scripture
and codes of law. The dharmasūstras goes as far as to equate sea travel and maritime
trade with crimes such as theft from a Brahmin (Shaw, 2012:13).3 Later codes of laws,
such as the Manusmṛti (from the beginning of the first millennium CE), deal with
practical aspects of riverine transport (Buhler, 1969: pt. 8).
Buddhist maritime folklore demonstrates a
familiarity with seafaring that is not found in
earlier Indian literature. The Jātakas contain
numerous references to ship building and
ship operation (Ray, 1994:180). The texts
knowledgably describe the roles of captain
and

crew

(Schlingloff,

1988:198).This

familiarity is not surprising, as the Jātaka and
Avadāna traditions matured in the first half of
the first millennium CE when a series of
Fig. 5: Vessel I. .a. , sho ing up raga
and the mouth of the ocean (from Van Erp,
1923)

trade booms between China, India and the
West drove new developments in sailing, the
expansion of maritime trading networks, and

the proliferation of ports (see Hall 1985; Ray 1994; Christie 1998; Manguin 2004).
During this period, developments in Buddhis men courage maritime development by
removing Brahmanical stigmas associated with travel, trade, and outsiders (Wheatley,
1983:272) and by embracing private wealth as a vehicle that could serve spiritual needs
7

�(Holcombe, 1999:280).Hall (1985:37) concludes that Mahāyāna Buddhism was a direct
response to the expanding world of commerce.
Pilgrims, missionaries, and monastics traveling along the trade networks between India
and China spread Buddhist teachings as they went. Kandahjaya (2004:73-79)
calculates that between the third and sixteenth centuries CE, approximately half of
these initial Buddhist “transmitters” followed the sea lanes that connected India, Sri
Lanka, Southeast Asia, China, and the Indonesian Archipelago. Buddhists established
monastic communities which conscientiously served the spiritual and material needs of
the laity. This created intimate connections with local villages and trading groups
resulting in an “interactive support system” (Ray 1994:122; Ray, 2005:320).
The resulting contact between Buddhists and maritime communities created conditions
conducive to the incorporation of maritime folklore into Buddhist scripture. Seafaring
stories would have been an important part of the oral traditions, song, dance, and
dramatic

performances

throughout

maritime

Asia

(Shaw

2012:132). 5Buddhists

capitalized on the excitement, danger, avarice, and courage inherent in maritime
folklore, and populated Jātakas and Avadānas with greedy merchants, daring sailors,
horrible sea monsters, oceans filled with treasure, islands populated by demons, spirits,
and goddesses. These dangers and temptations became components of a vast
metaphor in which the ocean represents saṃsāra, the endless cycle of death and rebirth,
and crossing the ocean represents the process of awakening, searching for
understanding, finding salvation, acquiring merit, and obtaining enlightenment (Shaw
2012:133; Tatelman 2013:114). Just as the Buddha offered salvation from the cycle of
saṃsāra, bodhisattvas developed into saviors that could be called on by sailors during
times of distress (specifically Avalokiteśvara/Padmapāni/Guānyīn, see Rao, 1991: 1856; Ray, 1994: 153; Ohnuma, 1998: 337-40).
Heroes and Mariners
Buddhist seafaring stories are unique, both in their presentation of the nautical/maritime
traveler as hero (Shaw, 2012:130), and in their focus on the lower classes of people(e.g.
traders, craftsmen, sailors, etc.) who are generally below description in the Vedic texts
(Hall, 1985:37). Borobudur’s intricate reliefs provide an intimate look at both heroes and
8

