22 10 700 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Food and Money in Ancient China: The Earliest Economic History of China to A.D. 25: Han Shu 24, with related texts, Han Shu 91 and Shih-chi 129 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ban, Gu Nancy Lee Swann Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Octagon Books Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1950 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Ban, Gu Translator Nancy Lee Swann Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1950 Edition 1974 Place New York Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Octagon Books Title A name given to the resource Food and Money in Ancient China: The Earliest Economic History of China to A.D. 25: Han Shu 24, with related texts, Han Shu 91 and Shih-chi 129 China https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/0360e971ac74b77dcc466348b9e4824f.pdf c15fdc94be37a269470b756649233bc8 PDF Text Text Forgotten Past? Alternative Forms for Museological Approach to interpret Egypt's Maritime Heritage Nevine Nizar Zakaria Abstract In the past decades, Ministry of Antiquities (MA) has invested many efforts in excavating underwater archeological sites, and mapping them to reveal the navigation routes during ancient times. Remarkable discoveries have been made by the European Institute of Underwater Archeology (IEASM) as well as others archeological projects on Egypt's coasts. Despite this wealth of Egypt's maritime history and intellectual resources, it lacks a Maritime Museum till present or even an exhibition gallery dedicated to elucidate maritime' legacies to the local community. It also lacks a special legal placement for Maritime cultural heritage with scientific management principles oriented towards interconnects the society, local governing authorities and museums professionals with cultural purposes to promote and preserve Maritime History of Egypt. Maximizing awareness is the key element to preserve and publish the Maritime Heritage. So, How to make it accessible to the public? How to foster this richness past in the minds of young generations? This paper presents approachable alternative forms to ensure effective engagement with the public and develop new strategies for sustainable future of Egypt's UCH. Key words: Egypt, UCH, public engagement Introduction Maritime history of Egypt dates back to thousands of years where Egypt was at the center of the global commerce and at the axis of trade routes linking Asia, Europe, and Africa. It's blessed with a rich maritime history and diversity of underwater archeology holds the memories of our nation's past and the legacy of Egypt's history that still preserved beneath the sea. Hence, this paper is rooted in several interconnected purposes and concerns contribute to developing understanding of maritime Egypt which is crucial for preserving and promoting the tangible and intangible of �maritime cultural of Egypt as living heritage. The central aim of this paper is to propose new alternative approaches to go beyond to raise interest among the public with maritime cultural, and foster the involvement of local community in an awareness-raising process lead to major endearment towards shaping the national identity of Egypt maritime. The framework is consisting of three main sections 1) elucidate the historical value and cultural significance of Egypt maritime; 2) define how maritime cultural interpreted in the Egyptian antiquities museums; 3) setting up new effective solutions for imparting knowledge and information of Egypt's maritime and encourage interaction and engagement among the public. 1) The Cultural Setting The cultural setting of maritime Egypt is commitment to two main factors; a) maritime material cultural that's derived from the human interaction with the seas, Nile river, lakes, etc (which is known today as maritime archeology); b) underwater archeology that is relate to the archeological sites submerged beneath the water in old times (Bass, 2013), taken into consideration that most of Egypt' underwater archeological sites of the Mediterranean Sea were originally maritime sites ( served as trading ports) before disappearance in the waters due to seismic factors and geological subsidence (Stanley, et al., 2007). A) Cultural significance of Maritime Egypt 'When the Nile covers the land, only the towns are visible above the water, and they look like nothing so much as the Aegean islands. The rest of Egypt becomes open sea, with only the towns rising up out of it'. (Herodotus II.97). On the geography of the country, the Greek historian Herodotus (c. 484425 BC) called Egypt 'the gift of the Nile' (Herodotus, 1998). Egypt's �landscape is determined by the presence of the Nile River, the largest river in the world, stretching from Africa to the Mediterranean Sea, and unquestionably most important element for the geography of both ancient and modern Egypt (Rice, 2003, Shaw and Nicholson, 1995). In addition to the riverine environment of Egypt, it has a special geographical location overlooking the Mediterranean Sea by the north and Red Sea by the east. With this unique nature, Egypt is considered in its role as seafaring nation influencing and interaction with others through well-established shipbuilding technology that permitted the Egyptians to sail round-trip journeys as early as ancient times. (Ward, 2012). The wealth of maritime Egypt materials (textual, iconographic, and archeological) comes from the ancient Egyptian cultural, which is called 'Pharaonic Egypt' [ Fig. 1] with many historical and archeological evidences provide significance data on the ancient Egyptian maritime activities and tasks; diversity of ships and boats representations, seafaring, sea power and naval forces operations, nautical expeditions, shipbuilding technology, models of boats left in tombs, full-size boats buried in the ground, mariners with their nautical titles, nautical themes within religious practices and much more meaningful resources reveals to what extent and variety the maritime influences on all levels of the ancient Egyptian civilization and penetrated in every aspect of its culture. �Fig. 1: Chronological Periods of Egypt. An asterisk (*) used to refers the periods mentioned in text. This has been formulated with references to: Shaw. G. J., The Pharaoh. Life on court and on Campain, London, 2012. Shaw, I., the Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford, 2000. The petri Museum's Digital Egypt for Universities: http://www.ucl.ac.uk/museums-static/digitalegypt/chronology/index.html accessed on 10th of July 2017 �It is worth mentioning that Egypt maritime had direct impact on the formation of the Egyptian state in Pharaonic times, as the earliest kings used maritime forces not only to facilitate communication and trade within Egypt and its neighbors, but also to conquer their enemies, threaten their rivals, and to consolidate their power (Gilbert, 2008). Egypt's shipbuilding technology was well-developed by late Naqadah II period (Vinson, 2009) indicate considerable navigation linked Egypt with Asia to the east and Sudan to the south. Great innovation in nautical technology was promoted by Predynastic period, in which Egyptian kings sent mining expeditions involving maritime forces along the Nile and cross the Red Sea to the south of Sinai (Gilbert, 2008). [Fig. 2] Fig. 2: Major trade routes used by Egyptian seafarers for mining and trade missions cross the Nile and the Red Sea's coastline during the Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom periods. (Gilbert, 2008) The seafaring activities is documented since old Kingdom and continued throughout ancient Egyptian History referring to maritime Egypt contact with the Late Bronze Age civilizations of the Eastern Mediterranean and �Aegean (Vinson, 2009). The Egyptians seafarers used both the Red and the Mediterranean seas for military expeditions to protect Sea Power ashore, as well as tribute and trade expeditions to obtain valuable products (Gilbert, 2008). [Fig. 2] Broad seagoing ships are seen in Queen Hatshepsut's expedition to Punt (probably the Horn of Africa) [Fig 3] provides clear evidences of seagoing ships arriving at Punt through the Red Sea. (Ward, 2012, Vinson, 1994, Landström, 1970). Fig. 3: Queen Hatshepsut's expedition to Punt commemorated in reliefs on her Funerary temple at Deir el Bahri, it is portray eight seagoing ships arriving at Punt loading with products. (Vinson, 1994) Close relationship between both Egyptian and Greek Civilizations initiated in the Saite period through maritime trade cross the Mediterranean Sea admitted Greek and Phoenician traders into Egypt (Goddio. and MassonBerghoff, 2016) up to the trading point of Naukratis at the east Delta. (Vinson, 2009) [Fig. 4] .After Alexander death 332 BC, the New city of Alexandria turned into one of the most important commercial port and �cultural centers of the Hellenistic Mediterranean (Vinson, 2009, Vinson, 1994). Fig. 4: Map of Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean illustrate the Greek cities and Island involved in the foundation of Naukratis according to Herodotus. (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff. 2016) The eastern trade was facilitated by the construction of a canal linking the Nile to the Red sea. subsequently, an open-water trade route between Egypt and India has been established by the Roman period "the Red SeaIndian Ocean route" turning Egypt into nexus of a far-flung international maritime system that tied the Mediterranean to distant ports in East Africa, Arabia, and India (Vinson, 2009, Meyer, 1992). (A) Underwater Heritage Beyond the evidences offered by the representations and epigraphy of ancient Egypt maritime, enormous numbers of archeological remains �submerged beneath the waters of the Mediterranean Sea and Red Sea, contribute information on new archeological sites with all its harbours, temples and towns that still preserved under the sea. In addition to large number of shipwrecks that's still lie on the seabed of both Mediterranean Sea and Red Seas. Hence, Egypt's Underwater cultural Heritage (UCH) have been stepped in the beginning of the twentieth century with individual amateur efforts reflect the growing interest in Egypt's underwater archeology especially in Alexandria (Khalil and Moustafa 2002). In late 1996, the foundation of the Department for Underwater Antiquities (DUA) supervised by Ministry of Antiquities (MoA) to survey and carry out topographical study for the submerged landscape in collaboration with international institutions (Abdel-Maguid, 2012). This has been resulted in the discovery of many new underwater archeological sites in the Mediterranean Sea, the Red Sea, the Nile, and Lake Qarun, spans the history of different periods including the Pharaonic, Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine and Islamic periods (Abdel-Maguid, 2012, Khalil and Moustafa 2002 ). Major efforts are promoted by the Institut European d’Archeologie SousMarine (IEASM) in co-operation with MoA to allocate, identify and excavate the major ancient sites that vanished into the Mediterranean, specifically in the Eastern Harbours of Alexandria. It led to the rediscovery of two ancient sunken cities; Thonis-Heracleion and Canopus. (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff, 2016). Excavations uncovered monumental building, heads of Pharaohs, sphinxes, basins, columns, stelae, sizable assemblage of pottery and coins, and other significant colossal artifacts (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff, 2016, Goddio, 2007). �Archeological remains submerged in Red Sea indicate the wealth of UCH of the Red Sea with considerable efforts invested by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology (INA-Egypt) and In Situ Institute working alongside with DUA to revealing and surveying Red Sea underwater heritage (Abdel-Maguid, 2012). 2) Define and assess the presentation of maritime materials in the Egyptian Antiquities Museums This approach is largely depends on How maritime Egypt exists within the narrative structure and communication styles of the Egyptian Antiquities museums? And how the social interaction formulation exists both within and beyond the museums walls? In fact, the answers to these questions have direct impact on the content, context and consequences of interpreting maritime heritage of Egypt. Accordingly, we need first to examine the current museums setup that provides any context relate to maritime aspects of Egypt and obtain baseline information upon which we could define the missing aspects, subsequently generate creative solutions to messages communication and interpretation for the maritime heritage of Egypt. Egypt has different types of museums, ranging in size and activity from main national museums to small provincial museums. They vary too in their purpose, their collections, the ways of display, and the public they seek to serve. According to the programme set by the Ministry of Cultural and the Supreme Council of Antiquities (later MoA) in 2005, the Egyptian museums subdivided into five main categories; (1) Regional civilization museums (2) Site museums (3) Specialized museums (4) Graeco-roman, Coptic and Islamic museums (5) Main national museums (Hawass, 2005). �However, this classification did not support the national identity of the Egyptian heritage. Doyon classify the full range of Egyptian museums by subject- type using the five basic distinction of archeology (from prehistoric to Islamic), history, art, ethnography, and natural history (Doyon, 2008). Compared with the classification and types of museums that are seen nowadays around the world, there is a specific type for maritime history and nautical activities specialized in displaying ships, navies, military use of the sea and all that is related to any human activity at the sea. (Bass, 2013, Neill and Krohn, 1991). In this view, and despite the wealth of Egypt's maritime history and the massively intellectual resources, it lacks that type of maritime museum or even a comprehensive gallery disseminates the cultural identity of Egypt maritime and its legacies to the local community with well-constructed interpretive model. Although that a wide range of archeological objects of ships, boats, and other related materials can be seen broadly in many galleries at the Egyptian