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                    <text>Development of the Sledge-Type Underwater Metal
Detection System for Underwater Cultural Heritage
Exploration
Yong-Hwa Jung
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage
pkm228@korea.kr
Young-Hyun Lee
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage
lyh2343@korea.kr
Jin-Hoo Kim
Dong-A University
jkim@donga.ac.kr
Sang-Hee Lee
Dong-A University
lsh3314@naver.com
Hyun-Do Kim
GeoView, LTD.
geokim@geoview.co.kr
Yeong-Hyun Kim
GeoView, LTD.
wave4003@geoview.co.kr

Abstract
The National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH)
in Republic of Korea has promoted the 4-years ‘Development Project of
Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration Techniques’ from 2013 through
2016. During the project, the metallic cultural heritage made of bronze
could not be detected with the magnetometer, but NRIMCH has
developed the sledge-type underwater metal detection system suitable for
exploring metallic material underwater cultural heritage including bronze.

�A magnetometer or metal detectors are used to detect metallic objects
exposed or buried in the seabed. In case of magnetometer, the depth of
exploration is deep and exploration work is fast, but there is a
disadvantage that non-ferrous metals except iron is not reacted. When
using a metal detector, which is a type of electromagnetic exploration,
there is a method using a portable metal detector and a method of towing
an antenna in a vessel. In the case of a portable metal detector, since the
diver is directly using it underwater, there is a time limitation and a
disadvantage that it is difficult to know the position. In addition, when the
antenna is towed at the vessel, the antenna is spaced at a considerable
distance from the seabed, so that the buried metal cultural heritage may
not be detected. To overcome these drawbacks, this system aims to
develop an antenna platform as a method for bringing the antenna of the
metal detector closer to the seabed. The antenna platform is made of
metal-free PVC and designed as a caterpillar. The caterpillar shape allows
easy passage of obstacles in the sea floor and allows the antenna to be
wrapped and protected. In addition, software was developed to verify and
store location information obtained using DGPS and response values for
underwater metal cultural heritage obtained through the antenna platform
in real time.
Key words: UCH, Korea, magnetometer, survey
Introduction
Since ancient times, Korea has been active in trade, reverence, and
cultural exchanges with neighboring countries; and there are many naval
battles from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern times, so it is very likely
that various artifacts are buried in the seabed. The artifacts that are buried
in seabed are mainly porcelain, metallic artifacts, wooden artifacts, and
life products on ships. It is important to find artifacts because buried
artifacts are important as historical facts and evidence.
Many studies have been conducted to find metal objects buried in
underwater through physical exploration techniques. In Korea, Jung
Hyun-Ki and others studied the electric and magnetic exploration used for
underwater burial objects investigations (Jung Hyun-Ki et al., 2004), Park
In-Seok and others studied the magnetic exploration method for

�underwater artifacts (Park In-Seok et al., 2013). E. Weiss and others
developed a system using magnetic exploration to detect and to
accurately map metal objects buried beneath the shallow waters (Weiss
et al., 2007). S. Tripati and others studied the material of a shipwreck
through an underwater metal detector and an antenna dipstick metal
detector (Tripati et al., 2004). As a result of these studies, the physical
exploration technique to find metal objects buried in seabed using
magnetic exploration or electromagnetic exploration has been developed.
In the case of magnetic exploration, it is the most effective method of
exploration for artifacts made of iron, but it does not respond to metals
such as gold, silver, and copper. There are two methods of
electromagnetic surveying using the metal detector; one is submerging
and diving with the equipment, and the other is towing the antenna in
underwater. The method of submerging and exploring divers with
equipment is time consuming and has a disadvantage; it cannot precisely
locate the position. And the disadvantages of the latter are that If the
antenna is located at a considerable distance from the sea floor, it may
not detect buried metal artifacts.
To solve these problems, the authors developed the sledge-type
underwater metal detection system that can be operated close to the sea
floor

to

compensate

for

the

disadvantages

of

magnetic

and

electromagnetic exploration. In addition, the performance of the metal
detection system using the antenna platform was verified after the iron pot
and the bronze canon were buried in the sea floor, 1m and 2m of the
seabed in Geoje sea area, Taean sea area, and Nakdong river area.
Method and Principle of Metal Detection
In the physical exploration technique, metal detection methods include a
magnetic exploration to detect magnetic metallic materials, and an

�electromagnetic exploration to detect non-magnetic metallic objects such
as gold, silver, and copper. Magnetic exploration is used to identify the
geological structure of the geomagnetic field or its components generated
by fluid motion in the outer core of the earth; and this technique is used
for ground survey, soil exploration, and resource exploration. And a
secondary electric field is generated due to the induction current flowing
in the underground conductive body by the primary electric field. By
detecting the characteristics of this secondary field, information on the
location and shape of metal in the underground can be obtained.
Configuration of the Sledge-Type Underwater Metal Detection
System
As shown in Fig. 1, the sledge-type metal detection system consists of a
metal detector, DGPS, and an antenna platform for bringing the antenna
into close contact with the sea floor. It includes software to monitor and
store the positional information collected from DGPS and reaction values
received from metal detector in real time on PC.

Fig. 1(left): Schematic
Diagram.

�1. Metal detector
The metal detector used in this study is a method of detecting metal
objects by using time difference of transmission and reception by pulse
induction method.
Since the time of transmission and reception is different, it is possible to
detect metal objects by using one antenna, and it can be used in seawater
because it is not affected by medium between metal detector and metal
objects. The original metal detector informs the metal response by sound
through the instrument cluster and headset. We use DAQ (Data
Acquisition) to convert analog signals such as instrument panel and sound
into digital signals and to enable real-time monitoring and storage on the
PC through software. In addition, it was supplemented with a buzzer so
that the change of the reaction value can be immediately recognized (Fig.
2).

Fig. 2: Metal Detector.
2. DGPS
DGPS was used to identify the wake of the exploration vessel. The DGPS
uses two or more GPS receivers to reduce positional errors. The location

�information comes in the form of NMEA0183, which shows the wake of
the exploration vessel through the software.
3. Sledge-type antenna platform
The size of the antenna is 20cm x 110cm. A cable (about 30m long) is
attached to the antenna. The resistance of the antenna is 1.75O and the
inductance is 189μH. The antenna platform uses PVC which does not
contain metal material. As shown in Fig. 3, the antenna platform is
manufactured in a caterpillar shape so that it can be closely contacted to
the sea floor. It is designed to overcome obstacles and protects the
antenna. The rope was connected to both ends of the antenna platform,
and the rope was knotted above the center of gravity to form a ring, and
then a descending line was placed to secure land on the undersurface. In
addition, it is possible to create a space in which an underwater camera
can be placed at a position that does not affect the antenna, so that the
sea floor can be confirmed as an image. In addition, a weight was
produced to prevent the buoyancy caused by the cable during the survey.

