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                    <text>The Subcritical Mass-Treatment of a Range of Iron
Artifacts from Varying Contexts
Nasanen, L. M. E.; González-Pereyra, N. G.; Cretté, S.A.

Abstract
The use of subcritical fluids for the treatment of archaeological and marine archaeological iron
artifacts has been under experimentation at the Clemson University’s Warren Lasch Conservation
Center (WLCC) since 2003 and has shown promise of providing solutions to some of the issues
related to the more traditional desalination treatments: Treatment times are but a fraction of those
required by the soaking methods; chloride readings are brought to near-negligible levels;
desalination can be carried out with or without prior deconcretion; solutions are maintained in
sealed containers for the duration of the treatments; and positive results have been seen so far
with tests for long-term stability of treated artifacts. Particularly remarkable has been the effect
the process appears to have had on corrosion matrices containing the chloride-hosting iron
oxyhydroxide, Akagenéite (β-FeOOH) on artifacts that have been allowed to dry out. Results
have shown a significant reduction in the quantities of this phase – often linked to the continuation
of active corrosion processes within iron artifacts – through transformation into more stable
corrosion products such as magnetite and hematite. Experiments carried out to date have not
only involved single samples and artifacts, but testing has progressed to a stage where numerous
artifacts have been successfully stabilized simultaneously in the same batch. The work presented
describes three of such desalination treatments. The first run included a single wrought iron
ballast block from the H.L. Hunley, a confederate Civil War submarine lost in battle in 1864. This
was followed by the first batch run on five similar ballast blocks and a second with nine iron
artifacts of varying composition, context and condition, selected from the National Park Service
(NPS - USA) curatorial collection.

Introduction
After extensive studies and testing for 9 years at the WLCC, the subcritical
treatment has proven to be an effective alternative for the stabilization of iron and
iron corrosion products of materials recovered from marine and terrestrial
contexts.
In order to stabilize the iron matrix, the presence of chloride ion (Cl-), often
linked to active corrosion processes must be eliminated or rendered inactive
(deViviés, et al. 2007: 26-30; Drews, et al. 2004: 247-260; González, et al. 2007:
32-37).
The desalination treatments used in the conservation field are based on the
exchange of Cl- with hydroxide ions (OH-). Therefore, the solution carrying the
OH- must reach the sites where the Cl- are located, which often means
penetrating through pores and interstices following paths with high degrees of
tortuosity through corrosion layers and concretion (Selwyn 2004:294-306;
Selwyn, et al. 2001:109-120; Selwyn, et al. 1999:217-232). Once the chloride
sites are reached, an excess of hydroxide is necessary in order to facilitate the

�exchange. Then, the newly released Cl- must diffuse out through the material
towards the bulk of the treatment solution. In the atmospheric region these
processes are slow and their end point is often difficult to determine. Traditional
desalination techniques rely on diffusion, which is based on concentration
gradients that are significantly affected by the presence of any type of material
that may act as a membrane such as corrosion layers and concretion.
The most appealing reason to consider working in the subcritical region is that
the properties of water are tunable by simply adjusting the temperature and
pressure of the system. Changes in temperature and pressure can provide new
thermodynamic and kinetic options, or chemical paths, not viable at lower
temperatures.
The subcritical metal treatment developed at the WLCC utilizes alkaline
solutions at temperatures and pressure above 100°C and 30bar, respectively
(Drews, et al. 2011). To date more than 130 experiments have been performed
to evaluate the effects of subcritical treatment on a variety of archaeological
wrought and cast-iron samples from both terrestrial and marine sites (deViviés, et
al. 2007: 26-30; Drews, et al. 2004:247-260; Drews, et al. 2011; Drews, et al.
2005:77; González-Pereyra, et al. 2010:39-49; Mardikian, et al. 2006:82-88).
Based on the results, the subcritical treatment has demonstrated to be effective,
safe and exceptionally fast in removing chloride (deViviés, et al. 2007:26-30;
Drews, et al. 2004:247-260; González-Pereyra, et al. 2010:39-49).
This paper discusses three recent treatments using subcritical fluids, with
specific emphasis on the benefits this technology may offer to the mass
treatments of collections of metallic cultural heritage. Amount of Cl- released
during treatment as well as corrosion products and elemental compositions of the
various artifacts were monitored using ion chromatography, X-ray Fluorescence,
micro-Raman, and SEM-EDS.

Subcritical Technique
Throughout this paper, the region where water remains in the liquid phase and
extends from its normal boiling point (100ºC, 1bar) to its critical point (Tc =
373.9ºC, Pc = 220bar) will be referred to as subcritical region, while the region
under 100ºC, at normal pressure, as atmospheric region, as illustrated in Figure
1a. In the sub-critical region there is a significant departure of thermodynamic,
transport and chemical properties of water from those at normal conditions,
redefining water as a reaction medium. Viscosity, surface tension and density all
decrease for pure water or a dilute water solution including the 0.5w% sodium
hydroxide (NaOH). Density, probably the most defining thermodynamic property,
is affected by temperature. At high temperatures liquid water expands

�considerably decreasing its density. Many properties of water are affected by this
change, in particular the behavior of water as a solvent (Fernández-Prini, et al.
2004). Viscosity and surface tension are also affected. They decrease as the
temperature increases, resulting in enhanced wetting properties and higher
ability to penetrate pores or interstices. An increase in the diffusion constants for
Cl- and OH- of about 9% will also occur, relative to the diffusion constants at 25oC
and 1bar when the temperature and pressure are increased to approximately
180oC and 50bar, respectively (Bird, et al. 1992).
The subcritical region also allows the use of NaOH at concentrations that are
lower than what is common with traditional treatments, thus easing the burden
imposed by its disposal. Additionally, evidence suggests this process also results
in the transformation of certain iron corrosion products into more stable phases
(akaganéite and lepidocrocite transform into hematite) (deViviés, et al. 2007:2630; González-Pereyra, et al. 2010:39-49).
An additional promising characteristic of this alternative treatment is the short
treatment times required compared to traditional techniques (chemical,
electrochemical or gaseous). Average treatment periods typically fall within
fifteen days. Moreover, this technique provides the potential ability to permeate
thick concreted and corroded layers which in theory means that iron artifacts may
be pre-treated or even stabilized with subcritical fluids, prior to deconcretion or
cleaning (González-Pereyra, et al. 2010:39-49). This attribute is of particular
interest in the case of terrestrial artifacts that are often too fragile to be cleaned
prior to desalination. As such, they often require the addition of a stabilizing
consolidant; however this material is likely to interfere with the extraction of the
salts. Therefore, subcritical treatment offers the ability to effectively stabilize the
residual metal core while the object is still embedded in its concretion.

�Subcritical Protocol
The schematic diagram depicted in Figure 1b provides the basic elements of the
system. It consists essentially of a feed solution reservoir, a high-pressure pump,
a treatment cell, a back-pressure regulator to control the system pressure and an
eluent collection vessel. Artifacts are placed in the cell and the fluid flow path
primed to flush any air out of the system. Next, the system is closed, brought
under pressure, the flow is stabilized and the temperature is increased to the set
point. Pressure, temperature and flow of the system are monitored using a
computer system. Once the system is running, the eluent is sampled periodically
and the Cl- concentration is measure at the exit of the cell and in the collection
vessel by ion chromatography. When it reaches the level of the feed solution,
considered the baseline in Cl- content for ion chromatography, the temperature is
turned off and the high-pressure cell is cooled down; the flow of eluent is allowed
to continue throughout the cooling process. Once the cell reaches room
temperature, the high-pressure pump is turned off and the cell opened to retrieve
the desalinated specimen. This latter is then rinsed thoroughly with deionized
water and dried quickly to prevent any potential flash corrosion.

The Artifacts
The Ballast Block “Pioneer”
The very first treated artifact utilizing the 40L chamber was a wrought iron ballast
block – one of 97 excavated from the H.L. Hunley. Apart from a select few of
such blocks, having undergone other means of desalination, the majority of these
blocks remain stored together in a very large tank of NaOH 1.0w%. The selected
block to undergo subcritical treatment was stored separately for several weeks
immersed in a pre-treatment solution of NaOH 0.5w%. Thorough documentation
and analysis pre- and post-subcritical treatment were performed, as shown in
Figure 2. The artifact record showed that partial deconcretion had been carried
out prior to immersion in the storage solution to enhance desalination. However
the pre-treatment assessment clearly showed some considerable remains of
corrosion products, sediment and marine fauna on the surface, particularly within
the fine detail. Some mechanical damage to the original surface of the artifact
was also noted, where areas of several centimeters were missing, leaving the
wrought iron core exposed. It is important to also note the ballast blocks
discussed here had never been allowed to dry out and hence no akagenéite was
found prior to treatment.

�The Five to Follow
Following successful completion of the single ballast block treatment a similar
outcome was attempted with multiple artifacts similar in nature. Five further
ballast blocks were selected for simultaneous treatment within the 40L chamber.
Whilst the artifacts are primarily of the same composition each held very distinct
individual characteristics. All had undergone partial deconcretion in the wet state
prior to immersion in the above mentioned storage solution, and thus some
damage to the original surface had occurred in varying degrees from one block to
another.

The National Nine
The following batch of artifacts consisted of nine iron artifacts from the NPS
collection. These were of both, wrought and cast iron, consisting of various parts
in some examples and from a range of contexts. One common factor for the
selection was concern over the stability of the items. All artifacts had been
allowed to dry, had been stored in largely uncontrolled environments and thus
displaying clear signs of active corrosion in the form of bright orange powdery
corrosion products - commonly within pits - as well as blistering, spalling and
cracking in some areas of the original surface. Figure 3 illustrates the condition of
four of the artifacts prior to subcritical treatment. These artifacts will act as
primary examples throughout the paper, as this particular selection received a
so-called ‘full conservation treatment’, and were selected as such due to a more
prominent surface detail or complex multiple-part features. Out of the selected
four, the ring-peg and hinge showed the most structural complexity with moving
components and the presence of threaded bolt and nut assemblies. Complex
artifacts such as these have commonly posed additional conservation challenges
with regards to desalination due to limited permeability of the wash solution into
the joins and crevices of such areas, as well as differential corrosion cells at

�peripheral regions with varying exposure to the environment. It should also be
stated that some of the artifacts appeared to have been treated with a
penetrating oil-type substance, but no conclusions as to the composition of the
product were found in previous treatment records, or through analytical means.
The artifacts had also been labeled with catalog numbers applied in black ink
over a white label painted directly on to the surface of the artifact.

Documentation and Analysis
All artifacts were systematically assessed through documentation and digital
images to identify signs of corrosion. A set of non-destructive characterization
equipment was utilized to determine the Cl- concentration, as well as to identify
corrosion products. A FujiFilm NDE DynamIX™ IV digital radiography system was
used to determine the overall integrity of the object. Corrosion products present
on the artifact surfaces were analyzed with a Bruker Optics SENTERRA microRaman spectrometer. Raman data collection and processing was performed
using Opus Version 6.5 software.
The Cl- concentrations released during desalination was measured by two
methods. Chloride Quan Tab® test strips, manufactured by Hach® (Loveland,
CO), were used to quickly determine quantitative amounts of Cl- present. Ion
chromatography was performed using an ICS-90 ion chromatography system
with a IonPac® AS9-HC analytical column, both manufactured by Dionex
(Sunnyvale, CA). The data was collected and analyzed using the Dionex
Chromeleon™ software.
Quantitative and qualitative elemental compositions were determined by an
Oxford INCAx-act analytical silicon drift energy dispersive spectroscopy (EDS)
fitted onto a Hitachi S-3700N Ultra Large VP-SEM variable pressure scanning
electron microscope. Data collected was analyzed with the INCAEnergy software
interface. Qualitative and semi-quantitative elemental analysis was also attained
with a Bruker handheld Tracer III-SD X-Ray Fluorescence spectrometer.
All results were averaged from at least three data collections.

Results and Discussion
Alongside the evident advantages regarding stability and length of treatment,
post-stabilization deconcretion stands out crucially in the eyes of the conservator.
The effectiveness of the process allows for drying to take place prior to any
mechanical cleaning due to the inherent post-treatment stability of the artifact
and its corrosion matrix. This further allows for better and easier visual
identification of the corrosion layers and original surface and thus more control

�over any removal. Full documentation can be carried out after drying with no
time limitations due to the threat of flash corrosion or stresses caused by
recrystallization.

�Ballast Blocks
With regards to the overall appearance of the artifacts, there was very little
change with any of the ballast blocks on initial inspection. The first ballast block
was stabilized in 16 days. Approximately 90% of the total Cl- released occurred
within the first 5 days, with a maximum peak reached on the first day.
Furthermore, after the fifth day the concentration of Cl- remained under 1ppm. At
the end of the run the total amount of Cl- extracted from the artifact was
0.031w%.
To put these results into perspective, they can be compared with similar
ballast blocks soaked in NaOH 1.0w% with and without electrolysis (Figure 4a).
These treatments required on average 150 days to reach 90% of the total Clreleased, and over one year for total stabilization.

�The low amount of total Cl- released during mass treatment of the five blocks
group was an expected outcome. Considering that these blocks had been
soaking in NaOH 1.0w% for over four years, it was anticipated that most of the
Cl- had been removed. Simple soaking in NaOH can be very effective for Clremoval providing the artifacts were never allowed to dry out and akaganéite was
not present.
Localized color change from orange to black was noted, corresponding
generally to lepidocrocite and magnetite respectively. Although superficial
deposits had persevered, a change in the physical state of these features was
soon noted. Even in the wet state, some of these deposits would readily brush
off demonstrating a loss in adherence. This phenomenon has been recognized
in previous work, and it has been suggested that increased porosity is due to
changes in crystal lattice structure of the corrosion product matrix, and possible
leaching out of substitutional and interstitial elements, such as sodium, calcium,
chlorine and phosphorous respectively (González-Pereyra, et al. 2010: 39-49).
Instead of utilizing hammers and chisels, cleaning could be performed using
mostly a scalpel. The original surface, easily identified, had a compact nearmetallic sheen throughout, and appeared somewhat consolidated. Where the
benefits of carrying out cleaning procedures after stabilization and in the dry state
were particularly accentuated was at the discovery of tool marks and foundry
stamps on the ballast blocks, as shown in Figure 2.
Where considered necessary, a consolidative treatment by immersion in
Owatrol™ oil – an alkyd-based drying oil with an inbuilt corrosion inhibitor was
employed.

NPS artifacts
With these artifacts, a slightly different approach was employed. As seen in the
images, the artifacts had very little corrosion layers present to add to the overall
volume of the artifact.
The challenge with already dry terrestrial artifacts with regards to stabilization
treatments under immersion in varying solutions is the inherent physical stresses
caused by not only the permeation of the solution into the crevices of the
corroded artifact, but also the continued ionic exchange at the active corrosion
sites. This is particularly accentuated at pit and blister sites, where the original
surface is often forced away from the artifact causing separation and loss of
surface detail. Thus chemical stabilization and desalination of dry and terrestrial
iron artifacts has been viewed as a considerably difficult and an unresolved issue
in conservation (Drews, et al. 2004:247-260; Mardikian, et al. 2006:113-118;
North, et al. 1978:174-186; Selwyn, et al. 1999:217-232; Watkinson 2010:33073340). To prevent any further stresses occurring within the artifacts during
subcritical treatment the artifacts were soaked in the treatment solution for 72

�hours prior to the run. It was completed in 8 days and the results can be seen in
Figure 4d. The plot displays a typical behavior showing a Cl- peak within the first
day followed by a significant drop. Similarly to what was observed in the case of
the first ballast block, approximately 95% of the total Cl- released took place
during the first four days. Post-treatment, SEM-EDS elemental analysis showed
a level of chloride under the instrument detection limit of 0.1w%, while pre- and
post treatment XRF analysis (Figure 4f) clearly illustrates elimination of chloride
from the artifacts. Finally, SEM-EDS confirmed that subcritical conditions did not
affect elements such as lead or copper.
The corrosion products of all the NPS artifacts were analyzed using microRaman spectroscopy in different areas of the artifact’s surface. Analyzed areas
were selected for their diversity in color and texture. Active corrosion was
evident, occurring below the original surface, largely in pits with bright orange
powdery corrosion products identified as akagenéite (Figure 4c). Lepidocrocite
and goethite were found only in a few areas. A striking absence of akaganéite
was observed after subcritical treatment, as illustrated in Figure 4e. The
akagenéite had been converted to hematite with magnetite and goethite in
localized areas.
From visual inspection and weight measurements, it was clear that no
significant material loss had occurred during treatment, the oil-based consolidant
and the number labels applied in a previous conservation campaign had
effectively been removed. After analysis and in order to improve the general
appearance of the artifacts, micro-air-abrasion was performed on the selected
four artifacts. Although consolidation was not considered necessary with regards
to the physical integrity of the artifacts, due to an agreement with the NPS, they
received a consolidant in the form of Owatrol™ in two applications, with the last
application slightly pigmented with natural magnetite powder. This treatment was
performed to purely improve the appearance of the artifacts and to allow for
assessment of a contrast between a stabilized and a fully conserved artifact.

Conclusion
Recent experiments using subcritical fluids have shown great promise of
resolving many of the issues relating to the stabilization of archaeological iron –
marine and terrestrial. The results of this work have encouraged further research
and experimentation to improve the methodology and its applicability across the
field. Recent focus on such development has revolved around the possibility of
modifying the reactor capabilities in order to be able to carry out rinsing and
drying within the treatment chamber. Further yet, considerations have been
made towards an unfathomable advancement, where subcritical and supercritical

�technologies would be combined to allow for the inclusion of the application of
tailored corrosion inhibitors and consolidants during a single step in the
treatment. In addition small-scale laboratory testing has been initiated to study
the effect this fluid technology may have on non-ferrous metals. In short,
extensive continued research is necessary in order to implement an integral
treatment for metallic cultural heritage, that is effective, fast, reversible,
sustainable, safe, and in accordance with conservation ethics.

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                <text>The use of subcritical fluids for the treatment of archaeological and marine archaeological iron artifacts has been under experimentation at the Clemson Universityâ€™s Warren Lasch Conservation Center (WLCC) since 2003 and has shown promise of providing solutions to some of the issues related to the more traditional desalination treatments: Treatment times are but a fraction of those required by the soaking methods; chloride readings are brought to near-negligible levels; desalination can be carried out with or without prior deconcretion; solutions are maintained in sealed containers for the duration of the treatments; and positive results have been seen so far with tests for long-term stability of treated artifacts.  Particularly remarkable has been the effect the process appears to have had on corrosion matrices containing the chloride-hosting iron oxyhydroxide, AkagenÃ©ite (Î²-FeOOH) on artifacts that have been allowed to dry out. Results have shown a significant reduction in the quantities of this phase â€“ often linked to the continuation of active corrosion processes within iron artifacts â€“ through transformation into more stable corrosion products such as magnetite and hematite.  Experiments carried out to date have not only involved single samples and artifacts, but testing has progressed to a stage where numerous artifacts have been successfully stabilized simultaneously in the same batch. The work presented describes three of such desalination treatments. The first run included a single wrought iron ballast block from the H.L. Hunley, a confederate Civil War submarine lost in battle in 1864.  This was followed by the first batch run on five similar ballast blocks and a second with nine iron artifacts of varying composition, context and condition, selected from the National Park Service (NPS - USA) curatorial collection.</text>
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                    <text>Recent Research in the Southeast Sumatran Region
John N. Miksic

Abstract
Since 2010, a new threat to the maritime heritage of Southeast Asia has arisen in the form of
looting of the bed of the Musi River in Palembang, site of the capital of the maritime kingdom of
Sriwijaya in the ninth century. Port archaeology in Southeast Asia is a gravely underdeveloped
field. This river has been a major artery of commerce for 2,000 years. The local adaptation to the
area’s swampy, flood-prone environment has been to live on stilt houses over water, on ships,
and on rafts. This pattern of settlement presents special problems for archaeologists. It is likely
that a major proportion of the area’s archaeological heritage lies on the riverbed. Recent items on
the antiquities market include a wide range of items, including Chinese porcelain of the ninth and
subsequent centuries, local pottery, and a wide range of metal items including statuary, coins,
and jewelry. This source of archaeological data has never been systematically explored, and
unless something is done urgently, it will be lost forever. This paper explores the nature of the
problem, demonstrates the importance of the subject for maritime archaeology, and proposes a
potential methodology for exploring the area.

Riverbeds and Harbors as Sites of Underwater Cultural Heritage
The study of underwater cultural heritage in this panel focuses mainly on cargoes
of shipwrecks beneath salt water. Shipwreck archaeology in Southeast Asia has
experienced major advances in the last 15 years, but the archaeology of ports
and other sites at the place where land and sea meet, such as shipyards, lags far
behind. In Sumatra, seaports can be located over 100 kilometers (km) from the
mouths of rivers and estuaries. The east coast of Sumatra is largely tidal
swampland, and the influence of the tides extends to these ports. Palembang,
ancient capital of Sriwijaya, one of Southeast Asia’s greatest maritime kingdoms,
lies 90 km up the Musi River. At this point the river is one km wide. Muara Jambi
might be considered its sister; it was the capital of the kingdom of Malayu which
flourished between the 9th to 13th centuries. This site lies 120 km up the
Batanghari. The coastal plain narrows progressively as one moves north, but
other ancient ports such as Kota Cina in northeast Sumatra are still 10 km inland.
On the eastern side of the Straits of Melaka, in the state of Kedah, Malaysia, the
port sites of Pengkalan Bujang, Sungai Mas, and Sungai Batu, are 10-15 km up
the Muda River. The same phenomenon can be observed for sites such as Bago
(formerly known as Pegu), Syriam, and Mrauk U in Myanmar.
Very little archaeological research has been carried out in Southeast
Asian ports. Such sites pose special challenges to archaeology. Stratigraphy of
such sites is rarely well-preserved. Environmental factors include floods, tides,
tsunamis, rapid sedimentation interspersed with erosion, river course change,
and human activity such as construction of piers and warehouses, which are
often built of temporary materials subject to rapid weathering, constant repairs,
expansion, and other alterations. The most common artifacts found at ports are
pottery fragments and organic materials. Large quantities of such remains are
needed in order to draw accurate statistical inferences about the past.

�Figure 1. Early Southeast Asian Ports (drawn by Dr. G.Y. Goh)

Archaeology of Ports in Southeast Asia
Bali
There are a few exceptions to this generalization. Excavations at Sembiran in
north coastal Bali have yielded important remnants of port activity on a sandy
beach which is now being rapidly eroded. Discoveries include fragments of
Romano-Indian rouletted ware made in south India during the period 200 Before
Christ - Anno Domini (BC-AD)1 200. Diribonucleic acid (DNA) of a 2,000-year-old
skeleton found at Sembiran has been identified as possibly Indian, although this
conclusion has been disputed (I Wayan Ardika, et al. 1997; Lansing, et al. 2004;
Lansing, et al. 2006; McLaughlin and Thomas 2006). In southern Thailand the
site of Khao Sam Kaeo has yielded evidence of port activity as early as the 3rd
century BC (Bellina-Pryce and Silapanth 2006). The site of Oc-èo in south
Vietnam, Southeast Asia’s largest port of the early historic period (3rd- early 7th
centuries AD) was investigated in the 1940s, and again in the 1990s (Manguin
1998). This site lies 15 km from the ocean, to which it may have been connected
by a canal. It lies in a swampy flood-prone area, where some organic remains
were fortunately preserved.
1

Georgian Calendar designation with the year one starting at the birth of Jesus Christ of
Nazareth, years in BC are -1 with a negative year added for every year before the birth of Jesus;
years in AD are added progressively one by one for each year after his birth.

�Malaysia
The oldest dated boat found in Southeast Asia was discovered in peninsular
Malaysia, at the site of Pontian, Pahang, where it seems to have been preserved
by a sudden slumping of soil of a riverbank in a river about a mile from the coast
(Evans 1927:94). The timbers of the Pontian ship belong to varieties found from
Cambodia to the Malay Peninsula and Indonesia (Gibson-Hill 1952).
Radiocarbon analysis found that the trees for building the ship were felled
between 260 and 430 AD (1657±60) (Manguin 1993:256). In Malaysia the Kuala
Selinsing site has been under investigation since the 1920s. Recent excavations
at this site, which consists of mounds surrounded by mangrove swamp, have
shown that the area was inhabited approximately 2,000 years ago, and continued
in use for a millennium (Nik Hassan Shuhaimi bin Nik Abdul Rahman in press).
The Pengkalan Bujang site near the foot of Kedah Peak was investigated in the
1950s; this was apparently an important port in the 12th century, but only a
preliminary report was ever published (Lamb 1961). In 2010 the Malaysian
government allocated a sizeable quantity of funds for research in south Kedah.
The site of Sungai Batu has yielded major new discoveries, including large brick
structures which Malaysian archaeologists believe were used as landing stages
for boats. These seem to date from the early to mid-first millennium AD. The
Bujang Valley Museum displays a number of well-preserved hulls from sites in
south Kedah. No radiocarbon dates on them have yet been published; this data
would be of great potential significance. The boats are of the lashed-lug design
characteristic of early Austronesian boat-building.

Java
In the coastal plain of west Java, the site of Batujaya is another waterlogged site
which has yielded significant evidence of Buddhist activity in the early first
millennium AD (Manguin and Agustijanto 2006). No evidence of a port or nonreligious activity has however yet been located there.

Singapore

In Singapore, numerous sites of 14th-century activity have been studied. One of
these sites, named Empress Place after the colonial-period building which stands
there and which is now the Asian Civilisations Museum, lay on the ancient bank
of the Singapore River. The area excavated in 1998 consisted of the intertidal
zone. Artifacts recovered included a wide range of ceramics, metal objects, and
some organic materials including poles which had perhaps been used for tying
up boats.

Kota Batu, Brunei
The former capital of the Sultanate of Brunei was a trading site and capital from
around 1400 to 1580, when a Spanish attack destroyed it (Harrisson 1970).
Further study of the site could yield important new understanding of the economy
of one of the most important Southeast Asian trading kingdoms of the fifteenth
century.