museums, but the composition of the archeological displays does not elucidate the maritime heritage of Egypt at any level or reflect the historical and geographical significance of the Egyptian civilization that rely heavily on the development of the maritime and the utilization of the sea power (see Gilbert, 2008). In researching the presentation of permanent displays for boats and ships among the Egyptian museums, two main museums become evident. One is Solar Boat Museum (Cheops) at Giza that displaying full-size vessel from ancient Egypt used for religious purposes. The other is that the local regional museum of Suez; the Suez National Museum which tells the �history of Suez Canal at ancient times, and displaying a round 1500 archeological artifacts span the full order of Egyptian history from prehistoric period till modern times with themes highlight on the Suez as an important port and navigational link at ancient Egypt, in addition to remarkable collection for boats accompanied with with maps and illustrations. Both museums are classified as Archeological museums (Doyon), and the thematic archeological exhibits are avoiding constructing narrative that would inform the public about the existence of distinctive maritime cultural in Egypt, moreover they have yet to produce any educational programmes communicate the maritime pasts to the public. Hence, it should be mentioning that, there is a series of exquisite touring exhibitions for Egypt's sunken treasures occurred throughout the last decade till present on loans to different destinations; France, United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, United states of America, Japan, presenting objects of underwater excavations of IESAM in collaboration with MoA (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff. 2016, Goddio and Clauss 2004). A variety of remarkable collections ranging between 250-500 underwater objects on displays in diverse venues all over the world attracting millions of visitors with focused scope on the lost world of the pharaohs beneath the sea and the relevant aspects of maritime Egypt. A good example is the Sunken Cities Exhibition at the British Museum in 2016. The Exhibition's narrative aimed to explain the encounter between ancient Egypt and Greek with understanding of the deep and meaningful interconnection between both Greek and Egyptian Communities through many themes highlighting on the cultural integration between Egypt and Greek world through the Sea, religion aspects interaction, trade and exchange cross the open water of Mediterranean Sea, Thonis- Heraclean �and Naukratis as international ports, long history entanglement between Egypt and Rome, Navigation of Osiris boats (Goddio and MassonBerghoff. 2016). The narrative is conveyed through a variety of explanation materials help communicate the information to the audience. In comparison with the local underwater venues of Egypt, there are number of permanent exhibitions in Alexandria' museums dedicated to display the recent excavations of underwater archeology, but without constructive narrative for neither Egypt maritime, nor intended messages rendering cultural/historical interpretation for the displayed objects. The concept is focusing only on presenting the recovered objects from the Eastern Harbour of Alexandria and Aboukir Bay and put them on display with textual description (artifacts labels) in different venues; the renovated Alexandria National Museum gallery presenting underwater artifacts, thematic section at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina Antiquities Museum demonstrate the submerged Antiquities, and part of the open –air landscape of the Roman Theater at Kom Al-Dikka display a number of underwater sculptures. Noticeably, the absence of maritime identity in the exhibitions context is related to the narrative content which avoiding the maritime scope and subsequently affect all levels of presented information and related public programmes. The main intention is to display the archeological materials of maritime form archeological point of view without considering any conjunction with the distinctive cultural of maritime Egypt. In general, the original formulation and fundamental structure of the display at all the Egyptian Antiquities museums derives from Egyptological and archeological prospective (Doyon, 2008). The methods of presentation the archeological collections rely on the repetition of certain �themes within the multiple periods of the ancient Egyptian history following the chorological order. Within a larger framework of presentation maritime materials, there is an ambitious plan to establish Underwater Museum in Alexandria's bay supported by the Egyptian authorities and UNESCO to preserve and exhibit the underwater heritage of Alexandria in sit (.Abd-el-Maguid, 2012). 3) Proposing innovative ways for interpreting maritime Egypt Maximizing awareness is the key element to preserve and publish the maritime heritage of Egypt and foster this richness past in the minds of young generations. Thus, this section aims to present approachable alternative forms to ensure effective engagement with the public and develop new strategies for sustainable future for Egypt's maritime and UCH through the following:  Formulating an illustrative and modern shape web-site for maritime It is now an uncontested fact that technology is pervasive throughout our lives; technology has become an integral part of the way that we communicate with each another and has increasingly taken the place of face-to-face communication (Kotler et al., 2008). We need to use these modern technologies advancement to communicate that level of engagement with the public and lead them gradually to embrace their maritime cultural heritage virtually. This approach will provide comprehensive information and broader and more cohesive picture on the overall maritime heritage of Egypt; subsequently will open up new opportunities for public to learn about varied aspects of maritime and UCH in an engaging way. In fact, it will fill �the gap for the absence of maritime museum in Egypt and will serve as a powerful engine for regeneration both tangible and intangible maritime heritage of Egypt. Keeping up with what the global museums offers nowadays for their users, and by adopting the current use of technologies and digital media particularly the revolutionary use of both AR and VR application and 3D modeling technology (Gutiérrez et al. 2016), this trend can take many forms; from building a virtual maritime museum with interactive stories arranged in chorological order (INDICAT, 2012), to diversity of meaningful visual narratives reveal the maritime legacies and the submerged heritage underwater arranged thematically, or virtual field trips to maritime cultural landscape and long coastlines of Egypt, or diving virtually into the depths of seas and encounter the treasures of the sunken cities, or using the visualization technology to reconstruct the UCH and maritime sites and get glimpse of lifestyles of the people in the past. In this concern, it should referring to the remarkable efforts of IEASM in create reconstruction for the discovered underwater cities ThonisHeracleion and Canopus, also the international harbour town of Naukratis with its Egyptian and Greek temples (Goddio and Masson-Berghoff, 2016) [Fig. 5]. �Fig. 5: Reconstruction of the international harbour town of Naukratis features the Egyptian and Greek temples. (Goddio and MassonBerghoff, 2016) These virtual experiences will promote the UCH and make it accessible to the public. On another hand, implementing interactive visualization technology and 3D modeling/mapping on underwater archeology will safeguard and preserve this endangered heritage under the seas. This approach can be achieved through active collaboration between MoA and Center for Documentation of Cultural Heritage at Egypt (CULTNAT), with support from IEASM and together with other local and international cultural authorities that concerned with maritime cultural and underwater archeology.  Online Exhibitions for Maritime Series Indeed, online viewing of maritime cultural heritage whether movable (museums) or immovable (underwater archeological sites) will attract visitors and encourage them to make actual visits, but what if the visitors themselves share their maritime memories online? �Online Exhibition is online display of collections with the aim of engaging an audience that is not necessarily expert (Museum Association, 2011). It's a new approach allow to share the museum collection through build online exhibits with objects, and invite visitors to share their memories (INDICAT, 2012, Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media, 2011). This online experience is relatively affordable in comparison to other techniques of display and considered to be interactive digital experience allows to use social media and search to build audiences, thus, it is two – way conversation process with the audience provide immersive engagement to the maritime cultural (Museum Association , 2011). In fact, these online maritime series can serve as social media platforms help in building maritime memories and promote two- ways communication with the local community through offering them the opportunity to share their maritime stories and other related memories. Hence, it can used broadly to preserve the intangible heritage and oral history of Egyptian maritime identity and linked the public with their maritime history as living heritage.  Visitor Center as interpretive tool for maritime cultural heritage of Egypt Visitor center is a powerful tool can be used effectively in the raising awareness process to stimulate the public towards understating their history of both maritime and the underwater archeology. visitor center has been identified as physical buildings located in a city or in historical and natural sites to provide visitors with services and information, it vary from a small building with modest services to great one with entertainment center and even a museum. (Mohamed, 2015, Pearce, 2004). �One of the main aspects of the visitor center is adopting interpretation content and technological components to communicate the provided information and related context to users (visitors, staff, and local community) (Pearce, 2004). Due to the International Conference organized by the Getty Conservation Institute and Paul Getty Museum in May1995, the main role of visitor center is to prepare the visitor to enjoy and understand the history behind the archeological site using different interpretive tools accompanied with walking tours whether guided or independent. (Mohamed, 2015). Bibliotheca Alexandrina(semi-governmental institution), one of the main cultural institute in Egypt has publish a book stressing the importance of visitor center in Egyptian community as a crucial tool for the preservation of archeological sites as well as participate in the community development (Hassan and Youssef 2008). In this light, considering a visitor center at the coasts of both Mediterranean and Red seas will emphasis particular interest for the local community and enabling them to understand the precious maritime heritage of Egypt. In the same context, it should be referring to the ambitious project that carried out in 2008 with the purpose of creating a network of visitors centers in the southern region of the Red Sea, entitled; ' Visitor Center Information Distribution Network –VCIDN' from Marsa Allam to Shalateen within a distance of 200 km. among the overall objective of this project, it aim to provide a deeper understanding of the cultural and marine history environment of the Red Sea region. Despite the construction of these networks of visitors' centers, it didn't open to the public till present. (USAID 2008). �Another project in the Red Sea region funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) regarding the restoration and transformation of historical ottoman fort dates back to 1571 at the Quseir ( located on the Red Sea ashore) into heritage visitor center with the involvement of the local communities. It served as learning center teaching the history of the Red Sea' legacy to the local by using creative interpretive methods ( e.g. they were able to revive the oldest fishing boat used in the port called the Gatira and create an identical replica based on the local’s memories). Unfortunately, after shifting this center under the jurisdiction of MoA, it loses many of its authenticity as heritage building due to lack of training for the staff. (Mohamed, 2015) However, the proposed venues for creating visitor center for interpreting the context of Egypt maritime and UCH can be located in different places; in the Red sea coastline; underwater archeological sites of Mediterranean Sea coastline particularly at Alexandria as a unique attraction point for both tourists and locals; the Bibliotheca Alexandrina or Qaitbay fort -the top-visited cultural site in Alexandria- since they both overlooking the Mediterranean Sea; or we might consider using one of the historical buildings in the Alexandria and transformed into a visitor center. This visitor center of maritime cultural and UCH could enrich both locals and tourists with a wide variety of maritime topics and encourage them to visits museums, thus will lead them to deeper engagement with the displays of sunken treasures collections and other related exhibitions in the Alexandria museums.  Cultural Network Egypt lacks a special legal placement for Maritime cultural heritage with scientific management principles oriented towards interconnects the �society, local governing authorities and museums professionals with cultural purposes to promote and preserve maritime history of Egypt. In this regard, we need to fostering cooperation on international scale between MoA, Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology, IEASM, together with UNESCO and ICOM committee for Maritime ICMM, and all relevant stakeholders to build up a "cultural network" tasked with developing sustainable strategies for preserving and communicating maritime cultural heritage of Egypt. The focused actions should be 1) Create thorough databank compiles all the UCH sites and maritime resources of Egypt both tangible and intangible; 2) create cultural map for all UCH sites and maritime sites of Egypt ; 3) develop methodology with standards and guidelines for promoting social and cultural programmes to the local community education; 4) set up implementation strategies for disseminating explanation materials and information, as well as collaborative projects with community participation.  