Fig. 3: Platform.
4. Software
It is possible to monitor and record the incoming signal from the metal
detector and the DGPS location information on the PC in real time. The
software was built using Mathworks' MATLAB GUI. The software installs

�a driver for National Instruments USB-6000, a data acquisition device
connected to a metal detector, to receive data from MATLAB. The
locational information of DGPS is output in the form of NMEA0183, and it
is indicated by the latitude and the longitude through parsing. The
software records the data in real time, ensuring that material acquired in
a sudden emergency is protected. Also, there is a start button with or
without DGPS for single use without DGPS.
Acquisition and Processing Data
1. Field experiment
The experimental research was conducted in 3 sites: Taean sea area,
Geoje sea area, and Nakdong river area. In the Taean and Geoje sea
areas, the size of the research area were 100m × 100m; and the size of
the research area in the Nakdong river was 50m × 200m. Iron pots,
ceramics and bronze cannons were used as experimental samples. They
were intentional buried at 1m, 2m deep under the seabed and sea floor.
A rubber boat was used to minimize the electromagnetic noise in the
acquisition of data, and its operation speed of the exploration vessel was
below 4km/h. The exploration vessels operated in the ‘east-west direction’
and the ‘north-south direction’ in the research areas.
2. Data processing
Two kinds of processing were performed to process the data obtained
from field experiments. The DGPS was installed on the exploration vessel
and collected data of the antenna platform and position. Then, the raw
data coming from the metal detector shows DC deflection, which uses a
high-pass filter to remove the DC deflection.
3. Layback calibration

�For layback calibration, the depth of the area where the survey is
performed was required; and the length of the cable to lower the antenna
platform was also required. For example, if one of the field test sites is 3m
in depth with a 23m in cable length, the horizontal distance between the
exploration vessel and the antenna platform is 22.5m.
4. DC deflection removal
When data coming directly from the metal detector, DC deflection
appeared in some sections and it can be removed through a high-pass
filter. A high-pass filter is a filter that removes less than the specified cutoff frequency and passes the higher frequency band. In this study, a cutoff frequency of 0.1Hz was specified and the higher values were
separated by passing only the higher frequency components.
Results
Taean sea area
Fig. 4 is the profile of the electromotive force value obtained from the
Taean sea area. (a) It is the survey line that goes through east-west upon
1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon buried at 1m, and 2 iron pots, 2 bronze
cannons buried at 1m. The electromotive force value is measured higher
in the region of double numbered experimental sample areas. (b) It is the
survey line that goes through east-west to 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon
buried at 2m, and 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon on bottom. It shows that the
electromotive force value is high near the iron pot, bronze cannon. (c) It is
the survey line that goes through south-north to 3 iron pots, 1 bronze
cannon buried at 1m, and 3 iron pots, 1 bronze cannon buried at 2m.
Through the profile analysis, we could distinguish 3 iron pots buried at 2m
which did not appear in electromotive force abnormality. (d) It is the survey
line that goes through south-north upon 6 iron pots buried at 1m, and 3

�iron pots, 1 bronze cannon on the bottom. The electromotive force value
was the highest in 3 iron pots on the bottom; and 6 iron pots buried at 1m
showed higher electromotive force than 1 bronze cannon on the bottom.

Fig. 4: Taean Results.
Geoje sea area
Fig. 5 is the profile of the electromotive force value obtained from the
Geoje sea area. (a) It is the survey line that goes through east-west upon
1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon, 2 iron pots, 2 bronze cannons buried at 1m.
The electromotive force values in this region are high around the
experimental sample. (b) It is the survey line that goes through east-west
upon 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon buried at 2m, and 1 iron pot on the
bottom. A signal that was observed between the iron pot and the bronze

�cannon buried at 2m was not the experimental sample, and the value of
the electromotive force value was measured high near the pot and the
bronze cannon. (c) It is the survey line that goes through south-north upon
6 iron pots, 2 bronze cannons buried at 1m, and 3 iron pots, 1 bronze
cannon on the bottom. It shows the largest electromotive force value at 3
pots on the bottom, and it has large values mainly around the
experimental sample. (d) It is the survey line that goes through south-north
upon 1 iron pot buried at 1m, and 1 iron pot buried at 2m. Based on the
electromotive force value, anomalous signal in the marked area are
detected nearby metal objects.

Fig. 5: Geoje Results.

Nakdong river area

�Fig. 6 is the profile of the electromotive force value obtained from the
Nakdong river area water bottom. (a) It is the survey line that goes through
east-west upon 3 iron pots, 6 iron pots buried at 1m, 3 iron pots buried at
2m, and 1 iron pot on the bottom. At the place that 1 pot buried at 1m, the
electromotive force value is 1.0V; and one that 1 pot buried at 2m, it has
0.8V. And when the antenna passes near the iron pot on the bottom, the
electromotive force value measured by the metal detector is as high as
about 2.3V. (b) It is the survey line that goes through east-west upon 1
iron pot, 1 bronze cannon, 2 iron pots, 2 bronze cannons buried at 1m,
and 1 iron pot, 1 bronze cannon buried at 2m, and 3 iron pots, 1 bronze
cannon on the bottom. The position is greatly deviated from the 2 pots
buried at 1m. The electromotive force value of this time was not the iron
pot but the value of other objects on the bottom, or it appears as a layback
error due to water depth or obstacle on the bottom. Overall, we can see
that there is less noise than in other areas.

�Fig. 6: Nakdong River Results.
Conclusion
Most of the underwater cultural heritage in Korea are accidentally
discovered during fishing activities; a systematic exploration of the
regionhas not been done yet. The operation of metal detectors is
necessary to find non-ferrous metals such as gold, silver, copper, and
bronze, but the present operating method has many drawbacks. In this
study, the sledge-type underwater metal detection system was developed
and applied to the field to overcome these disadvantages. Then, the
following results were obtained.
First of all, it can identify iron pots and bronze cannons buried in various
depths and numbers. Secondly, it can possibly identify bronze cannons;

�this was impossible to be identified by conventional magnetic exploration.
Thirdly, there is less noise in the Nakdong river area than in the Taean
and Geoje sea areas. Unlike the Taean and Geoje sea areas, the
Nakdong river area does not have any fishery activity/industry;
consequently, this result might be caused by lack of iron abnormalities
such as trapping on the bottom. Fourthly, there was a section where the
metal reaction/position differed from the actual position of the buried
experiment sample. This might be caused by the position error of the
DGPS and the error of the layback correction. In conclusion, based on
these results, the sledge-type underwater metal detection system will
contribute to the discovery and protection of underwater cultural heritage
if applied to underwater cultural heritage exploration.
References
Jung Hyun-Ki, Park Young-Su, Lim Tae-Taek and Lim Hyung-Rae, 2004.
Electric and magnetic exploration applications for underwater buried
object exploration. RAEG 2004, Kyoto.
Park In-Seok, Kim Hyun-Do, Kim Jin-Hoo, Jung Yong-Hwa and Lee
Young-Hyun, 2013. A study on the magnetic exploration method for
underwater artifact investigation. ISMT 2013, Busan.
Lee Kang-Won and Son Ho-Woong, 2016. Geospatial Information System
Glossary. Gumi Ward, Gumi.
Tripati, S., Gaur, A. S., Vora, S. and Vora, K. H., 2004. Shipwreck
archaeology of Goa: evidence of maritime contacts with other countries.
Current Science, Vol. 86(9): 1238-1245
Weiss, E., Ginzburg, B., Cohen, T. R., Zafrir, H., Alimi, R., Salomonski, N.
and Sharvit, J., 2007. High resolution marine magnetic survey of shallow
water littoral area. Sensor, Vol. 7(9): 1697-1712.
Biographies