�Sumatra
Malayu/Jambi
Somewhere in the Batanghari valley, possibly at a location now called Muara
Jambi, the site of the capital of this very rich and cosmopolitan kingdom must
exist. Archaeological research in the province has been focused on the site of
Muara Jambi, about 25 kilometers down the Batanghari from the modern capital
of Jambi Province, where 39 candi or brick temples have been recorded (M.
Nazir 1980/81:23). Archaeological evidence of trade in Jambi consists of Chinese
porcelain ranging from the Five Dynasties through the Yuan period (9th through
13th centuries), scattered over a number of sites between Muara Jambi and the
sea (Edwards McKinnon 1982a; Edwards McKinnon 1982b; Edwards McKinnon
1992; Abu Ridho 1992; Abu Ridho 1995). A survey project in 2006 concentrated
on looking at exposures in the banks of the river at low tide, and identified
numerous sites of the 11th and 12th centuries (Miksic N.D.).
Kota Cina
This site lies near the mouth of the Deli River in northeast Sumatra. Abundant
remains of entrepot activity of the late 11th through mid-13th century were
recovered, including Buddhist and Hindu brick structures, stone statuary,
Chinese coins and pottery, and local ceramics. Preserved house posts and many
post molds were recorded. Unfortunately the probable location of the port itself, a
silted-in harbor, was destroyed through excavation of soil for a modern
construction project. Remains of ceramics of the 11th-13th centuries, and
associated ship timbers were observed (Edwards McKinnon 1984; Miksic 1979).
Barus
This is the only known early port yet excavated on the west coast of Sumatra.
The center of activity seems to have shifted between several locales within this
general area. Artifacts found here date from the 10th through 14th centuries, and
include many imports from the Persian Gulf and India (Guillot 1998; Guillot
2003).
Karangagung
In the lowlands of southeast Sumatra, the oldest site which may have been that
of a port of the period between AD 1 and AD 500 has been located at
Karangagung, between the Musi and Batanghari rivers (Endang 2002; Erwan, et
al. 2008). Excavations there since 2001 have provided important new data for the
study of pre-Srivijayan commercial activity. Many artifacts such as beads and
gold had been looted from the site, but jewellery, bronze and glass bangles,
pendants, and preserved house pillars found in excavations indicate that a large
settlement or series of settlements existed here, dated by radiocarbon to 220-440
CE (Manguin 2004:287-288). Artifacts recorded include beads of carnelian, rock
crystal, a shiny black stone which may be onyx, and glass beads of several
styles.
The discovery of this site has had the salutary effect of inspiring the head
of the archaeological office for South Sumatra, Mr. Nurhadi Rangkuti, to establish
a website devoted to the development of Wetland Archaeology

�(http://nurhadirangkuti.blogspot.com/ 2009_05_10_archive.html; accessed 30
August 2011). This website and its reports of archaeological research gives
important recognition to the identification of wetlands in Indonesia as a specific
focus of archaeological research; the website reads in part:
Lahan basah yang mencakup rawa pasang surat, rawa gambut, rawa bekalang
sungai, hutan bakau, danau, lagun, dataran banjir sungai dan lainnya pernah
menjadi tempat bermukim manusia masa lalu. Pusat peradaban kuna jug muncul
dari lahan basah. Penelitian, pelestarian dan pemanfaatan situs-situs arkeologi di
lahan basah sudah waktunya diprioritaskan untuk mengungkap kejayaan
maritime bangsa Indonesia” (Wetlands which comprise tidal swamps, swamps
with acid soil, back swamps, mangrove forests, lakes, lagoons, flood plains etc.
in the past were locales of human habitation. Ancient centers of civilization also
arose from wetlands. It is time that research, conservation, and exploitation of
archaeological sites in wetlands be given priority to expose the success of
Indonesian maritime people.)

This proclamation surely deserves commendation and support where
possible.

Palembang and the Musi Riverbed
Much of Srivijaya's material culture may be permanently lost due to the use of
perishable materials and habit of living on rafts or stilt houses above flowing
water (Manguin 1987). Enough archaeological remains have now been
discovered in and around Palembang to confirm the earlier assumption that
Palembang was Srivijaya’s capital (Manguin 1992; Manguin 1993) from the
seventh to eleventh centuries. Between 682 CE and 686 CE, several large
inscriptions were set up in Palembang and vicinity (Manguin 1987). The wetlands
around Palembang have yielded remains of two boats of the first millennium AD:
one dated to 610-775 CE, with a length estimated to have been 26 meters, and
one dated 434-631 CE. Another ship found at Butuan, Mindanao, south
Philippines, dating from 1270-1410 CE, is estimated to have been 20 meters long
(Manguin 1993:256-258).
Archaeology on dry land has yielded rather unprepossessing results,
which do not seem commensurate with the glowing descriptions found in Indian
and Chinese sources of a wealthy port kingdom here (Bronson and Wisseman
1976; Wolters 1979). Much settlement of the left bank (termed the hilir area in
Palembang nomenclature) next to Pulau Kemaro is now occupied by a huge urea
fertilizer plant owned by PT Pupuk Sriwijaya (Pusri), the state fertilizer company.
Indonesian archaeologists are convinced that the site of the factory was formerly
a major area of Sriwijayan activity (Dr. Mundardjito pers. comm.).
Much of the remaining archaeological potential of Palembang probably
lies beneath the Musi River. History and ethnography show that whereas the
nobility of Sriwijaya lived on dry land, much of Sriwijaya’s population lived on
water, either on stilt houses or on rafts (van Sevenhoven 1825; Wallace 1869).
Evidence of their existence as well as port activity such as warehousing and
transshipping of cargo therefore is likely to be in the mud beneath the river.

�Figure 2. Musi River, Palembang (Phot by author, June 1, 2011)
In recent years a large quantity of artifacts is reported to have been
recovered by local fishermen from the riverbed. A reconnaissance trip to
Palembang in May 2011 indicated that a wide range of artifacts is still within easy
reach on the riverbed, but that the supply is diminishing. Local men dive in the
Musi River, using primitive equipment, when tidal flow is slack, to obtain ancient
artifacts. During this trip we were shown a wide assortment of ceramics, beads,
bronze articles, coins, old wooden implements, and gold objects. As news of the
presence of foreign visitors spread through the neighborhood, groups of divers
came to visit to offer wares that they had obtained through diving in the river. It
seems that the number of men who pursue this occupation as a regular activity is
significant, using only goggles and a hose by which they are fed compressed air.
They probe the muddy bottom with iron rods which often cause serious damage
by fracturing Chinese porcelain.
We also visited two sites – Candi Gede Ing Suro and Candi Penembahan
-- where brick structures dating from the 14th century have been converted into
graves for Islamic-period rulers and their consorts. These sites are located next
to the fertilizer plant noted above. During our visit, laborers were busily erecting a
brick wall next to Candi Gede Ing Suro which will form a barrier between the site
and the fertilizer plant. We were able however to walk through a gap in the wall
and view a complex of earthen ramparts of substantial extent, bounded by a
stream which leads directly to the Musi River. This may have been part of an
ancient site. As far as we could discern, no research has been directed at this
feature.

�Archaeological Remains
It is probable that we were only shown the least valuable items, including broken
ceramics. The more salable items were no doubt quickly disposed of through
networks leading to Jakarta, where the majority of Indonesian antique collectors
and people of means live. Yet even among what are probably the dregs of the
treasures lying under 20 meters of water and a meter of river mud are many
objects which hold the potential to clarify many details of our knowledge of early
shipping activity in Southeast Asia.
The divers had acquired a range of small gold items. Sumatra was known
as Suvarnadvipa (“Golden Island”) in ancient India (Wolters 1979), and
numerous sources of gold are known to exist in the hinterland of Palembang.
These items, including locally-made coins and pieces of jewelry, belong to types
found in central Java and dated to the late first millennium AD. Their collections
also contained large quantities of beads of glass and stone in addition to gold
examples.

Illustration 3. Gold ear ornament, 2 cm high
(Palembang,Sumatra; no catalogue number)
Religious objects included numerous items associated with Buddhism. In
addition to bronze statues of Buddha, there were examples of what appear to be
stamps used to print Buddhist texts on clay. More research on these is needed to
clarify their significance.

�Illustration 4. Head of Buddhist deity, stone. Height approximately 13 cm
(Palembang,Sumatra; no catalogue number)
Decorative bronze items were also present, among them several faces of
Kala, mirrors, and bells with vajra handles for use in esoteric Buddhist rituals.
Cylindrical amulet containers meant to be suspended from strings hung around
the neck were made of gold. Other rolled-up pieces of heavier metal may have
been tin or lead votive objects inscribed with sacred formulae. Utilitarian objects
included scale weights. Large quantities of Chinese coins were also collected.
Porcelains spanned a wide range of types of Chinese export wares, from
Tang Yue bowls through cobalt blue decorated wares of the middle Ming period.
Some examples of fine-paste earthenware, probably from southern Thailand,
were also in the assemblage. Quite probably many more examples could be
found on the riverbed, but since these are not generally salable, they were
probably left there.

Prospects for Future Research
The form of salvage archaeology project involving the local branch of the
Indonesian archaeology department in a controlled dredging operation may be
the best way to proceed. The field of underwater excavations in rivers is
uncharted territory in Southeast Asian archaeology. Such research would face
considerable technical and financial challenges. The conventional approach used
by marine archaeologists would be to lay out a grid on the riverbed and excavate
using an airlift. Whether this would be feasible in the Musi River would need to be
investigated. An alternative which could be considered would be to adopt
methods analogous to those used in salvage archaeology, where time is an
important factor. Looting of the Musi riverbed in Palembang is rampant, as we
observed, and it may be more efficient to use mechanical excavation employing
dredging equipment to expedite the recovery of artifacts.

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The archaeological study of shipsâ€™ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure</text>
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                <text>Since 2010, a new threat to the maritime heritage of Southeast Asia has arisen in the form of looting of the bed of the Musi River in Palembang, site of the capital of the maritime kingdom of Sriwijaya in the ninth century. Port archaeology in Southeast Asia is a gravely underdeveloped field. This river has been a major artery of commerce for 2,000 years. The local adaptation to the areaâ€™s swampy, flood-prone environment has been to live on stilt houses over water, on ships, and on rafts. This pattern of settlement presents special problems for archaeologists. It is likely that a major proportion of the areaâ€™s archaeological heritage lies on the riverbed. Recent items on the antiquities market include a wide range of items, including Chinese porcelain of the ninth and subsequent centuries, local pottery, and a wide range of metal items including statuary, coins, and jewelry. This source of archaeological data has never been systematically explored, and unless something is done urgently, it will be lost forever.  This paper explores the nature of the problem, demonstrates the importance of the subject for maritime archaeology, and proposes a potential methodology for exploring the area.</text>
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                    <text>Pre Hispanic Navigation: Iconographic Evidence in
Moche Fine Line Painting
Carlos Ausejo

Abstract
Navigation in pre-Hispanic times in the Andean region has been a topic of discussion among
researchers for years. Different sources of information lead us to believe that at least one
type of marine craft was in use and involved in long distance trade at the arrival of the
Spaniards. However, the debate surrounding earlier periods is stronger due to the lack of
evidence in archaeological records. Most evidence consists of iconographic or sculptural
depictions on pottery; wall friezes; and, ultimately, references gathered by chroniclers – but
not a single remain of any kind of vessel.
This situation has lead researchers to believe that marine crafts like the “Caballito de
Totora” (“reed horse”) were just simpler tools without any further development. However, one
particular type of watercraft represented in the Moche iconography apparently contradicts this
idea, the “reed boat”. Moche fine line paintings portray this particular type of vessel, which
differs from the traditional “reed horse” vessel, and seems to be capable of holding
considerable cargo and occupants. Although the use of totora constitutes the oldest tradition
for constructing rafts and boats along the coast and in the Titicaca region, unfortunately, as
mentioned above, there is no evidence of such rafts or boats in the archaeological record
apart from the iconographic depictions.
In spite of this, we suggest that “reed boats” represented a real boat just as other real
Moche characters were represented in their iconography, such as the “Lord of Sipan” or “The
Priestesses of San Jose de Moro”. Moreover the reed boats were a technological innovation,
which filled particular needs to perform rituals in times of ecological distress and to procure
certain sumptuary items.

The Moche
The Moche civilization developed on the north cost of Peru between 100 and
800 Anno Domini (A.D1) during the Early Intermediate2 period (Donnan and
McClelland 1999:13). The geographical area occupied by the Moche can be
divided into Northern and Southern regions, separated by the Pampa de
Paijan. The success of the Moche society was based on controlling the rivers
through the construction of a complex network of irrigation canals, which
supported successful large-scale agriculture (Shimada 1994:52-56; Bawden
1996:87-92). Furthermore they managed to exploit the large resources of
marine and coastal fauna combined with the use of domesticated llamas,
guinea pigs and ducks (Bawden 1996:86-87; Donnan and McClelland
1999:14-15). The success of food production allowed the Moche to maintain a
highly stratified and dense population, and therefore to assign large number of
workers to the construction and maintenance of pyramids, palaces, temples,
and irrigation canal systems (Bawden 1996:76-107; Donnan and McClelland
1999:14).
As in any other Andean society, they didn’t have a writing system;
instead they left a stunning artistic record of their beliefs and activities in
Modelled and Painted ceramics (Bawden 1996:23; Donnan and McClelland
1

Georgian Calendar designation that starts at year one, fromt he birth of Jesus Christ of
Nazareth, with every year since added by one.
2
Between 400 B.C. and 600 A.C. (Rowe 1945:265-284)

1

�1999:15). Rafael Larco Hoyle developed Moche chronology in 1948 based on
the stirrup spout bottle. He identified five phases, each thought to last around
100 to 200 years (Donnan and McClelland 1999:21). However, during the last
ten years, researchers combined individual phases into three historical
periods (Bawden 2004:23,116-129): Early3 (Phase I – II), Middle4 (Phase III –
IV), and Late Moche5 (Phase V).
Moche potters were consummate masters of three-dimensional
sculpture and also produced ceramics with low-relief depictions of figures and
activities, geometrical and pictorial scenes with fine line painting (Donnan and
McClelland 1999:15-17). On the other hand it seems that Moche
representations had a limited representation of specific events or activities,
which are referred to as themes (Donnan and McClelland 1979:5).
Phase V shows a clear change in fine line painting evolution from
previous phases; the change to abstract and distorted, heavy emphasis being
placed on supernatural rather than human activities, and ultimately a focus on
marine creatures and environment (Donnan and McClelland 1999:178-183).
We can also find innovations in layout, characters and narrative techniques as
well as pottery shape (Donnan and McClelland 1999:166). Although artistic
cannons are mostly the same as preceding phases, there are changes; the
layout consists of half and half, spiral layout, and a new scheme using the
burial theme (Donnan and McClelland 1999:182-183). It is in this context that
Reed boats are more frequently depicted than in previous phases, but for a
completely different function. Rather than being portrayed for fishing activities
they are depicted carrying elaborately dressed individuals (Donnan and
McClelland 1999:179).

Iconography versus Archaeological Evidence
Over the last two decades, archaeological evidence has been demonstrating
that the Moche practiced several activities portrayed in fine line painting. They
also demonstrated that dignitaries as shown in iconographic representations
wore clothes and accessories (Bourget 2005:89-109; Castillo 2000:307-332;
Donnan and McClelland 1999:23; Verano 2005:111-125).
In that sense Christopher Donnan and Donna McClelland (Donnan and
McClelland 1979:6-10) propose the burial scene theme as four distinctive
activities: burial, assembly, conch-shell transfer, and sacrifice. Double and
parallel lines indicate that the activities were separate events, which did not
occur at the same time but were associated with the burial of one extremely
important individual and suggest that all depictions referred to the same
individual (Donnan and McClelland 1979:13). The evidence found in Huaca
Rajada is similar to the depictions (Alva 2004:101-116), but instead of one,
there are at least three high status individuals buried at three different times
with similar types of offerings. Moreover the caskets had a rigid structure of
reinforced heavy canes wrapped in cloth, which covered the cane and the
faces shown on the caskets may be hammered metal masks and attached to
the cloth wrapping (Donnan and McClelland 1979:7). Moreover the goods
depicted in the burial theme are frequently found in Moche and Sican graves,
3

Early Moche aproximately 200 A.D. – 400 A.D.
Middle Moche aproximately 400 A.D. – 600 A.D.
5
Late Moche aproximately 600 A.D. – 800 A.D.
4

2

�along with different kinds of ceramic vessels, gourd bowls filled with food and
conch shells (Alva 2004:86-99).
Symbolic representation is also evident in the belongings of high status
personages; they usually appear wearing gold alloy masks and are
accompanied by specific emblems representing their status and role (Donnan
2008:77). The paraphernalia resembles the images contained in Moche
friezes and ceramics, where it accompanies performers in the activities being
depicted (Alva 2004;Donnan and Castillo 1992,1994). Specific individuals can
be traced to the rituals depicted, which were acted out and performed exactly
as they were depicted (Bawden 1996:25). That is the case of “the Priestess of
San Jose de Moro” [Priestess] (Castillo 2000:307-332), where two female
burials were found with distinctive paraphernalia corresponding to the
Priestess from the Sacrifice scene, the female occupant of the reed boats
(Cordy-Collins 1999:21; Donnan and McClelland 1979:7) and the net shirt
personages form the burial scene (Donnan and McClelland 1979:7). Moreover
the goblets found in burials, similar to those in the San Jose de Moro, tested
positive for human blood traces (Bourget 2005:89-109). This reinforces the
possibilities of actual blood rites during Moche times (Bawden 1996:154155;Bourget 2005:89-109). In that sense, the war and sacrifice rites depicted
can also be related to archaeological evidence, such as the finding of human
remains in the Huaca de la Luna, which show evidence of decapitation,
defleshing and head trauma, among other signs of violence (Bourget 2005:89109; Verano 2005:111-125).

Reed boats Iconography6
Reed boats in phase V are portrayed mainly in a half and half layout, they
look larger than those depicted before and appear to have cargo decks
carrying people and large ceramic jars. On one half the sacrifice Priestess is
portrayed, on the second half a character is portrayed with a paddle-like
object (Donnan and McClelland 1999:178-179; McClelland 1999:77-78).
Phase V reed boats depictions appear with arms and legs, as well as the socalled floaters, contrary to Phase IV reed boats. Some artists replace the boat
with the bottle equator or use a crescent moon shape similar to the reed boat.
This type of representation is called the “Crescent Boat” and seems to be a
simplification of the more complex reed boat scene (McClelland 1999:77-78).
Whether it is represented in detailed reed boats carrying prisoners and
jars; simply depicted on a crescent boat; participating in a complex sacrifice
scene or in the Burial scene, it seems quite clear that the depiction of the
Priestess, or at least a female character, is closely related to navigation
scenes. Since these are all new scenes, or at least represented differently, we
can presume that the boats represented in Phase V pottery may be a new
type of reed vessel used in rituals and activities, perhaps as a response to
changes in the ecological environment associated with the end of the Moche
civilization around 800 A.D. (Donnan and McClelland 1999:184-185).
6

The research sample comes from drawings and photos from published sources, mostly by
Christopher Donnan and Donna McClelland. The proveniences of the vessels were traced
when possible, however most Moche pottery came from looted graves and therefore only a
rough area of provenance is available in most cases (Donnan and McClelland 1999:17-18)

3

�Researchers separate them into two types: Crescent Boats and Reed
Boats (Donnan and McClelland 1999:179), the first group refers to vessels
representing a female seated on a boat, the boat is represented by a crescent
shape form or using the angled equator to insinuate the boat, this group have
been excluded from research due to be a simplified representation. The
second group includes all the representations without making any distinction
between raft and boat (Cordy-Collins 1999:17-33).
Donnan and McClelland (1999:272) use the term reed boats for any
representation of Moche watercraft, however these could be divided into two
different types of representation, Reed Rafts and Reed Boats, which will be
described as follows:

Reed Rafts
Unfortunately we were unable to gather all known iconographic examples but
we believe that only a few are missing. The corpus is composed of six
examples of reed rafts and looks very similar to today´s “Caballito de Totora”.
The construction seems to be made up of bundles of Totora, which is tied
together and fastened with simple or double ropes, all depicting an animal
head on the upturned bow and stern, following a direction from left to right.
They are single manned by a human figure holding a fishing line, wearing
a shirt and a headdress adorned with feathers, an animal head, or simple
lines. Usually the occupant stands over a bundle of nets. All reed rafts appear
associated with fish, seashells, marine mammals and sea birds, which are
usually very realistic. However in some cases they portray anthropomorphised
sea birds pulling the reed raft.

Reed Boats7
Reed boats are more frequently found in the northern area (Donnan and
McClelland 2007:22), reed boats look in a similar way to the rafts but seem to
use massive bundles of totora, over them a simple structure, which seems to
create two different decks, one for cargo and a second for occupants. The
occupants shown, on each half of the bottle is a Paddler holding a long stick
or paddle and a female occupant usually identified as the Priestess (Donnan
and McClelland 1999:178-179; Cordy-Collins 1999:17-33). The corpus of
images is composed of the representation of thirty-seven reed boats,
including four with the spiral narrative.
To differentiate the variety of depictions, we have identified five main
attributes: Direction, Anthropomorphic characteristics, number of occupants,
type of cargo and finally the ratio and number of animal heads described as
follow:
• The first attribute is the direction of the scene; reed boat
depictions can be presented following a direction to the left or right.
• The second attribute is the anthropomorphic characteristics;
most of the depictions appear with arms or legs, and sometimes both.
There is only a small number without arms or legs.
• The third attribute is the number of occupants, which may vary
from one to three; only in a few cases, the number of occupants is

7

We believe to have most examples known, with just a few found in the last years.

4

�more than two. The rest of the sample presents only one occupant per
boat.
• The fourth attribute is the type of cargo; most cases present a
cargo consisting of pottery jars or rounded objects tied with ropes,
while the other type carries not only pottery jars but tied up prisoners.
• The last attribute is the ratio of animal heads on the boat.
Most reed boats show one or two animal heads in the bow and stern (#
in bow / # in stern), the distribution can be mainly 1 / 2 or 2 / 1, a few
exemptions appear where the distribution is 2 / 2, or 1 / 1.

Reed Boats Group Descriptions
After reviewing the corpus using these attributes, we can divide them into two
main groups. With an extra third group conformed by the spiral narrative,
however the boats represented on them belong to the type described on
group two.
Group 18: In general the depictions are represented similarly to the previous
phase. The main activity of the boats is transporting people and cargo, in only
one case the paddler is fishing instead, with the help of his companion. The
reed boats are following a left direction and all of them show arms, usually
holding a rope on the bow, and legs. Over the boat there is a single framed
structure that creates two decks: the cargo deck hold prisoners tied to their
necks and ceramic jars and the upper deck where the occupants stand9. The
animal head usually has a relation of 1 / 2 and the boat itself looks similar to
the reed rafts but the curve is less pronounced. All show the principal
occupants, the paddler and the Priestess, accompanied by one or two more
characters, and appear to be standing. The companions are
anthropomorphised seabirds holding a similar object to the paddler.
Group 210: the boats are very similar to the group ones although they have a
major number of reed bundle fasteners. A new addition to the depiction is a
circular net object attached to the bow and stern, with a few exceptions. All
boats are travelling to the right and the cargo deck seem to be more
elaborated or planned, it is represented as two double lines with a net in
between, creating a more defined cargo. The cargo varies from ceramic jars;
round objects suspended from the deck, probably gourd vessels, and some
stylized round suspended objects. None show more than one occupant in the
boats, likewise the occupants remain the same. Some changes can be seen
in the priestess´ attributes, which in most cases appear holding an open bag,
or having an oblong object on her dress, or holding a cup. The ratio of animal
heads on the boats is not relevant in this group.
Group 311: This group depicts the navigation scene in a ritual context using a
spiral narrative. The boats are represented in a similar way to the group
although they show four boats instead of two. The third boat holds an animal
8

This group is conformed of six cases.
In this group, one particular case is a bit different than the other, the ceramic jars and
prisoners are close to the bow, and in the priestess boat seems to be on two different levels.
10
This group is made up of twenty-six cases.
11
This group is composed of four cases.
9

5

�warrior in procession with the paddler and the female occupant, a fourth boat
is shown at the beginning of the narration without occupants and apparently
with some kind of object over the deck. The narration starts at the bottom of
the chamber, with animated objects fighting human warriors; a male figure
with a crescent headdress is watching the combat. Following the spiral, a
female stands in front of bundles of weapons and the animated objects
approach her. Further up the spiral, a procession of three reed boats appears
with the paddler, the female occupant, and an animal warrior carrying
containers. The boat arrives at a structure where part of the sacrifice
ceremony is being performed while an anthropomorphized club and shield
holds a goblet.

Discussion
Donnan (Bawden 1996:25) has a very interesting explanation of Moche
iconography using the analogy of Christian artistic symbolism. In Christian art,
the fullest depictions of the crucifixion included the cross and the flanking
counterparts, but specific components can be used separately in religious art
to symbolize aspects of the Christian dogma without losing meaning. The
religious content in Moche iconography is similar, with full narrative
compositions including fully identifiable participants, which can also be
represented alone or in an abbreviated portion of the larger composition.
Therefore, work as "symbolic" referents to the content and meaning were
embodied in the major theme and identified as such by Moche People
(Bawden 1996:25).
Likewise we can interpret reed boats and crescent boats, as part of two
different and new scenes in Moche depictions, the Burial Scene and the Spiral
Navigation Scene Narrative, where boats played an important role
transporting the Priestess who was in charge of the blood goblet. The
relationship between them is based on the Priestess, and they might belong
to a brotherhood therefore appearing as a group represented by the Net
Shirts, figures wearing net shirts and a tiered item of attire extending down his
back, appearing as a group on the burial scene (Cordy-Collins 1999:17-33).
The same type of personage appears again on the reed boats and crescent
boats. Other objects that are similar in boat representations are the jars that
appear on the burial scene and an odd oblong object. Possibly both objects
are brought to the grave by the net shirts (Donnan and McClelland 1979:7).
These changes can also be seen on the reed boats occupants in Group 1,
where the female occupant has the attributes of the Priestess, the feathers
and clothes, and then in the Group 2 where the female occupant holds a
goblet or an open bag.
The perception of the ocean may have changed into a place where
prisoners and cargo are being transported (Hocquenguem 1999:65). Maritime
scenes may illustrate actual rituals just like other rituals in which religious
dignitaries act out the myths of Moche society in order to reaffirm social
foundations and continuity (Bawden 1996:75). If these rituals were actually
performed as demonstrated in the archaeological evidence (Bourget 2005:89109; Castillo 2005:307-332; Verano 2005:111-125), the maritime scenes
might therefore also leave an archaeological record. It does not seem that
reed boats were involved in long distance trade for sumptuary goods.
6

�However they may have been involved in transporting guano12 from the
islands offshore, a valuable resource as a fertilizer, the Chincha Islands being
the largest of these islands groups, located on the southern Peruvian cost and
possibly visited by the Moche (Bawden 1996:41-51; Kubler 1948:29-50); or
perhaps Spondylus Princeps, Strombus Galeatus, important in rituals and
ceremonies and found in archaeological contexts associated with those
activities along the North Coast region (Bawden 1996:42; Shimada 1987:133144). In spite of this, we haven’t found any Moche fine line paintings depicting
boats transporting such goods.
The fall of the Moche society is associated with a catastrophic Niño13
event by 800 A.D. and this might be the reason for the change of Moche
depictions to marine related scenes (Donnan and McClelland 1999:184-185),
and the change in the perception of the sea (Hocquenguem 1999:65), where
propitiatory rituals involving the safe transport of prisoners to offshore islands
and high status individuals required a different and more complex system of
navigation like the reed boat.
Finally, differences between the reed boats, of Group 1 and 2, in the
type of cargo they carry, could be easily explained as a simplification of a
greater scene, as a referent of a greater meaning. Moreover those changes
and the distortion of the representations follow the same path as Phase V
pottery. Therefore the absence of evidence of an actual reed boat and the
argument that only a few representations seem to depict a larger boat
carrying cargo and prisoners (Makowski 2006:10-11) is not a strong argument
against the existence and use of complex boats.