�sailors as they were conceived in the ninth century CE. An example is the story of
Suppāraka/Supāraga the blind navigator (Jātaka No. 463, the Suppāraka-jātaka and
Jātakamāla No. 14, Supāraga-jātaka), carved in panels I.B.a.53-55). Suppāraka (a
former incarnation of the Buddha) was a master navigator. He lost his sight as he grew
old, and retired from seafaring. A group of merchants (from Bharuch, west India)
beseeched him to join their voyage to suvarṇabhūmi, the lands of gold (often identified
as the Malay Peninsula).A gale blew their ship across sixseas until they eventually
came to the jaws of the ocean at the end of the earth. Suppāraka knew that only a
miracle could save them. He cried out "Friends, bathe me speedily in scented water,
and put new garments upon me, prepare a full bowl, and set me in front of the ship"
(Rouse, 1901: 90). Properly prepared, Suppāraka leapt to the bow, used both hands to
pour libations into the sea, and uttered his saccakiriyā, an assertion of truth so powerful
that it can transform reality (Fig. 5).6The power of his invocation propelled the ship back
across all six oceans in a single day (Rouse, 1901: 86-90).

Fig. 6: A close-up of figures from the relief, sho ing upp raka pouring out libations in
I.B.a.54, and prayer and ceremony from I.b.86 (based on images from www.photodharma.net,
Anandajoti, 2013).
9

�Without knowing the story of Suppāraka, it would be difficult to identify many aspects of
the crowded ship depicted in I.B.a.54. Clearly the sea monster is a source of distress.
However, without knowing the story, it would be impossible to know that it represents
the devouring mouth of the ocean at the edge of the world. The Jātakamāla (No. 14)
describes the behavior of the ship’s crew during the horrendous gale: “Some were
overcome by affliction and stood speechless with terror, some behaved courageously
and were busily working to avert the danger, and some were absorbed in prayers to
their tutelar deities”(Speyer, 1895: 177 vv. 8). The exact same three reactions (terror,
courage, and prayer) are mirrored in the stones of Borobudur. Some of the crew are
acting courageously, fighting to control the sail. One is standing on the yard and
wrestling with the sail while three are in the stern hauling on the ropes. Desperate
passengers in the center of the ship are jettisoning the cargo. Two sitting figures have
placed their faces in their hands, sobbing in despair. Another figure has his hand raised
high, perhaps calling on the gods. Thanks to the Pāli text (Jātaka No. 463), we know
that this figure on the bow is Suppāraka, pouring forth libations exactly as described in
the narrative (Rouse, 1901:89), Van Erp, 1923:16).
Importance of the Narratives
The actions and reactions of the nearly one-hundred figures aboard the Borobudur
Vessels provide important insights into how the Javanese perceived seafaring. Panel
I.b.23 shows mariners laboring to raise a sail while their comrades spend time catching
fish. Panels I.b.108, I.B.a.54, and I.B.a193 show us how seamen reacted to a storm –
some struggle to save the ship, a few pray to their gods, others yet cling to the rigging in
terror while their comrades are thrown into the tumultuous sea. Panel I.b.86 is famous
because it provides elaborate technical details of how Southeast Asian shipwrights
constructed watercraft during the classical age. However, I.b.86also teaches us a great
deal about ancient seafaring. Hiru’s voyage in the Rudrayana-avadana (Divyāvadāna
No. 37) is the epitome of a successful expedition; its depiction in I.b.86 correspondingly
shows us what an ideal voyage should look like. The crew are lively about the ship,
hauling on the rigging and setting the sails. They show bravery by conducting daring
acts at the masthead and bowsprit. They are religious and mindful, performing the

10

�proper rituals at the bow of the vessel (Fig. 6). Hiru sits high in the stern, vigilant, and
directing his ship to a successful landfall.
The Borobudur vessels are components of Buddhist narratives which directly influenced
how the panels were designed, how the ships were portrayed, and how we should
interpret them. Examination of the figures demonstrates that the Borobudur vessels can
provide more information about ancient seafaring than just the technical configurations
of Southeast Asian watercraft. They are material evidence of the intimate connection
between Buddhism and seafaring, and provide unique insights into the Javanese
perception of sailing, the ocean, and its dangers.

Footnotes
1

If we look at other vessels of this type, the forward rake of the stem is not as prominent, and the sternpost is actually raked
slightly aft (as with I.b.88 and I.b.108).
2

For examples, see Griffith (1896: v. I.25.7, I.48.3, I.56.2, I.116.3-5, and VII.88.3).