�Yong-Hwa Jung is a Researcher &amp; Conservator in the
Underwater Excavation &amp; Conservation Division of the
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage of South Korea. He earned his PhD in 2008
from Kongju National University. He has been involved
in several maritime research projects including:
Exploration Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage by
the EOS3D-A (3D Seismic Survey System),
Development Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage Research
Technology Using Crabster CR200, Development Project of Underwater
Cultural Heritage Exploration Techniques, Underwater Archaeology
Vessel ‘NURIAN(G/T 290ton)’ Ship building, Underwater Cultural
Heritage Preservation Policy in Korea, Analysis of Manufacturing
Technology and Production Area of Underwater Excavations Pottery.
Young-Hyun Lee majored the marine geophysical
exploration at Dong-A University. He has been working
in division of underwater excavation and conservation
at the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage for 5 years. He had mainly participated in a
research project, which is named "Development
Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration
Techniques". This project had been conducted by our
division from 2013 to 2016. As a marine geophysical researcher, He is still
doing my best to apply those developed exploration techniques, which are
including utilization methods of equipment and development of
equipment, into the underwater archaeology filed.
Jin-Hoo Kim is Professor in Geophysical Engineering.
Born in 1955, Seoul, Korea. B.S. from Seoul National
University, Korea in 1978. Ph.D. in Geophysics from
Colorado School of Mines, U. S. A. in 1986. Currently,
he is the department head of Energy and Mineral
Resources Engineering Department, and the director
of Ocean Resources Research Institute, Dong-A
University, Busan, Korea. He has participated in
various geophysical exploration projects for in-land
and
off-shore
site
investigations,
maritime
archaeological surveys, and soil and petrophysical researches.

�Sang-Hee Lee was born in 1989, Busan, Korea. He
graduated from Dong-A University with a bachelor
and master degree in Energy and Mineral
Resources Engineering. Current, he is studying at
Dong-A University to get his doctor’s degree. He
has participated in geophysical exploration projects
for in-land off-shore site investigations, maritime
archaeological surveys, petrophysical researches.

Hyun-Do Kim is a CEO at GeoView Co. Ltd.,
Republic of Korea since 2005, where he has been
dealing with marine seismic and geophysical
surveying business. He obtained Ph.D. in
geophysical survey from department of ocean
engineering, Dong-A University, Busan, Republic of
Korea, in 2005. Dr. Kim’s research interests include
marine geophysics and geotechnical survey in inshore and off-shore. Recently, 3D seismic survey
system has been developed and applied to underwater archaeology.

Yeong-Hyun Kim was born in 1979, Busan, Korea.
He graduated from Dong-A University, Department
of Civil Engineering. He studied river port
engineering in Dong-A Graduate School. Currently,
He is working at Geoview Corporation, a marine
survey company and has been working for 8 years.
He is a team leader of marine Survey department.
He is charge of marine geophysical surveys and
geotechnical surveys.

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                  <text>East Asia is extremely rich in underwater cultural heritage, such as conventional shipwrecks under the sea, submerged settlement sites on the bottoms of inland lakes and rivers, or prehistoric shell mounds along coastal zones.  For instance, the medieval or post-medieval aged wrecks and their cargos have recently been discovered one after another in the waters, or the underwater cultural heritage or seascape of stone tidal weir is a common cultural trait to the Ryukyu archipelago, western Japan, southern Korea, mainland China, and Formosa, which surround the East China Sea or a northern part of the Asian Mediterranean. No East Asian nation has ratified the UNESCO 2001 Convention, partly because it does not exactly correspond with oriental philosophy, it does not properly resolve the controversial issues upon sovereign immunity of warship wrecks, and so forth.  Occasionally, the principle of preservation in situ in the convention has not been the first choice as Asian waters have poor water clarity generally.  &#13;
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                <text>The National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH) in Republic of Korea has promoted the 4-years â€˜Development Project of Underwater Cultural Heritage Exploration Techniquesâ€™ from 2013 through 2016. During the project, the metallic cultural heritage made of bronze could not be detected with the magnetometer, but NRIMCH has developed the sledge-type underwater metal detection system suitable for exploring metallic material underwater cultural heritage including bronze. &#13;
A magnetometer or metal detectors are used to detect metallic objects exposed or buried in the seabed. In case of magnetometer, the depth of exploration is deep and exploration work is fast, but there is a disadvantage that non-ferrous metals except iron is not reacted. When using a metal detector, which is a type of electromagnetic exploration, there is a method using a portable metal detector and a method of towing an antenna in a vessel. In the case of a portable metal detector, since the diver is directly using it underwater, there is a time limitation and a disadvantage that it is difficult to know the position. In addition, when the antenna is towed at the vessel, the antenna is spaced at a considerable distance from the seabed, so that the buried metal cultural heritage may not be detected. To overcome these drawbacks, this system aims to develop an antenna platform as a method for bringing the antenna of the metal detector closer to the seabed. The antenna platform is made of metal-free PVC and designed as a caterpillar. The caterpillar shape allows easy passage of obstacles in the sea floor and allows the antenna to be wrapped and protected. In addition, software was developed to verify and store location information obtained using DGPS and response values for underwater metal cultural heritage obtained through the antenna platform in real time. </text>
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                    <text>Digital Reconstruction of Maritime Heritage in the Ajanta Murals
Dr.Shreekant. S. Jadhav (Deccan College, Pune-411006)
shreekantjadhav@hotmail.com / shreekantjadhav3@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
India's maritime heritage dates to around 4,500 years, since the Indus Valley Civilization. The impetus to revisit and
re-develop maritime links was trade (primarily in cotton, pepper, and other spices), due to the monopoly of the Persians
and, later, the Arabs over land-based caravan routes. Later maritime journeys spread the influence of ancient and medieval
Indian civilization as far as the islands of Indonesia to the East, the islands of Japan to the north, and the east coast of Africa
to the west. There are many representations of ships and boats in early Indian art. The earliest are those found among the
Sanchi sculptures belonging to circa. 2nd century B.C. At the Ajanta caves, paintings from the 5th century C.E. reveal the
life of the people of the time. The frescoes depict sea-going vessels conveying goods overseas, representing ships and boats
from an era that witnessed India's expansion and the spread of Indian thought and culture over the more significant part of
the Asiatic continent. The vitality and individuality of Indian civilization, fully developed during the era of Vakataka-Gupta
imperialism, by the end of the 7th century transplanted itself to the farther East, affecting the cultures of Java, Cambodia,
Siam, China, and at the most significant distance, even the to Korean peninsula and Japan. A painting on the wall of Cave
No. 1 at Ajanta is still easily recognizable as a vivid representation of the Persian envoys' ceremonial presentation of their
credentials.
Griffiths rightly interprets the representations of ships and boats in the Ajanta paintings as a "vivid testimony to the
ancient foreign trade of India." The present paper deals with the ships and boats depicted in the paintings of Ajanta. Several
scholars have studied these images, more particularly from Cave Nos. 1, 2, 16 and 17. In continuation of the Magnum Opus
work of Dieter Schlingloff, the author shall try to show the missing features depicted in the panels of ships and boats
through newly reconstructive line drawings and photographs. Digital restoration utilizing photographs processed to adjust
the brightness and contrast forms a significant step in studying the original painting and analyzing its remains and damage.
This process allows digital reconstruction with line drawing and color using the original color palette. As a result of this
detailed work, one may visualize the paintings and their use of ancient maritime activity as subject matter.