Conclusion
Reed boats and Crescent boats, as two representations of a single specific
type of marine vessel capable of transporting cargo, prisoners and/or liquid
containers, is possible. However the characteristics and activities are quite
distinctive from previous representations. It is also clear that both reed boats
and crescent boats are part of the same context of transporting blood
offerings to/from the islands where they will be engaged in a larger ritual of
sacrifice or burial.
It is also clear that most of the ceremonies, rituals and objects depicted
in Moche iconography have a real counterpart that has been found over the
last two decades, suggesting that reed boats could be found in the
archaeological record. Secondary data (Bawden 1996:75,77,79,101-102)
other sources suggests firstly, that fishing communities were particularly
separate from other groups, keeping their own identity and costums and
secondly, that the reed boat tradition was related to Moche rituals and
12

Guano is the excrement of seabirds and seals found in the offshore islands of the Peruvian
coast. It is an effective fertilizer due to its high levels of phosphorus and nitrogen (Shimada
1994:45-46)
13
El Niño events is a frequent long-term impact event that commence in Christmas season
involving drastic changes in the marine environment of the Andean cost. Is a disruption of the
prevailing currents and associated climatic conditions. This change can devastate the marine
life interrupting the normal flow of nutrients and microorganism that support the prolific
Peruvian coastal food chain. The phenomenon also affects the land by heavy precipitations;
this brings several flooding’s causing widespread destruction (Bawden 1996:58).

7

�replaced by a northern balsa log raft tradition as well. Therefore looking for
reed boats in burials has proved to be the wrong approach to the problem.
Consequently, it would be feasible to find archaeological evidence of reed
boats closer to the shore and islands, either on land or underwater. In that
sense it would be likely to find archaeological evidence close to the main site
where the reed boat depictions come from, and also where Moche presence
has been reported in offshore islands. Moreover, it would be necessary to
cross-reference with information such as sea currents and possible ports to
identify a possible navigational route.

Bibliography
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2004
Bourget, S.,
2005

Bawden, G.,
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Bawden, G.,
2004
Castillo, L.,
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"The Art of Moche Politics", in (ed) Helaine Silverman,
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Cordy–Collins, A.,
"La sacerdotisa y la Ostra: Queda resuelto el enigma
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"Noche Masking Traditions", in (eds) Steve Bourget
2008
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Donnan, C.B., and "Excavaciones de tumbas de sacerdotisas moche en
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�Donnan, C.B., and Moche Fineline Painting: Its evolution and Its Artists,
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Hocquenghem,
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Makowski, K.,
"Orígenes Rituales de la Navegación en el Perú", in
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McClelland, D.,
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M.E. Moseley, A. Cordy - Collins, (Organizers) M.
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9

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                <text>Navigation in pre-Hispanic times in the Andean region has been a topic of discussion among researchers for years. Different sources of information lead us to believe that at least one type of marine craft was in use and involved in long distance trade at the arrival of the Spaniards. However, the debate surrounding earlier periods is stronger due to the lack of evidence in archaeological records. Most evidence consists of iconographic or sculptural depictions on pottery; wall friezes; and, ultimately, references gathered by chroniclers â€“ but not a single remain of any kind of vessel.&#13;
&#13;
This situation has lead researchers to believe that marine crafts like the â€œCaballito de Totoraâ€ (â€œreed horseâ€) were just simpler tools without any further development. However, one particular type of watercraft represented in the Moche iconography apparently contradicts this idea, the â€œreed boatâ€. Moche fine line paintings portray this particular type of vessel, which differs from the traditional â€œreed horseâ€ vessel, and seems to be capable of holding considerable cargo and occupants. Although the use of totora constitutes the oldest tradition for constructing rafts and boats along the coast and in the Titicaca region, unfortunately, as mentioned above, there is no evidence of such rafts or boats in the archaeological record apart from the iconographic depictions.&#13;
&#13;
In spite of this, we suggest that â€œreed boatsâ€ represented a real boat just as other real Moche characters were represented in their iconography, such as the â€œLord of Sipanâ€ or â€œThe Priestesses of San Jose de Moroâ€. Moreover the reed boats were a technological innovation, which filled particular needs to perform rituals in times of ecological distress and to procure certain sumptuary items.&#13;
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                    <text>The methods of experimental archaeology apply in the
reconstuctions of ship remains, the Ganzeng Warship Case
Xu Lu1 and Jia Hao2

Abstract
As one of the most important instruments of production in ancient time, ships are a complicated and systematic
carrier. To study their uses one could broach the subjects of naval architecture, art of seamanship, fishing
production, social function of trade and navy, and its anthropological meaning as a special settlement3. With
respect to naval architecture our study divided it into the following: shipform, structure and principle of design.
The method of experimental archaeology ship-reconstructions first in the late half of the last century in
Europe. Initial endowment by the Danish National Research Foundation reconstructed a Viking ship. This
methodology involves archeology, ancient documentation, and ethno-archaeological investigation of the same
culture-tradition of shipbuilding. In this way, ancient ships can be restituted, rebuilt, and understood.

—A.D.220). This

Chinese junks had adopted the bamboo strip sail in the Western Han dynasty (B.C.206

tool was still in use in the Early Qing Dynasty (1644-1799) as evidenced by the Ganzeng warship. However,
archaeologists have not found tangible evidence and are unclear on its structure and manufacturing methods.
Nautical archaeology had never carried out an experiment on replica and reconstruction according to
ancient navigation environment perspectives. The reconstruction of Ganzeng warship from the Early Qing
Dynasty was based on the study of historic documents, integrated with methods of ship design and building
traditions acquired from the ethnographical field work in Fujian province. This was the first full scale
experimental anthropology reconstruction project in China. the design principle and method began with the
preliminary sorting of the modular system of construction that was largely based on the study of the transverse
watertight bulkhead, mast base structure, and the axis helm that can lift and swing bamboo strip sail.
From this project we concluded that experimental reconstruction of ship remains is the only effective
means to preserve the Chinese junk heritage. Furthermore, in this paper we introduce the use of modern
technology and research tools used in experimental archaeology of ship remains.

Key words: experimental archaeology, reconstruction sailing ship, ship remain, Ganzeng,
naval architecture.

1

Chinese Sailing Junk Expedition Society, Xiamen, P.R.China 361005

2

School of History, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, P.R.China 100875

3

Eric Rieth, 2006. Epaves, Archeologie Sous-Marine Et Histoire De L’architecture Navale. Histoire,
Archeologie Et Societe Confererces Academiques Franco-Chinoises, Ecole francaise d’Extreme-Orient
Centre, Beijing, Cabier No 13, pp. 1-20.
1

�1. Preface
The encyclopaedia Heavenly Creation 4 (1637) has a chapter on naval architecture. The
author Songyingxing divided the vessels into sea-going, river and other craft according to
their environment. These classifications have been followed until now. In the book he
elaborated parts on usage and navigation environments of ship, shipform and building
procedure, design principle and modular proportion, design and manipulation of sail and
helm, form and usage of anchor, sealant, rigging, log material and so on. Those have made
the book the most systematic work of naval architecture of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)
and the decoding norms for traditional sailing junks till now.
This study only focuses on sea-going junks. By the 21st century ancient Chinese sailing
junks had disappeared, their memory only retained through studies in nautical archaeology,
historic documents, the craftsmen traditions of shipbuilding, models and the odd
recently-built traditional ships. The surmise of only four kinds of shipforms (ie. Shachuan,
Niaochuan, Fuchuan, and Guangchuan) is incomplete and further study is required.

Figure 1. Ganzeng style warship recorded in the middle of 18th century (Anonymous).
4

Song Yingxing, 2002. Heavenly Creations(Tian-Gong-Kai-Wu) in Sequel to Si-Ku-Quan-Shu, Zi radical, 1637,
reprint Shanghai Ancient Books Press, Shanghai.
2

�2. Experimental archaeology
2.1 Conception and origins
"Experimental Archaeology: The systematic approach used to test, evaluate and explicate
method, technique, assumption, hypothesis and theories at any and all levels of
archaeological research" (Ingersoll 1977).
The field of experimental archaeology can generally be divided into four categories:
controlled replication of recovered artifacts or known activities; testing the validity of
methodological assumptions by applying them to known data or results; "contextual"; and
ethnographic data. Experimental archaeology can also be described by using these
questions: What was ancient man doing? Why? How? These questions can be answered in
many different ways.
“Experimental

archaeology employs a number of different methods, techniques, analyses,

and approaches in order to generate and test hypotheses, based upon archaeological source
material, like ancientstructure or artifacts” (Mathieu 2002).
One of the main forms of experimental archaeology is the creation of copies of historical
structures using only historically accurate technologies. This is sometimes known as
reconstruction archaeology.
2.2 Reconstruction experiment of ship remains
The reconstruction experiment of ship remains chooses an original prototype from the
historical documents, sets proper design and procedure application of the original tools and
materials, copies the similar environment, reconstructs the replica, manipulates the replica
under the similar navigation circumstances, and finally verifies and explains the set prototype.
Followed the technical logic during all the procedures of building and voyage, previous
conclusions need to be retested and re-evaluated, and sometimes previous hypothesis could
be re-written. Or at least some possibilities of the unsettled questions could be expelled at
the same time.
Although experimental methods are not yet fully approved as scientific method in the
European archaeology discipline be cause of the absence of common standards and
untenable evidence. In nautical archaeology this method could be the most effective way to
assemble all the information from shipwrecks, documents, interviews, models and operating
ships, while also being the most effective in verification and preservation of the historical
prototype.
There are distinct differences between the experiments and other replicas. Firstly, the
former are strictly document studies. Secondly, choosing the appropriate historical objects as
prototype. The experiment replica could be ships with the ability to sail, proportionate models,
specific sections or tools, or the clarify shipwrecks.

3. Reconstruction experiment of Ganzeng warship of early Qing dynasty
Our team chose to conduct the experimental project on the Ganzeng warship of the Early
Qing Dynasty based on evidence available in nautical and historical archaeology. The inital
3

�study of historical documents revealed multiple examples of European depictions of Fujian
boats, these included:
• The two large-scale trader in Zhujiang River printed by Netherlandish armada
commanded by Cornelis Matelief de Jonghes5. The illustrations of side plate, gangway,
deck castle, bamboo matting sail were particular for studies.
• A middle 17th century, collection of Berlin Etnologisches Museum was the earliest
meticulous color image of Fujian style junks6.
• William Alexander’s colour images are the earliest and the best realistic portrayals of
Fujian style junks available to us today7.
We also studied Chinese historical documents and drawings from which we gained
examples of shipforms during the reigns of Emperors Kangxi (1662-1722), Yongzheng
(1723-1735) and Qilong (1736-1795). They were shrunk into medium(length over all under
30 meters) or small scales (length over all under 20 meters). The drawings largely consisted
of double mast forms of warships and traders, with the majority of drawings being of single
masted fishing boats. In and after the Jiaqing reign shipforms expanded. Examples include
the Tongan Suochuan8 and Guangting warships of three masts. During the reign of Emperor
Daoguang (1821-1850) large numbers of traders emerged with three masts. We believe the
Ganzeng warship originated from the fishing junk of the Fujian and Zhejiang coast of the late
Ming Dynasty (1600-1644). At the time it may have had a secondary use in trade.
The first record of Ganzeng mentioned in Conquest Memoir9 by an official historian of
Zheng Chenggong armed force named Yangyin in 1658, he mentioned that Zheng’s Navy
dispatched a Ganzeng to salvage an European heavy cannon from a wrecked warship in
Jieyang port (South-east of Guangdong Province). The first record found describing it as a
warship is the 1664 August entry of East China Memoir10, written by Jiang Liangqi. In 1688
the ship served in the Fujian Navy to quard the coast of China. The final historical record is of
an equipment list of the national navy, from the time of Emperor Guangxi's reign (1881).
The first illustration of Ganzeng warship could be found in The Navy Abstract11 written by
the east Guangdong regional commander Chen Liangshi during the reign of Emperor Kangxi.
In the book, 14 kinds of seaman position, numbers of each kind, and the post requirements
were firstly founded. It was the first document that explained the design principle and main
modular system based on the length of main beam.
The Taiwan Conversation by Writing12 was written by Huang Shujing between the years
5

6

7

This printing was cited by Isaac Commelin,1646. Beginning and Ending of the Dutch-East Company,
Amsterdam.
Anonymous, middle 17th century. The Island of Formosa, painted on parchment, collection of Berlin
Ethnologisches Museum.
William Alexander and George Henry Mason, 1988. Views of 18th Century China Costumes,History, Custom.

1796, reprint Portland House, New York.
Jiang Youxian, 1817. Memorial to the throne with picture, 38cm×35cm, collection of The National Palace
Museum, Taibei.
9
Yangyin, 1958. Conquest Memoir(Cong-Zheng-Shi-Lu), 1658, reprint Economic Academe of Taiwan Business
Bank, Taibei.
10
Jiang Liangqi, 2000. East China Memoir (Dong-Hua-Lu), 1664 reprint Xueyuan Press, Beijing.
11
Chen Liangshi, 2002. The Navy Abstract (Shui Shi Ji Yao), later 17th century, reprint Shanghai Ancient
8

12

Books Publishing House, Shanghai.
Huang Shujing, 1957. The Taiwan Conversation by Writing (Chi Kan Bi Tan), early 18th century, reprint
4

�of the Emperors Kangxi to Yongzheng. Shujing was the first imperial senior government
official in Taiwan during the Qing Dynasty. He used mandarin tongue to record and explain
the dialect of about 100 details of the ship construction, recording materials, quantities and
specifications needed to build the Ganzeng warship.
In 1731 a Guangdong general named Cai Tianlue stated to the emperor the Ganzeng’s
details of dimensions and materials. In the statement he included the depth of the hulk, the
upper width and the lower width of watertight hulk measured by a Luban ruler13.
All the evidence from the three documents mentioned above provided us with a practical
base to conduct our reconstruction experiment. We had detailed information including
principle of design, modulus system, main unit data, material data, and measures.
The five historical documents that recorded units dimensions, two of them with detailed
illustrations, are: The Illustrated Manual Of Instruction In Shipbuilding For The Navy Of Fujian
Province (Figure 1)14, Cai Tianlue’ memorial to the throne, The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea
Going Warships15, The Regius Formula of Jiangsu River and Sea Going Warships 16, and
The Illustrated of Shandong Dengzhou Naval Ganzeng warjunk17. Among the documents,
The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships had the most complete records of 17
Ganzeng’s specifications and a detailed list of the amounts and costs of materials used for
the construction (Table 1). In our experiment, we used this document as the main base data,
and considered the others as complements.
Table.1 The key dimensions of all sizes of Fujian Ganzeng warships
Number Qty Length of deck
Beam
Deep of hold Cabin

13

Liminary

3

22.2 m

5.61 m

21

Chap.1

5

13.8 m

3.96 m

1.29 m

15

Chap.2

2

16.2 m

4.71 m

1.60 m

16

Chap.3

4

15.0 m

4.38 m

1.46 m

16

Chap.4

9

16.5 m

4.71 m

1.60 m

16

Chap.5

14

17.1 m

4.86 m

1.60 m

16

Chap.6

8

18.6 m

5.01 m

1.66 m

17

Chap.7

3

19.5 m

5.52 m

1.84 m

18

Economic Academe of Taiwan Business Bank, Taibei.
Cai Tianlue,1989. Memorial to the throne about Zhejiang province’s Ganzeng warships, 1731, reprint Jiangsu
Ancient Book Press, Nanjing. Luban ruler is a Chinese yardstick to length named with the fonder of capenter

in ancient legend and widely used by traditional Fujian shipwright till now, 1 Luban’s foot is about 0.3 metres.
Anonymous, middle 18th century. The Illustrated Manual Of Instruction In Shipbuilding For The Navy of
Fujian Province (Min Sheng Shui Shi Ge Biao Zhen Xie Ying Zhan Shao Chuan Zhi Tu Ji) , manuscript.
15
Anonymous, 2002. The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships (Qin Ding Fu Jian Sheng Wai Hai
14

Zhan Chuan Ze Li), 1768, woodblock edition. reprint Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, Shanghai.
16

Anonymous, 1719. The Regius Formula of Jiangsu River and Sea Going Warships (Qin Ding Jiang Su Sheng
Wai Hai Zhan Chuan Ze Li), collected by The National Science library, Beijing.

17

Anonymous, middle Qing Dynasty. The Illustrated of Shandong Dengzhou Naval Ganzeng warjunk,
66cm×55cm, collected by The National Science library, Beijing.
5

�……
Chap.16

3

25.8 m

6.39 m

2.37 m

22

Chap.17

9

24 m

6.24 m

2.18 m

22

3.1 Reconstruction design
Stage 1
Based on above studies of historical documents, and considering the difficulty of experiment
and financials, we chose Qing 8 of Taiwan Navy recorded in Chapter 1 of The Regius
Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships, the length of deck 13.8 metre Ganzeng warjunk as
the original ship, and applied the reconstruction design steps as follows:
• Step 1: Listed all the units of 17 sizes according to The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea
Going Warships, and compared the list of Chapter 1 Ganzeng to other sizes. We got a
supplement list of Chapter 1 Ganzeng from the compare (Table 2), which was hold to
testify or modify used above mention other historical documents later.
Table.2 The specification of Chapter 1 Fujian Ganzeng warship
Main measurement

•

•

•

•

Length of deck

13.80 m Beam of middle bottom

3.06 m

High sheer forward

1.20 m

Length of tail

3.60 m

High sheer tail

0.9 m

Beam of tail deck

3.78 m

Length of fore ship

5.40 m

Beam of tail bottom

2.82 m

Beam of forship deck

2.64 m

Length of top-side plank

15.78 m

Beam of forship bottom 2.40 m

Height of top-sideplank

1.20m

Length of middle

4.80 m

Cabin

15

Beam of middle deck

3.96 m

Deep of hold

1.29 m

Step 2: Distinguished and sorted every component of the list according to the
illustrations of The Illustrated Manual Of Instruction In Shipbuilding For The Navy Of
Fujian Province and the explanations of The Navy Abstract and The Taiwan
Conversation.
Step 3: The uncertain components and units were questioned in interviews conducted
in the field investigation of traditional shipbuilding sites in Fujian, and the explanations
were compared. The accordant explanations were accepted and the inconsistent ones
were held for further tests.
Step 4: The main technical parameters like thickness of bottom plates were sent to the
master of craftsmen, and confirmed that the parameters were almost the same as the
tradition of the master. The traditional Luban ruler was used as the measurement tool,
whose 1 Luban’s foot (chi) was equal to 0.3 metres.
Step 5: The complex list was sorted to five systems including configuration system,
drive system, directional system, anchor system, decoration system. Then converted
6

�to a new List of The Specifications Of Components &amp; Materials, including 977 wood
parts and 27 metal parts, nailed with 17886 nails, and sealed with a mixture of 686
kilograms of shell ash, 276.5 kilograms of tung oil, 223.5 kilograms of net, 223.5
kilograms of bamboo fibers.
• Step 6: The new list was handed to four teams for reconstruction detail design. The
four teams were Fangshijian from Fuzhou, Hongzhigang from Hui’an, Chenfangcai
and Chenrongliang from Jinjiang, Kongbinghuan and Xuxihui from Dongshan. All the
teams are traditional shipbuilding specialists in Fujian.
The design principle was to match all the units of the new list neatly to the traditional way
and without any pieces remaining. The construction was based on the functions of main units
and systems and was in the accordance with the documents and field investigations.
stage 2
Compared four of the above mentioned ancient documents with three newly found
documents: the Cai Tianlue’ memorial to the throne, The Regius Formula of Jiangsu River
and Sea Going Warships, and The Illustrated of Shandong Dengzhou Naval Ganzeng
warjunk. For prototypes we chose the length of deck at 22.2 m, based on the primary chapter
of The Regius Formula of Fujian Sea Going Warships, and 21.9 m deck length, from chapter
11. Then organized List of The Specifications of Components &amp; Materials and designed
models.
3.2 Full scale reconstruction
In 2007 the building of a full scale reconstruction began. The team from Jinjiang
reconstructed the ship based on chapter 1 Ganzeng warship, length of deck 13.8 m, which
followed the traditional shipbuilding. The teams of Fuzhou, Hui’an and Dongshan were
technical support, the Longhai team painted, and the Zhaoan team finailized adjustments
after the trial voyage.
The reason of this prototype chosen was that it was the smallest one in the 17 sizes.
Thus the expense was relatively small, and the dangerous factor of the voyage was relatively
small too. The reconstruction ship was named Princess Taiping.
The procedure of building ancient sea-going sailing junks is rarely found in the historical
documents. And there have been many discussions between shell-first and frame-first
design. The transverse watertight bulkhead, the most characteristic structure of Chinese
sailing junk，is a frame-first system. The reconstruction’s procedure was carried out as
illustrated (Figure 2):

Figure 2. The sequence of construction.

7

�3.3 Testing and improvement
The trial voyage from Shenhu to Xiamen was carried out during January to April of 2008
(Figure 3). The results of the voyage showed the Princess Taiping sailed at an average
speed of 6 knots without wind with good stability but it had visible transverse drift, an issue in
most Chinese sailing junks.
The Princess Taiping entailed bamboo matting sails. The fabrication of bamboo matting
was still mastered by several craftsmen along the Fujian coast18. We had no study of the
manipulation technique of bamboo mattging sail so we used the cloth sail dyed by Dioscorea
cirrhosa Lour. This was not in accordance with the historical prototype.

Figure 3. Princess Taiping (Photo by Qiao Yang).

4. Modeling technology
4.1 Classification and cognition
A three-dimensional reference frame could be set to classify the complex Chinese sailing
18

Xu Lu, 2006. The investigation on the traditions of naval architecture along Fujian coast.
8

�junks, which set time as the first coordinate axis, use space as the second one, and apply
usage as the third axis. In this reference frame, every one of the warships, traders, fishers
and ambassador ships from different time and space will find their own place. For certain
ship forms the classification system of the Ming Dynasty’s encyclopedia of Heavenly
Creations may be feasible. Every ship part and components in the classification should be
tested in the field investigations and compared with the study of antique ships. The shapes,
the positions, the functions and the behaviors of these parts should be observed on the spot,
and recorded on the voyage.
4.2 Suppositional three-dimensional model
Photoshop software and Illustration software are applied to produce the joint picture and
vectorgraph of the shipmodel. Then 3dmax software was applied to create models of the ship
units and whole ship. We first used this method of a three-dimensional model on the last
traditional sailing junk built in Jinhuaxing in 2004, followed by the Ganzeng warship build in
2006 (Figure 4).

Figure 4. 3D Components of Fujian Ganzeng warship.

9

�5. Conclusions and discussions
5.1 Conclusions
Although shipwreck archaeology has very few cases of Chinese sea-going junks, many clues
can be found in historical documents. Furthermore, the majority of sailing junks still voyaged
in the middle of 20th century so the last traditional shipbuilding craftsmen are still alive. When
we applied experimental archaeology methods to ship remains study, a distinctive prototype
could be selected and craftsmen found to build the traditional design. The Ganzeng
reconstruction therefore applied traditional technology with steps that trace back to the old
building procedures.
The structure of transverse watertight bulkhead was the most important character of all
Chinese sailing junks, and watertight bulkhead was the soul structure in this project. The
mixture sealant of tung oil and ashes, Chinese rugging sails, the axis ruddle that can swing
and lift, the leeboard, and scull were inventions of ancient Chinese sailing junks19.
As far as the choice of wood is concerned, a kind of natural fir tree Cunninghamia lanceolata
(Lamb.)Hook from Fujian a mountainous area was normally used for the parts of a ship’s
shell that have direct contact with the sea, such as the keel (longgu), bottom, shuishe
(literally water snake), and zouma (literally running horse), the deck and transverses
(gecangban, literally cabin-separating boards), and natural small-leaf camphor for other parts
of the body such as cangliang zhuo (base of cabin beams) liangtou (beam-end) and gecang
fuqiang (cabin-separating strengtheners). For the rudder and anchor which required harder
material, kundian wood, which was grown in Guangdong and Southeast Asia was used.
Wood for the mast was the most carefully selected, natural fir trees from Fujian aged 80 or
more were generally used. The craftsmen constructed the ships with the traditional
techniques and tools. The aim of the reconstruction experiment is to reveal the technical logic
of historical prototypes with similar techniques and environments.
Reconstruction experimental archaeology is an effective method to study history. The
replica will be on the trial voyage in same circumstance as it would have historically. Any
baseless conjecture must be expelled, quantitative investigations and tangible evidences
must be applied, as ship form essentially was the reflection of its wooden structure. This kind
of historical study should be based on concrete practice rather than soely on documentation
studies, and should avoid in interfusion by knowledge of modern naval architecture as a
result like previous Zhenghe treasure ship study20.
Modular systems are an important and traditional method in naval architecture. Modular
system use the length of the keel or deck beam as the base structure. The Ganzeng
reconstruction applied this system. This kind of traditional design uses lengths instead of
angles as the measurement, which embodies the character of Chinese old math. The
principle and method of design can not be understood until all the modulus are grasped. This
is the essence of the technical logic in Chinese shipbuilding.
The only way to preserve traditional technique is to conduct it. Reconstruction of ship
remains is the rescue solution of heritage preservation. The rise of tourism at the sea may
19

Xu Lu, 2006. The Naval Architecture of Ancient Fujian Style Sailing Junks, an Overview.