3

Shaw (2012: 130–1) also points out that Brahmins were traveling between India and Southeast Asia, so the prohibitions may not
have been as serious as these laws seem to indicate.
4

The Manusmṛti contains rules concerning
-

, 1969: pt. 8).

5

Shaw (2012:132) suggests that these vernacular versions probably thrived in ancient India, but were almost never preserved in
Hindu literature as high“
adventure, or
”
6

S

k

ā

“A
T
”
“T
”
w
k
k ā
k
w
w
w
S
ā k w
T
w
manifest the speakers wish, in this case, delivering the ship back to shore (Kong, 2012: 7–8).

w

l
and fact (in the case of

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Biography
Douglas Inglis studies the archaeology of seaborne exploration
and contact. He is a graduate student in the Nautical
Archaeology Program at Texas A&amp;M, a professional
archae l gist at ultural Surveys
Ha aiʻi and a member
the Explorers Club. Doug served as assistant director of the
Warwick Shipwreck Project in Bermuda and the ongoing
Rockley Bay Research Project in Tobago. He is passionate
about public history and outreach, and writes about nautical
archaeology at http://divingarchaeology.com.

14

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                  <text>The richness of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) in the Southeast Asian region has been very well known throughout the world. Various shipping activities, trade, warfare, piracy occur in Southeast Asian waters since prehistoric times to the present, causing many archaeological relics in the bottom of the sea in that region, such as shipwrecks which are a traditional ships owned by countries in Southeast Asia and also foreign ships from various countries in the world which sank due to various causes in Southeast Asian Waters. UCH in Southeast Asia has become a very important resource for science, history and even for economic interests relating to the welfare of the local communities which in some areas, UCH shipwreck sites serve as diving attractions.&#13;
UCH in Southeast Asia have also attracted treasure hunters both the international big companies and national companies in Southeast Asian countries. In many areas, in particularly in small islands and coastal areas with low level economic life, the locals often plunder the UCH sites, raise up the cargoes, and also take the ship parts mainly made of metal materials to be sold for sustaining their lives. Treasure hunt problem; looting by local people; the lack of human resources, facilities, and funds for research, monitoring, and conservation; as well as the lack of understanding and awareness of the central government, local government, civil society, and local communities make the problems associated UCH in Southeast Asia being very complex.&#13;
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&#13;
â€¢ Current issues, problems, and challenges faced by Southeast Asian countries in efforts to study, to protect, and to preserve the UCH.&#13;
â€¢ The threats faced by UCH i.e. the human factors, climate change, and changes in the physical environment in the waters of Southeast Asian countries.&#13;
â€¢ The results of resent research conducted in the field of UCH in Southeast Asian countries.&#13;
â€¢ Protection and conservation measures in accordance with the UNESCO Convention 2001 which can be applied in Southeast Asian countries. </text>
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                <text>The most profound examples of ancient Southeast Asian ship iconography are found on the walls of the 9th century Borobudur monument in central Java. As the contemporary assemblage of nautical iconography from Southeast Asia is limited, the ship reliefs play an important role in debates over trade and expansion in India, Indonesia and mainland Southeast Asia.   &#13;
&#13;
The Borobudur ships are technical depictions, and contain data about rigging, rope use, rowing configurations and outrigger construction. Elements in their design have persisted independently as Indonesian watercraft evolved, including outriggers, bipod masts, canted rectangular sails, and quarter rudders. Discussion has focused on construction features, and scholars have made various assertions about how the vessels might have been built, how they were used, and their origin.   &#13;
&#13;
The vessels' artistic context is often ignored. The ship reliefs are part of a religious narrative which directly influenced how the panels were designed, how the ships were portrayed, and how we should ultimately interpret them. The stories provide important clues as to where each vessel was headed, who was aboard, and what is happening on deck. Despite their detail, the Borobudur vessels should be interpreted cautiously, and not as ancient blueprints. They are artistic renditions that were never meant to float - they were meant to inspire.</text>
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                    <text>Creating the Alexandria Centre for Maritime
Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage
Dr Emad Khalil