ART HISTORY - GENERAL DESCRIPTION
The caves of Ajanta (lat. 20 32’ N.; long.75 45’ E.; Dist. Aurangabad), occupies a unique position among the
monuments in India by the superb symphony of architectural forms, sculpture, and above all the world-famous
mural paintings. The caves are cut in a crescent-shaped bend of a steep rock overlooking the head of a narrow
glen, and are completely shut off from the bustle of the mundane world. These caves are cut out of the
amygdaloidal trap rock aligned 550 meters in a horseshoe form (Mitra 1971).
.
In all there are 30 caves of which five belong to the early period or phase (Hinayana) i.e. Nos. 9, 10, 12, 13 and
15A, dated to circa. first century BCE - first century CE on a modest scale. The rock-cut excavation was revived
on a more ambitious scale in the middle of the 5th century A.D. This phase of activity began during the
supremacy of the Vakatakas (ascribed to the period of Harisena of the Vakataka dynasty who was ruling in this
region in the last quarter of the fifth century CE) (Spink 1994).
The second phase of Ajanta synchronized with the rule of the Vakatakas, with the high watermarked remains of
the painter’s brush-work. Substantial remains of this phase have survived in Caves 1,2, 16 and 17., though
originally all the finished caves. The paintings of this period throughout maintain an exalted height and enthrall
the spectator by their rich beauty, superb expressiveness, color-scheme, balanced and effective composition, fine
shading and highlight bringing into relief a plasticity, suppleness and sensitive modeling of the figures. Infact,
the paintings have stood the test of the highest art-standard of mural paintings. The theme of the paintings on the
walls is intensely religious in tone and mostly centers around Buddha, Bodhisattvas, incidents from the life of
Buddha and the Jatakas (Mitra 2003, 10-11).

1

�The author shall briefly describe the boats and ships depicted in Cave Nos. 1, 2 and 17 with the help of newly
made reproductions (line drawings and photographs), on the basis of previous work, more specifically that of
Dieder Schlingloff”s Magnum Opus work on Ajanta paintings. There are three stories related to seafaring, the
first, on the wall of the left aisle of the hall in Cave 1, depicts the sea voyage and shipwreck of prince
Kalyanakarin. The second on the wall of the right aisle in Cave II, represents the experiences of the merchant
seaman, Durukarnin: and the third, the shipwreck and oceanic crossing of the sea-traders, and later king Simhala
appears on the wall of the right aisle in Cave XVII, (Schlingloff 1988, 195)
Cave No. 1- Kalyanakarin/ Shipwreck: Mahajanaka Jataka

Figure 1 This subject is delineated on the back wall of the left aisle above the door of the fourth cell.
The fresco is considerably damaged (Yazdani 1930, 22).

There are no less than ten known versions of the Kalyanakarin story: three in Sanskrit (KaDru, BAK 3I and
BAK 45)," four in Chinese (T156, T202, TI428 and TI450), two in Tibetan, and one in Uighur. However, if we
discount all those translations or adaptations which merely stem from earlier versions, I5 we are left with five
versions from independent. (Schlingloff 1976, 6).
The subject, as painted on the rock-wall, may be described thus we see a chief (merchant - prince?) sailing in a
boat with several attendants. The gesture of his hands, which is rather conventional, denotes that he is faced with
some dilemma. Behind the attendant to the left of the chief is an obliterated figure, overshadowed by a Canopy
(chhatar). This figure seems to have been attired in a robe and may represent Mahäjanaka in plain costume,
before his acquiring the kingdom of his Father, the canopy above him being emblematic of his divine
personality. The boat appears to be of considerable size, and a pavilion, similar to those shown in the palace
scenes: is erected in the middle of it. The hull is massively constructed and in its side four courses of planking
are visible above the water. The bow and stern have carvings of animal heads at their ends. There are eyes
painted on both the bow and stern. A large fish (shark?) is attacking the boat near the Stern; and a sailor has
climbed up the ladder placed against the mast and he is steering the boat with a long pole or oar from there.
Another sailor is at the helm, but as the fresco is damaged in this part, his action is not quite clear.
To the right of this scene, the sinking of the boat has been painted. The stern only is visible, the rest of the boat
being submerged nose downwards. A man is being attacked by fishes and a sea-monster. He has raised both his
hands in alarm. Another person is shown being carried off by an alligator or shark, while to get free of its jaws
he is trying to open its mouth. The wild stare and firmly closed lips of this man show that he is struggling with
death itself. One sea-monster resembles a beaver, while another, which is painted white, has the head and ears of
a cat (Yazdani 1930, 23).

2

�Significance of Eyes
The eyes of Horus, the Egyptian Sun-god, plays an important part in mythology and superstition of the ancient
Egyptians. They are called by Egyptologists ujas or mystic eyes on account of the mystic influence which they
exercise on enemies of those whom they protect." He further says that this Eye of Horus or ujas “was worn as an
amulet hanging down from the neck like a pendant; it also formed the decoration of a bracelet. These ujas acted
as " protective amulets " and as such " were found on Egyptian mummies ' Even the Divinities of Egypt were "
in danger or attacks from their enemies, the evil spirits," and so, " they are often placed under the protection of
the eyes of Horus." They stand on guard in the heavens exactly over the prow and over the helm of the barque
(Maspero, Histoire ancienne des peuples de l'Orient Classique page 93)". These ujas '' were excavated in recent
years from the ruins of Susa, the Capital of ancient Elam " These ujas or " mystic eyes " of the ancient
Egyptians, especially those found " over the prow and over the helm of the barque" remind us of the figures of
eyes, which we see on some of our Asiatic boats (Unwala 1928). The custom of providing boats with eyes is
very old.
Ornamental eyes first appeared on the prows of Egyptian funeral boats and were then adopted by almost all the
seafaring people in the Mediterranean area, and did not go out of fashion on larger vessels until the Middle ages.
Even today they can still be seen on Indian, Indo-Chinese, and European fishing boats and other smaller craft
(Quigley 1955, 191).
Among the frescoes in the Ajanta caves, of about 600 CE there is depicted a three masted ship and a royal barge
both provided with eyes on the brows (Mookerji 1912, 41)
Cave 2: Purna Avadana

Figure 2 The subject is painted between the second and third cell doors of the right corridor of Cave 2.

The fresco represents some scenes of the Purna Avadana, which are painted with great vividness.
The painter has shown in this scene the sea voyage of Bhavila, the elder brother of Purna, who has been caught
by a storm raised by a Yaksha Mahesvara. The surf and deep blue water have been rather conventionally shown
by curved black and white lines which however, are not displeasing to the eye. Among the fishes are the figures
of two Naga spirits who have either come to rescue the boat, or like the traditional mermaids, have appeared on
the scene. Their pose is striking, being suggestive of rapid movement. One has a halo of three serpent’s hoods
above her head. We see another semi-human figure below the boat itself. We notice a large variety of fishes in
the sea, many of them are obviously mythical, but some are real. (Yazdani 1933,46)
The representations of ships and boats in the Ajanta paintings are therefore rightly interpreted by Griffiths as
only a "vivid testimony to the ancient foreign trade of India."