20

Chen Yanhang, Yang Qiuping, Chen Xiao, 1986. A Study For The Peplica Of Zheng He’s Treasure Ship. Ship
History Studies, Vol. 1986 (2).
10

�open a new space for the need of Chinese traditional sailboat. At the same time the resource
of craftsmen continues.
5.2 Discussions
Reconstruction of ship remains must be based on archaeological and historical evidences,
integrated with methods of ship design and building acquired from ethnographic field work in
traditional shipbuilding centres. The organization of all the resultant studies is the important
part of reconstruction experiments. Some academic studies collect and sort domestic
navigation documents of Chinese history, however the documents scattered in libraries and
museums aboard have been neglected. To improve the effectiveness of retrievers and
studies a visual database of documents organized by database including images and
available on the internet need to be created. Classification could be according to use, time,
region and type.
Unlike shipbuilding of other indigenous areas, Chinese shipbuilding traditions changed
little through time, and the last capable traditional shipbuilders are still alive. Western
classifying studies of Chinese sailboats in the early of 20th century are just based on field
investigations and interviews with the successors of traditional naval architecture. Projects
need promptly undertake field investigation, with the case of the Manchuria railway being a
precise and standard model of these studies.
The terminology of traditional shipbuilding and navigation is usually passed on orally, and so
are not always recorded in documents, and now some of have no equivalent word.
Furthermore, the meanings of the words have changed through time and place. This
continues to puzzel both Chinese and Western scholars21. Through the interviews we can
distinguish the dialect, this must be the first step to syncronizing traditional andmodern-day
terms. And the glossary of Chinese terms relevant to traditional Fujian junk should be
authorized and translated to English and other languages for better communication.
Besides the basic works mentioned above, the index of drawings, photos and models of
traditional Chinese sailing junks need to be done, with the documents stored aboard copied
and sorted. For example, the neglected series drawings made in Guangzhou in 19th century
collected by Victoria and Albert Museum are the best illustrations of Western scholar’s
classification. The scripts of François-Edmond Pâris22, Louis Audemard23, Etienne Sigaut24,
Barbosa Carmona25 still have no Chinese versions, and some of them even have no English
versions. These translation works are urgently needed.
21

There is an old adage in Fujian province that “Master of a particular shipyard builds ships exclusive to that
shipyard.” Even in southern Fujian and speak idiographic Minnan dialect, different township have their own
glossary system.

22
23

Musee de la Marine, 1992. Le voyage de la Favorite. Paris.
L.Audemard, 1957,1959,1960,1962,1963,1965,1969,1970a,1970b. Les Jonques Chinoises, (10 volumes),

Museum voor Land- en Volkenkund en Maritiem Museum Prins Hendrik, Rptterdam.
Etienne Sigaut (1887-1983) spent more than thirty years in China to investigate South Chinese junks since
1911, his manuscript and sketch however, have never been published and remain in National Maritime
Museum of France.
25
Artur Leonel Barbosa Carmona, 1990. Lorchas,Juncos E outros Barcos no sul da China, repaint Museu e
24

Centro de Estudos Maritimos de Macau.
11

�The current experimental reconstruction project is the replica of a 10 meter length, later
19th century to early 20th century, Fujian style sea-going sailing junk. The original ship came
from the manuscript on Junk-building of the Zheng Family of Haicheng in Zhangzhou in early
Republican Period (1937). The detailed redesign was made by an 88 year-old master
shipbuilder named Zheng Liangzhao. We aim to reconstruct this double-masted sailing junk
for a trial voyage so as to grasp the sail manipulation methods and the navigation techniques
which unavailable in any documents.

Bibliography
Alexander,W.,
Mason, G.,
1988
Anonymous.,
middle 18th
century
Anonymous.,
2002

Views of 18th Century China Costumes,History, Custom.
1796, reprint Portland House, New York.

The Illustrated Manual Of Instruction In Shipbuilding For The
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13

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History and Current Trends of Underwater Archaeology around East Asia</text>
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                <text>As one of the most important instruments of production in ancient time, ships are a complicated and systematic carrier. To study their uses one could broach the subjects of naval architecture, art of seamanship, fishing production, social function of trade and navy, and its anthropological meaning as a special settlement . With respect to naval architecture our study divided it into the following: shipform, structure and principle of design.&#13;
&#13;
The method of experimental archaeology ship-reconstructions first in the late half of the last century in Europe. Initial endowment by the Danish National Research Foundation reconstructed a Viking ship. This methodology involves archeology, ancient documentation, and ethno-archaeological investigation of the same culture-tradition of shipbuilding. In this way, ancient ships can be restituted, rebuilt, and understood. &#13;
&#13;
Chinese junks had adopted the bamboo strip sail in the Western Han dynasty (B.C.206â€”A.D.220). This tool was still in use in the Early Qing Dynasty (1644-1799) as evidenced by the Ganzeng warship. However, archaeologists have not found tangible evidence and are unclear on its structure and manufacturing methods.&#13;
&#13;
Nautical archaeology had never carried out an experiment on replica and reconstruction according to ancient navigation environment perspectives. The reconstruction of Ganzeng warship from the Early Qing Dynasty was based on the study of historic documents, integrated with methods of ship design and building traditions acquired from the ethnographical field work in Fujian province. This was the first full scale experimental anthropology reconstruction project in China. the design principle and method began with the preliminary sorting of the modular system of construction that was largely based on the study of the transverse watertight bulkhead, mast base structure, and the axis helm that can lift and swing bamboo strip sail. &#13;
&#13;
From this project we concluded that experimental reconstruction of ship remains is the only effective means to preserve the Chinese junk heritage. Furthermore, in this paper we introduce the use of modern technology and research tools used in experimental archaeology of ship remains.&#13;
&#13;
Key words: experimental archaeology, reconstruction sailing ship, ship remain, Ganzeng, naval architecture. Xu Lu&#13;
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                    <text>Underwater Archaeology in México: From the Bottom of
the Sea to the Crater of a Volcano
Pilar Luna Erreguerena

Abstract
Over thirty years, underwater archaeology division at Mexico’s National Institute of Anthropology
and History (INAH) has gone through diverse stages and fulfilled assorted projects in marine
waters, in cenotes (sinkholes) and inundates caves, at the lagoons in the crater of a volcano, and in
a beach in Baja California searching for the remains of a Manila Galleon cargo. Amazing
discoveries include bones of extinct animals, skeletons and ashes dating from more than ten
thousand years ago, hundreds of pre-Hispanic Maya skulls, and shipwrecks ranging from the 16th
to the 21st centuries. Since the beginning national and international collaboration has been the key.
Being part of the group of experts who worked for the elaboration of the text of the 2001
UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage paved the way for
Mexico being one of the first State Parties in ratifying this Convention; this also led to become one
of the initial group that integrated the Scientific and Technical Advisory Body (STAB). Instruments
like the Convention and the ICOMOS International Charter on the Protection and Management of
Underwater Cultural Heritage are crucial in helping to win the battle against the permanent pressure
of treasure hunter groups in countries like Mexico, which has a leading role as pioneer in the
protection of the underwater cultural heritage and the development of underwater archaeology in
Latin America. Together with UNESCO, INAH Mexico organized in 2010 the course “Research and
Management in Underwater and Maritime Archaeology”, in which 27 specialists from 14 countries of
Latin America and the Caribbean participated. The future looks promising for this region.

Introduction
Over the span of thirty one years, Mexico’s underwater archaeological division at
the InstitutoNacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH, National Institute of
Anthropology and History),has gone through several stages and fulfilled a myriad
of projects in diverse sites such as marine waters,cenotesor sinkholes, lagoons
insidethe crater of a volcano at 4,200 meters above sea leveland in a beach of
Baja California,searching for the remains of a Manila Galleon. Mexico is a country
with a rich past andabundant cultural heritage along its seas, rivers, lakes, springs,
and also in the thousands of water bodies spread in the Yucatan Peninsula. All
this, a valuable testimony of what human beings are capable of achieving in order
to live, to communicate with other lands, worship their deities and express
themselves through art.
In February 2011, Mexican underwater archaeology celebrated 31 years
ofresearch, preservation, conservation and sharing through diverse means what
the waters have kept for over more than 10,000 years. Since its creation in
February 1980, INAH’s underwater archaeology division decided to undertake
projects with a multidisciplinary, multi-institutional, and international cooperation
approach. With the support of Dr. George F. Bass, considered the “father of
underwater archaeology in the world” and Dr. Donald H. Keith, both from the
Institute of Nautical Archaeology at that time, Mexican archaeologists began to
learn how to do archaeology in a new way. Since then, national and international
collaboration has been the key.

�Obviously, at first in Mexico we were land archaeologists. Going from
surface to underwater archaeology is not an easy thing. Research topics can be
unique and quite different from those investigated on land. Underwater projects
happen in a completely different environment to ours, which entails certain
challenges. Besides the fact that archaeologists cannot go to the site as often as in
land, or remain there as much time to fulfill tasks, there are challenging
circumstanceslike treacherous currents, dangerous animals, and diving accidents
among others.It is worth pointing out, that underwater archaeology in Mexico
hasfocusedprimarily on the location and recording of sites, as well as the analysis
of objects in context. In some cases, sample pits and trenches have been
excavated, but no thoroughexcavation project has been undertaken yet.

First Projects
The first underwater projects in Mexico took place between 1980 and 1990 in the
Gulf of Mexico, the Caribbean and in a spring located in the state of San Luis
Potosí, central Mexico.The story began in 1979, in the Cayo Nuevo Reef, Gulf of
Mexico,where two sites dating from the 16th and 18th centuries, were
discoveredthanks to a report from two American sport divers. A cannon engraved
with the year 1552 was identified as the oldest bronze cannon ever recovered in
the Western Hemisphere (Luna Erreguerena1982), and nowadaysexhibited in the
Museo de San José el Alto, in Campeche City.This was a fortunate event,as it
helped to push INAH’s authorities to finally take the decision to create an
underwater archaeology department within the Institute.From then on, we have had
the invaluable support of Mexican institutions and individuals, as well as many
colleagues from the United States, Canada, the Cayman Islands, and more
recently, from Argentina, England and Spain. All of them have become part of a
wonderful and supportive team who has played, and continues to do so, a
significant role in the development of Mexican underwater archaeology.
After the project in the Gulf of Mexico, in 1981 and 1982 we carried out a
combined underwater and land archaeology project at the Media Luna Spring,
where abundant pre-historic and pre-Hispanic materials were recorded, in spite of
the fact that it has been continuously looted since the 1950’s.In 1984, the
Caribbean gave us the opportunity to do experimental archaeology.After being
contacted by Michael Creamer, an American captain living in Isla Mujeres, we
decided to attemptto confirm his hypothesisthat El Castillo (The Castle), the main
structure in the archaeological site of Tulum, Quintana Roo, was used as
a“lighthouse” in pre-Columbian times, but also as a warning system. In his report,
Creamer refers that Sabloff and Rathje “based their conclusion on Spanish
accounts of the Maya lighting fires atop the towers as beacons to warn the island’s
inhabitant of invasion” (Creamer 1984).
In order to demonstrate this, two archaeologists climbed to the upper part of
El Castillo with two gas lamps, while the rest of the team was in a boat navigating
towards the beach. In the exact moment that the light of the first gas lamp was
visible through one of the two small windows in the structure, the boat prepared to
turn, and immediately after the second light appeared through the other window,

�the boat was able to enter safely through a natural cut in the reef (Luna
Erreguerena1982). The experiment was a success, and it has been repeated twice
since then: in 1998 for Discovery Channel and in 2009 for History Channel.It
helped to demonstrate that Maya structures along the coast of Quintana Roo were
used as navigational aids,a fact that is corroborated by the modern lighthouses
built quite near some of these ancient structures (Luna Erreguerena 1982).
During the 2009 recreation, it was also proved that El Castillo served as a
navigational aid not only when the artificial lights are seen from a boat at sea
through the two small windows in the upper part, but also when the sun light can
be seen from the two windows located in the lower part of this Maya structure,
which does not have a roof. Today, thanks to this discoveryfishermen and
navigators in the area use this system to go in and out of the reef in total
confidence. This is a modest example of how archaeology, a social science, can
bring social benefits.
The last project, in what we call the first stage of Mexican underwater
archaeology, took place in 1990 at the Chitales Reef, off Cancún, in the southeast
part of Mexico, with the support of Dr. Donald H. Keith and the team fromShips of
Exploration and Discovery Research, based in Texas. This was a multidisciplinary
project aimed at documenting a 16th century shipwreck, in which biologists from
the Universidad NacionalAutónoma de México (UNAM, National Autonomous
University of Mexico) worked shoulder-to-shoulder with archaeologists. Once the
excavation area had been determined, biologists collected all living corals and
replanted them when the archaeological work was finished. They monitored the
site over a year, until the area recovered. One of our goals is to respect and protect
the natural heritage in which cultural heritage is immersed.

Renewed or Die
As mentioned before, the transition from land to underwater archaeology is not an
easy task.By 1992, most of our few archaeologists had decided to go back to their
terrestrial projects.This was a turning point for Mexican underwater archaeology
suddenly threatened to disappear. However, if one is able to see that whenever a
door closes another one opens up, things keep on flowing.In 1994, the first master
level course on underwater archaeology was taught in Mexico with a field school in
the Caribbean.Thirty professors from Mexico, the United States and Canada
participated in the six-month course, and twenty archaeology and conservation
students, graduated rekindling the fire of the discipline in Mexico.

The 1630-1631 New Spain Fleet
Then, in 1995, the big door opened for us: INAH’s Department of Underwater
Archaeology was promoted to a vice directorate and the most ambitious project
ever fulfilled began to take shape: the investigation of the New Spain Fleet that lost
several of its ships in the Gulf of Mexico during a storm in 1631, while on route to
Havana bound for Spain as final destination. Fleets, created in the 16th century,

�were in some way an extension of the Spanish empire that traveled to a different
continent but were ruled by the same laws (Trejo Rivera 2003: 22).
Intense research on archives took place in Mexico, Spain and Cuba.
Documents and maps from the 17th century were consulted, analyzed, and
transcribed. After months of dedication to this endeavor, an area was selected in
the Sound of Campeche, Gulf of Mexico, to start looking for the fleet’s vessels lost
during the storm, mainly one of the two flagships,NuestraSeñora del Juncal (Luna
Erreguerena2008: 57).The first field season took place in 1997.In sixteen days of
survey, 24 sites were located and recorded. The discovery of these sites led us to
create a parallel project: the Inventory and Diagnosis of Submerged Cultural
Resources in the Gulf of Mexico, where 179 sites have been integrated to this day,
with shipwrecks and isolated elements ranging from the 16th to the 20th centuries.
An increase in the number of sites located in the Gulf of Mexico has been
occurringmainly due to two reasons: 1)the work done with fishermen, divers and
natives who have led us to several shipwrecks and other cultural vestiges, above
all in coastal waters; and 2) the support received in 1998 from the Submerged
Cultural Resources Unit of the United States National Park Service to design a
remote sensing system to be used in Mexican waters.The search for
NuestraSeñora del Juncal continues, and this year the archival research has taken
a new turn, asnew specialists from Mexico, the United States and Spain have been
integrated to the team in charge of this project, As we speak, the team is working
planning an intense field season for 2012.

Cenotes and Inundated Caves
A universe of its own are the cenotes and inundated caves of the Yucatan
Peninsula, where amazing discoveries have been made since 1999, when
INAH’sSubdirección de ArqueologíaSubacuática (SAS, Vice Directorate of
Underwater Archaeology) received several reports from cave divers regarding the
finding of prehistoric and pre-Columbian materials. Thousands of years ago, these
caves were dry and served as an ideal shelter for animals and human beings
alike.Since the sea level in this part of the Caribbean has increased more than 60
m in the last 10,000 years, the caves are now totally covered by water.Discoveries
include bones of extinct animals, skeletons and ashes dating from more than ten
thousand years ago;hundreds of pre-Hispanic Maya skulls, some of them with
intentional cranial deformation; ceramic from the same period; and some elements
from colonial times, as rifles used in the “Caste War” or Guerra de Castas, a
wideMaya rebellionagainst the white elite (criollos and mestizos) of the colonial
government in Yucatán,that lasted from 1847 to 1901.
The existence of several cave divers groups in the Yucatan Peninsula has
been a decisive factor for these findings. Cave diving organizations in Yucatan and
Quintana Roo calculate in thousands the number of cenotes and inundated caves
in this region, many of which contain cultural vestiges. INAH’s division of
underwater archaeology works very closely with most of these divers, offering them
special courses like the one from the Nautical Archeology Society (NAS) to teach
them how to behave in the presence of cultural remains and how to help

�archaeologists to record this material in a proper way. Since cave diving is an
extreme type of diving which requires special training, sophisticated equipment and
a constant practice,in Mexico there are not many archaeologists who can do this
job, therefore, the work with these groups has proved quite positive for underwater
archeology in such peculiar and dangerous bodies of water.

Five Important Programs
Sometimes, when you begin to work towardsa dream, time goes by and you don’t
realize how big your dream has grown. This happened to us in Mexico, when we
became suddenly aware that besides the projects carried out, there were many
things we were doing at the same time that needed to be introduced into a proper
structure. This is how a new project was born: Special Programs of the Vice
Directorate of Underwater Archaeology, which includes five components: 1)
Attending reports of underwater cultural heritage findings and their legal protection;
2) Training; 3) Divulgation; 4) Conservation of materials recovered from aquatic
environments; and 5) National and international collaboration.
Each year, we travel to different parts of the country in order to attend
reports of archaeological material findings. Through these inspectionswe have also
contacted different authorities and began raising consciousness about the value
and importance of such finds. Significant achievements have been obtained with
local authorities and members of the communities with jobs related to the
underwater cultural heritage, like fishermen, divers and tourist guides. Among the
most significantdiscoveries made through fishermen in the coastal waters of
Champotón, Campeche, is a 18th shipwreck known as “El Pesquero,” probably of
British origin (BarbaMeinecke 2008). Also, last year, port authorities in Veracruz
asked INAH to survey the area where they were planning to extend the port
facilities. Archaeologists from the Vice Directorate found and recorded hull remains
from an 18th century ship, as well as ceramics and glass materials.
Traininghas been a permanent concern. Researchers from INAH receive
constant courses on topics like geophysics, recording, videography, diving, etc. In
this regard, national and international support still isa determinant factor.
Specialists from Mexico and abroad participate each year in our field seasons,
sharing their experience and knowledge, not only with researchers but also with
archaeology and conservation students, diving instructors, and local people
interested in the preservation of the underwater cultural heritage.Together with
training, dissemination has been a permanent commitment. All researchers from
SAS/INAH participate in symposiums, presentations, lectures and interviews both
in academic and public forums. This program includes itinerant exhibitions, mainly
in towns and cities around the places where archaeological work is being done, as
well as video documentaries and publications.
Regarding the conservation of materials recovered from underwater sites,
one of our policies has always been not to recover any object if its conservation
cannot be guaranteed and only to recover those elements that serve our research
objectives or those in danger of destruction or looting. In this program, we have
received the invaluable support from different laboratories within INAH in Mexico

�City and Campeche, and the Corrosion Laboratory from the Universidad Autónoma
de Campeche (UAC, Autonomous University of Campeche).

The Manila Galleon Project
Even if the main part of our archaeological work has taken place in the area of the
Gulf of Mexico and the Yucatan Peninsula, in 1999 researchers Edward von der
Porten and Jack Hunter started a project in Baja California, searching for the
remains of one of the Manila Galleons that traveled between America and Asia
from 1565 until 1815.The Baja California Peninsula occupies 33% of Mexico’s total
coast. This peninsula is full of historic events related to the sea: the search for new
territories and routes; the passage of pirates, buccaneers and corsairs; scientific
expeditions; establishment of ports and Japanese fishing communities; the pearl
industry; maritime accidents through the 19th and 20th centuries, and of course,
the Manila Galleon route (Mejía 2007).
It was during the 1970’s that American beachcombers began reporting
findings of porcelain fragments in some beaches of Baja California, especially in
the area of Ensenada. Some years later, news reached a group of researchers
who immediately knew the potential of these findings. The University of Santa
Clara in California and the National Institute of Anthropology and History, through
its Centro INAH Baja California and the Vice Directorate of Underwater
Archaeology, were invited to participate in this multidisciplinary project, which
includes archaeologists, geophysicists, historians, geologists,art historians, and
conservators.
Field seasons have been short and not sufficient, due to oceanographic and
climatic adverse conditions, and financial limitations.In spite of this, results have
been fruitful. Archaeologists have surveyed the area, both land and underwater,
using metal detectors, remote sensing equipment, and GPSs.An important
collection of shards of Chinese porcelain has been collected, together with
beeswax blocks, stoneware fragments,a Fu dog bronze sculptureand some coins,
among other elements. Preliminary analyses indicate that these objects date from
the late 16th centuryand were part of the cargo of a Manila Galleon. The next field
season will take place in 2012.

The Nevado de Toluca Volcano
An hour West from Mexico City there is a volcano known as the Nevado de Toluca,
that rises to 4,600 metersabove sea level. In its crater, there are two cold lakes—
named Luna and Sol (Moon and Sun)—where pre-Columbian groups
depositedofferings to fertility deities, and from where divers in the 1950’s, 1960’s
and 1970’s recovered rare serpent shaped wooden objects and incense cones and
spheres (Luna Erreguerenaet al 2009: XIV).
In May 2007, thanks to a donation given by Mr. Richard Siegel and a
complementary funding from the Goldsbury Foundation—both received through
archaeologist Johan Reinhard—researchers from INAH carried out a field season
focusing mainly in the smallerLuna Lake. While some archaeologists worked

�underwater, a professor and a group of students from the EscuelaNacional de
Antropología e Historia (ENAH, National School of Anthropology and History) did
some excavationpits on the shore.Findings were similar to those recovered some
years ago: wooden objects shaped like serpents; 75 cones and spheresof a type of
incense known as copal still inuse today, plus cactus plants used for self-penitence
(Junco 2009: 26).
Travelling exhibitions, together with a documentary film and a book entitled
Celestial Waters. Nevado de Toluca, have beenpresented in many of the little
towns around the volcano, especially among elementary and high school students.
Besides, schools have received a copy of the book entitled“Under de sea, there
are more than fishes…” designed especially for children and youth to raise
awareness about the Mexican underwater cultural heritage and the importance of
its preservation. This year, INAH will publish a comic book, which tells the story of
the volcano and the archaeological work carried out, aimed at those people who
don’t like to read books.

Management of Sites
Management of underwater cultural heritage is something relatively new in Mexico.
INAH participates in management programs in two protected areas: a park
integrated by 23 reefs in Veracruz, Gulf of Mexico, and the Chinchorro Bank
Biosphere Reserve situated in the Mesoamerican Reef, the second largest in the
world, after the Australian Great Barrier. In both cases, INAH is working very
closely with CONANP, an official branch of the ministry in charge of the
environment, to protect the underwater archaeological heritage (Luna and Carrillo
2005).
Last August, a joint mission UNESCO-ICOMOS-UICN made an inspection
visit to Chinchorro, after INAH and CONANP presented a technical file for the
nomination of this reserve as a Mixed Site to be included as part of the world
heritage. It would be the first Mixed Site (natural and cultural) for Mexico, and the
first in the world with an underwater cultural component. Besides its wonderful
ecological diversity, this place contains shipwrecks and isolated elements dating
from the 16th century to the present. So far, INAH has located and recorded 68
sites.

Presence in International Forums
Being member of national and international councils dedicated to underwater
archaeology and the preservation of the underwater cultural heritage, has allowed
Mexico to be in constant contact with specialists from all around the world, as well
as being part of a global effort to fight treasure hunters and to have a voice in the
making of public awareness and policies regarding this legacy.Mexico was part of
the group of experts who worked for the elaboration of the text for the 2001
UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage.
Thispaved the way to be one of the first State Parties to ratify theConvention in
July 2006 after a long and complex process that involved academic, legal and

�technicalauthorities. Being one of the first twenty State Parties that ratified the
Convention allowedMexico to become one of the eleven membersof the initial
group that integrated the Scientific and Technical Advisory Body (STAB).

Legal Aspects
Mexico has fought a constant battle against treasure hunters. The infiltration of
these groups into political spheres has made things even more difficult. However,
based on the Ley Federal sobreMonumentos y ZonasArqueológicos, Artísticos e
Históricos (Federal Law on Archaeological, Artistic and HistoricalMonuments and
Sites)
(INAH
1972)
and
theDisposicionesReglamentariaspara
la
InvestigaciónArqueológica en México (Regulations for Archaeological Research in
Mexico) (INAH 1977), among other laws, these attempts have been stopped
successfully. INAH has an ArchaeologyCouncil whose duty is to receive, evaluate,
approve or reject all archaeological projects pretended to be carried out in Mexico,
be on land or underwater. When the Council receives an underwater archaeology
project, it calls the Vice Directorate of Underwater Archaeology for an opinion. In
this way, many requests—some of them disguised as “research projects”—from
treasure hunters have been detected and rejected.
Instruments like the UNESCO 2001 Convention and the ICOMOS
International Charter on the Protection and Management of Underwater Cultural
Heritage are crucial in supporting countries that do not have a law to protect their
underwater cultural heritage and those whose laws are weak in this regard; even
thosewho havespecific laws can find reinforcement through these international
agreements.