Heritage Tours and Water Adventures By recognizing the vast submerged landscape that facing the Mediterranean and Red Seas, daily nature cruises and heritage tours with interpretive storytelling and explanatory materials can help the audiences to unlock the historic past beneath the water and had immersive engagement with maritime legacy. This might be led by museums staff, DUA staff, trained docents. In conclusion Egypt's maritime cultural is rich and diverse; its tangible and intangible aspects exerted a dominating influences on the formation and consolidation of the Egyptian civilization and its interconnection with the neighbors. Maritime Egypt still not defined, it is in need to identified, �explained and interpreted as powerful tool for the Egyptian history linked the public with their maritime national identity, and affect on their perception to the riverine and maritime nature of modern Egypt through developing and delivering meaningful and engagement offerings. Bibliography: .Abd-el-Maguid. M. M., 2012. Underwater Archaeology in Egypt and the Protection of its Underwater Cultural Heritage. Journal of Maritime Archeology, Vol. 7:193–207. Bass. G. F., 2013. The Development of Maritime Archeology. The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archeology. Oxford University Press. Oxford. Doyon, W., 2008, The Poetics of Egyptian Museum Practice. British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, Vol. 10:1-37. Gilbert, G.P., 2008. Ancient Egyptian Sea Power and the origin of Maritime Forces. National Library of Australian Cataloguing. Australia. Goddio, F. and Masson-Berghoff, A., 2016. Sunken Cities. Egypt's lost worlds. Thames & Hudson. UK. Goddio, F. 2007. The Topography and Excavation of Heracleion-Thonis and Eaast Canopus (1996-2006), Underwater Archeology in the Canopic Region in Egypt, Oxford Centre for Maritime Archeology 1, Oxford. Goddio, F and Clauss, M., 2004. Egypt’s sunken treasures. American University in Cairo Press, Cairo. Gutiérrez, J. M. et al. 2016. Virtual Technologies Trends in Education. EURASIA Journal of Mathematics Science and Technology Education. Spain. Hassan, F. and Youssef, M., 2008, Introduction, Cultural Heritage and Development in the Arab World. Cairo; 1-11. �Hawass, Z. 2005, A New Era for Museums in Egypt. Museum International 225/226. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization;7-23. Herodotus, 1998. The Histories. translated by Robin Waterfield. Oxford University Press. Oxford. INDICAT , 2012. International Network for Digital heritage E- Infrastructure. Handbook on Virtual Exhibitions and Virtual Performances. Khalil E. and Moustafa. M., 2002. Underwater Archaeology in Egypt. In: Ruppe C, Barstad J (eds) International handbook of underwater archaeology. Plenum Series in Underwater Archaeology, New York; 519– 539. Kotler et al., 2008. Museum Marketing and Strategy. Jossy-Bass. San Francisco. Landström, B., 1970. Ships of the pharaohs: 4000 years of Egyptian shipbuilding. Doubleday & Company. New York. Meyer, C., 1992. Glass from Quseir al-Qadim and the Indian Ocean trade. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization , Vol. 53. Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago .Chicago. Mohamed. M. 2015. The Role of Visitors Center to Enrich the Visitor Experience and to support the Community Development, Master of Arts Thesis-unpublished. Brandenburg Technology University Cottbus, German. Helwan University, Cairo. Museum Association, 2011. Practical tips for Creating Online Exhibitions. Neill. P and Krohn B., 1991. Great Maritime Museums of the world. Balsam Press in association with H.N. Abrams. New York. �Pearce, Ph. L., 2004. The functions and planning of visitor centres in regional tourism. Journal of Tourism Studies, Vol. 15 (1); 8-17. Rice, M., 2003. Egypt's Making. The origins of Ancient Egypt 5000-2000 BC. London. Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media, 2011. User Guide for Museum Professionals Instructions for Building a Website in Omeka.net for Sharing Museum Collections and Creating Digital Exhibits. Shaw. I and Nicholson. P., 1995. The British Museum Dictionary of Ancient Egypt. The American University in Cairo Press. Cairo. Stanley, J. D., Schnepp, G., and Jorstad T. F., 2007. Submergence of archeological sites in Aboukir Bay, the result of gradual long-term processes plus catastrophic events. In J. D. Stanley (Eds.), Geoarchaeology, Underwater Archeology in the Canopic Region in Egypt, Oxford Centre for Maritime Archeology 2, Oxford: 23-57. USAID, 2008. Egypt, Life red Sea Project, Enhancing Sustainable Tourism in the Southern Red Sea Region of Egypt, Vol. 6: Action Plan for Sustainable Tourism in the Southern Red Sea Region of Egypt, Cairo. Vinson. S., 2009. Seafaring. In Elizabeth Frood and Willeke Wendrich (eds.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. Los Angeles. Vinson, S., 1994. Egyptian boats and ships. Shire Egyptology 20. Shire Publications. UK. Ward. C., 2012. Building pharaoh’s ships: Cedar, incense and sailing the Great Green. British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, Vol. 18: 217–32. �Biography Nevine Nizar Zakria, has PH.D in Egyptology (2016), member staff of Ministry of Antiquities since (2001) till present. She has 15 years' experience of curatorial work and museological practices, involved in the process of developing the exhibition content of the Grand Egyptian Museum (2004-2015). She promotes her experience in Museology professionally by joining the international training programme of the British Museum (2012), and extra training in 2015. She has exposed to the best practices in the field of museums at UK, USA, Germany and India. Since (2015) She joining Helwan University as Lecturer in Museum Studies. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 4: Ensuring a Sustainable Future for UCH: Museums and Public Engagement Description An account of the resource Cultural heritage derives its value from societal contexts, and so public engagement plays an important role in growing support for, and interest in heritage. Engagement may take many forms, from awareness-raising to formal learning programmes to creating platforms for public participation in the process of heritage conservation, governance, and/or interpretation. Papers bridging theoretical and practical approaches to engagement with UCH are particularly welcome, as are papers which offer collaborative and/or participatory models, stakeholder engagement, capacity-building and development, approaches to the particular challenges of engagement with underwater cultural heritage vs other kinds of cultural heritage. Of course heritage exists in a variety of cultural frameworks, and ensuring sustainability requires approaches to engagement to be both responsive and sensitive to the overlapping cultural contexts in which UCH may exist. As a culturally diverse region, the treatment of heritage must be also tailored to cultural definitions, heritage management frameworks and conventions which may, in some cases, differ across jurisdictions/countries and their interests. The panel will also attempt to explore the ways in which UCH is managed within diverse cultural frameworks, and invites papers to examine topics including contested UCH, ownership, security, etc. The panel invites papers exploring significance within local, national and transnational historiographies and the implications for funding and management of UCH. UCH includes material that has been deposited on the seabed as a result of warfare and catastrophe, so papers which explore and/or engage with topics including loss, warfare, conflicted significance and contested heritage are particularly welcome. Other relevant sub-themes include: * Public engagement in the management of UCH * Interpreting maritime cultural heritage for non-specialist audiences * Significance, interpretative potential, stakeholders and support/sustainability * Museums, Education, Outreach and Conservation * Memory, memorials and memorialisation Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Raphael Igombo National Museums of Kenya, Kenya Michelle Damian Monmouth College (IL), USA Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Forgotten Past? Alternative Forms for Museological Approach to interpret Egypt's Maritime Heritage Description An account of the resource In the past decades, Ministry of Antiquities (MA) has invested many efforts in excavating underwater archeological sites, and mapping them to reveal the navigation routes during ancient times. Remarkable discoveries have been made by the European Institute of Underwater Archeology (IEASM) as well as others archeological projects on Egypt's coasts. Despite this wealth of Egypt's maritime history and intellectual resources, it lacks a Maritime Museum till present or even an exhibition gallery dedicated to elucidate maritime' legacies to the local community. It also lacks a special legal placement for Maritime cultural heritage with scientific management principles oriented towards interconnects the society, local governing authorities and museums professionals with cultural purposes to promote and preserve Maritime History of Egypt. Maximizing awareness is the key element to preserve and publish the Maritime Heritage. So, How to make it accessible to the public? How to foster this richness past in the minds of young generations? This paper presents approachable alternative forms to ensure effective engagement with the public and develop new strategies for sustainable future of Egypt's UCH. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nevine Nizar Zakaria Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Nevine Nizar Zakaria Asia-Pac Session 4 2017 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Four months on a Jap whaler Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource David R McCracken Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available R.M. McBride Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1948 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author David R McCracken Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1948 Edition 1st Library Catalog Amazon.com Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available R.M. McBride Title A name given to the resource Four months on a Jap whaler Japan https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/64ad8a22c5cfe1fe1f59018aba5e92dc.pdf 9e58dafb955ba10bfe12719524c7f38c PDF Text Text From Infrastructure to Icon: a Historical and Archaeological Analysis of the Randell Dry Dock. Britt Burton1 Abstract On the banks of the Murray River in the small township of Mannum, South Australia, lies an impressive and rare feat of early colonial maritime infrastructure; the Randell Dry Dock. Originally constructed as a timber floating dock in 1873, it was purchased by Captain William Randell and towed to Mannum. The imposing structure docked over half of all the paddle steamers on the Murray-Darling river system before being superseded in 1927. It is now only one of a handful of timber docks from this period still existing internationally. Archaeological investigations have been minimal on maritime infrastructure sites along the River Murray. A heritage trail has been implemented by the SA Department of Environment and Natural Resources and the SA Tourism Commission. The Randell Dry Dock is part of this trail and on the State Heritage Register. Archaeological investigations have revealed new information about the dock’s unique construction. This paper will outline the history and construction of this architectural gem, the seriousness of its current condition, and the ongoing fight against the clock by archaeologists and the local community to protect this rare and significant example of South Australian Murray River history. Introduction The Murray-Darling Basin river system in Australia began to take shape over forty million years ago. Encompassing three-quarters of New South Wales, over half of Victoria, an area of Queensland and the south-east corner of South Australia; it is approximately one-seventh of the entire Australian continent (Bennett 2004:8). The Murray River combines environmental beauty, rich cultural heritage and is the world’s sixteenth longest river at 2,530 kilometres (Griffiths & Jeffery n.d.). Rising water levels in the Murray are good news for the river’s health, but for Flinders University archaeologists working to conserve the unique nineteenth century Randell dry dock in the small riverside town of Mannum, South Australia, it creates an added sense of urgency. The project was first brought to the attention of the Flinders University Archaeology Department by the Mannum Dock Museum, because of their concern regarding the long term conservation and management of the dock. 1 1/23 Towers Terrace, South Plympton , South Australia, Australia, 5038, Email: burt0081@flinders.edu.au, Mobile: 61 0427 865 602 1 �Figure 1. Locality map, South Australia. The dock is located approximately 85 kilometres east of Adelaide (Image courtesy of H. & J. Griffiths, 2010 <www.jestercruises.com.au>). At the time Randell’s dock was built, iron was the prominent material for dock construction. This research is significant because few timber floating docks have survived into the modern era, and relatively little is known about their construction. Over one hundred years and countless physical changes later, it appears that elements of the dock’s original construction remain. As a result, it has the potential to yield information about the construction and development of timber floating docks. Historical Background The pattern of settlement and development along the River Murray from the 1850s onwards was determined by distance from large trade centres (like Adelaide) overland and the methods of transport available. Transport by water was very cost effective, and the River Murray provided the opportunity to open up huge areas inland (Swanbury Penglase 2002:9). 