Abstract

The most recent report published by UNESCO Section for Museums and Cultural Objects
concerning Underwater Archaeology Courses at Universities and Other institutions mentioned
more than thirty facilities around the world that provide education and training in aspects of
Underwater Archaeology, most of which are located in Europe and the USA, with some
programs in Asia, Australia and South America. However, there is an evident lack in
underwater archaeology education and training facilities in many parts of the world, in
particular in Africa and the Arab Region. So far, the Alexandria Centre for Maritime
Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage, based in the Faculty of Arts, Alexandria
University is the only underwater archeology education centre in African and Arab countries.
The centre was created in 2009 through a grant from the EU Trans European Mobility
Scheme for University Studies (Tempus). The project was the result of collaboration between
eight institutions from the UK France and Egypt, who provided the necessary academic,
technical and administrative expertise required for achieving the project's objectives. The
Tempus project aimed to create a specialised centre for postgraduate studies at the
Alexandria University, which provides education and training at different levels in aspects of
maritime archaeology and underwater cultural heritage. It also aimed to develop and
implement postgraduate Diploma and Master Programs in Maritime Archaeology and
Underwater Cultural Heritage, designed and structured in accordance with EU standards.
Since its creation and until today, the centre has played a major role in the
development of maritime and underwater archaeology in Egypt. It has also been a part of
several international networks and projects with the aim of disseminating its activities and
contributing to capacity building in the fast growing field of underwater archaeology.

Underwater Archaeology in Egypt

The development of underwater archaeology in Egypt can be divided into
several phases, each of which has its nature and characteristics. The first of
these phases started in the early twentieth century with the discovery of the
ancient harbour at Pharos by the French engineer Gaston Jondet (1912).
Then, in the years that followed, more underwater discoveries were made by
explorers and amateur archaeologists. These included the discoveries made
by Prince Omar Toussoun in the 1930s (Toussoun 1934) and those made in
the Eastern Harbour of Alexadnria by Kamel Abu El-Saadat in the 1960s
(Morcos 1993). Moreover, the remains of the Napoleonic fleet were
discovered east of Alexandria in the mid 1980s under the direction of the
Société Française de Recherche Archéologique Sous-marines (Khalil &amp;
Mustafa 2002:520). In other words, this phase of underwater archaeology in
Egypt was led primarily by non-specialists and it mainly included accidental
discoveries and subsequent salvage operations. The Egyptian role in the
projects that took place during this phase was quite limited, it was mainly
through the contribution of the Egyptian Navy in addition to some professional
and sport divers (Morcos 1993: 42-5).
The second phase started in the mid 1990s with two significant projects
which are considered to be a turning point in the history of underwater
archaeology in Egypt. In 1994, the Centre d'Études Alexandrines (CEAlex)
started the first systematic underwater archaeological survey in Egypt looking
at the submerged remains of the ancient Lighthouse of Alexandria (La Riche