Regional and International Cooperation
A golden formula is to give back to life what you have received from it, hence the
importance of education that is crucial in the development of underwater
archaeology and the preservation of the underwater cultural heritage. A good way
is to join efforts and design regional courses directed to underwater archaeologists
and specialists belonging to related disciplines. In 2010, UNESCO’s Secretariat for
the 2001 Convention andthe National Institute of Anthropology and History
organizedthe course “Research and Management in Underwater and Maritime
Archaeology”, which took place in the Mexican port of Campeche with the
attendance of 27 specialists from 14 countries of Latin America and the
Caribbean.One of its main achievements was the creation of the
OrganizaciónLatinoamericana de ArqueologíaSubacuática (OLAS, Latin American
Organization on Underwater Archaeology).
Currently, INAH’s Vice Directorate of Underwater Archaeology, with the
special collaboration of Mexican historian Flor Trejo and Spanish professor
Fernando Serrano Mangas, is organizing the course “Specialization in underwater
archaeology of the Carrera de Indias and the recognition of the underwater cultural
heritage (late 15th and early 19th centuries), which will take place in 2012 atthe
National School of Anthropology and History in Mexico City.

�Conclusion
In conclusion, I want to express my gratitude for this invitation to share Mexico’s
experience in the field. Our experience in thirty-one years has been full of learning
and growing, of challenges and achievements. Today, Mexico has a leading role
as pioneer in the protection of the underwater cultural heritage and the
development of underwater archaeology in Latin America, even though we have
never excavated intensively a shipwreck or lifted a whole ship from the bottom of
the sea, or count witha state of the art conservation laboratory for materials
recovered from aquatic environments. Many of our projects were born from reports
of archaeological findings, some due to the pressure of treasure hunters, and
others based on research goals. Our work has been steady and according to the
possibilities and priorities of the moment, never imagining the option of negotiating
a legacy that is irreplaceable and non-renewable, which is valuable beyond
economic considerations and that does not only belong to the nation in whose
waters it is found, but to all human kind.
Modern times have witnessed a paradox in history. Many of those countries
with wonderful ancient cultures belong today to the so called “third world”;
therefore, they do not have the financial resources, advanced technology nor the
specialists needed to investigate and preserve the remains of those cultures that
lay in the bottom of their seas or in their rivers and lakes. Some of the countries in
the Asian Pacific region, as well as Mexico, are good examples of this. On the
other hand, many of the so-called “first world countries” have the resources, but
they do not possess the cultural richness that our countries have. Maybe this is the
reason why some of the main groups of treasure hunters come precisely from
these rich countries with no strong bonds toward their past and their ancestors.
All countries have the right and the responsibility to preserve their
underwater cultural heritage in accordance with their own idiosyncrasy and
circumstances, which are different and unique. Underwater cultural heritage has
remained stable and preserved over hundreds or even thousands of years in its
aquatic context. There is no hurry and no justification to recover it, if one doesn’t
have the proper resources and meet the international standards clearly established
in the ICOMOS Charter and the 2001 UNESCO Convention.Maybe one of the
great lessons we have learned in Mexico is the fact that you can create your own
reality, and begin working in the preservation and research of the underwater
cultural heritage even if the feeling is that there are not enough means, because
the only thing that is needed is to have a burning passion in your heart, and to
believe that this portion of human history deserves to be preserved and
investigated properly. Look then for the right people in your own country and the
support of your own authorities; then, look for the assistance and cooperation of
those countries and colleagues that have already walked a similar path and who
have proved that it doesn’t matter what you have, but how you use it.

�Bibliography
Meinecke,
Band Elena,
M., 2008

Arqueología subacuática en la costa de Campeche: El caso
del pecio “El Pesquero, Champotón.” Primeros
acercamientos en torno a su investigación. Unpublished
paper presented at the Sixth World Archaeological
Congress, Dublin, Ireland.

Creamer, M.,
1984

Pre Columbian Aids to Navigation. A Mariner’s Perspective.
Unpublished internal report to the Subdirección de
Arqueología Subacuática, INAH, Mexico.

Instituto
Nacional de
Antropología e
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Ley Federal sobre Monumentos y Zonas Arqueológicos,
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Junco, R., 2009 “Arqueología subacuática: descifrando los misteriosdel
Nevado de Toluca”. In Luna Erreguerena, Pilar, Arturo
Montero and Roberto Junco (coords.) Las Aguas
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the Caribbean. Left Coast Press, Inc. One World
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Luna
Erreguerena,
P., 2009

“Introducción”, in Pilar Luna Erreguerena, Arturo Montero
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“Banco Chinchorro: Retos en torno a la conservación
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Mejía, L. M.,
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Over thirty years, underwater archaeology division at Mexico&amp;rsquo;s National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) has gone through diverse stages and fulfilled assorted projects in marine waters, in cenotes (sinkholes) and inundates caves, at the lagoons in the crater of a volcano, and in a beach in Baja California searching for the remains of a Manila Galleon cargo. Amazing discoveries include bones of extinct animals, skeletons and ashes dating from more than ten thousand years ago, hundreds of pre-Hispanic Maya skulls, and shipwrecks ranging from the 16th to the 21st centuries. Since the beginning national and international collaboration has been the key. Being part of the group of experts who worked for the elaboration of the text of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage paved the way for Mexico being one of the first State Parties in ratifying this Convention; this also led to become one of the initial group that integrated the Scientific and Technical Advisory Body (STAB). Instruments like the Convention and the ICOMOS International Charter on the Protection and Management of Underwater Cultural Heritage are crucial in helping to win the battle against the permanent pressure of treasure hunter groups in countries like Mexico, which has a leading role as pioneer in the protection of the underwater cultural heritage and the development of underwater archaeology in Latin America. Together with UNESCO, INAH Mexico organized in 2010 the course &amp;ldquo;Research and Management in Underwater and Maritime Archaeology&amp;rdquo;, in which 27 specialists from 14 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean participated. The future looks promising for this region.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
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                    <text>Creating the Alexandria Centre for Maritime
Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage
Dr Emad Khalil

Abstract

The most recent report published by UNESCO Section for Museums and Cultural Objects
concerning Underwater Archaeology Courses at Universities and Other institutions mentioned
more than thirty facilities around the world that provide education and training in aspects of
Underwater Archaeology, most of which are located in Europe and the USA, with some
programs in Asia, Australia and South America. However, there is an evident lack in
underwater archaeology education and training facilities in many parts of the world, in
particular in Africa and the Arab Region. So far, the Alexandria Centre for Maritime
Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage, based in the Faculty of Arts, Alexandria
University is the only underwater archeology education centre in African and Arab countries.
The centre was created in 2009 through a grant from the EU Trans European Mobility
Scheme for University Studies (Tempus). The project was the result of collaboration between
eight institutions from the UK France and Egypt, who provided the necessary academic,
technical and administrative expertise required for achieving the project's objectives. The
Tempus project aimed to create a specialised centre for postgraduate studies at the
Alexandria University, which provides education and training at different levels in aspects of
maritime archaeology and underwater cultural heritage. It also aimed to develop and
implement postgraduate Diploma and Master Programs in Maritime Archaeology and
Underwater Cultural Heritage, designed and structured in accordance with EU standards.
Since its creation and until today, the centre has played a major role in the
development of maritime and underwater archaeology in Egypt. It has also been a part of
several international networks and projects with the aim of disseminating its activities and
contributing to capacity building in the fast growing field of underwater archaeology.

Underwater Archaeology in Egypt

The development of underwater archaeology in Egypt can be divided into
several phases, each of which has its nature and characteristics. The first of
these phases started in the early twentieth century with the discovery of the
ancient harbour at Pharos by the French engineer Gaston Jondet (1912).
Then, in the years that followed, more underwater discoveries were made by
explorers and amateur archaeologists. These included the discoveries made
by Prince Omar Toussoun in the 1930s (Toussoun 1934) and those made in
the Eastern Harbour of Alexadnria by Kamel Abu El-Saadat in the 1960s
(Morcos 1993). Moreover, the remains of the Napoleonic fleet were
discovered east of Alexandria in the mid 1980s under the direction of the
Société Française de Recherche Archéologique Sous-marines (Khalil &amp;
Mustafa 2002:520). In other words, this phase of underwater archaeology in
Egypt was led primarily by non-specialists and it mainly included accidental
discoveries and subsequent salvage operations. The Egyptian role in the
projects that took place during this phase was quite limited, it was mainly
through the contribution of the Egyptian Navy in addition to some professional
and sport divers (Morcos 1993: 42-5).
The second phase started in the mid 1990s with two significant projects
which are considered to be a turning point in the history of underwater
archaeology in Egypt. In 1994, the Centre d'Études Alexandrines (CEAlex)
started the first systematic underwater archaeological survey in Egypt looking
at the submerged remains of the ancient Lighthouse of Alexandria (La Riche

�1996). In the same year, the Institute of Nautical Archaeology (INA) launched
the first underwater archaeological survey along the Egyptian Red Sea coast,
which led to the discovery and the subsequent excavation of the Sadana
Island shipwreck during the period from 1995 until 1998 (Haldane 1994; Ward
2001). Those two events could be considered the true beginning of the
practice of underwater archaeology as a scientific discipline in Egypt. Since
then and until the present time, several archaeological projects were carried
out in Egyptian waters and a number of archaeological missions surveyed and
excavated many underwater sites in Egypt. This phase, however, was mostly
led by European and American archaeological missions that belonged to
different universities and institutions (Goddio et al. 1998; Gallo 2003; Tzalas
2003; Goddio 2007). Nevertheless, in 1996, and as a result of the significant
underwater discoveries that were made by the French archaeological
missions in Alexandria, the Egyptian government decided to establish a
Department for Underwater Antiquities (DUA) as part of the Supreme Council
for Antiquates (SCA), which is the main authority responsible for the
exploration, conservation and management of archaeological sites in Egypt.
The establishment of the DUA was the first governmental recognition of the
importance of underwater archaeological research in Egypt. The main role
that was assigned to the DUA was monitoring and regulating the work of the
foreign archaeological missions, however, soon the DUA started conducting
its own projects, utilising the experience its members acquired through
collaborating with the foreign missions. Nevertheless, the bulk of work in
terms of exploring, preserving and presenting Egypt's underwater cultural
heritage was done by non-Egyptians. The reason behind this was the total
lack of education and training in any aspect of underwater archaeology in
Egypt, an issue that has hindered for years the development of that discipline,
despite Egypt's extensive and rich maritime heritage.
This was recognised during the International Workshop on Underwater
Archaeology and Coastal Management, organised in Egypt in 1997 under the
patronage of UNESCO, which included amongst its recommendations that the
Alexandria University should consider developing specialised courses at
postgraduate and undergraduate levels in underwater archaeology, coastal
zone management (Mostafa et al. 2000:192). However, the absence of
education in maritime and underwater archaeology is Egypt was not only due
to the lack of funds and expertise, but more importantly due to the lack of
vision.

Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology

The creation of the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology &amp; Underwater
Cultural Heritage was a turning point in history of underwater archaeology in
Egypt. The idea of creating the Centre was proposed to me by the Dean of the
Faculty of Arts following my return from Southampton in 2005, where I
obtained a PhD in Maritime Archaeology. The idea was to formulate a project
to be submitted to the EU Tempus program for funding the creation of the
centre. Moreover, according to the Tempus regulations, the project had to
include a number of partners from Egypt and the EU. And while the
beneficiary would be Alexandria University, the grant holder had to be a
university from the EU. This is how the collaboration between Alexandria
University and the University of Southampton started. Accordingly, in 2006 a

�project proposal was formulated by the University of Southampton as the
grant holder and the Alexandria University as the beneficiary and submitted to
the Tempus program. In addition to those two institutions the project
consortium included: the Nautical Archaeology Society, the Supreme Council
for Antiquities, the Centre d'Études Alexandrines, the Arab Maritime
Academy. That is in addition to two external reviewers from the University of
Ulster, and Université de Provence. The project consortium would collaborate
to provide the academic, technical and administrative expertise necessary for
creating the centre.
The proposal aimed to create a new academic centre which would
provide education and training at different levels in aspects of maritime
archaeology and underwater cultural heritage. In doing so, it would develop
and implement a new postgraduate Diploma and Master programs in Maritime
Archaeology which would be structured closely into line with similar programs
in European countries, in order to promote the mobility of students, graduates
and staff members between compatible and comparable education and
training programs.
In July 2007, a grant of about 250,000 Euros was awarded by the EU
Tempus program for the creation of the Centre. However, there were some
activities in the project that were not eligible for the EU funding, which
included the renovation and furnishing of the building which would host the
centre and the purchase of some equipment, such as a Rigid Inflatable Boat
(RIB) and a Truck for the use of the centre. Therefore, private sponsorship
was sought and hence a number of individuals and corporations agreed to
fund different aspects of the project.
Between 2007 and 2009 the centre was created and incorporated into
the structure of the Alexandria University. The establishment of the centre
required the performance of various activities, which were carried out by the
consortium members either in Egypt or the UK. This included obtaining the
necessary approvals and accreditations from the Egyptian Ministry for Higher
Education, the purchase of equipment, supplies and books, the formulation of
the different education programs and courses that would be taught at the
centre, visiting similar centres in a number of UK universities, developing a
statute for the new centre, appointing the centre’s main academic,
administrative and technical staff members and decimating information about
the newly established centres, its aims, objectives and activities.
In October 2008, the Faculty of Arts at Alexandria University celebrated
the inauguration of the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology &amp;
Underwater Cultural Heritage, however, different activities related to the
project were still being carried out until the centre was completely functioning
by September 2009 when the first group of post-graduate students were
admitted.
Since that date, the centre has been functioning as Africa and the Arab
Region only education and training facility in maritime and underwater
archaeology. The regional focus of its courses is be the Mediterranean, the
Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf, while the temporal focus will extend from the
Pre-Classical period to Late Antiquity. The centre offers a The Graduate
Diploma which aims to provide graduates from different backgrounds with a
basic understanding of contemporary theory and practice in aspects of
maritime and underwater archaeology. Its duration is for one year, therefore it

�has been of a particular interest to professionals dealing with cultural heritage,
such as antiquities inspectors and museum curators in order to promote and
develop their careers and professional skills. Moreover, the centre offers a
Master Degree in Maritime Archaeology, which lasts for two years and aims to
provide graduates in archaeology and related disciplines with a sound
theoretical and methodological grounding in the investigation, interpretation
and management of maritime and underwater archaeological resources. In
addition to the above-mentioned graduate programs, the centre started
implementing an introductory course in Maritime Archaeology, which is taught
at the undergraduate level in year four at the Archaeology Department. At
present the centre has 20 Master students including fresh graduates,
professional archaeologists and tour guides.

Research and Extracurricular activities:

During the past two years, since the centre started functioning, it has been
involved in various activities, which are considered an integral part of the
centre's mission and objectives. In March 2010 the Alexandria Centre for
Maritime Archaeology &amp; Underwater Cultural Heritage in collaboration with the
University of Southampton, the University of Ulster and the British Museum
organized a 10-days international workshop on maritime and underwater
archaeology. This workshop was attended by 15 trainees from Egypt, Bahrain,
Kenya, Libya, Somaliland &amp; Tunisia. During the course, trainees were
introduced to various theoretical and practical aspects of maritime and
underwater archaeology including site management, finds handling,
conservation &amp; remote sensing.
And in April 2010, the Bibliotheca Alexandrian hosted an International
Seminar on Maritime Cultural Heritage, which was organized by the Centre for
Maritime Archaeology and the University of Southampton, the British Museum
and the European Commission Tempus program. The seminar was held on
the occasion of concluding the project of establishing the centre. The main
themes of the seminar were preservation, presentation and education in
Maritime Archaeology. The seminar aimed to provide opportunities for
institutions to address issues of coastal heritage management, to encourage
capacity building in the region and to establish networks of contact to support
and inform with regard future initiatives and challenges. Over the two days of
the seminar, 25 papers were presented by speakers from 15 countries:
(Australia, Bahrain, Croatia, Cyprus, Denmark, Egypt, France, Greece, Kenya,
Libya Morocco, Somaliland, Tunisia, UK &amp; USA). The seminar was divided
into three sessions. The first day was dedicated to Management and
Preservation, the second day was dedicated to Outreach, Presentation and
Museums, and the final session to Education.
The Centre for Maritime Archaeology is recognized by the Egyptian
Diving &amp; Lifesaving Federation as the first Scientific Diving Training Facility in
Egypt. The Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology has also been
certified by the Egyptian Diving &amp; Lifesaving Federation (EDLF), member of
the Confédération Mondiale des Activités Subaquatiques (CMAS), as a full
SCUBA diving training facility authorized to teach all levels of sport and
scientific diving according to the training system of the CMAS. It has also
been authorized by the Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS), to provide NAS
training course either to the university students or to the public at large. This

�has enabled the centre to extend its mission to the general public and
contribute to raising public awareness about underwater cultural heritage.
In an effort to make the centre for maritime archaeology into a regional
and international education and training facility, the Alexandria University has
proposed to the Euro-Mediterranean University (EMUNI) to develop a new
Masters program in Maritime Cultural Heritage to be offered to the students of
the EMUNI member universities. This proposal has been approved by the
EMUNI senate and the program is expected to start in September 2012. This
will be in addition to a free standing summer course in Underwater
Archaeology which will be offered for EMUNI in June 2012.
On the other hand, the centre has been involved in two main research
projects. The first one was an underwater archaeological survey of a number
of shipwreck sites in the Red Sea. Two survey seasons have been carried out
so far, in 2010 and 2011. This is a collaboration survey conducted between
the British Museum, the University of Southampton and the Alexandria Centre
for Maritime Archaeology. The other research project is the first one to be
carried out entirely by the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology. It is
the investigation on a number of shipwreck sites, which the Centre discovered
during a scientific diving course 250km west of Alexandria. So far two survey
seasons have been carried out by the students and staff of the Centre, which
resulted in the discovery and mapping of over 2 hectares of seabed covered
with early and late roman amphora which suggests the existence of more than
one shipwreck. The project is funded by Alexandria University and it is
expected to run for at least two more seasons.

Conclusion

It is expected that the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology and
Underwater Cultural Heritage will play a significant role in the development of
that field in Africa and the Arab Region. A number of students from different
Arab and African countries have shown interest in joining the centre’s
education programs. Moreover, other Arab universities have expressed their
interest in developing their own centers for maritime archaeology based in the
Egyptian experience. It is also expected that the centre will continue its
collaboration with different institutions around the world on both the academic
and the research aspects aiming to contribute to capacity building and the
development of generations of knowledgeable and skilful underwater
archaeologists.

�Bibliography
Gallo, P., 2003.

Nelson Island project: Research into archaeology and
geology. In S. Morcos et al. (eds.) Towards integrated
management of Alexandria’s coastal heritage, UNESCO
Coastal Region and Small Island papers 14, UNESCO,
Paris, pp. 26.

Goddio, F., et
al. (eds)., 1998

Alexandria: The Submerged Royal Quarters, Periplus,
London.

Goddio, F.,
2008

The Topography and Excavation of Heracleion-Thonis and
East Canopus (1996-2006), Oxford University School of
Archaeology, Oxford.

Haldane, C.,
1994

INA-Egypt's Red Sea Survey. The INA Quarterly, 21.3, pp.
4-9.

Khalil, E. and
Mostafa, M.,
2002

Underwater Archaeology in Egypt, in Carol Ruppe &amp; Janet
Barstad (eds.). International Handbook of Underwater
Archaeology. Plenum Series in Underwater
Archaeology, pp 519-534.

Morcos, S.,
1993

Submarine archaeology and its future potential: Alexandria
casebook, Societe Archeologique d’Alexandrie. Bulletin 45

Mostafa, M. H.
et al. (eds.)
2000

Underwater Archaeology and Coastal Management – Focus
on Alexandria. UNESCO Publishing Paris.

Toussoun, O.,
1934

Les Ruines Sous-marines de la Baie da'Aboukir. Bulletin de
la Société archéologique d'Alexandrie, 29, pp. 342-345.

Tzalas, H.,
2003.

The Hellenic Mission's Underwater Archaeological Survey in
Alexandria (Egypt) 2002-2003. ENALIA 7, pp.38-40.

Ward, C., 2001. The Sadana Island Shipwreck: An Eighteenth-Century AD
Merchantman off the Red Sea Coast of Egypt. World
Archaeology, 32.3, pp. 368-382.

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                <text>&lt;p&gt;The most recent report published by UNESCO Section for Museums and Cultural Objects concerning Underwater Archaeology Courses at Universities and Other institutions mentioned more than thirty facilities around the world that provide education and training in aspects of Underwater Archaeology, most of which are located in Europe and the USA, with some programs in Asia, Australia and South America. However, there is an evident lack in underwater archaeology education and training facilities in many parts of the world, in particular in Africa and the Arab Region. So far, the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage, based in the Faculty of Arts, Alexandria University is the only underwater archeology education centre in African and Arab countries. The centre was created in 2009 through a grant from the EU Trans European Mobility Scheme for University Studies (Tempus). The project was the result of collaboration between eight institutions from the UK France and Egypt, who provided the necessary academic, technical and administrative expertise required for achieving the project's objectives. The Tempus project aimed to create a specialised centre for postgraduate studies at the Alexandria University, which provides education and training at different levels in aspects of maritime archaeology and underwater cultural heritage. It also aimed to develop and implement postgraduate Diploma and Master Programs in Maritime Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage, designed and structured in accordance with EU standards.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Since its creation and until today, the centre has played a major role in the development of maritime and underwater archaeology in Egypt. It has also been a part of several international networks and projects with the aim of disseminating its activities and contributing to capacity building in the fast growing field of underwater archaeology.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;To watch a video of this presentation please click here: &lt;a title="Dr. Lucy Blue Keynote Address" href="http://www.uri.edu/artsci/his/mua/videos/Lucy_Blue.m4v" target="_blank"&gt;http://www.uri.edu/artsci/his/mua/videos/Lucy_Blue.m4v&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                    <text>East Asian shipbuilding traditions
and its historical evolvement
Jun Kimura

Abstract
The archaeological study of excavated ships can contribute to knowledge and understanding of
past seafaring and maritime activities. Such study includes the assessment of the hull structure
and construction methods. This paper highlights technological innovations evidenced by the
remnants of ships in China, Korea, and Japan. Based on data of the excavated ships from the
tenth century onwards, this paper addresses the significance of the bulkhead in oceangoing ships
in the light of technological innovations, diffusion, and hybridization. This contributes to further
understanding of the relationship between the “Yellow Sea shipbuilding tradition,” the “East China
Sea shipbuilding tradition,” and the “South China Sea shipbuilding tradition.” The “South China
Sea shipbuilding tradition” has been presented by earlier researchers as a hybrid ship building
technology. This paper highlights the integration of the technologies from the Yellow Sea and
East China Sea into the South China Sea tradition by tracing specific hull components, such as
bulkhead(s) used for East Asian seagoing ships. The “Yellow Sea shipbuilding tradition” is
exhibited by ships operating in the northern waters of East Asia. Traditionally, these ships have
flat bottoms but variations are represented by the early Tang Dynasty riverine ships and Goryeo
Dynasty ships, and in later periods by Ming Dynasty ships excavated in Penglai, China.
Recent archaeological inspections conducted on the Quanzhou ship, Shinan shipwreck,
and ship timbers from the Takashima Underwater site established that these ships were built in
the “East China Sea shipbuilding tradition”. V-shaped bottoms, keel and bulkheads, and multiplelayered hull planking with iron fastenings, characterise this tradition. The ships built according to
these two traditions came to be used in seaborne activities within and beyond East and
Southeast Asia. The chronological linkage of three shipbuilding traditions developed in two
regions will be pursued.

Introduction
The research on the hull is one of the most important themes in shipwreck
archaeology as it offers us a better understanding of historical seafaring and
human interaction with waters. It has been noted that the increase of the
underwater archaeological expeditions in China, Korea, and Japan occurred
through the last few decades, and this has resulted in facilitating accesses to the
data of excavated ships in these countries. The Shipwreck ASIA project has
lately demonstrated a basic data collection on the excavated hulls (Kimura 2010).
The collective data allows a comparative analysis on the hull to clarify the
development of East Asia shipbuilding tradition. Such an approach developed
with a theoretical idea underlying technological innovations and integration of hull
components. The East Asian shipbuilding tradition was explicit in previous
researches in comparison with Southeast Asian shipbuilding technologies,
focusing on the distinctive hull components of shipwrecks from the two adjacent
regions (Green 1990; Manguin 1993). Pierre-Yves Manguin (1984; 1993)
suggested that the emergence of the technological difference and similarity in
these two regions are attributed to the inherence of technological hybridization
observed in the historical development of shipbuilding and explained the “South

�China Sea shipbuilding tradition”. Based on the appreciation of inherent nature in
historical shipbuilding, this paper overviews the creation of East Asian
shipbuilding traditions over centuries that were formed in the two areas: the
“Yellow Sea shipbuilding tradition”, “East China Sea shipbuilding tradition”.

Context
In many colonial and Asian societies, hybridity tended to be applauded in cultural
terms (under labels like association or acculturation) even while disdained in
racial ones,…(Reid 2010)
One of the themes in the study of shipbuilding technologies is the identification of
technological innovations in its history that tend to generate from endogenous
growth as well as exogenous factors. In this context an approach to a
technological hybridization observed on the hull components is important.
Manguin’s studies on the early-mid 15th century Bukit Jakas site found at Bintan
Island in the Riau archipelagos of Indonesia has presented an example of the
hybridization of shipbuilding technology (Manguin 1993; Manguin 2010); the main
structure of the hull consists of a keel and bulkheads with planks that are edgedjoined with wooden dowels, while the hull planking is fastened to sturdy frames
by square iron nails. The use of wooden dowels for hull planking is recognized as
Southeast Asian indigenous shipbuilding tradition, yet the use of bulkheads as
main transversal structure for the hull and iron fastenings are regarded as of
Chinese origin. A few excavated ships in the water of the South China Sea show
a similar construction method, according to a different principle from the above
mentioned two distinctive shipbuilding traditions. These ship remains reveal the
features of hybrid ships, identified as the “South China Sea shipbuilding
tradition”.
Since the 16th century when European expansion to East Asia and
Southeast Asia began the technological hybridization on the ship structure
probably became more apparent than during the previous periods. This is evident
in iconographical and historical resources. A drawing of a Japanese ship known
as an Araki bune sailing to Vietnam depicts a hybrid feature in its rig and hull
from European, Chinese, and Japanese traditions (Figure 1). The Europeans
during colonization periods recognised the involvement of hybrid ships in
Southeast Asian waters, though they used the Spanish term mestizo, instead of
the English term hybrid. The fact that the Europeans applied the term mestizo to
describe ships that had mixed features in their construction is recorded in the
historical Japanese text titled Zoho Kai Tsushoko (Studies on the Intercourse and
Trade with the Chinese and Foreigners) written in 1708 by Nishikawa, Joken
(Ishii 1995: 72-76). A Siam ship depicted on the Japanese scroll painting is
further evidence of the existence of the mestizo ship in Thailand around the 18th
century (Figure 2).