1848 saw the arrival of Albert Henry Landseer to South Australia. He capitalised on the huge expansion in river trade during the 1860s and 1870s (Swanbury Penglase 2002:11). After relocating his headquarters to Milang at the mouth of the Murray River, Landseer proposed a floating dock to provide an alternative to the slip at Goolwa (Southern Argus 2 �22nd August 1873: n.p.). Constructed in 1873, the dock was originally designed as a floating dock for use on Lake Alexandrina (Swanbury Penglase 2002:14). A floating dock is a structure that can be submerged to permit the entry and docking of a vessel, which is then raised to lift the vessel from the water for repairs (Gaythwaite 2004:446). Referred to as ‘the largest floating dock ever built in the southern hemisphere’ (Southern Argus 19th September 1873: n.p.), the Randell dry dock was the only floating dock active on the Murray-Darling river system. Built of red gum, an abundant source of reliable timber along the Murray, it contained framing and two layers of planking very similar to the structure of a wooden vessel. Historical sources suggest that the original length of the dock was 144 feet long, 40 feet wide, 9 feet deep and was estimated to carry 1000 tons (Southern Argus 19th September 1873: n.p.). As relatively new technology in Australia, there were only two similar facilities in the colony at the time the dock was built: the floating dock at King George Sound in Albany, Western Australia built in 1866 (Perth Gazette and West Australian Times 4th May 1866: n.p.) and Maggie, a Tasmanian wooden floating dock constructed in the 1880s (Richards 2003:145). Not suited to the shallow waters of Lake Alexandrina, the dock was purchased by Captain William Richard Randell, a prominent river pioneer, for use as a dry dock at Mannum. Randell arrived at Mannum with the dock after a harrowing trip up the Murray. He reported that the dock ‘moved like a snake’ because it had no keel, making navigation extremely difficult (Swanbury Penglase 2002:16). In order to install the 43.89 metre long structure, the river bank had to be excavated. It was eventually floated into place in February 1876 and officially opened on 5th June (Southern Argus 17th February 1876: n.p.). Over its forty-seven year commercial life about half of the steamers on the Murray and Darling Rivers spent some time in the dock (Swanbury Penglase 2002:5). It was officially closed with the introduction of a new slip upstream at Morgan (Swanbury Penglase 2002:5). The dock gradually silted up until the late 1980s when it was rediscovered and cleaned out by the local community with the aim of using it to dock and restore the paddle steamer PS Marion. After the restoration of the Marion, a pump kept the dock free of water so it could become the centrepiece of the Mannum Dock Museum (Swanbury Penglase 2002:29). Archaeological Investigations Four archaeological investigations for this research were carried out over a two year period beginning in 2009. Initial non-invasive investigations consisted of visual and GPR surveys as well as the creation of a full site plan. Two field seasons followed, which led to excavation on a number of areas in and around the Randell dry dock, photographic documentation, a second GPR survey and further site and feature drawings. 3 �December, 2009 Excavations in December 2009 yielded some of the dock’s structural secrets. The largest trench (Trench 1) was opened on the northern side of the dock. This focused on excavating to the base of the dock (two metres down) to assess the condition of the timbers and identify any original floating dock features. Trench 1 revealed the beginning of prominent structural features including a walkway and retaining wall (visible in historic photographs). The vertical posts running along the northern perimeter have attached joists. The wooden beams uncovered throughout the trench were in a similar pattern as those found immediately to the north-west and as such constitute part of the same structure. A cavity at a depth of 0.70 metres had a joist forming the south-eastern hip of the cavity which was supported by a large horizontal pile, 0.47 metres in diameter. This pile also supported the joist in the north-west corner. Excavation also commenced underneath three of the newer floor planks (Trench 3), which revealed three large vertical pylons. In between the pylons were a series of flush planks, still in very good condition due to their muddy and wet environment. They are assumed to be the final layer of planking or the ‘base’ of the dock. Figure 2. Looking east along the uncovered walkway in Trench 1. (Photograph by B. Burton, 2009). 4 �September, 2010 A team of archaeologists returned to the site with the aim of revealing a section of the outer structure on the northern side of the dock. The project combined surveys and the excavation of two trenches and two test pits in order to expose and document the structure underneath the dock. Reopening Trench 1 revealed a second horizontal pile, similar to the one discovered during the December excavations. The work on the outer wall of the dock revealed 1.5 planks of a substantial size (0.25 metres wide). While obviously dried out and deteriorated, the flushness of the planks indicated that at one time they would have been watertight. Trench 4 was not in the original excavation plan for the September dig and was added at the request of the Museum. Excavation of the trench ceased when the digger uncovered two timber planks at 1.12 metres. These were horizontal planks running parallel in a north-south orientation, but confusingly did not sit flush with the edge of the outer wall of the dock. The planks were 0.25 metres by 0.06 metres and were at least a length of 1.50 metres but the full length could not be determined as they ran into the southern embankment. Test pits 1 and 2 contained similar planking to that of Trench 4 but at a shallower depth of 0.62 to 0.70 metres. Test Pit 1 contained two planks 0.25 metres by 0.06 metres, which ran a length of 0.58 metres from the outer dock wall south into the embankment. The wood was in poor condition, appearing very damp and spongy; the result of fluctuating river levels. Test Pit 2 was 2.70 metres long by 0.65 metres wide. Three timber planks were identified at a depth of 0.62 metres. The planks were not straight and had varying widths and sizes. As in Trench 4 and Test Pit 1, the planks were running parallel with a north-south orientation. Similar to the wood in Test Pit 1, the timbers visible in Test Pit 2 were damp, spongy and badly corroded. There appeared to be some sort of black stain on the planks. This could have been caused by the dark clay staining the wood or perhaps evidence of tarring. Discussion What remains of the original floating dock structure? It cannot be said with absolute certainty that there is nothing left of the dock’s floatation apparatus. Not reaching the base of the dock during the two excavations means that the remains of a chamber somewhere at the base cannot be discounted. However, it can be deduced that two things do survive from the floating dock era: the vertical outer walls and the walkway. During excavations in Trench 1 and Trench 4, it was found that the vertical walls had a black substance on the outside. This appears to be evidence of tarring which would have been used to keep the dock waterproof. Working in Trench 1 determined that towards the base of the dock, the walls must still be waterproof as river water was leaking into the trench and not out into the dock. Historical research has found that some wooden floating docks had overhanging side walkways, such as floating dock Alpha in New Zealand. This would allow workmen to move about the dock freely and allow another vessel to 5 �berth alongside (Maritime Museum, Port Chalmers, 24 September 2010). The results of Trench 1 suggest that the walkway appears similar in design to that attached to Alpha in New Zealand. Randell’s dock has three layers of planking attached to 0.67 metre vertical support beams. However, unlike Alpha, there are no diagonal support beams underneath the walkway to ensure its stability. A more likely scenario is that the walkway was constructed at Mannum. An attached walkway was a possibility for a floating dock and could have been potentially detached, modified and reattached later. It is much more plausible however, that this is a later addition to the site; constructed elsewhere and moved into place on top of the surrounding clay. There are historical photographs showing the walkway on the northern side along with a retaining wall. The vertical piles appear to be the supports for the retaining wall. An additional and unlikely possibility was that it was purpose built. If so, it was an exuberant piece of construction. With three layers of planking at 20 metres long, it would have been quite heavy and therefore have been a nightmare to manoeuvre. What is puzzling about this walkway is that it does not appear to be attached permanently or solidly to the dock. This suggests it may have been a temporary structure that eventually became permanent. Figure 3. PS Cumberoona in the dock circa 1885 showing a walkway and retaining wall on the northern side (left) of the dock. (Photograph in Swanbury Penglase Architects, courtesy of the Mannum Local History Collection No.288, 2006). 6 �The large horizontal piles in Trench 1 were unexpected. With their size and placement, it appears as if they may have been used for structural support when the dock was inserted into the bank at Mannum. Due to the difficulty of manoeuvring the floating dock, Randell would have excavated an area slightly bigger than the structure in order to ensure the insertion process ran smoothly. It is then possible that the large piles were rolled into place on the northern side pushing the dock hard up against the southern side to stop it moving. However, the piles are not lying flush alongside the outer walls of the dock. Is there evidence of the dock’s floating apparatus? While it has been acknowledged above that little evidence of the dock’s floatation chambers survive, it does not confirm or disallow the possibility of such structures during its time as a floating dock. A floating dock, by definition, needs to have pontoons to help it float and they need to be substantial enough to support whatever vessel it is carrying at the time. Due to the minimal tidal movement on Lake Alexandrina, the dock probably would have had watertight chambers on the sides and underneath the floor. The dock has a double floor with 0.20 metres of space between the two layers of planking. This is not sufficient enough to float a dock reputed to weigh 350 tonnes. The cavities created by the sloping walls of the dock are another possibility. However, even if they were part of the original floating dock, they are different sizes and would therefore be uneven in weight and air distribution. If they were the same size, along with the floor; the combined air chambers would still not be substantial enough to raise and lower the dock as well as accommodate any vessels. Conservation Issues While the dock has been maintained by the Mannum Dock Museum and local community in accordance with the original conservation plan, it became apparent from the dock’s rapid deterioration that the original conclusions needed to be reviewed. After it was closed commercially the dock was kept filled so that the bulk of it was generally below river level and in safe anaerobic conditions. After the dock was cleaned out, the timber of the inner lining was virtually crack free, smooth and level. Today the wood of the dock is badly desiccated and undulating with very obvious corrosion. Less obvious but more worrying is the biological deterioration (or rotting) in the cells of the structure. Deterioration is occurring at a much faster rate than envisaged due to fluctuating river levels. The widespread clearance of native vegetation for agriculture and irrigation has led to an increase in the infiltration of rainfall to the groundwater. This has raised the local and regional groundwater table greatly increasing salinity in the river systems (Harris 1992:2). Over the past few years the river has fallen about 1.8 metres, even though Mannum is 150 kilometres from the Murray mouth (Swanbury Penglase 2006:6). It has recently begun to rise again and once more the dock is completely submersed. Fluctuating river levels are a constant danger to the dock, as they create cycles which increase 7 �deterioration and change the surrounding soil from an anaerobic to aerobic environment. Figure 4. Looking east across the dock (Photograph by M. Fowler, courtesy of the Maritime Archaeology Program, Flinders University, 2010). Conservator Christopher Payne from Art Lab Conservation in Adelaide voluntarily gave his time regularly throughout the project to assist the Mannum 8 �Dock Museum and the author with an analysis of the condition of the dock’s timbers. The principal modes of deterioration have been identified as follows: Increased rates of weathering Previously with higher water levels, water evaporating from the surface was being replaced by more water drawn up through the wood. When the underside of the floor was not in contact with water, the topside was drying out badly with deepening cell collapse, showing as deep splitting in the wood (C. Payne, Adelaide, 24 March 2010). Increased rate of rotting of underside timber This is due to a change from anaerobic to aerobic conditions in the soil under and around the dock as the water level falls. This provides optimum levels of moisture and air for biological activity, encouraging rotting (C. Payne, Adelaide, 24 March 2010). Increase in soil activity An increase in acid sulphate has been reported at many river sites with unstable river levels which rapidly increase weakness in the structure (C. Payne, Adelaide, 24 March 2010). Increase rate in floor movement This is due to uneven drying out of soil beneath the dock. Some parts of the dock appear to be still secured to the piles, but others are not. This gives rise to the undulating effect in the floor. Observed over the past two years, this movement is creating greater strains on the structure especially where timber is already damaged by corroding iron fastenings (C. Payne, Adelaide, 24 March 2010). Future Conservation and Management With the current rate of deterioration there is an urgent need to support and stabilise the dock’s timbers. Conservationists have reassessed the dock and the outlook