�1996). In the same year, the Institute of Nautical Archaeology (INA) launched
the first underwater archaeological survey along the Egyptian Red Sea coast,
which led to the discovery and the subsequent excavation of the Sadana
Island shipwreck during the period from 1995 until 1998 (Haldane 1994; Ward
2001). Those two events could be considered the true beginning of the
practice of underwater archaeology as a scientific discipline in Egypt. Since
then and until the present time, several archaeological projects were carried
out in Egyptian waters and a number of archaeological missions surveyed and
excavated many underwater sites in Egypt. This phase, however, was mostly
led by European and American archaeological missions that belonged to
different universities and institutions (Goddio et al. 1998; Gallo 2003; Tzalas
2003; Goddio 2007). Nevertheless, in 1996, and as a result of the significant
underwater discoveries that were made by the French archaeological
missions in Alexandria, the Egyptian government decided to establish a
Department for Underwater Antiquities (DUA) as part of the Supreme Council
for Antiquates (SCA), which is the main authority responsible for the
exploration, conservation and management of archaeological sites in Egypt.
The establishment of the DUA was the first governmental recognition of the
importance of underwater archaeological research in Egypt. The main role
that was assigned to the DUA was monitoring and regulating the work of the
foreign archaeological missions, however, soon the DUA started conducting
its own projects, utilising the experience its members acquired through
collaborating with the foreign missions. Nevertheless, the bulk of work in
terms of exploring, preserving and presenting Egypt's underwater cultural
heritage was done by non-Egyptians. The reason behind this was the total
lack of education and training in any aspect of underwater archaeology in
Egypt, an issue that has hindered for years the development of that discipline,
despite Egypt's extensive and rich maritime heritage.
This was recognised during the International Workshop on Underwater
Archaeology and Coastal Management, organised in Egypt in 1997 under the
patronage of UNESCO, which included amongst its recommendations that the
Alexandria University should consider developing specialised courses at
postgraduate and undergraduate levels in underwater archaeology, coastal
zone management (Mostafa et al. 2000:192). However, the absence of
education in maritime and underwater archaeology is Egypt was not only due
to the lack of funds and expertise, but more importantly due to the lack of
vision.

Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology

The creation of the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology &amp; Underwater
Cultural Heritage was a turning point in history of underwater archaeology in
Egypt. The idea of creating the Centre was proposed to me by the Dean of the
Faculty of Arts following my return from Southampton in 2005, where I
obtained a PhD in Maritime Archaeology. The idea was to formulate a project
to be submitted to the EU Tempus program for funding the creation of the
centre. Moreover, according to the Tempus regulations, the project had to
include a number of partners from Egypt and the EU. And while the
beneficiary would be Alexandria University, the grant holder had to be a
university from the EU. This is how the collaboration between Alexandria
University and the University of Southampton started. Accordingly, in 2006 a

�project proposal was formulated by the University of Southampton as the
grant holder and the Alexandria University as the beneficiary and submitted to
the Tempus program. In addition to those two institutions the project
consortium included: the Nautical Archaeology Society, the Supreme Council
for Antiquities, the Centre d'Études Alexandrines, the Arab Maritime
Academy. That is in addition to two external reviewers from the University of
Ulster, and Université de Provence. The project consortium would collaborate
to provide the academic, technical and administrative expertise necessary for
creating the centre.
The proposal aimed to create a new academic centre which would
provide education and training at different levels in aspects of maritime
archaeology and underwater cultural heritage. In doing so, it would develop
and implement a new postgraduate Diploma and Master programs in Maritime
Archaeology which would be structured closely into line with similar programs
in European countries, in order to promote the mobility of students, graduates
and staff members between compatible and comparable education and
training programs.
In July 2007, a grant of about 250,000 Euros was awarded by the EU
Tempus program for the creation of the Centre. However, there were some
activities in the project that were not eligible for the EU funding, which
included the renovation and furnishing of the building which would host the
centre and the purchase of some equipment, such as a Rigid Inflatable Boat
(RIB) and a Truck for the use of the centre. Therefore, private sponsorship
was sought and hence a number of individuals and corporations agreed to
fund different aspects of the project.
Between 2007 and 2009 the centre was created and incorporated into
the structure of the Alexandria University. The establishment of the centre
required the performance of various activities, which were carried out by the
consortium members either in Egypt or the UK. This included obtaining the
necessary approvals and accreditations from the Egyptian Ministry for Higher
Education, the purchase of equipment, supplies and books, the formulation of
the different education programs and courses that would be taught at the
centre, visiting similar centres in a number of UK universities, developing a
statute for the new centre, appointing the centre’s main academic,
administrative and technical staff members and decimating information about
the newly established centres, its aims, objectives and activities.
In October 2008, the Faculty of Arts at Alexandria University celebrated
the inauguration of the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology &amp;
Underwater Cultural Heritage, however, different activities related to the
project were still being carried out until the centre was completely functioning
by September 2009 when the first group of post-graduate students were
admitted.
Since that date, the centre has been functioning as Africa and the Arab
Region only education and training facility in maritime and underwater
archaeology. The regional focus of its courses is be the Mediterranean, the
Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf, while the temporal focus will extend from the
Pre-Classical period to Late Antiquity. The centre offers a The Graduate
Diploma which aims to provide graduates from different backgrounds with a
basic understanding of contemporary theory and practice in aspects of
maritime and underwater archaeology. Its duration is for one year, therefore it