�Figure 1. Historical painting depicting the Red Seal Ship known as Araki bune
sailing to Vietnam. Courtesy of Museum of Maritime Science

Figure 2. Siam ship from the Japanese scroll painting (Tosen no Zu) depicted
probably around the 18th century. At a glance its configuration is similar with the
other seven Chinese ships drawn on the same scroll yet the rigs and stern
structure of the Siam ship are different from them. Photo by author, Courtesy of
Matsura Historical Museum

�Structural features defined as being of the South China Sea shipbuilding
tradition in archaeological sources are correspondent with iconographical and
historical records. What all this evidence indicates is the existence of a
technological cluster consisting of hull components and associated construction
methods from different origins. Individual technologies that are composed of the
cluster are further examined to clarify their role in a long-term formation of a
shipbuilding tradition. The excavated hybrid ships, for instance, use bulkheads in
their interior structure and the bulkhead is located as one of the most important
components as it has consistently been used in the structure of the East Asian
oceangoing ships over centuries. The shipbuilding traditions in East Asia are
dated to an earlier period than the appearance of the South China Sea
shipbuilding tradition. This needs to be further pursued to locate the point of
integration of technologies in the history of shipbuilding development.

Chronology of technological hybridization in East Asian
shipbuilding
The data of excavated ships in East Asia is presented in chronological order.
These data focus on the remains of coastal and oceangoing ships with
substantial structure rather than primitive watercraft. The examination on the hull
and construction methods in this section intends to lead to three distinctive
traditions which have been linked with Manguin’s studies the idea of
technological hybridizations.

In the Yellow Sea’s area
In China, the use of bulkhead traces is identified in excavated ships dating to the
tenth century during the Tang Dynasty (618-907 A.D.) (Kimura 2010; Xi, et al.
2004). Bulkheads initially appeared in the structure of riverine ships before their
adaption to oceangoing ships. The bulkheads, which have been perceived as
representative of Chinese shipbuilding tradition, were originally used for a flat
bottom hull with no keel suitable for riverine ships. Two Tang Dynasty ships have
been discovered inland of the Jiangsu Province. Such flat bottom ships, however,
could have been used for sail out to sea. The province faces the Yellow Sea
which is known for its shallow waters where people could probably embark using
flat bottom ships which were originally designed as riverine ships. The Jiangsu
Province and southerly adjacent Zhejiang Province had ports for ships
conducting distant voyages before the tenth century. Many ships were involved in
early maritime activities between the Chinese continent and Japan during the
Tang Dynasty as evidenced by the delegation of envoys, including envoy ships
(Reischauer 1940). To date, there are no ships that have been identified that are
known to have been specifically designed for seafaring and dated to that period,
therefore we can only deduce that the structure of those ships that people used
to sail into the East China Sea were opposed to the structure and construction
methods identified in the riverine ships. For example, in much later periods the
Sha-chuan (sand ships) represented a Hangzhou Bay trader, or ship from
Nanjing. These are still perceived as ships used for riverine and oceangoing

�purposes in the Yellow Sea and northern East China Sea (Oba 1974). Early
stage shipbuilding of oceangoing vessels in the northern coasts of China can be
regarded as more similar to technology in-use for the construction of riverine
boats at the same time.
The keel-less ship was not the only prevalent type in riverine ships. In
early East Asian shipbuilding technology (i.e. during the Goryeo Dynasty 9181392 A.D.) we have an example with the Wando ships, which consist of flat
bottom hulls (Green and Kim 1989). These ships were discovered offshore along
the west coasts of the Korean Peninsula. The fundamental structure identified on
the Wando ships is perceived to be a long-term technology that used beams not
bulkheads (Sasaki and Lee 2010). The shipbuilding technology developed in the
Korean Peninsula, represented by baulks for longitudinal structures and athwart
beams for transverse structures, resulted in the construction of ships with
sufficient seaworthiness to sail in East Asian waters, especially, in the shallow
waters of the Yellow Sea. This could have facilitated the dominant role of
merchants who originated from the Korean Peninsula in maritime trade between
the Korean Peninsula and Japan.
The advent and evolution of the flat bottom ships, represented by the
early northern Chinese ships for riverine use and the Goryeo Dynasty’s coastal
traders, is identified as an ancestral form of seagoing ships. Consequently, the
definition of the “Yellow Sea shipbuilding tradition” encompasses the shipbuilding
technologies that are identified in two distinctive shipbuilding technologies from
northern China and the Korean Peninsula. Technological interactions and mutual
influences that might have occurred in shipbuilding between these two regions
are still speculative. There were many distinctive features in the construction
methods and structural elements between the two traditions. Differences in the
usage of distinctive fastenings and different materials for them, for example,
represent less similarity, which lead to a perspective that two major traditions are
distinctively identified in early East Asian shipbuilding tradition.

In the East China Sea’s area
In middle and southern China the details of early shipbuilding tradition before the
10th century has not been clarified. Contemporary historical records of Chinese
Buddhist pilgrim w indicate the use of Southeast Asian indigenous ships to cross
the South China Sea (Hall 1985; Wang 1958). Before the 10th century some
cities from southward of Hangzhou Bay (around Ningbo) to southern China
(Guangzhou), which face the East China Sea and South China Sea, were the
focal area of trade by foreign merchants from Persia and Arabia. It is unclear the
influence of the shipbuilding traditions from outside of East Asia on existent
shipbuilding industries in the middle and southern Chinese coasts. The next
phase of substantial technological development is suggested to have occurred
during the Song Dynasty (960-1279 A.D.), particularly southward around
Hangzhou Bay and coasts around the Taiwan Straits. This may be represented
as the advent of constructing oceangoing ships in the “East China Sea
shipbuilding tradition”. It is recognized as an innovation that bulkhead structure

�and construction methods evolved to a keel. However, uncertainty exists as to
how the keel was introduced into, or evolved from, existent hull components.
The Quanzhou ship from China (dated to the second half of the 12th
century) and the Shinan ship from Korea (dated to the first quarter of the 14th
century) are archaeologically excavated ships that will here be considered in
detail to address the structural characteristics of East China Sea shipbuilding
tradition (Figure 3). They represent a standardization of the structure of these
periods’ oceangoing ships (Figure 4). This is interpreted as one stage of the
completion of technological integration or clustering of hull components. The keel
and hull planking synergistically contribute to longitudinal strength. The keel is
composed of three members and thick garboards are fixed. The hull planking that
extends from the garboards form a steep deadrise angle. The hull planking is
edge-fastened by skew nailing with rabbeted seams. The system of multiple
layered hull planks has also been standardised for the purpose of the inner
planks’ protection, and possibly to the shell hull planking itself for longitudinal
strength. The bulkheads function in providing transverse strength. Large half
frames are attached to secure the bulkheads’ planks, fixing them into the hull
planking with brackets. A comparative study will develop in the future with the
progress of research on the other ship remains that have recently been
excavated in Chinese waters, including the Nanhai No.1 and Huaguang Reef
No.1 shipwrecks (Kimura 2010).
Archaeological examination on ship construction materials, specifically
ship nails and timbers, has been practiced. A sample iron nail was collected from
a hull plank of the Shinan shipwreck for analysis and the result reported (Lee, et
al. 2010). The CT scan and X-ray images of the nail revealed the configuration of
the nail is skewed. Since the nail has been fully degraded its original metal
structure could not be identified. A similar degradation of nails was identified in
the timber remains of the Takashima underwater site in Japan. This site is known
as the late 14th century naval battle site associated with the Mongol Empire
(Yuan Dynasty) invasion of Japan. The nails used for the Shinan shipwreck and
Takashima underwater site are possibly produced through similar manufacturing
procedures based on the microscopic image of the cross-section of the nails.
These nails could have been manufactured from thin bar iron ingots with a
square cross-section. Those iron ingots were as-cast products that were being
widely produced in the iron industries and showed a substantial growth during
the Song Dynasty (Hartwell 1962; Hartwell 1966). In order to be used as ship
nails, the quality of the iron of these ingots needed to be soft ended and made
more pliable through the process of decarbonisation (Lee, et al. 2010). For these
processes, annealing work was conducted in the smithy and iron workshops,
which could probably be built on the shipyards.
Wood species identification has been conducted recently on specimens
of ship timber from the Quanzhou ship (Noshiro and Abe 2010). Three major
species were identified including Pinus massoniana, Lamb known as the Chinese
pine; Cunninghamia lanceolata (Lamb.), Hook known as the Chinese fir; and
Cinnamomum camphora (L.), Presl known as the camphor tree. The result is
comparable to wood used in the hull of the Shinan shipwreck and the ship timber

�of the Takashima underwater site. Pinus massoniana is a dominant species used
for most of the hull components of the Shinan shipwreck. The timber analysis
data from the Takashima underwater site shows, that despite the wood taxa
being diverse, Cinnamomum camphora and Cunninghamia lanceolata occupy
the majority of the assemblage. From the comparative study there is a pattern in
the use of specific wood types for distinctive hull components. The keel, for
instance, consists of Pinus massoniana and Cinnamomum camphora which are
harder than Cunninghamia lanceolata that were used for hull planks.
Cunninghamia lanceolata are found as sheathing planks of the Shinan
shipwreck, probably due to the wood being softer and lighter and relatively easy
to be cut and worked and it has relevant resistance against marine borers.

Figure 3. Cross-sections of the Quanzhou ship (above) and the Shinan
shipwreck (bottom). Produced by author, Courtesy of the Western Australian
Museum and the National Research Institute

Evidence of technological hybridization in East Asia
Excavated ships dating to the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 A.D.) show different
features from the previous periods’ ocean-going traders. As an example of the
distinctive structural feature, multiple layered hull planking is hardly identified on
the hulls of the Ming Dynasty’s ships, including the Xiangshan Ming Dynasty
shipwreck from Ningbo and the ship remains discovered at Penglai (Kimura
2010; Xi, et al. 2004). These ships similarly have longer hulls in the length/beam

�ratio than the hulls identified in previous periods, such as the Quanzhou ship and
the Shinan ship. The Xiangshan ship appears to have been used around the
East China Sea area and the Penglai ships were used around the Yellow Sea,
but the similarity of these ships is emphasized.
Of the four discovered ships in Penglai, the basic structure and
construction methods of the two ships (Penglai No. 3 and No.4) are identical with
the features of the Goryeo Dynasty’s Korean ships (Cultural Relics and
Archaeological Institute of Shandong Province, et al. 2006) (Figure 4). In
addition, the species of the woods of these two ships are clearly distinctive from
the other Penglai ships of Chinese origin. While most characteristics of the two
ships are correspondent to the Korean shipbuilding tradition, their transverse
components are bulkheads (traditionally used in Chinese ships) not beams
(traditionally used in Korean ships). The structural features of the Penglai ships
evidence hybridization between the Chinese shipbuilding technology and Korean
technology; by the period of the Ming Dynasty an interaction of shipbuilding
technologies between the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea could widely have
occurred.

Figure 4. Ship lines of the Shinan shipwreck from Korea, involved in overseas
trade between China and Japan. Produced by author

Shipbuilding traditions
The focus on hull components and construction methods helps in the
development of a chronological sequence on East Asian shipbuilding traditions. It
is suggested that the utilization of the bulkhead as a structural element in hull
construction probably derived from its use in fluvial ships before the 10th century
in China. Some of these ships could have been used to sail along coasts,
perhaps even in early blue-water seafaring. The bulkhead came to be used in the

�structure of the Song Dynasty’s oceangoing ships. The innovation of this is linked
with keel-use. These regions in the sphere of the South China Sea historically
had relationships with Southeast Asia and were probably the focus of exportation
of East Asian shipbuilding traditions. Potentially, during the Yuan Dynasty to
become more prominent during the Ming Dynasty, the South China Sea
shipbuilding tradition gradually formed under the strong influence of technology
from the middle and southern Chinese coasts.
Table 1. Structural principle of East Asian shipbuilding traditions
used for oceangoing ships.
Yellow Sea shipbuilding tradition
Technologies are evidenced in the following: 1) Excavated Tang Dynasty’s riverine ships before
the 10th century that might have been used for seafaring, show flat bottom and uses bulkheads
and iron fastenings; 2) Excavated Goryeo coastal traders of the 11th to 14th centuries that
show the hull of the floor with chines and use beams for transverse components and wooden
fastenings; 3) Excavated Yuan and Ming Dynasties’ ships that have a keel and show round
bottom, and the hull is constructed by single layered planking (baulks) and use bulkheads; 4)
Excavated flat bottom keel-less ships that are constructed by Goryeo shipbuilding technologies
use bulkheads and both iron and wooden fastenings.
East China Sea shipbuilding tradition
Technologies are evidenced in the following: 1) Excavated oceangoing ships of the 13th and
14th centuries that show V-bottom deadrise by the use of a keel and garboards. The transverse
component composes bulkheads that are secured by half frames and brackets to the hull
planking. The hull is constructed by layered planking and uses various types of iron fastenings;
2) Excavated ships dating from the Song to Ming Dynasty show a round bottom that uses a
keel. The hull is constructed by single layered planking (baulks) and uses bulkheads.
South China Sea shipbuilding tradition
Technologies are evidenced in several shipwrecks, mostly dated to the 14th century and
afterwards, found in Southeast Asian waters. They use a keel, showing a round bottom. The
transverse components use bulkheads and, likely, half frames. The hull planking is multiple
layered and the main planking (innermost planking) use wooden fastenings with compensatory
uses of iron fastenings.

Conclusion
Based on the data of the hull components of the excavated ships in East Asia,
this paper has outlined the formation of regional shipbuilding traditions. The
concept that technological hybridizations were inherent in the regional
shipbuilding history is of importance to explain the chronological development of
traditions in the Yellow Sea, East China Sea, and South China Sea. This
approach introduced the hypothesis that around the 13 th - 14th centuries
innovations of the “East China Sea shipbuilding tradition” in the region was an
impact-factor to the advent of the “South China Sea shipbuilding tradition”. Both
the growth of indigenous technology and innovations from outside of the region
underlay the formation of regional shipbuilding traditions and their linkage over
time.

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The archaeological study of shipsâ€™ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure</text>
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                <text>The archaeological study of excavated ships can contribute to knowledge and understanding of past seafaring and maritime activities. Such study includes the assessment of the hull structure and construction methods. This paper highlights technological innovations evidenced by the remnants of ships in China, Korea, and Japan. Based on data of the excavated ships from the tenth century onwards, this paper addresses the significance of the bulkhead in oceangoing ships in the light of technological innovations, diffusion, and hybridization. This contributes to further understanding of the relationship between the â€œYellow Sea shipbuilding tradition,â€ the â€œEast China Sea shipbuilding tradition,â€ and the â€œSouth China Sea shipbuilding tradition.â€ The â€œSouth China Sea shipbuilding traditionâ€ has been presented by earlier researchers as a hybrid ship building technology. This paper highlights the integration of the technologies from the Yellow Sea and East China Sea into the South China Sea tradition by tracing specific hull components, such as bulkhead(s) used for East Asian seagoing ships. The â€œYellow Sea shipbuilding traditionâ€ is exhibited by ships operating in the northern waters of East Asia. Traditionally, these ships have flat bottoms but variations are represented by the early Tang Dynasty riverine ships and Goryeo Dynasty ships, and in later periods by Ming Dynasty ships excavated in Penglai, China.&#13;
&#13;
Recent archaeological inspections conducted on the Quanzhou ship, Shinan shipwreck, and ship timbers from the Takashima Underwater site established that these ships were built in the â€œEast China Sea shipbuilding traditionâ€. V-shaped bottoms, keel and bulkheads, and multiple-layered hull planking with iron fastenings, characterise this tradition. The ships built according to these two traditions came to be used in seaborne activities within and beyond East and Southeast Asia. The chronological linkage of three shipbuilding traditions developed in two regions will be pursued.</text>
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                    <text>The Old Biray in Pandan, Caoayan:
An underwater cultural heritage assessment
Eliza Agabin1, Michael Armand P. Canilao2, Marie Grace Pamela G. Faylona3

Abstract
This paper presents the preliminary assessment arising out of a survey of Pandan Site (NM Site Code I4
2011-I1) , a maritime site featuring an abandoned traditional Biray vessel located along the Mestizo River
in Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, Northwest Luzon. The site position is perpendicular to the West Philippine Sea
(formerly South China Sea) and lies under an abandoned Abra Delta. It is considered as an inland and
coastal boat. The structural remains of the vessel have a length of 18 meters (m) and a width of 5m. It is
visible during low tide and is characterized by flat hull with ribs, pointed bow and stern. Initial investigation
did not observe any evidence of a keel. Based on local oral histories, the boat may be between 80 to 150
years old.
The role of this traditional vessel is re-examined in the Northern Luzon trade network extending
as far south as Manila to as far North as the Babuyan Channel. An integral part of this research is the reevaluation of Biray and its cargo that traces old Biray trading routes. The paper also covers “historical
data” on structure and construction of the boat that can come in handy for future maritime excavation of
the vessel.
The context, environment and condition of the site are also described. Moreover, it identifies the
significance and vulnerability of the site. This concludes with an evaluation of the vessel and the position
of the site as regards to underwater cultural heritage (UCH).

Introduction
Underwater archaeological investigations and related histories is a fairly new field that
started in the 1960s as compared to terrestrial archaeology which dates back to the 14th
century. As such land-based archaeology has yielded enormous information on our
cultural heritage but the world’s water still retain many secrets that need to be
discovered and explored.
The Philippines is one of the biggest archipelagos in Asia which features different
types of bodies of water. These bodies of water namely, oceans, seas and major
waterways, played an integral role in Philippine navigation and maritime prehistory.
In this paper, development of trade routes and boats used for trading is the focus
of research. However, this research only confines itself to the province of Ilocos Sur
located in Northern Luzon where a local boat called biray was reported. A biray or
(sometimes called as virey, birey or viray) was described as an “unsteady” vessel
navigated only near the shore (Galang 1941:304). This vessel is commonly found in
Cagayan, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur and La Union.

1

Heritage Affairs Office, Provincial Government Ilocos Sur eliza@eccena.org
Archaeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines DIliman migscanilao@yahoo.com
3
Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines pamelafaylona77@gmail.com
4
the site is the 9th (letter I) archaeological site documented within the Ilocos political- administrative
Region (Region I) and it was discovered in the year 2011.
2

�The Study Area
Ilocos Sur Physical Background
The province of Ilocos Sur lies on a north- south basin bounded on the east by the
provinces of Abra, Mountain Province and Benguet provinces within the Grand
Cordillera Mountains. The basin is divided into three main regions, namely: the Laoag
embayment, the Vigan- Abra high, and the coastal folded belt. Folding and faulting are
active in the region.
It is said that the Ilocos plain is actually an uplifted deep marine sedimentary
basin. This was caused by the active subduction of the West Philippine Sea seafloor
under the Philippine plate (Dado 1997:3). This in turn resulted in active volcanism in the
Western flank of Northern Luzon, wherein Ilocos served as the forearc basin.
The coastal Ilocos plain measures almost 300 kilometers north to south with
notable variance only in width. Some places are as wide as 120 kilometers. The Abra
River breaking through the steep and high mountain chain is perhaps the grandest
scenery in Ilocos - aptly called the Banaoang Gap.
The West Philippine Sea puffs this plains area with the summer or southwestern
monsoon from the West. Fortunately it is shielded on the east by the Grand Cordillera
Mounts. This is the reason why the region is occasionally spared from the wrath of fully
developed Pacific formed typhoons.
Monsoon climate has also maintained the interchange of extremely rainy from
May to October, and extremely droughty from November to April. Drought increases as
one moves from Ilocos Sur to Ilocos Norte (Wernstedt and Spencer 1967:328-342). The
Ilocos plain is not as agriculturally viable as the central Luzon plain mainly due to this
extreme climate and the fact that stream-wash deposition causes a discontinuum in the
agricultural cycle. Only hardy field crops like tobacco and corn can withstand such
conditions.
It has been said that the physical setting of Ilocos largely contributed to the
hardiness and resilience of the Ilocano.
Steep slopes, thin soils, strongly seasonal precipitation, and limited arable land have
required maximum labors for survival. The Ilocano is well known, both in the Philippines
and abroad for his willingness to work and his work capacity… An overcrowded
homeland has encouraged out migration into other areas where his presence is quickly
evidenced by his hardwork and attendant economic success (Wernstedt and Spencer
1967:332)

Ilocos Sur Cultural Background, Ethnohistory and the Trading Routes
Ilocos Sur has been straddled with ancient coastal maritime trading centers and
secondary maritime trading centers long before the Spanish Contact period (16th c).
This was further elucidated by Grace Estela Mateo talking about the history of Ilocos
Sur:
Geography favored Ilocos as a site for a trading entrepot. It’s location in the far north
meant that it was the gateway to the Philippines for traders from Eastern Asia… the
irregular coastline of Ilocos Sur and La Union formed fine harbors… it is not surprising
then that it became a center of a regional and international trading network in the 16th c
(Mateo 2004:43)

�The Vigan- Caoayan trading center was probably the most sizeable entrepot to
have developed in the area. Secondary centers may have included Santa Lucia,
Salomague, Candon, Tagudin, and Sinait among others (Keesing 1962:97-98, 123124).
In the pre-Hispanic Ilocano-Itneg epic Biag ni Lam-ang (The Life of Lam-ang),
one of the earliest recorded oral literatures in the Philippines, one may get an idea of
the close connections between the peoples of Ilocos and China as linked by trading
routes (AA, Manila). The hero Lam-ang boasts:
Dua pay ti sasakayan
a balitok a bulawan
nga agbubunag ti pinggan
idiay ili a Kasanglayan,
ta nalpas met a naikamang
iti ari idiay Puanpuan.

I have two gold tradeships
plying between here and the
Chinese country trading in
porcelain. I have commercial
connections with the
king of Puanpuan,

Isu ti partesko ken kabagian
idiay ili a Kasanglayan,
isu ti napanna nagbiahian
tay barangayko a sampan;
pamayak adda itan,
ta napan nagkarga ti pinggan.
(Yabes 1935: 38)

My relative in that Chinese
land. My boat sampan has gone
there on a voyage, and probably
now it has returned with its
cargo of porcelain.

The existence of pre-Hispanic trading entrepots in Ilocos was also confirmed in
the documented initial Spanish incursion in the area led by the conquistador Juan de
Salcedo ( de San Agustin 1572 in delos Reyes 1890). The Historical or Contact period
in Ilocos was, in fact, ushered in by the entry of this youthful Spanish conquistador when
his ship hugged the Ilocos coastline as he sailed around the northern tip of Luzon. Juan
de Salcedo moved up North the coast of Ilocos Sur in 1572. He left Dumanquake
(present day Santa Lucia) in early June that year then landed on Caoayan by nightfall.
He sailed inland and reached the pre-Hispanic trading settlement of Vigan, where he
was engaged by the Ilocanos in combat. Aside from the pueblo of Vigan, he also
mentions that the very old neighboring pueblo called Bantay had a well protected port
(Keesing 1962:123).
The Ilocos shipping tradition probably paralleled the opening of port- entrepots in
Ilocos Sur. The ports of Caoayan (Vigan), and Cagayan traded with Manila from as
early as the 16th century (c). This exchange was mentioned in Description of the
Philippine Islands, an unsigned document dated 1618. Cargo coming from Ilocos
included agricultural products notably surplus rice and cotton. This surplus Iloko rice
became an annual export to Manila during the dry season, when the northeast winds
were favourable for sea travel between Ilocos and Manila.

The Biray in Ilocos Sur
Biray in the Know

�The vessels used to facilitate the Manila- Iloko- Cagayan exchange were the Biray.
Such vessels usually docked in Manila between February and March (Scott 1982:88).
Maharlika Cuevas and Rey Santiago also give a brief description of the biray:
(Biray) is a very light boat with
two or three tiers of rowers per
band, when they have people for
it
sitting
down.
It
has
counterweights
made
of
bamboos and placed outside the
body of the vessel on both sides.
This boat is manufactured in the
Ilocos region, while garay is used
in Manila Bay and Laguna Lake
areas. (Cuevas and Santiago
2004:8)

Figure 1: Parts of a Biray (after
Cuevas and Santiago 2004; C.Q.
Caoayan)
There are local terms for the different parts of an Iloko biray (see Figure 1). The
vessel shell is called the kaha. The anchor is called angkla. The rudder is called the
timon. The cabin is called the camarote. The two biray masts are called palo. The sail
which is supported by the palo is called the layag, made of abel Ilocos, the thick and
sturdy handwoven cloth of the region. Abacca rope or arsia is generally used as vessel
rigging especially for the pala and layag. The pulley suspended in the palo is called the
moton, which is itself suspended on a kawit moton. The bowsprit is called the cabrisante
(CQ, Caoayan).

The Site of Biray
The Occular of the Biray in Pandan
The remains of biray vessel are located in Brgy. Pandan in the coastal plain of
Caoayan, Ilocos Sur (see Figure 2). It is located in the former delta of Abra with Global
Positioning System (GPS) bearings of N 17.534266°, E 120.373916° with the bow
oriented at 21° N-NE (stern at 201°). Further inland of the coastal plain are the ridges of
Mount Binitalo and Mount Gusing. The biray is within the shore sands of Barangay
Pandan. It is interesting to note that the vessel is visible only during low tides this
indicates that the area has an active marine and land milieu.

�Figure 2. Location map of the biray (after Googleearth 2010)
The biray was observed to be leaning on its Starboard side. In fact, the stem post
tilts starboard at 48° from upright position. Vessel dimension based on exposed ribs
shows an overall length of approximately 18 m, and a widest possible width of between
4.5 to 5 m.

�Figure 3: Photo of the Biray at Pandan site in situ circa 1980s
(courtesy of G.S., Caoayan)
The vessel is conclusively identified as a biray because oral historical accounts
of Caoayan locals indicate that this biray is within living memory of the locals. In fact a
maximum possible age of 100 was suggested (MI, Vigan). A photo of the Biray in situ
was even made available by Mayor Goulart for reference (see Figure 3).