is bleak. There is a window of less than ten years in which to take major preservative action before the dock becomes too rotten to save due to fluctuating river levels rotting away its timbers from beneath. The active Save Our Dry Dock (SODD) group at Mannum has researched options to slow down the increasing rate of deterioration. These have included treating the dock in situ with boron based wood preservative chemicals or keeping the dock filled with water and introducing biocides to keep it clear and therefore visible to museum visitors. Unfortunately, both of these solutions would cause chemical leakage into the Murray River, and therefore contamination to flora, fauna and a widely used water supply. A more expensive option would be to excavate it entirely, lift it from the area and put it undercover where it can be preserved without risk to the environment. While the significance of the dock can justify the expense, it will ultimately remove it from its historical context. In the short term, the construction of a roof to protect the dock is being considered. With a goal to see the dock on 9 �the National Heritage Register and public awareness increased about this rare feat of engineering, it is important that a solution is found and implemented to ensure the longevity of this site. One hundred and thirty seven years on, it is amazing that this incredible example of colonial maritime engineering still survives. With relatively little known about wooden floating docks from the nineteenth century, the Randell dry dock holds vital information about the river trade industry; it is a significant historical landmark for Mannum and is evidence of South Australia’s colonial adaptation to the River Murray. Acknowledgements When I first started this project I could not have foreseen what an adventure it would be and how many people were willing to come along for the ride. Thank you to everyone who helped me out in some way, especially: my supervisor Associate Professor Mark Staniforth; the wonderful people at the Mannum Dock Museum; the SA Department of Environment and Natural Resources; the Flinders University Archaeology Department; and the maritime archaeologists across the world who took the time to respond to my barrage of emails. Finally, a big thank you and lots of love to my family for their support and a few special people who I couldn’t have done this without: Kako, Amy, Denise and Brad. Abbreviations DENR South Australian Department of Environmental and Natural Resources Bibliography Bennett, K., 2004 Gaythwaite, J., 2004 Griffiths, L. & Jeffery, B., No Date Harris, C.R., 1992 Perth Gazette and West Australian Times 1866 Richards, N., Paddle steamers of the Murray River. Lothian Books, South Melbourne. Design of marine facilities for the berthing, mooring and repair of vessels. 2nd Edition, American society of Engineers, Virginia. SA river boat trail, South Australia Department of Environment and Natural Resources (State Heritage Branch) with the South Australian Tourism Commission, Adelaide. ‘Issues and management responses in the Murray Darling Basin’, in (eds.) S. Kenderdine and B. Jeffery Muddy Waters – proceedings of the first conference on the submerged and terrestrial archaeology of historic shipping on the River Murray, , State Heritage, Branch, Department of Environment and Natural Resources, Adelaide. (WA: 1864-1874), No title. 4th May. Unfit for further use: a guide to the watercraft discard 10 �2003 Southern Argus, 1973 Southern Argus, 1874 Southern Argus, 1876 Swanbury Penglase Architects, 2002 Swanbury Penglase Architects, 2006 sites of Tasmania (1808-1977), Tasmanian Heritage Office, Hobart. No title. 19th September. No title. 22nd August. No title. 17th February. Randell Dry Dock conservation plan, first report for the PS Marion and Mannum Dock Museum Board, Swanbury Penglase Architects, Adelaide. The Mannum Dock Museum Board Randell Dry Dock conservation plan review, Ref: 02070, Swanbury Penglase Architects, Adelaide. 11 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource From Infrastructure to Icon: a Historical and Archaeological Analysis of the Randell Dry Dock Subject The topic of the resource Session 7 Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management Description An account of the resource On the banks of the Murray River in the small township of Mannum, South Australia, lies an impressive and rare feat of early colonial maritime infrastructure; the Randell Dry Dock. Originally constructed as a timber floating dock in 1873, it was purchased by Captain William Randell and towed to Mannum. The imposing structure docked over half of all the paddle steamers on the Murray-Darling river system before being superseded in 1927. It is now only one of a handful of timber docks from this period still existing internationally. Archaeological investigations have been minimal on maritime infrastructure sites along the River Murray. A heritage trail has been implemented by the SA Department of Environment and Natural Resources and the SA Tourism Commission. The Randell Dry Dock is part of this trail and on the State Heritage Register. Archaeological investigations have revealed new information about the dock’s unique construction. This paper will outline the history and construction of this architectural gem, the seriousness of its current condition, and the ongoing fight against the clock by archaeologists and the local community to protect this rare and significant example of South Australian Murray River history. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Britt Burton Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 7 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource From Mahan to Pearl Harbor: The Imperial Japanese Navy and the United States Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sadao Asada Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Naval Institute Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2006 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Sadao Asada Item Type Book ISBN 1557500428 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2006 Library Catalog OCLC WorldCat FirstSearch Num Pages 385 Place Annapolis, Md. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Naval Institute Press Short Title From Mahan to Pearl Harbor Title A name given to the resource From Mahan to Pearl Harbor: The Imperial Japanese Navy and the United States Japan https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/1ecea3592374a51f29816ce8e0f7b1c3.pdf ecd5524873976891781c72e2c92eaf5d PDF Text Text From safe haven to island abandonment - impacts of the growth of Pacific shipping on the Pitcairn Island community during the 19th century Dr. Nigel Erskine Head of Research Australian National Maritime Museum Abstract The story of the Bounty mutiny is one of the great sagas of Pacific history and has inspired a rich literature for more than two centuries. By contrast, our knowledge of the community founded by Fletcher Christian at Pitcairn Island has remained enigmatic and obscured by evangelical and Eurocentric interpretations of the survival and development of the settlement. Founded by a small, culturally-divided group of settlers on one of the most remote islands in the Pacific and completely cut off from the world for the first 18 years of its existence - the establishment of the settlement may be seen as a remarkable success. Fifty years after the arrival of the Bounty settler-group, the island had become a regular port-of-call in the expanding network of Pacific shipping and the Pitcairn community, now approaching 200 people, had established important relationships with the Royal Navy, the American whaling fleet and Pacific communities in Tahiti, Valparaiso and Sydney. Just a few years later however, the resources of the island could no longer cope with the increasing demands and the entire population of Pitcairn was removed to Norfolk Island. Based on historical research and archaeological fieldwork conducted on Pitcairn, this paper examines the process of colonisation at Pitcairn to reveal the changing nature of an island environment in a period of rapid change in the Pacific. Key words: Mutiny, Pacific, Whaling, Royal Navy Mutiny and Pitcairn “Know then my own dear Betsy, I have lost the Bounty. …On the 28th April at daylight in the morning Christian having the morning �watch, he with several others came into my cabin while I was asleep, and seizing me, holding naked bayonets at my breast, tied my hands behind my back, and threatened instant destruction if I uttered a word.“ With these words to his wife, William Bligh (Brunton, 1989) described the event which would galvanize public opinion and haunt him for the rest of his life. Recounted repeatedly, dissected, weighed and scrutinized from every angle, the story of the mutiny on the Bounty has been the subject of numerous books and films and needs no further discussion here. By contrast, the subject of my paper – the settlement of Pitcairn Island by mutineers from the Bounty and their Polynesian partners - is a story which is far less known, and in the context of this conference’s theme, represents one of the earliest sources of data demonstrating the impact of European activities in the Pacific. Fig.1: Pitcairn Island. (Photographer Jon Carpenter, © Nigel Erskine) Pitcairn is a volcanic island situated in the Eastern Pacific, south and east of the southern end of the Tuamotu Islands. The first European record of the island was made by Philip Carteret in 1767 when his ship HMS Swallow sailed around it. His description of the island was published in John Hawkesworth’s Voyages in 1773. Carteret wrote: �“…it appeared like a great rock rising out of the sea: it was not more than five miles in circumference, and seemed to be uninhabited; it was, however, covered in trees, and we saw a small stream of water running down one side of it. I would have landed upon it, but the surf, which at this season broke upon it with great violence, rendered it impossible” Cook passed to the east of Pitcairn in 1769, and to the west in 1773, without sighting the island – suggesting the position of the island, calculated by Carteret and shown on Hawkesworth’s chart of the Pacific, was wrong. Indeed, while Carteret’s latitude for Pitcairn was relatively accurate, his longitude placed Pitcairn 320 kilometres too far west – a not unusual error in the period prior to the use of chronometers and one which the mutineer Fletcher Christian appears to have suspected. For, following an abortive attempt by the Bounty mutineers to settle on the island of Tubuai (300 km south of Tahiti), and after leaving 16 mutineers at Tahiti, Christian took the Bounty east against the prevailing wind, sailing along the latitude given by Carteret until finally sighting Pitcairn in January 1790. When the vessel finally anchored, it had 28 people aboard – 9 European mutineers, 6 Polynesian men, 12 Polynesian women and a baby girl. Once ashore the group soon found evidence of previous Polynesian occupation of the island in the form of rock carvings and a morai, and later they would discover a stone quarry on the southern side of the island littered with the discarded flakes from tool manufacturing.1 While this evidence of a Polynesian presence remained, the Bounty settlers soon realised they were alone on the island and totally reliant on a combination of their skills, the resources they brought with them, and what they found in their new home, to establish a viable community. Indeed Pitcairn offered Fletcher Christian and his fellow mutineers the perfect place to hide! Uninhabited, incorrectly charted and cliff-bound, the island was �effectively lost to Europeans in the vastness of the Pacific Ocean - a harbourless, uncontested 2.5 square mile speck of land where the next stage of the Bounty saga would be played out. Satisfied with their new home, the mutineers set about stripping the ship, and after a week, they set fire to it – destroying it completely. With the destruction of their vessel, the Bounty settlers became selfimposed exiles – a tiny community in the Pacific hiding from the Royal Navy and completely cut off from the world. Indeed, the mutineers had found a place so remote that the settlement remained undisturbed for the first 18 years of its existence and it was only as a network of Pacific trade gradually developed in the 19th century that Pitcairn’s isolation diminished. Violence and isolation The first years of settlement on the island were marked by violence as the mutineers divided the island’s resources amongst themselves and attempted to impose their control over the Polynesians who had accompanied them to Pitcairn. In the case of the women, each of the 9 mutineers had a partner from amongst the 12 women, leaving 3 women to partner with the 6 Polynesian men. This situation was initially tolerated by the Polynesian men who were now treated as servants to the mutineers, but following the deaths of two of the women (one falling off a cliff while collecting birds’ eggs, and the other dying of natural causes), the affected mutineers took new partners from those living with the Polynesian men. This produced immediate hostilities between the Polynesian men and the mutineers and resulted in the murder of two of the Polynesian men in 1791. Two years later a second wave of violence spread across the island, claiming the lives of Fletcher Christian and four other mutineers, quickly followed by the murder of the last remaining Polynesian men. �With these deaths the community settled into a period of relative peace for another six years until 1799 when William McCoy committed suicide. In that same year Matthew Quintal was killed by his shipmates in a preemptive strike after he threatened them. And finally in December 1800, John Adams emerged as the last mutineer standing when Edward Young died of natural causes. After a decade on the island, and with the population standing at 38 (consisting of 27 children, 10 women and 1 man), the community now entered a new era of peace and stability. In regard to viability of the settlement, the violence characterizing this early period highlights the fact that the main threat to the community was social rather than ecological. Like Pandora’s Box, the Bounty contained a volatile mix of racial, sexual and class tensions thrown together by the chance circumstances of the mutiny