�has been of a particular interest to professionals dealing with cultural heritage,
such as antiquities inspectors and museum curators in order to promote and
develop their careers and professional skills. Moreover, the centre offers a
Master Degree in Maritime Archaeology, which lasts for two years and aims to
provide graduates in archaeology and related disciplines with a sound
theoretical and methodological grounding in the investigation, interpretation
and management of maritime and underwater archaeological resources. In
addition to the above-mentioned graduate programs, the centre started
implementing an introductory course in Maritime Archaeology, which is taught
at the undergraduate level in year four at the Archaeology Department. At
present the centre has 20 Master students including fresh graduates,
professional archaeologists and tour guides.

Research and Extracurricular activities:

During the past two years, since the centre started functioning, it has been
involved in various activities, which are considered an integral part of the
centre's mission and objectives. In March 2010 the Alexandria Centre for
Maritime Archaeology &amp; Underwater Cultural Heritage in collaboration with the
University of Southampton, the University of Ulster and the British Museum
organized a 10-days international workshop on maritime and underwater
archaeology. This workshop was attended by 15 trainees from Egypt, Bahrain,
Kenya, Libya, Somaliland &amp; Tunisia. During the course, trainees were
introduced to various theoretical and practical aspects of maritime and
underwater archaeology including site management, finds handling,
conservation &amp; remote sensing.
And in April 2010, the Bibliotheca Alexandrian hosted an International
Seminar on Maritime Cultural Heritage, which was organized by the Centre for
Maritime Archaeology and the University of Southampton, the British Museum
and the European Commission Tempus program. The seminar was held on
the occasion of concluding the project of establishing the centre. The main
themes of the seminar were preservation, presentation and education in
Maritime Archaeology. The seminar aimed to provide opportunities for
institutions to address issues of coastal heritage management, to encourage
capacity building in the region and to establish networks of contact to support
and inform with regard future initiatives and challenges. Over the two days of
the seminar, 25 papers were presented by speakers from 15 countries:
(Australia, Bahrain, Croatia, Cyprus, Denmark, Egypt, France, Greece, Kenya,
Libya Morocco, Somaliland, Tunisia, UK &amp; USA). The seminar was divided
into three sessions. The first day was dedicated to Management and
Preservation, the second day was dedicated to Outreach, Presentation and
Museums, and the final session to Education.
The Centre for Maritime Archaeology is recognized by the Egyptian
Diving &amp; Lifesaving Federation as the first Scientific Diving Training Facility in
Egypt. The Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology has also been
certified by the Egyptian Diving &amp; Lifesaving Federation (EDLF), member of
the Confédération Mondiale des Activités Subaquatiques (CMAS), as a full
SCUBA diving training facility authorized to teach all levels of sport and
scientific diving according to the training system of the CMAS. It has also
been authorized by the Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS), to provide NAS
training course either to the university students or to the public at large. This