3

�The sea-going vessel has a high stem and stern, with three oblong sails attached to as many upright masts. Each
mast is surmounted by a truck, and there is a lug-sail. The jib is well filled with wind. A sort of bowsprit,
projecting from a kind of gallows on deck, is indicated with the out-flying jib, square in form, like that borne till
recent times by European vessels. The ship appears to be decked and has ports. Steering-oars hang in sockets or
rowlocks on the quarter, and eyes are painted on the bows. There is also an oar behind; and under the awning are
a number of jars, while two small platforms project fore and aft. The vessel is of the Agramandirā type as
defined in the Yukti Kalpataru, our Sanskrit treatise on ships. (Mukhopadhya 2020, 12-13).
Water is no less formally indicated, sometimes by markings like basket-work, in others by flowing wave scrolls;
but fishes, tortoises and mermen are generally added to prevent mistakes (Griffiths 1983, 14).
Under the awning are a number of jars, while two small platforms project fore and aft as on native boats of
today. The sole occupant of the boat is a man with long hair, in the act of prayer to, or in adoration of, two two
flying figures: one of whom may represent Chandra (the moon) as a crescent is seen behind him. (Griffiths
1983, 30)
This representation is again a production of a special atelier of the Vakataka style painters at this site.
The other interesting treatment in this panel is the emphasized and decorative-mat-type treatment of the
turbulent sea. On the other hand, following the early Indian art tradition there is no sky; this is suggested by the
hovering angel in the sky-region. (Rai 1991).
Amphora or Torpedo Jars
The pottery depicted in the Purna vadhana scene seems to be torpedo Jars (Balvally et. al. 2019). Similar type of
pottery has been revealed in the excavation at Nagardhan, a village located in Ramtek Taluka of Nagpur district,
6 km south of Ramtek, the Taluka headquarter in the state of Maharashtra. The site has been excavated by a joint
team from the Department of Archaeology (Nagpur Division, Maharashtra) and Deccan College, Pune since
2015 (Sontakke et al. 2016).
Interestingly, images of a boat transporting jars are seen in a painting of the Purnavadana in Cave 2 at Ajanta.
The implication of such a painting is of immense significance for the concept of trade (Brancaccio 2011, 307
fig. 114).
Apart from Nagardhan, torpedo jars have been reported under the category of ‘Amphora’ from the excavations
at Paunar (Dist. Wardha) from levels dated to around 2nd-3rd century CE. (Deo &amp; Dhavalikar 1968, XXII, nos.
5-6) and have been described as jars with their ‘interior bearing ripple grooves and coated with black resin’ (Deo
&amp; Dhavalikar 1968, 48). Torpedo jars are also reported from Nevasa as amphora (Lal 1960).
Apart from the Sasanians, the Axumites—of East Africa, acting as middle men for the Romans—were also
depicted in the Ajanta paintings, thus showing the effect of trade on artistic designs of the period (Brancaccio
2011, 213).
Some scholars state that the phase after the Satavahana period (i.e. the Vakatakas period) in Maharashtra is
devoid of trade and shows a decline in trade networks (Thakuria 2017, 181-186). Others further claim that most
early historic sites in Vidarbha were deserted after the Vakataka period, until the Medieval Period (Sawant 2006;
2010, 57).
The excavations at Nagardhan and the finds of the torpedo jars within the Vakataka phase thus exhibit the
continuation of trade/cultural contact well into the Vakatakas phase, in particular with the Sasanians. The
context of the torpedo jar found at Nagardhan further strengthens the idea of ‘wine carriers’ of the later Sasanian
4

�period imported into western India. The period of Indo-Sasanian contact had both intellectual and economic
dimensions, as proven by the textual and archaeological remains respectively. (Ritvik et. al. 2019).
Simhala Avdana Cave 17

Figure 3. The story is painted on the entire wall of the right corridor and is continued to the upper part of the pilaster between
this corridor and the one at the back of Cave 17.

The portion of the fresco showing the shipwreck scene is much damaged, but the wreckage of the boats, caused
either by the attack of the monsters or by the striking of the boats against a coral reef, can easily be made out.
The coral growth and some sea-anemones with dentate leaves are shown at the bottom of the water. There are
large fishes around the boat, two of which appear to be of colossal size; they may be sharks, which abound in the
Indian Ocean. Two men may also be noticed holding ropes which would seem to have been thrown from the
boats in an attempt at rescue. They are both near the bow of the boat, in the rear. Some men may be seen still in
the wrecked boats; in the rear vessel, a tall strong man is visible at the end of the boat, and he is perhaps the
steersman. Another stalwart figure is holding firmly to the rear mast near the stern. There is another figure, the
head of which is now destroyed, who is clinging to the mizzenmast of the bait, with his arm around it. In the
front boat there are also two men, and one of them, in the bows, holds in his hands a box tied with string. The
box evidently contains some precious articles which the merchant does not want to lose, even when in peril of
his life. The man behind this merchant holds a rope in his hands with a view to throwing a line to such
passengers as have fallen into the sea and whose lives he is attempting to save (Yazdani 1955, 82-84).

Acknowledgement
The photographs and the digital reconstruction (Figs. 1A,2A, &amp; 3A) in this study are by the author, however, in preparing the
reconstructive copies the author has received immense help from Shri Devdatta Phule, Artist Deccan College, Pune.

5

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Balvally R. et. al. “Sasanian Contacts with the Vakatakas’ Realm with Special Reference to Nagardhan.” Nameh, Afarin. “Essays on the
Archaeology of Iran in the Honour of Mehdi Rahbar.” Edited by: YOUSEF MORADI With the assistance of Susan Cantan, Edward J.
Keall and Rasoul Boroujeni Tehran The Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism (RICHT) 2019.
Brancaccio, P. Buddhist Caves at Aurangabad: Transformations in Art and Religion. Leiden: Brill’s Ideological Library. 2011.
Deo, S.B. and Dhavalikar, M. Paunar Excavation (1967), Nagpur: Nagpur University 1968.
Griffiths, John “The Paintings in the Buddhist Cave Temples of Ajanta Khandesh.” Vol 1 Caxton Publications Delhi 1983.
Lal, B.B., . “Report on the Black Deposit of the Inner Surface of a Sherd from Nevasa”, in: H.D. Sankalia, S.B.Deo, Z.D. Ansari, and S.
Ehrhardt (eds.), From History to Pre-History at Nevasa (1954-56) (Department of Archaeology and Ancient Indian History, Deccan
College Publication No 1), Poona: Department of Archaeology and Ancient Indian History, Deccan College, (1960):527.
Mitra, Debala. Buddhist Monuments. Calcuttal Sahitya Samsad. 1971.
Mitra. Debala. “Ajanta” Archaeological Survey of India. Bengal Offset Works, New Delhi 2003.
Mookerji, Radha kumud “A History of the Sea Borne Trade And Maritime Activity of the Indians from Earliest Times.” Indian Shiping.
Longmans, Green and CO 8, Hornby Road Bombay, 303, Bow bazar Street Calcutta, London and New York.1912.
Mukhopadya, Radha Kumud. “A History of The Sea-Borne Trade And Maritime Activity of the Indians From The Earliest Times.”
Indian Shipping Book 1 Part 1. Mushiram Manoharlal Publishers Ltd. New Delhi 2020.
Quigley, C.Certain. “Considerations on the Origin and Diffusion of Oculi.” The Americian Neptune 15 (1955): 191.
Rai Anand Krishna. “Certain Ateliers Sub-Schools and Allied Schools of the Vakataka Period Ajanta Paintings.” Edts: Ratan Parimoo
Deepak Kannal, Shivaji Panikkar Jayaram Poduval Indramohan Sharma. New Perspective Vol 2. Books and Books New Delhi 1991.
Sawant, R., Vidarbha: An Archaeo- Historical Approach, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis submitted to Deccan College Postgraduate and
Research Institute, Pune. 2006.
Schlingloff, Dieder, “Studies in The Ajanta Paintings,” Identifications and Interpretations. Ajanta Publications, New Delhi, 1988.
Schlingloff, Dieder. Kalyāṇakārin's Adventures. The Identification of an Ajanta Painting. Artibus Asiae 38, No. 1 (1976): 5-28 Artibus
Asiae Publishers.
Sontakke, V., S. Ganvir, S. Vaidya, and P.P. Joglekar. Excavation at Nagardhan.” Nagpur District, Maharashtra (2015-2016), History
Today 17 (2016): 43-51.
Spink, W.M. “Ajanta A Brief History and Guide.’’ Asian Art Archives of the University of Michigan. Bombay. 1994.
Thakuria, T. “Society and Economy during Early Historic Period in Maharashtra: An Archaeological Perspective”, Heritage: Journal of
Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 5 (2017):169-190.
Unwala, Jamshed, Maneekji, “The Introduction. Eyes of Horus " read before the Anthropological Society of Bombay on the 4th January
1928.
Yazdani, M.A. “The Colour And Monochrome Reproduction Of The Ajanta Frescoes Based On Photography With an Explanatory Text.”
and an Appendix on Inscriptions By John Allan. PART II Text Published Under The Special Authority Of His Exalted Highness The
Nizam. Oxford University Press London, Humprey Milford. 1933.
Yazdani, M.A. “The Colour and Monochrome Reproduction Of The Ajanta Frescoes Based On Photography With an Explanatory Text.”
and an introduction by Laurence Binyon. Part 1 text published under Special Authority Of His Exalted Highness The Nizam. Oxford
University Press London, Humprey Milford. (1930): 23.