�Figure 4: Biray in situ at Pandan Site with stem post at foreground (by Michael Canilao)

Surveys Conducted in the Site
Two surveys of the biray at Pandan site (NM site code I-2011-I1) were conducted in the
second quarter of 2011. The first survey was initiated by the Provincial Government of
Ilocos Sur through Vice Governor DV Savellano in coordination with the Municipal
Government of Caoayan through Mayor Germelina Goulart. An authority for
archaeological exploration of Caoayan Municipality was secured from the Director of the
National Museum (CPD-SA-2011-05) by National Museum (NM) Research Associate
Michael P. Canilao. The survey was, in fact, a component activity of a province-wide
undertaking dubbed the Ilocos Sur Archaeological Project (ISAP). The Pandan survey

�was done in conjunction with archaeological excavations done at Sapilang Site (NM site
code I-2011-H1) in Sinait Municipality from late May to early June 2011. Caoayan
Barangay officials have suggested that the survey be conducted at low tide in order to
maximize visibility of the biray. Working closely with Eliza Agabin, the Heritage
Consultant of the Province of Ilocos Sur, a survey was implemented in the first of May
2011 after due consultation with the San Fernando, La Union tide chart. A rakit (bamboo
raft) was boarded for transit to the site.
A second survey was led by a Museum Researcher Pamela G. Faylona of the
Archaeology Division NM together with Barangay Captain John Subrano and Padre
Burgos Museum personnel, Efren Vista in mid-June. Besides noting the vessel’s
provenance, they also observe the geomorphology of the area. The vessel was located
in a former delta and within the small to medium river channel. This shows that the
present coastline is dynamic. The coastline is fed by a river and backed by a coastal
plain with more than 5 km width. Moreover, it presents the shoreline change and coastal
landscape development in Caoayan and neighboring coastlines.
Observed in situ, what remains of the biray are boat ribs partially protruding out
of the murky and brackish water. These ribs are visibly joined or fastened with what
appears to be metal pegs. It can be surmised that most of the biray structure laid buried
in sand since water depth at the time of survey was barely two feet. This indicates that
there is a good chance that the buried part is still well-preserved. However, the exposed
ribbing is also in tact because it is afforded protection from the elements by brackish
water shells/ barnacles that have completely adhered to the exposed wood.

Significance
The Biray
The biray played a very important role to the people of Ilocos, Cagayan, and Manila. Its
operation brought in valuable goods to the Christianized population in the Cagayan
valley (starting from the 16th c) which remained isolated for the most part of the
Spanish- Contact Period. The birays travelling via the Babuyan Channel, north of the
valley, were the only means of bringing in supplies to the valley which was bordered by
the Sierra Madre to the east and the Cordillera Mountains to the west, both of which
intersect to the south.
For the local coastal communities in Northern Luzon, the cargo-carrying biray
was central to traditional product exchange system from the pre-Spanish-contact (14th
to 15th c) until the American contact period (late 19th to early 20th c). To Cagayan went
rice, salt, garlic, onions, tobacco, damili earthenware, stoneware burnay, raw maguey
fibers, and fish nets from Ilocos, as well as salt and bagoong (fermented fish paste)
from Pangasinan (MI, Vigan). To Ilocos the biray carried forest items such as lumber
and palm leaves from Cagayan (JL, Manila). The biray also served as a vessel not only
facilitating the exchange of goods, but as well as people, technologies, ideas, and
cultural communications among Ilocos and Cagayan. A significant number of the
population of Cagayan are of Ilocano-descent.
During the Spanish contact period its route to Manila was considered noteworthy,
so much so that the vessel was defined as “Embarcacion pequeña que costeando llega
hasta Manila” (Carro 1888:58). The biray was also important for Manila because Iloko

�and Chinese products that were to be loaded on the Manila- Acapulco galleons (see
Junco this volume) had to be transported to Manila through these highly dependable
vessels. Birays eventually started to fade away from the Iloko scene with the advent of
modern ships in the area during the post-World War 2 period (1950’s- 70s).

The site and the 2001 UNESCO Convention
Based from the preliminary surveys and study conducted in Pandan, the biray remains
holds intrinsic value and is significant in terms of archaeological, historical and scientific
value. The vessel remains are archaeologically and scientifically significant because, at
present, it is considered rare and a representative of a particular trading vessel for the
Ilocos region. It has historic value, for though it is relatively young (tentatively dated at
100 years), the technology and development of the traditional boat building is preserved
with the biray remains. Moreover, the site is a historic port having been part of a local
maritime trading route from c 1300 to 1950s. The vessel and the site demonstrate a way
of life, particularly, maritime culture and traditional trading activities that transpired in the
area that had influenced the Ilocos region and the greater area of Luzon island.

The Biray as an Underwater Cultural Heritage: Issues, Challenges,
and Recommendations
The biray in Pandan site has archaeological, scientific and historic significance and thus
may be considered an UCH site. An in-depth archaeological study has yet to be
undertaken for the site and the current conservation plan is to keep the vessel in situ.
The local oral history (MI, Vigan) and the 1980s picture of the biray (G.G. Caoayan)
indicate that the vessel is not more than 100 years old. Even so, a study in the future
can provide information on vessel structure.
The surrounding environs of the vessel is highly unstable with an imminent threat
of alluvial deposition and erosion as it is located in the deltaic floodplain of the mighty
Abra River. This threat is magnified whenever the typhoon season sets in the
Philippines from as early as May to December. Should a systematic archaeological
excavation of the biray vessel be undertaken, the first task will be to secure the
immediate vicinity of the vessel with a cofferdam structure that will protect the vessel
from the Abra River. It is recommended that steel cofferdam be utilized for the site. A
series of water pumps will then be used to remove the water prior to the systematic
archaeological excavation of the vessel.
It is fortunate that the Provincial Government of Ilocos Sur upon having learned
of the significance of the underwater archaeological site, have pledged support in terms
of funding for future archaeological studies on the site. There is a need to raise
awareness and appreciation of the biray, to keep the memory, history, and linkages
alive not only among the last generation biray sailors and builders but especially among
the youth.
The local municipal government is keen on establishing a small maritime
museum featuring a replica of a biray to raise awareness among locals and tourists.
However, along with the museum, it is being proposed as well to develop the banks of
the Pandan port into a tourism area comprising of floating restaurants. While this may
be viewed as an opportunity as it may mean income generation, on the conservation
side, it may be considered as a threat to the biray remains and the site. The area

�becomes more vulnerable and at-risk, without an in-depth archaeological study,
appropriate legislation, and a comprehensive management plan in place yet. Thus first
and foremost, the conservation of the biray should be undertaken to ensure protection
of the biray prior to the area being utilized as a tourist site. A close coordination among
the National Museum, academe University of the Philippines- Archaeological Studies
Program (UP-ASP), with the local and provincial government is crucial to conserve the
biray of the Ilocos, its adventures, and its memory alive for the present and the future
generations to come.

Oral Sources
Arnold Azurin, Manila, 04 June, 2011, cited as AA, Manila.
Carl Querubin, Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, 01 May 2011, cited as CQ, Caoayan.
Germelina Goulart, Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, 29 April 2011, cited as GG, Caoayan
James Ligero, Manila, 15 August, 2011, cited as JL, Manila.
Malot Ingel, Vigan, Ilocos Sur, 29 April 2011, cited as MI, Vigan.

Bibliography
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Hawaii Press, Honolulu.

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Perez.

Casino, E.,
1978

“A Family of Boats: Our Largely Lost Tradition of Shipbuilding”,
in (Ed) full name of editor, Filipino Heritage: The Making of a
Nation, 3, pp.712-713, Lahing Pilipino Publishing, Manila.

Cuevas, M., and
Santiago R.,
2004

Boat Building Traditions in Pre 18th Century Philippines,
ASEAN-COCI Symposium and Publication on Maritime and
Waterways. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, Ministry of Culture Arts
and Heritage.

Dado, A.,
1997

“Geology of Northern Luzon: Ilocos Basin”, Compilation of
Papers for Geology 297, Quezon City.

de San Agustin, G.,
1572
Galang, R.,
1941

“Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas” in Historia de Ilocos by
Isabelo delos Reyes, Establecimiento Topografico la Opinion
1890.
“Types of Watercraft in the Philippines”, in Philippine Journal of
Science 75, 3, pp.287-304.

Keesing, F.M.,
1962

The Ethnohistory of Northern Luzon, Stanford, Stanford
University Press.

�Manguin, P.Y.,
1993

“Trading Ships of the South China Sea. Shipbuilding
Techniques and Their Role in the History of the Development of
Asian Trade Networks”, in Journal of the Economic and Social
History of the Orient, 36, 3, pp.253-280.

Mateo, G.E.,
2004

A History of Ilocos: A Story of the Regionalization of Spanish
Colonialism, Dissertation - Graduate Division, University of
Hawaii, Hawaii.

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1978

“The Outrigger in the Maritime Scene”, in Filipino Heritage: The
Making of a Nation 3, pp.716-754, Lahing Pilipino Publishing,
Manila.

Peralta, J.,
1980
Ronquillo, W.P.
1987

"Ancient Mariners of the Philippines", in Archaeology, 33, 5,
pp.41-48.
“The Butuan Archaeological Finds: Profound Implications for
Philippines and Southeast Asian Prehistory”, in Man and
Culture in Oceania, Special Issue, 3, pp.71-78.

1997

“Butuan Boats”, in (ed.) James P. Delgado, Encyclopedia of
Underwater and Maritime Archaeology, pp. 79, British Musum
Press, London.

Scott, W.H.,
1982

Cracks in the Parchment Curtain and Other Essays in Philippine
History, New Day Publishers, Quezon City,

Solheim, W.G II.,
2006

Archaeology and Culture in Southeast Asia: Unraveling the
Nusantao, University of the Philippines Press, Diliman, Quezon
City.

Tanudirjo, D.A.,
2004

“The Structure of Austronesia Migration into Island Southeast
Asia and Oceania”, in (ed.) Victor Paz, Southeast Asian
Archaeology: Wilhelm G. Solheim II Festchrift, pp. 83-103,
University of the Philippines Press, Quezon City.

Unsigned
1618

Description of the Philippine Islands. The Philippine Islands
1493- 1898, Vol 18, Cachos Hermanos Inc, Mandaluyong.

Wernstedt, F., and
J.E.S.,
1967

The Philippine Island World: a Physical, Cultural, and Regional
Geography, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los
Angeles.

Yabes, L.,
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Zerrudo, E.B.,
2008

The Ilocano Epic, Carmelo &amp; Bauermann, Inc., Manila.
Pamanaraan: Writings on Philippine Heritage Management,
University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, Manila.

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An underwater cultural heritage assessment</text>
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Some Challenges and Issues in Underwater Cultural Heritage in Southeast Asia</text>
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                <text>This paper presents the preliminary assessment arising out of a survey of Pandan Site (NM Site Code I-2011-I1) , a maritime site featuring an abandoned traditional Biray vessel located along the Mestizo River in Caoayan, Ilocos Sur, Northwest Luzon. The site position is perpendicular to the West Philippine Sea (formerly South China Sea) and lies under an abandoned Abra Delta. It is considered as an inland and coastal boat. The structural remains of the vessel have a length of 18 meters (m) and a width of 5m. It is visible during low tide and is characterized by flat hull with ribs, pointed bow and stern. Initial investigation did not observe any evidence of a keel. Based on local oral histories, the boat may be between 80 to 150 years old.&#13;
&#13;
The role of this traditional vessel is re-examined in the Northern Luzon trade network extending as far south as Manila to as far North as the Babuyan Channel. An integral part of this research is the re-evaluation of Biray and its cargo that traces old Biray trading routes. The paper also covers â€œhistorical dataâ€ on structure and construction of the boat that can come in handy for future maritime excavation of the vessel.&#13;
&#13;
The context, environment and condition of the site are also described. Moreover, it identifies the significance and vulnerability of the site. This concludes with an evaluation of the vessel and the position of the site as regards to underwater cultural heritage (UCH).</text>
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Conservation Research and Treatment Programs:
Case Study of Ancient Boat Site in Rembang
Regency
Waluyo Agus Priyanto1

Abstract

th

The ancient boat was made around the 7 century A.D. It was found on July 26, 2008 at
07.30 p.m. at Punjulharjo Village, Rembang Regency, Central Java Province, Indonesia.
The boat site is covered by soil as deep as two metres and is located at the southern of
coastline with a distance of 0,5 to 1 km. When the ancient boat was found, the shape of
the boat was still intact. Size of the boat is 15 metres length and 5 metres width. Not only
the shape is relatively intact but also the disclosure of data of the archipelago's unique
technology could be held within this boat that was almost complete. Tambuku is the type
of palm fibre rope, pegs was used in the boat and other components that have never
been encountered before is really a remarkable data essential for the development of
maritime archaeology, especially in Indonesia. The ancient boat has important value for
history, science, technology, and culture. As an important cultural asset and potential, its
existence must be well managed and sustainable by optimizing in situ conservation.
Conservation research should be conducted to identify the ancient boat such as
the kind of materials for making a boat, condition of boat materials, the site condition of
the boat, and environmental condition. Conservation method should be based on the
results of diagnosis in the laboratory as well as in the field.
In situ conservation is another important approach to preserve the ancient boat,
which simultaneously give positive impacts to tourism aspects and development to the
region.

1. Introduction
The finding of an ancient boat found on July 26, 2008, in the Punjulharjo
Village, Rembang Regency, Central Java Province, Indonesia has
significant value for the history, science, technology and maritime State of
Indonesia. The condition of the boat is that it is still relatively intact and
shows characteristics of the archipelago boat in terms of materials,
shapes, sizes, and technology. Radiocarbon dating tests were conducted
in 2009 at the University of California on the sample of fibers used as a
binder of boat parts and indicate the boat is aged to approximately 660780 AD (Siswanto, et al. 2010).
Rembang Regency is located in the north eastern part of Central
Java Province, latitude is 111 °, 00 '- 111 °, 30' E and 6 °, 30 '- 7 °, 00' S. It
is a very complete topography of coastal areas, lowlands, highlands and
mountains, the soil type consists of Mediterial, Grumosal, Alluvial, Andosal
1

Directorate of Underwater Cultural Heritage, Directorate General of History and
Archaeology, Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Indonesia

�2

and Regasal. Rembang Regency has an area of 1014.08 km2, and flanked
on the north Java Sea and the North Kendeng Mountains in the south
(Kusumastuti, et al. 2010). Location of the ancient boat is about 0,5 to 1
km at the southern coastline.
The main ingredient of the ancient boat components are the
hardwood materials. The nature of the properties of the wooden materials
are derived from living things. It has a fibrous and cellular structure
composed of cellulose, lignin, resins, sugar and some other hydrocarbons,
that can be categorized as organic materials.
As a solid matter, it has many pores and channels in its body,
which, in its green state, are mostly filled with water. When freshly cut,
wood has plenty of water, it starts drying out it when left in the open air.
This loss of water continues until it reaches the stage where the moisture
retained is in the equilibrium with the atmosphere.
Wood is hygroscopic and as a result its cell walls have the capacity
to absorb moisture when atmospheric conditions are wet, and to release it
out when conditions are dry. When wood has lost all its free water, which
is the water held by its pores and channels, its water content is in
equilibrium with the atmosphere.
Wood is also anisotropic, which means that the capacity for
elongation and shrinking is not the same in the three directions of its cut:
longitudinal, radial, and tangential. The unequal gain and loss in these
three sides of the wood also result in distortion. Wood stabilizes in moist
conditions (Agrawal 1977:9, 72-73).
As an organic material, wood normally decays under combined
biological and chemical degradation when buried in earth; it may, however,
survive prolonged exposure to extreme dryness or wetness. In shipwreck
sites, the wooden components of the hull and small artifacts of wood often
survive in good condition, albeit thoroughly waterlogged. Successful
conservation of wooden artifacts is dependent upon one’s knowledge of
wood structure and types. Trees are divided into two broad categories:
hardwoods and softwoods. Hardwoods are classified as angiosperms,
which refers to broadleaf trees which are usually deciduous. Angiosperms
are referred to as 'porous' woods because they have vessel pores. In
many instances it is equally important that a wooden object’s species type
is identified in order to successfully conserve the waterlogged wood.
Through the loss of moisture, freshly cut, sound wood will generally
experience a radial shrinkage of 3-6 percent, a tangential shrinkage of 510 percent, and a longitudinal shrinkage of about 0.5 percent. Proper
conservation treatments can control the amount of shrinkage experienced
by waterlogged wood during drying. In practice, a particular conservation
technique is often selected because it is known that the treated wood will
shrink a desired amount. The manner in which a plank of wood was
originally sawn from a log will have an effect on how the plank, or an
object manufactured from the plank will shrink (Hamilton 1999 :1,22-24)
after undergoing any conservation treatment. In most environments the

�3

primary factors for the degradation of wood include: (1) physical action
(changes in temperature, fluctuations in relative humidity), (2) insect
attack, and (3) fungal decay. Fungal decay can be eliminated as long as
the wood is kept in an environment with a relative humidity of less than 65
percent. In anaerobic waterlogged environments, however, wood
undergoes profound chemical changes and alterations that result in a
significant loss of strength while retaining overall shape.
Research activities and conservation planning of the ancient boat is
based on national and international regulations as follows:
a. According to The Law of The Republic of Indonesia number 11 of 2010
concerning items of Cultural Property especially in the article 76. Article
76 has been mandated in paragraph 1 -3.
In the paragraph first it mentions that maintenance is done by conserving
of cultural heritage to prevent and overcome the damage caused by
natural influences and- /- or human actions. In the second paragraph it
also mentions that the maintenance of cultural heritage referred to in
paragraph 1 may be performed at the original location or elsewhere,
after first being fully documented.
In the third paragraph it mentions that the treatment is referred to in
paragraph 1 is carried out with the cleaning, preservation, and repairing
the damage with respect to the authenticity of the form, layout, style,
material, or workmanship of the cultural heritage.
b. The In UNESCO 2001Convention on The Protection of The Underwater
Cultural Heritage, Paris, France comprises of:
- Acknowledging the importance of underwater cultural heritage (UCH)
as an integral part of the cultural heritage of humanity and a
particularly important element in the history of peoples, nations, and
their relations with each other concerning their common heritage.
- Realizing the importance of protecting and preserving the UCH and
that responsibility therefore rests with all States.
- Convinced of the importance of research, information, and education
to the protection and preservation of UCH.
- Convinced of the public’s right to enjoy the educational and
recreational benefits of responsible non-intrusive access to in situ
UCH, and of the value of public education to contribute to awareness,
appreciation and protection of that heritage.
c. According to the first article concerning the fundamental principles in the
ICOMOS Charter on the Protection and Management of Underwater
Cultural Heritage (1996), Sofia, Bulgaria it mentions:
- The preservation of UCH in situ should be considered as a first option.
- Public access should be encouraged.
- Non-destructive techniques, non-intrusive survey and sampling should
be encouraged in preference to excavation.
- Investigation must avoid unnecessary disturbance of human remains
or venerated sites.
- Investigation must be accompanied by adequate documentation.

�4

2. Materials and Methods
The artifact of the ancient boat at Punjulharjo village is a very important
cultural heritage and it is the object of cultural heritage that must be
protected. Therefore, the ancient boat Punjulharjo Site should be
developed into a maritime cultural landscape area to be conserved and
used for fertilization of national pride and character development of the
nation, as well as the public welfare.
In order to get a better understanding of degradation and
deterioration problems of the ancient boat, a thorough intensive
investigation has been conducted, both in the field as well as in the
laboratory.
In situ observations were made to study the types of deterioration
agents that could be visually observed.
To determine the type of material making of the ancient boat should
be conducted laboratory research.
The materials and equipments required to research are:
Chemicals: PEG 400 and 4000, aquadest, Ethanol, Ethylene Diamine
Tetra Acetic Acid (EDTA). Tools in the field: Thermohygrometer, pH
meters, salinity meters, scalpel. Tools for conservation experiment in the
laboratory: Scales, tray, soaking tub, shaker, pH sticks, hot plate with
stirrer, glassware and so on.
In the conservation research of the ancient boat in Rembang
Regency, the following procedures of work will be done:
1. Field observations
a. Observation of the environment
Observations carried out on soil environment, and water.
b. Climate measurements.
c. Observation of the damage level and deterioration boat.
Direct observation should be done on the object and recorded the
damage that occurs and the factors that influence it.
d. Sampling
Soil and wood materials should be taken for further analysis.
2. Laboratory experiments
a. Cleaning wood samples
Wood samples have been taken are grouped according to estimates
by type of wood. Each timber is cleaned with caution because the
condition is very soft. Cleaning is done with plain water assisted by
hand and brush.
b. Desalination sample
Clean samples that have been soaked in fresh water to remove salt
dissolved. In order to the end result does not change the color of the
wood, then the samples were stored in EDTA solution.
c. Chemical test for wood dimension stabilization
The chemical used is a Polyethylene Glycol (PEG). The reason of
using the PEG in the experiments, because it is the most effective
result over other materials. Variations in the concentration of PEG 400

�5

usage was 20%, 30%, 40% (Cahyandaru, et al. 2010), and continued
by PEG 4000 on the outer layer of the wood. Research on the
effectiveness of the use of PEG 4000 is still ongoing at Borobudur
Conservation Research Laboratory, Magelang.

3. Results and Discussion
The results of microscopic tests conducted by the archaeological office in
Yogyakarta and the Faculty of Forestry Gadjah Mada University on the
structure of ancient boats have identified three types of wood
Scorodocarpus borneensis, Palaquium javense, Eucalyptus alba, and the
rope fibers.
The field test results indicate waterlogged wood in visually fragile
condition. Fragile condition can be observed directly as the hardness of
the wood components are relatively low. This was tested by the pressure
of our thumb nails showed deep imprints; as well as the bond between a
loose wood fiber. It is indicated by wooden damage that are cracked,
broken, and split (Suranto 2010).
There are two main factors of degradation and deterioration
processes on the components of the ancient wooden boat that it was due
to the influence of internal and external factors:
a. Internal Factors
Natural properties of waterlogged wood include the material quality and
structure of the wood. This will determine the resistance of the object's
interactions with environmental factors.
b. External Factors
External factors are environmental conditions where underwater
archeological remains are located, both for still being in sea water and
having been excavated (Cahyandaru, et al. 2010)
Based on the process, the degradation that occurs on the
waterlogged wood can be grouped into four: the process of mechanical
damage, physical damage, chemical deterioration and biotic deterioration.
Fluctuations in humidity and temperature can cause both chemical
and biological damage. Fluctuations of humidity can cause the dissolution
of salts, and high temperatures can cause rapid chemical reactions.
Moisture can accelerate chemical reactions that cause the decomposition
of organic material, especially an ancient boat.
The ancient wooden boat has long been submerged in salt water,
soaking of the boat has been going since the seventh century. As a result
of soaking the wood moisture content increased even reaching the watersaturated conditions. Water saturated conditions lead to the development
dimension and the timber having the water volume at maximum levels,
even reaching the level of swelling of the wood.
Swelling of the wood until it reaches maximum volume indicates a
disintegration of the wood components. Disintegration of wood

�6

components take place at various levels, both at the tissue level, cellular,
and in the level fibrils, even at the chemical level. Disintegration of wood
components will carry consequences for the form of wood that has been
missing all the basic properties of wood. Its chemical properties, physical
properties, mechanical properties, and natural durability properties have
been degraded so that the trait has been detached from the timber, unless
the nature of the structure still exists (Suranto 2010).
Disintegration at the tissue level can be seen from the presence of
cracks, breaks, and even splits on various timber for boat preparation. For
example, a part of the timber separated from the ancient boat.
Disintegration at the cellular level can be seen from the fragility of
wood in the longitudinal direction on a variety of wood making up the boat.
Disintegration at the level of the chemical can be proven through
further research activity of organisms to analyze the chemical properties of
wood using the equipment in the laboratory. More generally, the
disintegration of the chemical components of wood can be seen from the
texture of wood. Wood that has disintegrating components can be seen in
acute texture, namely that the wood does not have the ability to reflect
light again, the wood is not shiny. In other words, the timber as part of the
components of the boat looked bleak (Suranto 2010).
Based on the above data, the right technology for the handling of
an ancient boat in Rembang Regency is the technology of preservation
and dimensional stabilization of wood technology.
The growth of fungus appeared in the field observations. Fungus is
microorganism that have no chlorophyll and so can not make their own
food. Therefore to survive it rides on other living things, in this case a boat
whose condition is already fragile as a medium for the growth of fungi.
Hyphae into the wood fiber so that the wood becomes softer.
Marine worms is a marine borer organism that can degrade the
quality of wood to be softer.
Based on the results of laboratory tests conducted by the Centre for
Conservation of Borobudur, Magelang, Central Java, Indonesia in 2010
are as follows.
Based on field measurements showed the following results i.e:
outside temperature. 24,8ºC (at 6 a,m) -31,4(at 11.30 a.m), outside
humidity: 59 -85%, wind speed 1,6 -27,4 km/h, in temperature 24,8 ºC 34,5 ºC.
While based on the results of laboratory studies on the water
content of wood before treatment is equal to 326%, after immersion in
PEG 20% moisture content to 106%, after immersion of PEG was
increased to 30% moisture content to 54%, and levels of immersion in
PEG 40% moisture content to 18% as an equilibrium moisture content. Its
experiment of immersion duration is four weeks.

�7

Table 1. The observation of the condition of the wood components of an
ancient boat.(Kusumastuti, et al. 2010)
No.
Parameter
Results
1.
Fungi
80%
2.
Crack
&gt; 30%
3.
Humidity
100%
4.
Hardness
Very soft

No.

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

Table 2. The results of chemical analysis of soil samples
(Kusumastuti, et al. 2010)
Parameters are
Samples
analyzed
(%)
S1
S2
SiO2
89,30
77,63
Ca
1,60
1,60
Mg
1,46
1,95
Al
2,58
2,49
Fe
1,79
1,34
SO4
3,07
3,07
Cl
0,79
0,99

Remarks:
S1: grayed soil samples
S2: yellowish soil samples
Results of measurements of soil permeability indicate that the soil around the boat has a
-3
-5
low permeability with rate speeds of between 10 - 10 is in the form of fine sand.