�has enabled the centre to extend its mission to the general public and
contribute to raising public awareness about underwater cultural heritage.
In an effort to make the centre for maritime archaeology into a regional
and international education and training facility, the Alexandria University has
proposed to the Euro-Mediterranean University (EMUNI) to develop a new
Masters program in Maritime Cultural Heritage to be offered to the students of
the EMUNI member universities. This proposal has been approved by the
EMUNI senate and the program is expected to start in September 2012. This
will be in addition to a free standing summer course in Underwater
Archaeology which will be offered for EMUNI in June 2012.
On the other hand, the centre has been involved in two main research
projects. The first one was an underwater archaeological survey of a number
of shipwreck sites in the Red Sea. Two survey seasons have been carried out
so far, in 2010 and 2011. This is a collaboration survey conducted between
the British Museum, the University of Southampton and the Alexandria Centre
for Maritime Archaeology. The other research project is the first one to be
carried out entirely by the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology. It is
the investigation on a number of shipwreck sites, which the Centre discovered
during a scientific diving course 250km west of Alexandria. So far two survey
seasons have been carried out by the students and staff of the Centre, which
resulted in the discovery and mapping of over 2 hectares of seabed covered
with early and late roman amphora which suggests the existence of more than
one shipwreck. The project is funded by Alexandria University and it is
expected to run for at least two more seasons.

Conclusion

It is expected that the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology and
Underwater Cultural Heritage will play a significant role in the development of
that field in Africa and the Arab Region. A number of students from different
Arab and African countries have shown interest in joining the centre’s
education programs. Moreover, other Arab universities have expressed their
interest in developing their own centers for maritime archaeology based in the
Egyptian experience. It is also expected that the centre will continue its
collaboration with different institutions around the world on both the academic
and the research aspects aiming to contribute to capacity building and the
development of generations of knowledgeable and skilful underwater
archaeologists.

�Bibliography
Gallo, P., 2003.

Nelson Island project: Research into archaeology and
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management of Alexandria’s coastal heritage, UNESCO
Coastal Region and Small Island papers 14, UNESCO,
Paris, pp. 26.

Goddio, F., et
al. (eds)., 1998

Alexandria: The Submerged Royal Quarters, Periplus,
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Goddio, F.,
2008

The Topography and Excavation of Heracleion-Thonis and
East Canopus (1996-2006), Oxford University School of
Archaeology, Oxford.

Haldane, C.,
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INA-Egypt's Red Sea Survey. The INA Quarterly, 21.3, pp.
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Khalil, E. and
Mostafa, M.,
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Underwater Archaeology in Egypt, in Carol Ruppe &amp; Janet
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Morcos, S.,
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Submarine archaeology and its future potential: Alexandria
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Mostafa, M. H.
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Les Ruines Sous-marines de la Baie da'Aboukir. Bulletin de
la Société archéologique d'Alexandrie, 29, pp. 342-345.

Tzalas, H.,
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The Hellenic Mission's Underwater Archaeological Survey in
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;The most recent report published by UNESCO Section for Museums and Cultural Objects concerning Underwater Archaeology Courses at Universities and Other institutions mentioned more than thirty facilities around the world that provide education and training in aspects of Underwater Archaeology, most of which are located in Europe and the USA, with some programs in Asia, Australia and South America. However, there is an evident lack in underwater archaeology education and training facilities in many parts of the world, in particular in Africa and the Arab Region. So far, the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage, based in the Faculty of Arts, Alexandria University is the only underwater archeology education centre in African and Arab countries. The centre was created in 2009 through a grant from the EU Trans European Mobility Scheme for University Studies (Tempus). The project was the result of collaboration between eight institutions from the UK France and Egypt, who provided the necessary academic, technical and administrative expertise required for achieving the project's objectives. The Tempus project aimed to create a specialised centre for postgraduate studies at the Alexandria University, which provides education and training at different levels in aspects of maritime archaeology and underwater cultural heritage. It also aimed to develop and implement postgraduate Diploma and Master Programs in Maritime Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage, designed and structured in accordance with EU standards.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Since its creation and until today, the centre has played a major role in the development of maritime and underwater archaeology in Egypt. It has also been a part of several international networks and projects with the aim of disseminating its activities and contributing to capacity building in the fast growing field of underwater archaeology.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;To watch a video of this presentation please click here: &lt;a title="Dr. Lucy Blue Keynote Address" href="http://www.uri.edu/artsci/his/mua/videos/Lucy_Blue.m4v" target="_blank"&gt;http://www.uri.edu/artsci/his/mua/videos/Lucy_Blue.m4v&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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