6

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                <text>India's maritime heritage dates to around 4,500 years, since the Indus Valley Civilization. The impetus to revisit and&#13;
re-develop maritime links was trade (primarily in cotton, pepper, and other spices), due to the monopoly of the Persians&#13;
and, later, the Arabs over land-based caravan routes. Later maritime journeys spread the influence of ancient and medieval&#13;
Indian civilization as far as the islands of Indonesia to the East, the islands of Japan to the north, and the east coast of Africa&#13;
to the west. There are many representations of ships and boats in early Indian art. The earliest are those found among the&#13;
Sanchi sculptures belonging to circa. 2nd century B.C. At the Ajanta caves, paintings from the 5th century C.E. reveal the&#13;
life of the people of the time. The frescoes depict sea-going vessels conveying goods overseas, representing ships and boats&#13;
from an era that witnessed India's expansion and the spread of Indian thought and culture over the more significant part of&#13;
the Asiatic continent. The vitality and individuality of Indian civilization, fully developed during the era of Vakataka-Gupta&#13;
imperialism, by the end of the 7th century transplanted itself to the farther East, affecting the cultures of Java, Cambodia,&#13;
Siam, China, and at the most significant distance, even the to Korean peninsula and Japan. A painting on the wall of Cave&#13;
No. 1 at Ajanta is still easily recognizable as a vivid representation of the Persian envoys' ceremonial presentation of their&#13;
credentials.&#13;
Griffiths rightly interprets the representations of ships and boats in the Ajanta paintings as a "vivid testimony to the&#13;
ancient foreign trade of India." The present paper deals with the ships and boats depicted in the paintings of Ajanta. Several&#13;
scholars have studied these images, more particularly from Cave Nos. 1, 2, 16 and 17. In continuation of the Magnum Opus&#13;
work of Dieter Schlingloff, the author shall try to show the missing features depicted in the panels of ships and boats&#13;
through newly reconstructive line drawings and photographs. Digital restoration utilizing photographs processed to adjust&#13;
the brightness and contrast forms a significant step in studying the original painting and analyzing its remains and damage.&#13;
This process allows digital reconstruction with line drawing and color using the original color palette. As a result of this&#13;
detailed work, one may visualize the paintings and their use of ancient maritime activity as subject matter.&#13;
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                <text>Shreekant. S. Jadhav</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>2023</text>
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                <text> Jadhav, Shreekant S.. 2023. “Digital Reconstruction and Conservation of Maritime Heritage in the Ajanta Murals.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Arjun Rao. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/2024 </text>
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                    <text>Dimensions of Interactions: Bay of Bengal in the Wider Asia-Pacific Region:
Archaeological and Historical Records from the Earliest Period till 1500 CE
Kaushik Gangopadhyay1
1

Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, India.

Corresponding Author- k.gongo@gmail.com

ABSTRACT
The paper explores the role played by the Northern Bay of Bengal Region in the cultural transmission
throughout the Indo-Pacific region. The investigation begins in the protohistoric period and subsequently
discusses the early historic and the historical period. In this paper, the author raises issues of mortuary practices,
which are similar between South Asia and South-East Asia. Artefacts discussed in this paper include glass and
stone beads, portable enough to be carried across long distances and their final deposition as grave goods point
to the inherent value attached to these portable artefacts. The third issue is the findspots of these artefacts,
particularly beads from the shipwreck sites from the Philippines. It is remarkable how such sites can provide the
much needed in-situ data on portable and its dated values. All this evidence compels us to look at a neglected
region in the discussion, primarily the Northern Bay of Bengal region.
Keywords: NBBR, Mortuary practices, Glass beads, Submerged sites
LIST OF ABBRIVIATIONS
NBBR
Northern Bay of Bengal Region
KSK
Khao Sam Khaeo
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Map showing sites discussed in the text

1. INTRODUCTION
The paper attempts to understand the scales of interaction within the Asia-Pacific region by focusing
on the Northern Bay of Bengal Region (NBBR) and its archaeological heritage to be part of
interacting network in this vast region. The Bay of Bengal Region played a significant role in the
Indian Ocean trade network from the prehistoric to modern periods and is well documented in the
archaeological and historical records (Gupta 2005). The archaeological record of this interaction is
indicated by common mortuary practices over a wide region of the Asia-Pacific region and also
distribution of specific types of small portable objects like ceramics and glass beads known as IndoPacific glass beads (Francis 2002). The term itself is indicative of connectivity between Indian ocean
and the Pacific region. Gleaning the available data, one is left with the idea that the geographical
ambit of this distribution is largely limited in the southern part of the Bay of Bengal as the data from
the NBBR is not easily available. In this paper, the author attempts to include data from the NBBR to
understand the connection within the Asia-Pacific region. This is more important because majority of
the sites from where these data can be properly gathered is either eroded coastal sites or facing threat
due to coastal erosion.

2. PREHISTORIC PERIOD
This section deals with research findings from the prehistoric period in the wide Indo-Pacific region.
The earliest data on interaction comes from the study of the distribution of jar burials across the
1