Table 3. Salt content of wooden components on an ancient boat
(Kusumastuti, et al. 2010)
No.
Phase
Salinity
pH
Temperature Remarks
Sea
water

&gt;1,641 ppt

Chemical
analysis

1

1th

Desalination Process
1,641 ppt
7,67
20 ºC

2
3
4
5
6
7

2nd
3th
4th
5th
6th
Tap water

1,517 ppt
1,045 ppt
427,3 ppm
326,8 ppm
276,1 ppm
239,6 ppm

6,18
6,90
6,59
6,90
6,65
6,51

Salinity
meter

24,2 ºC
22,7 ºC
24,4 ºC
24 ºC
24,9 ºC
24,8 ºC

Therefore, treatment programs of ancient boat should be done by
the following method:

�8

a.Desalination
Desalination should be done, because the wood in the sea water contains
very high levels of salt. Salinity can disrupt the process of conservation, if
not removed. Desalination process is carried out by immersing the
waterlogged wood in plain water or mineral-free water. Soaking is done in
stages with running water, so that the soluble salts can be removed from
the soaking tub. Desalination is done until the soaking water is not saline.
Salinity can be monitored with a measurement tool or with the analysis of
levels of chloride Cl ). The most damaging salt is sodium sulfite.
b.Cleaning
Cleaning is done simultaneously with desalination. During the cleaning,
water continues to flow so it carries away salt impurities. Common
impurities in the waterlogged wood is soil / mud, sand and other impurities.
Impurities in the form of soil or sand are relatively easy to clean manually.
The surface is very soft wood and because of this during cleaning one
should use a soft tool like a paintbrush. Careful cleaning by hand can also
be done because the surface of the skin of the hands can touch and feel
the part that is still dirty, and the required pressure level can be set with
professionally attuned touch. Wood is often found under the sea
overgrown with corals and marine animals (sea crabs, marine worms).
Corals are extremely hard, harder than artifact. Therefore, in situ cleaning
of the wood must be done manually with caution. The use of chemicals
can harm the object if not careful. Manual cleaning is assisted by means of
a scalpel, needle, taper pliers, small hammer and others in a very careful
manner so as to not damage the object.
c.Impregnation and Stabilization
The process of impregnation and stabilization is needed in the
conservation of waterlogged wood in situ. Impregnation is the process of
inserting chemicals into the cell structure of wood so that it is filled by the
chemical and free water pushed out from the cell, so the wood becomes
more stable. The chemical used is Polyethylene Glycol (PEG) 400 as well
as 4000 with the formula H2OCH (CH2OH2) CH2OH.
Before implementation of soaking one must first prepare a
watertight soaking tub. Due to high cost for ancient boat conservation at
this moment their is limited state budget in Indonesia to make and
appropriate shell or soaking tub for the boat. So the chosen alternative is
in situ conservation, because to transfer the object to another place to
make the shell is very expensive.
Besides explanation above, in 2011 will be made the preparation of
Master plan of Ancient boat sites and Area Preservation and Development
Punjulharjo surroundings. Master plan preparation purposes is an ancient
boat handling, and preparing the Grand Design Museum Ancient Boat
Punjulharjo. This activity will be conducted by Regional Government of

�9

Central Java Province, Indonesia in the three terms level i.e. short term,
medium term, and long term.

4. Conclusions
Based on experiments that have been done in order to conserve the
ancient boat in Rembang regency can be summarized as follows:
a. Water affects the condition of the boat where it is located on sandy
soil with low permeability rates and high salinity.
b. The existence of both temperature and humidity fluctuations. Outside
temperature is 24.8 °C in the morning and temperature reached until
maximum is 31.4 °C at noon. The air humidity showed inverse ratio
with the air temperature. If the air temperature increases, then the
humidity goes down.
c. Results of observations indicate that the condition of the boat is very
serious level of damage. The wooden components of the boat is very
soft, and it is very suitable as a medium for the growth of fungi. In
addition there are also other organisms of fungi namely marine
worms (Marine borer). Marine worms is that the longer an animal
borer will decrease the strength of the wood itself. Condition of the
wood has cracks more than 30%. Wood cracking was evident on the
first layer.
d. Conservation methods used are desalination, cleaning, impregnation
and stabilization.
e. Development and utilization of sites Punjulharjo boat is done in three
terms: short term, medium term, long term

Figure 1. Condition of the ancient boat on November 2008,
by Waluyo Agus P.

�10

Figure 2. The boat was covered by wet cotton flannel.
This photo was taken by Waluyo Agus P.
on the last September 2011.

Figure 3. Environment of Punjulharjo ancient boat site
on the last September 2011. It was taken by Waluyo Agus P.

5. Bibliography
Agrawal, O.P.,
1977
Cahyandaru, N.,
Swastikawati, A.,
Brahmantara,
Kusumawati, H.,
Atmaja, Y.,
2010

Conservation and Preservation of Museum Objects,
National Research Laboratory for Conservation of
Cultural Property, New Delhi, pp.72-76
Laporan Hasil Kajian Konservasi dan Konsep
Pengembangan Perahu Kuno Rembang, Balai
Konservasi Borobudur, Magelang, Jawa Tengah,
Indonesia

�11

Methods of Conserving Archaeological Material
from Underwater Sites, Conservation Research
Laboratory, Center for Maritime Archaeology and
Conservation, Texas A &amp; M University.
Charter on The Protection and Management of
ICOMOS,
Underwater Cultural Heritage.
1996
The Law of The Republic of Indonesia number 11
Kemenbudpar,
of 2010 concerning items of Cultural Property, p.58.
2010
Kusumastuti,
H., Hasil Sementara Studi Konservasi Terhadap
Wahyuni,
S., Perahu Kuno Rembang, Varuna Jurnal Arkeologi
Atmaja, Y.,
Bawah Air, Direktorat Peninggalan Bawah Air,
2010
Direktorat Jenderal Sejarah Dan Purbakala,
Kementerian
Kebudayaan
dan
Pariwisata,
Indonesia.
Siswanto, Abbas,
Ringkasan
Hasil
Penelitian
Situs
Perahu
N.,
Punjulharjo, Kabupaten Rembang, Varuna Jurnal
2010
Arkeologi Bawah Air, Direktorat Peninggalan
Bawah Air, Direktorat Jenderal Sejarah Dan
Purbakala,
Kementerian
Kebudayaan
dan
Pariwisata, Indonesia.
Suranto, Y.,
Sumbangan Pemikiran Bagi Penanganan Perahu
2010
Kuna Punjulharjo Rembang, Varuna Jurnal
Arkeologi Bawah Air, Direktorat Peninggalan
Bawah Air, Direktorat Jenderal Sejarah Dan
Purbakala,
Kementerian
Kebudayaan
dan
Pariwisata, Indonesia.
Covention on The Protection of The Underwater
UNESCO,
Cultural Heritage.
2001
Hamilton, D.L.,
1999

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                <text>Conservation Research and Treatment Programs: Case Study of Ancient Boat Site in Rembang Regency</text>
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                <text>Session 7&#13;
Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management</text>
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                <text>The ancient boat was made around the 7th century A.D. It was found on July 26, 2008 at 07.30 p.m. at Punjulharjo Village, Rembang Regency, Central Java Province, Indonesia. The boat site is covered by soil as deep as  two metres and is located at the southern of coastline with a distance of 0,5 to 1 km. When the ancient boat was found, the shape of the boat was still intact. Size of the boat is 15 metres length and 5 metres width. Not only the shape is relatively intact but also the disclosure of data of the archipelago's unique technology could be held within this boat that was almost complete. Tambuku is the type of palm fibre rope, pegs was used in the boat and other components that have never been encountered before is really a remarkable data essential for the development of maritime archaeology, especially in Indonesia. The ancient boat has important value for history, science, technology, and culture. As an important cultural asset and potential, its existence must be well managed and sustainable by optimizing in situ conservation. &#13;
&#13;
Conservation research should be conducted to identify the ancient boat such as the kind of materials for making a boat, condition of boat materials, the site condition of the boat, and environmental condition. Conservation method should be based on the results of diagnosis in the laboratory as well as in the field. &#13;
&#13;
In situ conservation is another important approach to preserve the ancient boat, which simultaneously give positive impacts to tourism aspects and development to the region.</text>
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                <text>Waluyo Agus Priyanto</text>
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                <text>November 2011</text>
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                    <text>The Archaeological Investigation of “Kamikaze”
The Mongol Invasion of Japan
Randall J. Sasaki

Abstract
The historical event that produced the term “Kamikaze,” the Mongol Invasion of Japan led by
Kubilai Khan in 1281 Common Era (C.E.), was shrouded in mystery until a chance discovery off
Takashima Island in Japan revealed the remains of his fleet. It is said that more than three
thousand Chinese and Korean ships met catastrophic ends as a result of the powerful storm.
Scholars have asked why such a large number of ships perished; their answers range from the
effects of a typhoon to ill-prepared ships to the skills of Japan’s Samurai defenders. Despite
detailed research efforts, no conclusion has been reached due to the lack of substantial evidence.
The archaeological remains discovered at the Takashima underwater site may change how we
view this significant battle that changed Japan’s history. Based on his own research, the author
discusses various reasons why the invasion may have failed and whether the analysis of
archaeological remains can add new evidence for understanding the fate of Kahn’s fleet. In
particular, the author focuses on the construction and outfitting of the vessels used for the
invasion.
Ships are arguably the most complex “artifacts” that humans have created and thus
reflect the environment, society, and people that were involved in building the vessel.
Furthermore, ships were the essential component for the invasion of Japan. Anchors, degraded
timbers, possible repairs, artifacts such as personal effects and weaponry, as well as timber
species analysis and the study of fleet organization all tell a story about what took place in the
past. Close examination of information from Takashima sheds new light on the cause of the
largest naval disaster in the pre-modern era.

Introduction
Legends tell us that a catastrophic storm obliterated Kublai Khan’s fleet of more
than 4,000 ships off Takashima Island in Southwestern Japan during his second
invasion in 1281 C.E. (Figure 1). However, many have doubted the storm was
the only cause and proposed several reasons for the failure of the invasion
(Conlan 2001; Saeki 2003; Turnbull 2010). This paper tries to answer whether it
was human or environmental factors that caused the invasion to fail. A Japanese
archaeological team has successfully located fragments of hull timbers from this
ill-fated fleet along the southern shores of the island of Takashima (Matsuura
Board of Education 2008). This is not a typical archaeological excavation
because the entire bay may be considered an archaeological site; perhaps only 1
% of the “site” has been properly excavated. Several excavation projects were
conducted intermittently for the past 20 years at Takashima (Matsuura Board of
Education 2008). In 2004, the author initiated a project funded by the Institute of
Nautical Archaeology at Texas A&amp;M University and RPM Nautical Foundation to
analyze over 500 pieces of timber excavated at Takashima underwater site. The
data gathered from subsequent analysis provide hints of the organization of the
fleet, as well as signs of poorly constructed ships and evidence of possible
Japanese defense (Sasaki 2008). This research has provided evidence for
various factors that played a significant role in an event that changed the course
of Japanese history.

�Figure 1. A Map of Southwestern Japan and Takashima Island

Takashima Underwater Site
A unique characteristic of the Takashima underwater site is that there is no
discernable distribution pattern of artifacts and the large majority of the artifacts
appear to be small broken fragments. A brief analysis showed that 90% of the
timbers were less than 1 meter (m) in length. In addition, close to 70% of the
timbers were simply too degraded to provide any useful information. The author
believes their degraded state to be attributable to a series of post depositional
events. All excavations conducted at Takashima were rescue projects and mainly
areas close to the shoreline were excavated. The near shore zones are usually
directly affected by current and have been heavily churned up. The visual
inspection of the timber fragments exhibited shipworm damage typical of such
conditions.
Although the majority of areas excavated were heavily disturbed zones,
clear signs of an undisturbed layer were found when a small but slightly deeper
location was excavated; the discovery of well preserved anchors described below

�evidenced such condition. Four wooden anchors were found in situ as if these
were cast overboard during the legendary storm (Figure 2). These anchors, all
aligned in the same direction, were set to prevent the ships from striking against
the shore and their directions indicate that the wind was blowing from south - a
typical typhoon wind direction in the area (Takashima Board of Education 1996:
31-33). The estimated original length of the largest anchor’s shank may be 5 m
or more. Based on his study of a military treatise, Kinya Yamagata (1996:128130) estimates that the vessel may have been about 40 m in length. There
appears to be no need for further proof that there was a storm other than the four
anchors in the same direction trying to prevent the ships from being blown
against the shore. The Takashima underwater site has the potential for retaining
a number of intact and well-preserved vessels. Until this breakthrough discovery
takes place we must rely on broken isolated fragments to tell us the story of this
historic event.

Figure 2. The Four Anchors Found at Takashima in situ.
(After Takashima Board of Education 1996: fig.13)

Organization of the Fleet
The first invasion of Japan in 1274 C.E. provides excellent insights into how the
second invasion may have been organized. Historical accounts mention three
types of vessels being prepared; one-thousand-Liao ships, Baator fast-boats,
and water transport boats). The Liao ship can be considered a large vessel that

�is 300 tons or more, the Baator ship is most likely a slender landing craft, and the
water transports can be considered as miscellaneous small boats (Yamagata
2004: 48-49). Any invasion across the sea requires a large amount of grain, thus
large cargo vessels were a necessary asset of the Kublai Khan fleet. Such
vessels, however, must be accompanied by smaller craft to carry supplies
between ships and shore. A large vessel, although excellent at keeping a straight
course in deep water, cannot navigate in shallow water because of its deep draft.
In addition to V-shaped deep draft cargo vessels, it was necessary to bring
shallow draft watercraft capable of beaching to quickly disembark troops. The
composition of the first invasion fleet makes perfect sense. The author assumes
that the second invasion was organized with a similar strategy in mind. Written
sources note two separate fleets organized for the second invasion; one set out
from Korea and another from the Yangtze River mouth. Historian Kōki Ōta (1997)
suggests that the fleet from Korea carried the main fighting force, while the ships
from China were to support the operation and to carry supplies to the front. He
based this hypothesis on differences in circumstances and physical environment.
The number of ships and troops, and the amount of grain that each fleet carried
appears to support this claim.
It also appears that Kublai may have organized the two fleets using
different ships knowing the types of vessels built in the area and the types of
vessels best suited for a specific task. Ōta (1997:46) notes a remark in Koryo
Sah made by Kublai stating “ships from the Song are big but not strong; Korean
ships are small but strong.”This implies that he was aware of different ships
available for his use and the characteristics of those ships.
Besides the 900 ships built in Korea, Kublai ordered the provinces and
towns of Yangzhou, Hunan, Kanzhou, and Quanzhou to build 600 vessels.
Korean flat-bottom vessels were constructed to navigate in shallow waters and
withstand the harsh sea environment (Sasaki 2010; Kim 1994). Vessels built in
Yangzhou were suited for both estuaries and coastal waterways while Hunan
and Kanzhou are known for excellent river-craft that they built (Worcester 1971).
These vessels were made with flat, to rounded-bottom, structure hull shape best
for miscellaneous functions including reconnaissance and transporting supplies
and soldiers between ships and near shore. Quanzhou is a famous shipbuilding
town in Fujian province where large ocean going ships with V-shaped hulls were
built (Kimura 2010). Based on the evidence discussed above, it can be
suggested that the fleet from Korea was composed of shallow draft vessels
capable of landing troops, while the fleet from China was composed of large
deep draft vessels that could carry large cargo as well as miscellaneous ships
suited for various tasks including reconnaissance and transporting goods for
short distances.
Based on the discussion above, the ship timbers from Takashima should
include fragments from large vessels built in Fujian province and smaller
watercraft built along the Yangtze River. First, the size of timbers from
Takashima is a good indication of the general composition of the fleet. Only a
handful of planks from Takashima were thicker than 8 cm, suggesting that many
of the timbers belonged to small vessels, most likely from the Yangtze River.

�Most of these timbers were beams, railings, supporting timbers, and broken
planks. A possible hull frame was found and this artifact may suggest a gentle
curving hull typical of the Yangtze estuary ships. Many of the complete timbers
were also from smaller ships. While not representing a significant portion of the
remains, at least one large vessel with a V-shaped hull built in Fujian province
was present (). The 6 m wide bulkhead plank is from a large ship, based on its
size and construction features similar to those observed in other excavated
vessels, including the Shinan and Quanzhou shipwrecks (Green, et al. 1998;
National Maritime Museum of Korea 2006) (Figure 3). The estimated length of
the vessel may be beyond 30 m and its capacity may have been 300 tons or
more. In my research, I realized that what seems to be a minor construction
feature, such as differences in joinery methods, can be used to identify the
original port of a vessel. Korean shipwrights built ships without using a single iron
nail, while the Chinese built their vessels with the liberal use of iron nails (Kimura
2010). One area of possible hull remains was isolated from other timbers at the
Takashima site, and close to two thirds of its timbers contained at least one nail.
Furthermore, none of the timbers from this site could be confirmed with certainty
as having originated from Korea. It must be noted that other types of artifacts,
such as ceramics, suggest a similar scenario; almost all artifacts were from
China, and only a small percentage were Korean made. This evidence seems to
correspond to the historical records. According to historical accounts it is known
that most of the Korean ships were saved (Ōta 1997:71-76). Overall, the
archaeological evidence gleaned from Takashima seems to correspond well with
the organization of the fleets derived from historical documents.

Figure 3. The 6 m wide V-shaped Bulkhead Planks of a Cargo Vessel
Discovered at Takashima

Sign of Poorly Constructed Ships
It is difficult to imagine how Kublai amassed more than 4,000 ships and thus it is
often argued that it was not the storm but rather poorly constructed ships that
ultimately caused the invasion to fail. Analysis of historical documents tells us
that the use of merchant and pirate ships for naval use was a common practice

�at the time (Lo 1969). One important artifact, a wooden tag with lacquer
inscription, was uncovered at Takashima. This tag reads, “in the first year of ….,
[name of an official] inspected, repaired, and approved [this item]” (Yokkaichi
2002). It is logical to assume that the item repaired was something important,
perhaps a ship. If this was indeed the case, it implies that not all ships were
newly constructed.
From Takashima, no less than twenty timbers exhibit evidence of possible
repair and recycling. More than a dozen timbers had multiple nails of different
sizes from various angles placed in close proximity--often less than 2 cm--which
can be taken as a sign of recycled wood. It is not logical to place so many nails in
such a close proximity and I believe these are signs of repairs. The presence of
such signs indicates some repairs took place, but does not shed light on how
many vessels were repaired or how extensive these repairs were. Considering
the nature of the site, it is difficult to know exactly what percentage of the ships
were repaired. Many timbers, including a possible mast step and 6 m long
bulkhead planks, exhibit what seems to be a sign of poor craftsmanship.
However, a deeper understanding of East Asian shipbuilding tradition may alter
such ideas. For instance, a mast step from Takashima has been noted as an
example of poor craftsmanship (Man 2006; Turnball 2010) However, mast steps
in East Asian ships played a minor role in the hull’s overall integrity, compared to
Western ships and should not be used as a clear evidence for the ship being built
in a poor manner. A mast step played an important role in supporting a mast in
Western built ships (Steffy 1994). On the other hand, in Chinese shipbuilding
tradition, the stress from the mast is distributed to the hull through tabernacles,
carlings, and bulkheads. A mast step is only a small component in supporting the
weight of the mast. Thus, a poorly constructed mast step alone may not indicate
that the ship itself was constructed in a hasty manner. At the same time, some
timbers exhibit evidence of excellent craftsmanship and attention to detail. A
representation of one or two example(s) of poorly constructed or well-crafted
components does not tell us about the relative strength of a vessel. Nonetheless,
it is clear that not all ships in the invasion fleet were new.
The species identification of wooden artifacts from Takashima may hold
the key to the riddle, and these analytical results may be essential to
understanding the strategy for preparing the invasion. Historical accounts as well
as archaeological evidence from some shipwrecks reveal that traditional
shipwrights had a preference in choosing the types of wood they used to build
vessels. In general, Chinese shipwrights used camphor (Cinnamomum
camphora) or China fir (Cunninhamia lanceolata) to construct ship hulls (Xi
1999). It can be assumed that if the shipwrights were constructing vessels in a
hasty manner and were subject to environmental pressures, the species that
shipwrights used to build vessels would vary.
The species identification of 475 samples of wood from Takashima was
conducted and the results published (Matsuura Board of Education 2008: 193230). The author isolated 174 samples of hull components from the rest of the
timbers, and 32.8% are camphor wood, while pine accounted for 22.4% and
China fir accounted for 14.9% of the sample group. Fifteen timbers were

�identified as possible bulkheads and twelve of these were manufactured from
camphor wood. Also, fifteen timbers thought to be hull planks included nine
samples of camphor. Smaller components and thin planks showed more variety
in wood species while larger and thicker components showed less variety of
wood types.
The analysis of firewood, perhaps the most overlooked item in the
archaeological record, was also important in determining the potential
environmental pressure that China experienced at the time of the invasion. A
total of 80 timbers from Takashima were identified as firewood (Figure 4). One
important use for firewood was for communication between ships. The use of
signal fires to keep the fleet intact and guide its vessels (many of which had few
navigators), was a well known practice in East Asia (Batten 2006:83; Ōba
2001:1). The result of the species identification revealed that 80% of these logs
were softwood, with 63% of them pine. Softwood, such as pine, does not require
much time to season and can be used when slightly damp, which makes an
excellent choice for use on board a vessel. Softwood also produces more smoke
than hardwood. The analysis of the wood species indicates that preparation for
the invasion was not based on the strategy of, “using whatever wood they could
get their hands on”, but was based on, “using the wood types that best fit the
purposes”. It appears that when constructing these vessels shipwrights were not
forced to use alternative less desirable timber.

Figure 4. A Large Number of These Firewood were Found at Takashima.

�Evidence of Possible Japanese Defense
Thomas Conlan (2001) claims that the Japanese did not need a great typhoon to
win the war; the Samurai’s bravery and fighting skills combined with the
defensive walls that the Japanese built, were effective in keeping the Mongols
from landing. The timbers found at Takashima contain clues to the actions of the
Japanese defenders. Charred ship timbers may be one such clue. Close to forty
timbers appear to have been scorched and many more timbers showed traces of
fire damage. These charred timbers may be parts of vessels consumed by
Japanese fire attacks. Furthermore, remnants of heavily burnt upper hull
structures add credence to the argument that the samurai set fire to the enemy’s
ships (Man 2006; Turnball 2010). Another clue is an elongated plank the surface
of which was covered with numerous nails. Various sizes of nail holes were
found and no order was found in the placement of nails. It might have been part
of a spiked gunwale that prevented the enemy from boarding the vessel; when
enemies tried to board the vessel, their hands would be caught on these nails.
Yamagata (2004:88) mentions a Chinese treatise stating the use of such a
defensive device. The presence of the spiked gunwale, if indeed that is what this
artifact represents, implies that the Mongols were prepared for the possibility of
Japanese attacks on their vessels.

Conclusions
The archaeological evidence from Takashima contributes new data to the
ongoing discussion of what really took place during the second Mongol invasion
of Japan. Although the site’s environment would appear to prevent its meaningful
interpretation, careful analysis has revealed a variety of potential research
directions. Although it is clear that there was indeed a powerful storm at the time
of the invasion, there was no single cause that led to the invading fleet’s
destruction. When discussing whether human or environmental factors caused
the failure of a particular event in history, we forget that the environment often
shapes human decisions. First, Kublai Khan decided upon an invasion across an
open sea, which can be considered an “environmental barrier”. A large number of
troops had to be gathered with enough provisions to sustain them during and
after the battle, and the invasion ships had to be built to withstand open sea
conditions. The presence of shallow water along the Japanese coastline made it
necessary to bring smaller, shallow-draft vessels. These would necessarily
include vessels not suited for open ocean sailing or the ability to withstand a
storm, but the plan to bring such vessels was part of Khan’s larger military
strategy. The wood species analysis and interpretation implies the vessels were
constructed using preferred timbers. From historical documents, it is known that
the Mongols could not take control of the land and were kept at bay by Japanese
fighters for a prolonged period of time. The Japanese defending forces that
prevented the Mongols from landing contributed significantly to the outcome of
the invasion event. Considering that the invasion took place during the typhoon
season, the chances of the Mongol forces being struck by a storm increased day
by day as long as they remained in their ships.

�Discovery of a complete vessel in the near future may or may not confirm
this interpretation of the Mongol invasion event. The research presented here is
based on actual remains of participating vessels and their associated artifacts,
but is still far from complete. Historians and archaeologists must actively debate
these analyses in order to clarify what really took place, and it is hoped such
discussion persists for the foreseeable future.

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                <text>The Archaeological Investigation of "Kamikaze"&#13;
The Mongol Invasion of Japan</text>
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Contexts of War and Conflict in Maritime and Underwater Cultural Heritage Research and Management</text>
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                <text>The historical event that produced the term â€œKamikaze,â€ the Mongol Invasion of Japan led by Kubilai Khan in 1281 Common Era (C.E.), was shrouded in mystery until a chance discovery off Takashima Island in Japan revealed the remains of his fleet. It is said that more than three thousand Chinese and Korean ships met catastrophic ends as a result of the powerful storm. Scholars have asked why such a large number of ships perished; their answers range from the effects of a typhoon to ill-prepared ships to the skills of Japanâ€™s Samurai defenders. Despite detailed research efforts, no conclusion has been reached due to the lack of substantial evidence. The archaeological remains discovered at the Takashima underwater site may change how we view this significant battle that changed Japanâ€™s history. Based on his own research, the author discusses various reasons why the invasion may have failed and whether the analysis of archaeological remains can add new evidence for understanding the fate of Kahnâ€™s fleet. In particular, the author focuses on the construction and outfitting of the vessels used for the invasion.&#13;
&#13;
Ships are arguably the most complex â€œartifactsâ€ that humans have created and thus reflect the environment, society, and people that were involved in building the vessel. Furthermore, ships were the essential component for the invasion of Japan. Anchors, degraded timbers, possible repairs, artifacts such as personal effects and weaponry, as well as timber species analysis and the study of fleet organization all tell a story about what took place in the past. Close examination of information from Takashima sheds new light on the cause of the largest naval disaster in the pre-modern era.</text>
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                <text>Randall J. Sasaki</text>
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