and which Polynesians happened to be sleeping aboard when the vessel left Tahiti for the last time. With the destruction of the Bounty, these forces were released and, as we have seen, played out to bloody resolution. However, despite this violence, a number of positive factors contributed to the initial survival of the community. Pitcairn was a relatively fertile island with natural resources of water, trees, plants, fish and birds – a Pacific environment with which the Polynesian women were familiar, where their skills in such things as sourcing food, thatching and producing tapa cloth, were immediately beneficial. Adding to the natural resources, were resources brought ashore from the Bounty. These included pigs, goats, chickens, plants, seeds and gardening tools, muskets, gunpowder, axes and saws, a forge and bellows, wheelbarrows, medical supplies, books and cooking pots as well as rope, canvas , iron and timber from the ship. �Also brought ashore were elements of maritime culture relating to the maintenance and allocation of provisions. An observer present in 1814 (the second contact with shipping) noted (Pipon, 1834) that John Adams maintained a journal system of ‘regular established allowance’, a practice paralleling the role of the purser on board naval vessels. On Pitcairn food was either stored communally to create a ‘food bank’ accessible throughout the seasons, or (in the case of perishables) divided equally using a system known as the ‘share out’. Aboard the Bounty this form of division was known as Who shall have this? Bligh (1790) described this method, which he used to divide a seabird amongst the men during his famous open boat voyage: “One person turns his back on the object that is to be divided; another then points separately to the portions, at each of them asking aloud, “Who shall have this?” to which the first answers by naming somebody. This impartial method of division gives every man an equal chance of the best share.” The settlers also lived communally in a single village. Very early on, the pigs and goats had gone feral and fences had been built around parts of the village to protect the vegetable gardens. Communal living also helped to harness the labour and skills of the settlers, efficiently sustaining the settlement through the years of total isolation. �Fig.2: Village at Pitcairn 1825, artist William Smyth. (State Library of NSW PXB55) First contact In 1808, that isolation was finally interrupted by the arrival of the sealer Topaz. It was an edifying occasion all round, with captain Folger as surprised to be hailed in English by the young ‘natives’ who paddled out to his ship, as indeed they were to see such a large and foreign object floating off their island. Mindful of his mutineer status, John Adams sensibly remained on Pitcairn, but despite this, goodwill was established by an exchange of objects. In itself, the impact of this visit was slight but it set an important precedent, as Adams later recalled (Bechervaise, 1839): “They got from this ship a great number of articles they stood in need of, after which no vessel came near the island without being visited.” �Six years later the islanders were again amazed, this time finding two Royal Navy ships laying off the island. It should have been the moment of truth for the old mutineer but his luck remained! For after touring the village and meeting Adams and his burgeoning flock, Sir Thomas Staines, the senior captain, declared that Adams was a reformed character whose arrest and removal from the island could only have a detrimental effect on the community. In an instant John Adams was transformed from villain to hero and thereafter the community at Pitcairn enjoyed both legitimacy and celebrity, becoming a popular port of call in a rapidly expanding network of Pacific sailing routes. Some measure of the relative isolation of the community at Pitcairn in the first half of the 19th century can be seen in the following charts. Fig.3: Principal Pacific Ocean sailing routes in 1800. (Erskine) Fig.4 Principal Pacific Ocean sailing routes in 1825. (Erskine) �Fig.5: Principal Pacific Ocean sailing routes in 1850. (Nigel Erskine) In 1788 a British settlement was established at Port Jackson on the east coast of Australia, which finding itself poorly supplied from Britain, soon initiated sailing routes to the more fertile Norfolk Island and to Tahiti for pork. Those ships which did arrive from Britain with supplies, returned there either by the southerly Cape Horn route or via one of the trading centres in Asia such as Calcutta, Canton and Batavia. At the same time a regular route was established between China and the Pacific North West by vessels trading in sea otter pelts, and routes along the west coasts of the Americas serviced Spanish supply lines. Some measure of the relative importance of particular trade centres in the Pacific is indicated by the growth of European populations. In 1820 Honolulu had a foreign population of about 90. By 1842 the town’s population had grown to 8000 people, of whom 500 were foreign. At the same time, Papeete had a foreign population of around 70, and the Bay of Islands in New Zealand over 600 Europeans. Both Levuka and Apia �developed later, and had foreign populations of around 50 by the 1850s (Ralston, 1979). Of these centres, the most important for Pacific trade before the discovery of gold in California was Honolulu. The location of the Hawaiian Islands in the middle of the North Pacific Ocean made them a natural centre linking trade routes between the North-West coast of America, California and China. After 1849 San Francisco assumed much greater importance in Pacific commerce, resulting in the development of sailing routes between Australia and San Francisco, and San Francisco, New England and Europe. Both the route from Australia and New Zealand to San Francisco, and the route from San Francisco to Europe via Cape Horn, passed close to Pitcairn and represented a significant change in the relative isolation of the island. Fig.6: Chinese Export Ware plate c.1816 – example of trade item excavated at Pitcairn land site. (Nigel Erskine) Development of Trade A total of 432 ships visited Pitcairn between 1808 and 1856, with the majority being whale ships. Some idea of the pattern of trade between �the Pitcairn community and the crews of these ships is apparent in surviving logbooks. One of the earliest accounts describing trading activities at Pitcairn is that of the American whaleship Russell that visited Pitcairn in 1822. Arriving off the island, the ship was met by a boat carrying seven of the islanders who “…brought us some bananas, plantains, coconuts and melons and informed us that there was a quantity more on the island”. The ship took on fresh water over a period of three days – allowing part of the crew ashore each day on liberty. When it came time to depart, the islanders2: “…stood around us with tears in their eyes and presented us with some little tokens of friendship and said that we were not to pay for them but send more ships there as they would be very lonesome when we were gone. They supplied us with such vegetables and fruit as the island produced without asking anything for them but seemed pleased to have us in their home.” It is clear from this account that trade at this time was largely unregulated and limited to the basic resources of water, vegetables and fruit. By 1825 the impact of shipping appears to have induced experiments with new crops and Captain Beechey (1968) listed English potatoes, peas, beans and onions amongst these. In 1830 Captain Waldegrave (1833) listed the supplies available to ships: “Ships may obtain fire-wood at Pitcairn’s Island in abundance, with a certain quantity of yams. Coconuts and plantains, but not a large supply; poultry and pigs they object to part with: it would be impossible to water a man-of-war, as the water is carried from Brown’s Well on the shoulders of the natives.” A significant change is evident by 1834 when a regular price for articles is listed in the Pitcairn Island Register. This indicates that ‘exotic’ produce �such as Irish potatoes, beans and onions had been successfully established and that chickens were available in quantity by this date. In effect, Pitcairn had joined the provisioning trade and over the next 20 years the demands on the island’s resources increased dramatically. For example in 1836 the whaleship Triton took3 two boatloads of wood, 54 chickens and a pig and in the following years there is consistent reference to the supply of potatoes, beans, pumpkins and wood in relatively large quantities. In 1843 the Charles took4 six boatloads of potatoes and four boatloads of wood. In 1847 the Three Brothers took5 130 barrels of water, 34 barrels of yams, 34 barrels of sweet potatoes, five barrels of Irish potatoes, 22 chickens, five pigs, a duck and two boatloads of wood and so on. At the same time as these foreign demands were taxing the island’s resources, the population of Pitcairn had been growing steadily, reaching 194 in 1856. Environmental impact of trade The evidence indicates that the growth in Pacific shipping had a negative impact on Pitcairn. For in addition to demands on the island’s limited water supplies, the provisioning trade significantly depleted the island’s timber resources and placed an increasing burden on the land as the Pitcairn islanders attempted to produce agricultural surpluses. Some indication of the environmental impact of such changes is suggested by an example of catastrophic erosion recorded in the Pitcairn Island Register for 1845 (Lucas, 1929): “…the place in question was situated at the head of a ravine which debouched into the sea; the rain mixing with the falling earth (which was of a clayey nature) brought it to the consistency of thick mud but sufficiently liquefied to glide very slowly down the inclined plane of the valley – nothing with which it came in contact could resist its �force – the large trees at the head of the ravine and immense pieces of rock, were borne slowly but unresistingly along and about three hundred coconut trees were torn up by the roots and swept into the sea.” Further evidence indicative of the community’s vulnerability and inability to sustain increasingly high levels of trade exists in the last years of the settlement. During the visit of HMS Portland in May 1853, Rear Admiral Fairfax Moresby found the island badly affected by drought and donated grain to sustain the community. Six months later, Captain Morshead of HMS Dido found the island still affected by drought and left more supplies. The crop failures of 1853 revealed the vulnerability of the community at Pitcairn and prompted application to the British Government to relocate the community to Norfolk Island. Supported by Rear Admiral Fairfax Moresby, the request was favourably received in England and Sir William Denison was instructed to make arrangements for the removal of the Pitcairn Islanders to Norfolk Island. The impact of human settlement on island ecologies is a major theme in Polynesian colonisation of the Pacific. In this context Fosberg (1963) noted the great variation between islands of the eastern Pacific and large continental islands of the western Pacific and emphasised the effects of isolation and limited size in creating insular and fragile ecological environments which were highly vulnerable to disturbance associated with human settlement. While Pitcairn does not fit into the extreme category with fragile environments such as atolls, the total impact of colonisation on the island was no less devastating – it simply took longer and was ultimately the result of both internal and external factors. �Conclusion Turner (1962) conceived of the frontier as a dynamic process of expansion, characterised by continuous movement into free land at the margins of the colonial area by a succession of industries comprising furtraders, miners, ranchers and farmers who were irresistibly attracted to the resource opportunities of the new area. European expansion into the Pacific was motivated by similar opportunities that were exploited by industries such as the pork trade, pearling, sandalwood, beche-de-mer and whaling. However, unlike the opening of vast new land areas of the American West, the expansion into the maritime frontier of the Pacific took place in a context of hundreds of small islands of which Pitcairn was but one. The history of Pitcairn Island provides a record of the ecological cost of such expansion. Endnotes In this context, Marshall Weisler’s work (1993) has shown that this Polynesian presence dates to a period starting about AD 850 and ending in about 1500. Weisler, M. 1993 Long-distance Interaction in Prehistoric Polynesia: Three case studies, unpublished thesis, University of California, Berkeley 2 Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 890 3 Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 671 4 Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 318 5 Pacific Manuscript Bureau microfilm 386 1 References Bechervaise, J., 1839. Thirty-Six Years of a Seafaring Life, Woodward, Portsea: 176.Beechey, F.W., 1968 [1831]. Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering’s Strait, Da Capo Press, New York, Vol.1. Bligh, W., 1961. The Mutiny On Board HMS Bounty, Signet Classics, New York: 164. �Paul Brunton (Ed.), 1989. Awake Bold Bligh – William Bligh’s letters describing the mutiny on HMS Bounty, Allen and Unwin, Sydney: 23. Fosberg, R., (Ed), 1963. Man’s Place in the Island Ecosystem, BP Bishop Museum, Honolulu. Hawkesworth, J., 1773. An Account of the Voyages by Commodore Byron, Captain Wallis, Captain Carteret and Captain Cook, Strahan and Cadell, London: 561. Lucas, C., (Ed.), 1929. The Pitcairn Island Register Book, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London. Pipon, P., 1834. The Descendants of the Bounty’s Crew. United Services Journal, Vol.63:191-199. Ralston, C., 1979. The pattern of Race Relations in 19th century Pacific port towns, Essays from the Journal of Pacific History, Massey University. Turner, F.J., 1962. The Frontier in American History, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York: 12. Waldegrave, W., 1833. Remarks of Captain William Waldegrave, HMS Seringapatam 1830, The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, London, Vol. III: 156-162. �Biography Nigel Erskine is Head of Research at the Australian National Maritime Museum. As a maritime archaeologist he has worked extensively in the South Pacific and was Director of the Norfolk Island Museum 2000 – 2003. As a maritime archaeologist he has worked on the sites of HMS Sirius, HMS Pandora, HMS Bounty, HMS Porpoise, Cato and Mermaid. Since 2005 he has been actively involved with the Rhode Island Maritime Archaeology Project in the search for Cook’s ship Endeavour. His recent work includes developing interpretive narratives for ANMM’s core galleries, building the museum’s international engagement in archaeological projects, and expanding the museum’s research profile. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 1: Underwater and Maritime Archaeology and Capacity Building in the Pacific Islands Description An account of the resource The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) spanning human history from the Stone Age to the atomic age. Since the first Pacific UCH Workshop held in Solomon Islands in 2009, the Pacific island nations have been progressing in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme by awareness raising, research and capacity building activities through inter-disciplinary cooperation and promoting synergy with the Pacific World Heritage and Intangible Cultural Heritage Programmes. Notable progresses include, among others, the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Outcome Document of the 3rd UN International Cooperation on Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Samoa, 2014) that contains references to the importance of UCH for sustainable development of SIDS and SIDS ratification of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001), as well as the enhanced cooperation between universities in the Pacific islands and professional training institutions through UNESCO University Twinning and Networking Programme (UNITWIN) for Underwater Archaeology. With this as its background, the session “Underwater and maritime archaeology and capacity building in the Pacific Islands” will be held with the aims to: i) share information on recent progress in awareness raising, research and capacity building activities in underwater and maritime archaeology in the Pacific Islands, ii) identify priority actions, iii) foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. The session especially welcomes presentations focusing on the protection and management of UCH belonging to indigenous community shared UCH in the Pacific, addressing challenges and opportunities facing Pacific SIDS in the implementation of the Pacific UCH Programme and the promotion of the UCH Convention, presenting good practice in ensuring the effective engagement of Pacific island countries and community in UCH management for their sustainable development, and proposing collaborative projects in this area. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Akatsuki Takahashi UNESCO Office for the Pacific States, Samoa Andrew Viduka, Maritime and Commonwealth Heritage, Australian Government, Nicolas Bigourdan, Western Australian Museum Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource From safe haven to island abandonment - impacts of the growth of Pacific shipping on the Pitcairn Island community during the 19th century Description An account of the resource The story of the Bounty mutiny is one of the great sagas of Pacific history and has inspired a rich literature for more than two centuries. By contrast, our knowledge of the community founded by Fletcher Christian at Pitcairn Island has remained enigmatic and obscured by evangelical and Eurocentric interpretations of the survival and development of the settlement. Founded by a small, culturally-divided group of settlers on one of the most remote islands in the Pacific and completely cut off from the world for the first 18 years of its existence - the establishment of the settlement may be seen as a remarkable success. Fifty years after the arrival of the Bounty settler-group, the island had become a regular port-of-call in the expanding network of Pacific shipping and the Pitcairn community, now approaching 200 people, had established important relationships with the Royal Navy, the American whaling fleet and Pacific communities in Tahiti, Valparaiso and Sydney. Just a few years later however, the resources of the island could no longer cope with the increasing demands and the entire population of Pitcairn was removed to Norfolk Island. Based on historical research and archaeological fieldwork conducted on Pitcairn, this paper examines the process of colonisation at Pitcairn to reveal the changing nature of an island environment in a period of rapid change in the Pacific. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nigel Erskine Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Nigel Erskine Asia-Pac Session 1 2017 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Fukugen Sareta Higaki Kaisen "Naniwa Maru." Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Naniwa no Umi no Jikukan Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Naniwa no Umi no Jikukan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2001 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Naniwa no Umi no Jikukan Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2001 Extra External Resources: Find this item at Biblio (Bookseller) Cite This Item Advanced options ... Edition: Dai 2-han. Language: Japanese (Show non-Roman characters) Named Corp: Naniwa Maru (Ship) -- Design and construction -- Pictorial works. Class Descriptors: LC: VM395.N36 Entry: 20080116 Update: 20080117 Provider: OCLC Library Catalog OCLC WorldCat FirstSearch Num Pages 101 Place Osaka-shi Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Naniwa no Umi no Jikukan Title A name given to the resource Fukugen Sareta Higaki Kaisen "Naniwa Maru." Japan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Funaosa Nikki: A Captain's Diary: Jukichi's Four-year Odyssey Across the Pacific, Through California, Alaska, Kamchatka, and Back to Japan, 1813-1817 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hirochika Ikeda Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Chunichi Publishing Company Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2005 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Hirochika Ikeda Item Type Book ISBN 4885192595 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2005 Library Catalog OCLC WorldCat FirstSearch Num Pages 131 Place Nagoya-shi, Japan Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Chunichi Publishing Company Short Title Funaosa Nikki Title A name given to the resource Funaosa Nikki: A Captain's Diary: Jukichi's Four-year Odyssey Across the Pacific, Through California, Alaska, Kamchatka, and Back to Japan, 1813-1817 Japan https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/151c82231d03bb812aeb95289567df98.pdf f53b4f6f6671ca385c851881daf42a89 PDF Text Text Gandara, A Newly Discovered Ancient Port Site on the Southern Coast of Sri Lanka Mahinda Karunarathna1 Palitha Weerasinghe1 Kasun Weerasekara1 W.M. Chandrarathne1 Rukshan Priyandana 2 Lakmal Samarasinghe 2 Ruwan Jayantha1 1 2 Department of Archaeology, Colombo 7, Sri Lanka. Central Cultural Fund, Colombo, Sri Lanka. Corresponding author Email: mahindaarchaeology@gmail.com ABSTRACT This paper deals with Gandara Sea Port, located on the southern coast of Sri Lanka. In March and April 2022, an underwater archaeological impact assessment (UAIA) was undertaken by the Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) of the Department of Archaeology and the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Central Cultural Fund as the Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka proposed to begin the Gandara Fisheries Harbor Development Project (GFHDP) for developing this natural port site at Gandara. The antiquity laws in the country require such AIAs. During the UAIA, the survey team prepared a virtual grid (50m x 50m) for the port area by using Arc GIS and Google Earth and established buoys at the main points on the grid for identifying the survey area. All grids in the port site have been surveyed using line, secular, and underwater searching methods. Six circular and square stone anchors that contain inner circular or square holes and one cannon were uncovered through the surveys in the inner and outer areas of the port. Similar stone anchors have been found at ancient Godavaya and Galle ports on the southern coast of Sri Lanka and in the Andhra, Odisha, and West Bengal areas of the Indian subcontinent. These stone anchors and metal artifacts discovered from the port site indicate Gandara as an ancient seaport that had connections with the external world during the historical period of Sri Lanka. Keywords: Sri Lanka, Gandara, Stone anchors, International trade LIST OF ABBRIVIATIONS UAIA Underwater Archaeology Impact Assessment UAU Underwater Archaeology Unit CCF Central Cultural Fund MAU Maritime Archaeology Unit GFHDP Gandara Fisheries Harbor Development Project GND Grama Niladhari Division (Smallest Rural Administration Divisions in Sri Lanka) LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLE Figure 1: Location of the Gandara Fisheries Harbor in a natural bay at the most southern tip of Sri Lanka Figure 2: Proposed Gandara port, Surveyed Area and artifacts found from Gandara port (based on the map of Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka) Figure 3: Pictures and plans of the Artifacts found from Gandara Port Table 1: Description of the Artifacts found from the Gandara Harbour 1. INTRODUCTION Gandara is a small, local fisheries harbor located in Gandara Eastern, Gandra Southern and Gandara Central Grama Niladari divisions (GND), Devinuwara Divisional Secretariat, Matara District, and Southern Province of the Island of Sri Lanka (Figure 1). 1 �Figure 1: Location of the Gandara Fisheries Harbor in a natural bay at the southernmost tip of Sri Lanka (based on Google earth and Arc GIS) 2. OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH This paper deals with Gandara Sea Port, located on the southern coast of Sri Lanka. In March and April 2022, an Underwater Archaeological Impact Assessment (UAIA) was undertaken by the Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) of the Department of Archaeology and the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Central Cultural Fund. This was undertaken as the Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka proposed to begin the Gandara Fisheries Harbor Development Project (GFHDP) for developing this natural port site at Gandara. The antiquity laws in the country require such UAIAs. According to the Antiquities (Amendment) Act. No 24 of 1998 (Annex 02), the authorized body concerned with archaeological evidence on the land and under the terrestrial sea of the country is the Department of Archaeology. Since there is a vast array of archaeological data scattered all over the country, whenever any development, industrial scheme, or project is proposed by the government, or any other institution or person, such scheme or project shall not be approved or permitted until a report is submitted by the Director General of Archaeology in Sri Lanka as to the effects the implementation of such scheme or project may have upon such land or any antiquities within it. Finally, every development project on the island should be subjected to an Archaeological Impact Assessment (AIA) or Underwater Archaeological Impact Assessment (UAIA). The project proponent must allocate a sum not exceeding one per cent of the total cost of the project to the AIA. These regulations are proclaimed in terms of provisions in the Antiquities (Amendment) Act, No. 24 of 1998 (Annex 02) and the Antiquity Ordinance 2000 (Annex 03). The basic aim of this UAIA is to get a preliminary idea of the underwater archaeological potential of the proposed area of GFHDP as quickly and efficiently as possible. The survey of the area was conducted using diver search methods and remote sensing methods to identify endangered underwater archaeological sites 2 �within the development area of GFHDP. This survey is aimed at submitting some conditions and alterations to the Director General of the Department of Archaeology to recommend, object to, or to recommend subjecting such conditions and alterations to the proposed GFHDP. 3. METHODOLOGY 3.1 Literacy survey Almost all accessible relevant literature was referred to before to the field work in the proposed area to obtain an idea of the history of the Gandara port and surrounding area. Previews of research and public works that were done within and in the suburbs of the current survey area in different aspects were studied. Our team referred to ancient maps, paintings, and photographs of the Gandara port. And also, topographical maps and nautical charts also were studied. Local fisherman, villagers, and scholars of the area were interviewed to obtain information on submerged shipwrecks and other archaeological remains in the area. Weather reports for the particular area were obtained from the Department of Meteorology to select the proper time period for the survey. 3.2 Survey design The area of GFHDP to be developed was divided into sub-squares of 50m x 50m by laying out a virtual grid using Google Earth and ArcView software (Figure 1). It was made to gently handle the field survey and the observed data in the field. Possible sub-squares were observed by using diver search methods. 3.3 Divers search methods The towed diver search method and the circular search method have been used as diver search methods for surveying the seabed in GFHDP. In the towed diver search method, the diver holds a five-meter-long, heavy GI pipe that has a direct connection with the boat through a rope. The speed of the moving boat was kept below five km/h to enhance the effectiveness of the towed diver search. Divers used rope signals to control the speed and even stop the forward movement to observe the potential remains in the seabed. The circular search method was occasionally used to determine the extension of a site and understand its context. The findings were recorded by drawings, videos, and photographs, and the GPS locations of the underwater archaeological remains that were found while carrying out the above diver search methods. 