�pacific and the Bay of Bengal region (Gupta 2005, 22-30). Jar burials are found in various
Chalcolithic and Iron age contexts of South Asia. This included the well-known Deccan chalcolithic
burials from western India (Dhavalikar et al. 1998). Jar burials are also known from South India,
which was common cultural practice associated with the megalithic burial tradition during the Iron
Age. In Northeast India, stone jar burials have been recently investigated, which is like sites in Laos
and Vietnam (Thakuria et al. 2016, 44-51). Jar burials are known from the Yayoi period in Japan and
from mainland South-East Asian sites, particularly from Thailand and Vietnam. In this context, the
infant jar burials from the Samon valley in Myanmar show remarkable similarities to the jar burials of
the India particularly the jar burials from Deccan chalcolithic phase. The jar burials have been
described as large spherical vases with widened-out necks, staked together and lying flat in pairs,
three or four touching each other by their openings. The jars were 25- 80 cm in height and 40 cm to 50
in maximum diameter (Coupey 2013, 84-91). Similar jar burials are found in the northern Thailand,
although in an earlier context between 1800 and 600 BCE.
One of the major factors in the connectivity between the urban culture of South-East Asia, the ‘Pyu’
culture of Myanmar (second century BCE to ninth Century CE) and South Asia was Buddhist
networks. As noted by Stargardt (2005, 407-34), the late Iron age burial tradition of the ‘Pyu’
civilization was characterized by burial stone jars and ceramic urns, similar to the burial urns of South
India, particularly Andhra Pradesh and northern Tamil Nadu, which could have also influenced the
Buddhist practices in both India and South-East Asia. Another region in East Asia where jar burials
became very popular is Korea (Riotto 1995, 40-53). According to Riotto (Riotto 1995, 40-53) the
burial tradition of the pre-Buddhist period in Korea may have been adopted by people who were
accustomed with the tradition of jar burials elsewhere. Therefore, careful perusal of burial rites from
South Asia to the far east could provide a nuanced position with relation to prehistoric connectivity in
the prehistoric period involving sites in NBBR, particularly Myanmar.
2.1 Interactions through portable items
The above discussions underscore the need for a more sustained investigations into the portable
artefacts recovered from terrestrial and underwater archaeological sites and this section is largely
devoted to an interpretation of the available data. There are portable artefacts such as pottery and
beads recovered from sites nearer to maritime spaces and also from shipwrecks. In this section the
author attempts to summarize the importance of portable artefacts such as glass beads circulating in
the Bay of Bengal interaction sphere in the examining interactions in the Asia-Pacific region from the
earliest times to the medieval. These glass beads are extensively documented from port sites like
Arikamedu on the Coromandel coast; eroded coastal sites of Bengal, early urban sites of South and
South-east Asia; shipwrecks from Philippines and also from Japan in the Yayoi period graves (Gupta
2005, 22-30). What is the connection between the burials and the small portable artefacts like beads?
Gupta would argue that the demand for the second category of artefacts is indicative of socio-cultural
practices as these small artefacts could have circulated largely as prestige good because the immediate
contexts are graves (Gupta 2005, 22-30). To imagine that an artefact like bead travelled over a wide
space to be deposited in funerary contexts also highlights the importance attached to death rituals in
wider Asia-Pacific world.

2

�2.2 The circulation of glass and stone beads in the Asia-Pacific region: Chronological and
cultural scope
This section is a summation of glass and stone beads circulating in the Bay of Bengal region from
fourth century BCE. The beads were commodified and distributed in the South-East Asian middle
range societies (Basa 1992, 91-104). Stone beads, including etched alkaline carnelian and agate beads
were thought to have been produced in South Asia (Belina and Glover 2001, 191-215) and made their
way into different regions of South-East Asia and some of the techniques were adopted by the Iron
Age communities in South-East Asia, where indigenous bead production techniques were locally
adopted (Theunissen 2000, 84-105).
The increasing role of sites in South-East Asia, particularly in the Thai-Peninsular region (Khao Sam
Khaeo) were catalyst in not only interactions between South Asia and South-East Asia but within the
trans-Asiatic networks (Bellina et al. 2006, 257-293). The trans-Asiatic networks relayed
technological know-hows. For instance, it has been argued that craftsmen at early sites like Khao San
Khaeo in the Isthmus of Kra adopted technological traditions of South Asia (Bellina et al. 2006). At
Khao Sam Khaeo glass production, particularly the drawn glass beads production technique was
adopted. The ceramics also reported Indian style ceramics (Bouvet 2011, 47-82) and Chinese style
(Han) ceramics (Bellina et al. 2006, 257-293). Therefore, the site of KSK, located on the east of the
Isthmus of Kra connected Bay of Bengal to the East Asia.
Glass beads have great significance in pursuing research in the trans-Asiatic networks over long-time
ranges. In East Asia Gupta (2005, 22-30) noted the presence of Indian drawn glass beads in Japan and
Korea from late first Millennium BCE and continued in the late Yayoi period (300 BCE–300 CE) and
Three Kingdoms period (220 to 280 CE). In more recent historical periods (fifteenth to seventeenth
centuries) the research conducted by (Craig 2021) assumes importance as it draws on evidence from
both terrestrial and underwater (shipwrecks) sites. Craig has listed out two important locales which
could be investigated to document production, shipment, and distribution of portable objects like
beads. These are sites of beach side communities who were likely the last to handle cargoes, coming
in or going out into the sea and also the actual shipwreck sites. It is in this context that addressing
underwater archaeological strategies becomes crucial.
After having examined the available evidence from the Bay of Bengal region, it becomes clear that it
is difficult to obtain shipwreck sites from the Bay of Bengal region, particularly where large rivers
like the Ganges debouches and turns underwater excavation strategies a problem and extremely
difficult to pursue. Perusal of historical sources and archaeological data makes it clear that the NBBR
region witnessed urbanization and participated in the wide trans-Asiatic exchange systems from the
end of the first millennium BCE. A wide varieties of objects including glass, stone beads and ceramics
were locally produced or acquired from other regions of South Asia and could have been shipped to
other regions including the South-East Asian regions like Myanmar. The early urbanized sites of
Myanmar like Beikthano reveals existence of red glass beads made from the ‘drawn’ techniques along
with decorated (possibly lime) carnelian and stone beads (author’s own observations). These objects
have been found at sites in the coastal zone of West Bengal in the western part of the NBBR. Some of
the well-known sites are Tamluk and Chandraketugarh, but there are few sites, discussed below,
which have yielded glass beads from the archaeological contexts, but are under threat from coastal
erosions. In summary, although early shipwreck sites are not available for the Bay of Bengal region,
artefacts originating from the region are to be found in shipwreck sites.

3

�The history of production of certain categories of glass beads such as the ‘drawn’ glass beads, could
also be reconstructed from these studies. Craig’s (2021) research on the fifteenth century CE
shipwreck Pandanan, located in the Palawan region of Philippines, cargo consisted of drawn and
wound glass beads. The red opaque drawn glass beads classified as ‘Indo-Pacific’ beads and mineral
Soda-Alumina glass were possibly sourced from South Asia (Craig 2021). She emphasizes shipwrecks
from Philippines are important to understand the shift in the bead trade in the entire Asia-Pacific
region, while I add this research also aids historians in evaluating the relative importance of the
different maritime spaces like Bay of Bengal region and its role in transferring technologies and
objects towards the east. Further, I suggest the strategy to locate more sites along the eastern coast of
India, to sample glass and also stone beads. Arikamedu is the only site at the centre of current
discussion but more sites from the NBBR should be included.
2.4 The ports in the NBBR region: Western segment of Ganga-Brahmaputra delta (West
Bengal).
2.4.1 Chandraketugarh
The site is located on a defunct arm of the palaeo-channel of the Ganges. The site is about two sq km
in extent and the most flourishing period of the site was between the third century BCE to the fourth
century CE. The major artefactual component of the site consists of large number of terracotta
plaques, ceramics, stone and glass beads. The site may correspond to one of the ports mentioned in the
Periplus as Gange. Although, a large number of beads have been found from the site the only
publication is that of (Chakraborty 1998, 32-54). Chakraborty has documented blue glass beads, green
glass beads and Indo-Pacific beads in red, orange and yellow opaque have been documented.
2.4.2

Tamluk

The site is identified with the port of Tamralipti. Excavations and explorations at the site (IAR, 195455; 1973-74) produced a large number of ceramics, terracotta plaques and figurines and glass beads.
Several glass beads including green glass, blue glass, black oblate and ‘Indo-Pacific” beads have been
documented from the site although from surface context. The chronology of the beads is between third
century BCE to even ninth-twelfth centuries CE based on comparison of beads with sites in South
India and also with sites in South-East Asia, such as Takua Pa (Gangopadhyay 2010, 171-181). The
beads demonstrate wide geographical zone from North-West India, Northern India, Southern India
and South-East Asia. The temporal zone is between third centuries BCE to twelfth centuries CE.
2.4.3. Harinarayanpur and Deulpota
The other sites from coastal West Bengal are these two very interesting sites which has produced
several coloured and opaque glass beads (Chakraborty 1998, 32-54), including the ‘Indo-Pacific’
types. These sites will be dealt with in our discussion on underwater archaeological heritage.