4. FIELD RESULTS Over 4.8 ha. of the sea basin of Gandara port have been observed by using diver search methods. Approximately 150 square grids were surveyed by the team. We unearthed a total of six stone anchors and one cannon during the survey in the inner and outer areas of the Gandra port (Figure 2 and 4, Table 1). 3 �Figure 2: Proposed Gandara port, Surveyed Area and artifacts found from Gandara port (based on the map of Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka) 4 �[site ID] Stone anchor Table 1: Description of the Artifacts found from the Gandara port Artifact Name Shape Circumference/ Diameter Diameter of length (CM) Inner Hole (M) (CM) Thickness (CM) 001 002 Rings stone Anchor Single Hole Stone Anchor Circular Circular/ Pentagon 2.2 2.06 60 50 18 13x13 12 17 003 004 Single Hole Stone Anchor Rings stone Anchor 1.68 2.5 73 48.20 12x12 20 13 20 005 006 Rings stone Anchor Single Hole Stone Anchor Circular Circular/ Hemisphere Circular Square 2.22 - 70 57 x 63 16 16x16 19 20 007 Cannon Normal 1 15,42, 62,85,90 - - 5 �Stone Anchor 1 Stone Anchor 4 Stone Anchor 2 Stone Anchor 3 Stone Anchor 5 Stone Anchor 6 Figure 3: Pictures and plans of the Artifacts found from the Gandara Port 6 �4.1 Rings stone and single-hole stone anchors found at the Gandara port An anchor is a heavy object attached to a cable or chain and used to moor a ship or boat to the sea bottom. They are considered symbols of the maritime world (Bowens 2009, 198), and they are one of the main implements used in navigation (Gaur et al. 2002, 390). Stone anchors are classified according to character, shape, and region. In general, stone anchors have been classified as composite, Indo-Arabian, Rings stone, and single-hole stone anchors (Tripati 2014, 980). Six stone anchors were unearthed from the Gandara port at five to 12 m in depth (See Figure 2). Three of them are Rings stone anchors, and the other three are single-hole stone anchors. Circular-shaped anchors are known as Rings stone anchors or mushroom anchors (Tripati 2014, 973–986). The distinctive feature of the ring stone type of anchor is that they are circular in shape, have a flat base, taper upward to a certain height, and have a wide hole. In shape, they appear like mushrooms. Single-hole stone anchors are made of thick, flat blocks of different sizes. The hole is found either in the center or upper portion of the block. The size of the hole used to be smaller than that of the stone block (Tripati 2014, 980). One "rounded stone" (No. GHP 76) anchor has been found near the Black Fort area (Kamba Bandina Gala) in Galle Harbour, Sri Lanka, in 1996 (Souter 1998, 331). Another triangular-shaped single-hole anchor was found in the sea near the Godavaya fishing village in 2003 (Muthucumarana 2010; 2009, 24–25). One hole in a rectangular stone anchor was found by the MAU team around 2015, in front of the ancient jetty in Galle Harbour. During the underwater survey in Godavaya area, the team of MAU of CCF unearthed a similar ring stone anchor from Ibbagala area of Godavaya ancent port in 2017. Two similar single-hole stone anchors (with sirccircular square-shaped holes) were found in front of Ussangoda Sea, about two km from Ussangoda National Park, located near the ancient Godavaya Sea Port (about two km from the ancient Godavaya Port), during the underwater exploration in March 2023 that was conducted by the Underwater Archaeology Unit of the Department of Archaeology and MAU of CCF, Sri Lanka. Rings stone anchors and single-hole stone anchors have been unearthed from various seas and coastal areas of the Indian subcontinent. Ring stone anchors from the Gujarat and Goa coasts and single-hole anchors from both the east and west coasts of India have been discovered (Tripati 2014, 973–974). Rings stone anchors have been found from Bet Dwarka (1), Dwarka (24), Miyani (4), Visawada (1), Ghumli (1), and Somnath (35) in the Gujarat coastal area, and Sunchi Reef (1) in Goa (Tripati 2014, 986). Single-hole stone anchors were unearthed from Dwarka (1), Visawada (1), Harinarayanpur (1), Chilika Lake (1), Kottapatnam (1), Andhra Pradesh; Manapad (5), and Periapattinam (1) in Tamil Nadu, in the East and West of India (Gaur and et al. 2002, 390–404; Tripati 2014, 986). 35 Rings stone anchors have been found from Somnath in Gujarat, West India. According to their appearance, they are similar to the Rings stone anchor 4 found from Gandara port in Sri Lanka, and Rings stone anchors 1 and 5 are similar to the Rings stone anchor found from Sunchi reef in Goa, Maharashtra, West India. Five single-hole stone anchors were found off Manapad, Tamil Nadu coast. The appearance of single-hole stone anchors 2, 3, and 6 found from Gandara port is similar to theirs. According to Sila Tripathi, all these Manapad anchors serve as moorings for small fishing boats. These anchors are made of sandstone, and chisel marks were visible on some anchors (Tripati 2014, 978). But size is different; the Gandhara anchor is larger than theirs, and this Gandara anchor cannot be used for small fishing boats because it is very heavy. 7 �The stone anchors of Gandara were discovered without any archaeological context, and it is difficult to date them. According to the study of Rings stone found from Dwarka and Somnath, Gujarat, on the west coast of India, A.S. Gaur, Sundaresh, S. Tripathi, and S.N. Bandodkar of the National Institute of Ocenography have given a probable date for the Rings stone anchors as the eighth century to the seventeenth century CE (Gaur et al. 2002, 403). Rings stone anchor 4 found from Gandara is more similar to the Dwarka and Somnath anchors; rings stone anchor numbers 10, 13, and 14 found from Somnath waters (Gaur et al. 2002, 400) are more similar (shape and size) to the rings stone number 4 found from Gandara port. According to this reason, probably the Gandara Rigstone 4 anchor can also be dated to the above period. The Rings stone anchor (Artifact No. Qal 18/19) found from Qalhat, Oman (Vosmer et al. 1998, 34-52) is more similar (in shape and size) to the Rings stone anchor 4 discovered from Gandara port. The largest number of ring stones have been reported from Somnath and Dwarka in India, and a few from Oman and the Maldives. There have never been any records of ringtone anchors in Sri Lankan waters before. Carioli Souter recorded one stone anchor from near Blackford, Galle, Sri Lanka; he named that anchor rounded stone (No. GHP 76) (Souter, 1998). Gaur and his team identified it as a ringtone anchor with a square axial hole (Gaur et al. 2002, 402). But this anchor can be identified as a single-hole stone anchor with a square axial hole. Today, this single-hole stone anchor is displayed in the Maritime Archaeology Museum, Galle, Sri Lanka. 4.2 Cannon found at the Gandara port The cannon, 1m in length, found at the Gandara port (Figure 2), dates to the colonial period of Sri Lanka (1505–1945 CE). This small cannon has been highly corroded and is unable to be identified by its surface or inner characteristics; most probably, it belongs to the British period of Sri Lanka (1796–1948 CE). Like this common cannon, it is found in all coastal areas of Sri Lanka. 4.3 Folk lore According to the chronicles of Sri Lanka, King Dappula I (AD 659) established his kingdom in Devinuwara, which is located about four km from the Gandara port. Gandara was one of the main sea entrances for this kingdom. The following information was gathered by the first author of this paper through interviews with the local community: Traders from the Maldives came to Sri Lanka through the Gandara port until 1960; they used this port to anchor their small vessels. They sell one of the foods called Bonda haluwa or boda haluwa, umbalakada or Maldives fish, and diyahakuru (a reddish drink, some people say fish blood) for the local people of Gandara and around. These traders speak Malei bhasha (Maldivian), and most of the terms that they use can be understood by the local community. Local people were very friendly with the traders; some people played jokes with them; they asked, ‘tamange hodiyayata kalu ballan dakkanai’, Can I send blackish dogs for your hut? Because Maldivian traders were more afraid of the dogs. They also use broken Sinhala to communicate with the local community. Some traders came to the Puliyadiya Jumma Mosque at Gandara town for praying, and especially Islam Maldives teachers also came to this mosque. ‘One of the small Indian ships came to the Gandara harbor around 1940; this ship is very beautiful. It is very colorful, and light filled. I reached this ship with my father by a small boat; we rowed our boat around this beautiful ship; it was a very happy day’ (by Wijesiri Manage, Villager of Gandara). 8 �There is a Muslim village in the Gandara area with 60–70 families; the ancestors of this village came from Morocco through this Gandara port. 5. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION According to the terrestrial and maritime archaeological exploration from Ambalangoda to the Hambanthota coastal line, Ambalangoda, Galle, Weligma, Matara, Devinuwra, and Godavaya ports confirmed their important role in the history of maritime activities in the southern coastal area of Sri Lanka. This maritime archaeological exploration in Gandara port brought to light for the first time the remains of ancient periods dating back to the eighth century CE to the seventeenth century CE. The first discovery of the stone anchors in the Gandara port signifies the importance of Gandara as an active sub-centre of maritime activities in the past. Rings stone anchor 4 is a remarcable artifact that illustrates the international trade network between Sri Lanka, Medetaraniyan, and the Indian subcontinent; reporting similar Rings stone anchors from the Indian subcontinent and Oman is a better example of it; 67 Rings stone anchors from India, six from Oman, and one from the Maldives have been discovered (Vosmer et al. 1998, 32- 37; Gaur et al. 2002, 402; Tripati 2014, 986). A small cannon from the port depicts the maritime relationship in the colonial period of Sri Lanka. According to the above information, Gandara was a remarkable small port site on the southern coast of Sri Lanka. Under the supervision of the Director General of the Department of Archaeology, Sri Lanka Six stone anchors and the cannon found from Gandra port have been lifted by air bag and kept in the MAU of the CCF in Galle for conservation. After the conservation activities, selected anchors will be displayed in a suitable museum. Further investigations on artifacts that were found at Gandara Port will provide valuable information for rebuilding the maritime history of the port site. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bowens, A. Underwtater Archaeology - The NAS Guid to Principles and Practice. Portsmouth: Nautical Archaeology Society, 2009. Gaur, A.S, Sundaresh, Tripati, S., and S.N Bandodkar. "Rings stone anchors from Gujarat West coast of India." The Mariner's Mirror, (2002): 390-404. Muthucumarana, R. archaeology.lk. 2010. www.archaeology.lk (accessed May 19, 2023). Muthucumarana, R. "Godawaya: An Ancient Port City and the recent discovery of the unknown wooden wreck." AIMA Newsletter, 03 (2009): 28-33. Souter, C. "Stone anchors near Black fort Galle, Sri Lanka." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, (1998): 331-342. Tripati, S. "Stone anchors of India: findings, classifications and significance." Proceeding of the 2nd Aisa Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage. Hawai (2014): 973-986. Vosmer, T., Agius, D., Baker, P.E., Carpenter, J., and S. Cave, Oman Martime Heritage Project Field Report 1998. 1998. 9 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gandara, A Newly Discovered Ancient Port Site on the Southern Coast of Sri Lanka Description An account of the resource This paper deals with Gandara Sea Port, located on the southern coast of Sri Lanka. In March and April 2022, an underwater archaeological impact assessment (UAIA) was undertaken by the Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) of the Department of Archaeology and the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Central Cultural Fund as the Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka proposed to begin the Gandara Fisheries Harbor Development Project (GFHDP) for developing this natural port site at Gandara. The antiquity laws in the country require such AIAs. During the UAIA, the survey team prepared a virtual grid (50m x 50m) for the port area by using Arc GIS and Google Earth and established buoys at the main points on the grid for identifying the survey area. All grids in the port site have been surveyed using line, secular, and underwater searching methods. Six circular and square stone anchors that contain inner circular or square holes and one cannon were uncovered through the surveys in the inner and outer areas of the port. Similar stone anchors have been found at ancient Godavaya and Galle ports on the southern coast of Sri Lanka and in the Andhra, Odisha, and West Bengal areas of the Indian subcontinent. These stone anchors and metal artifacts discovered from the port site indicate Gandara as an ancient seaport that had connections with the external world during the historical period of Sri Lanka. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mahinda Karunarathna Palitha Weerasinghe Kasun Weerasekara W.M. Chandrarathne Rukshan Priyandana Lakmal Samarasinghe Ruwan Jayantha Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Karunarathna, Mahinda. 2023. “Gandara, a newly discovered ancient port site on the Southern Coast of Sri Lanka.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1949 Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Generals of the South: The Foundation and Early History of the Three Kingdoms State of Wu Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource de Crespigny, Rafe Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Australian National University, Faculty of Asian Studies Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1990 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author de Crespigny, Rafe Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1990 Place Canberra Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Australian National University, Faculty of Asian Studies Title A name given to the resource Generals of the South: The Foundation and Early History of the Three Kingdoms State of Wu China