4

�Figure 1: Map showing sites discussed in the text (Courtesy: Snehadip Saha)

2.5 Glass beads and trade: coastal West Bengal
Several sites in coastal zone West Bengal have evidence of glass beads from the early historic to the
medieval period. However, these sites have not been studied in detail. It is unclear as to whether
communities at these sites produced glass beads or acted as transportation nodes from Indian glass
beads production centre or southern glass production centres. Also, one can raise the issue and debate
if all the drawn red glass beads collected from the surface context from the sites mentioned above
should be chronologically placed in the early historic period. The connection with South-East Asia is
indicated by the blue ‘eye’ bead of glass, similar to the one from Takua Pa, referred above, although
such beads have a long chronology in India going back to the third century BCE. The data of these
small portable items belonging to the early medieval and medieval period is unsubstantial for any
cogent argument.

5

�3. DISCUSSION
The following points emerge out of the above discussion:
a.

The Bay of Bengal region connecting South and South-East Asia from the prehistoric times till
the medieval period. The connectivity stretched towards east Asia and the Far east for which
archaeological evidence of Jar burials can be put forward.

b.

The more tangible evidence of ceramics within the Bay of Bengal region and beads in the wider
Asia-Pacific region appears at disparate localities within the region stretching from the
Coromandel coast to Korea and Japan.

c.

Our data on Indo-Pacific glass beads from coastal West Bengal in NBBR, shows that littoral
sites are presently being eroded and the archaeological layers lie below the high tidal mark
therefore, it is important to survey the inter-tidal zone. Other coastal regions along in the
NBBR, such as Myanmar, should also be surveyed.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I acknowledge APCONF 2023 and the chairperson of the session for accepting this paper and for providing senior travel
award to enable travelling to Korea. Some of the data used in the article was observed while the author travelled the
Myanmar in 2019. The UGC-UPE-II (India Looking East) is acknowledged and also the University of Calcutta for
facilitating the funding.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Basa. K. K. “Early Glass Beads in India”, South Asian Studies 8 (1992): 91- 104.
Belina Berinice, Ian Glover 2001. Alkaline Etched Beads East of India in the Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Periods,
Bulletin De L Ecole Francoise D Extreme-Orient 88, 1 (2001): 191-215.
Bellina Berince, Robert Pryce and Praon Silapanth. “Weaving cultural identities on trans-oceanic networks: Upper ThaiMalay Peninsula – an early socio-political landscape”, Bulletin De L Ecole Francoise D Extreme-Orient 93, (2006): 257293.
Bouvet Phaedra 2011. “Preliminary Study of Indian and Indian Style wares from Khao Sam Kaeo (Chumphon, Peninsular
Thailand) Fourth-Second Centuries BCE. In Early Interactions between South and Southeast Asia, Reflections on CrossCultural Exchange, edited by In Pierre Yves Manguin, A. Mani and Geoff Wade, 47-82. Manohar, Singapore, Institute of
South-East Asian Studies, New Delhi, 2011.
Craig Jennifer. “Shipwrecks and Glass beads: Indian Ocean World connectivity across the historic maritime cultural
landscape”. PhD diss., McGill University Canada, 2021.
Coupey Anne-Sophie. “Infant Jar Burials in Upper Burma. Unearthing Southeast Asia” Selected Papers from the Twelfth
International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists 1, (2013): 84- 90.
Chakraborty, Sharmi. “Beads from Chandraketugarh”, Pratna Samiksha, 4-5 (1995-96): 32- 54.
Dhavalikar, M.K, H.D. Sankalia and Z.D. Ansari, Excavations at Inamgaon, Vol 1. Part I, Pune: Deccan College
Postgraduate and Research Institute, 1989.

6

�Francis, Peter. Asia’s Maritime Bead Trade, 300 BC to the Present. Hawai: University of Hawai Press, 2002.
Gangopadhyay K. Early Historic Archaeology of Coastal West Bengal with Special Reference to Medinipur District
(Unpublished doctoral dissertation, 2013). Utkal University, 2013. 171-181.
Gupta, Sunil. “Bay of Bengal Interactions Sphere (1000 BCE-AD 500)”, Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Bulletin, 25
(2005): 22 -30.
Glover, Ian and Berenice Bellina. “Alkaline Etched Beads East of India in the late Prehistoric and Early Historic period”,
Bulletin De L Ecole Francoise D Extreme-Orient, 88 (2001): 191- 215.
Indian Archaeology-A Review, 1954-55, 19 and 1973-74, 32.
Riotto, M. “Jar-Burials in Korea and their possible social implications”, Korea Journal 35, 3 (1995): 40- 53.
Stargardt, Janice. “Death Rituals of the late Iron age and Early Buddhism in Central Burma and South-East India- whose
norms, whose practices?” In Im Dickicht der Gebote, 2005. 407- 434.
Thakuria Tilok, T. Jamir and M.K. Chauley. “Stone jar Burials in North Cachar, Assam”, Man and Environment XLI, no. I
(2016): 44-51.
Theunissen, Robert, Peter Grave and Grahame Bailey. “Doubts on Diffusion: Challenging the Assumed Indian Origin of Iron
Age Agate and Carnelian Beads in Southeast Asia”, World Archaeology - Archaeology in Southeast Asia, 32 (2000): 84-105.

7

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                    <text>Disaster in the High Seas:
The Spanish Expeditions in the Pacific in the Sixteenth Century
Ma. Luisa De Leon-Bolinao, Ph.D.
Associate Professor, History Department
University of the Philippines-Diliman
Quezon City, Philippines
Email: loudeleon@rocketmail.com
Abstract
The Pacific Ocean is the largest body of water on earth, measuring more than 165
million square kilometers. Although the first European to spot it was Vasco Nuñez de
Balboa in 1513, who named it Mar del Sur (South Sea) due to a miscalculation, it was
Ferdinand Magellan who named it Pacifico after taking notice of its calm waters.
This paper discusses the various disasters that sixteenth-century Spanish expeditions
encountered during their trips to and from the Philippines while crossing the vast Pacific
Ocean. It focuses on four events: (1) natural disasters like storms and gales; (2) health
hazards like diseases and spoiled food provisions; (3) man-made hazards like mutinies
and piracies; and, (4) other accidents like leaks and reef grounding. The study covers
the period from Magellan’s voyage of 1519 up to the trips of the galleons until the end of
the sixteenth century, and concludes with the lessons learned from a century of
traversing the Pacific.
Key words: disasters, Pacific Ocean, Spanish expeditions, galleon trade, Philippines
I. Introduction

A story on Walter McDougall’s (1993) book1 narrated the historic first eastward trip from
the Philippines to Acapulco.

Fray Andres de Urdaneta was on his way back to

Acapulco from the Philippines. He set a course north by northeast in the hope of
bypassing the trade winds and finding the westerlies back to the Americas. Forty-five
years earlier, Magellan first crossed the Pacific westward, but since then no one has
been able to make a tornaviaje (return trip) using the same route through the Pacific.
After a month, Urdaneta’s crew reached 320 north latitude, 1590 east longitude, the
same coordinates reached by Saavedra in 1528 but abandoned after a five-day storm
1

Walter A. McDougall (1993). Let the Sea Make a Noise: A History of the North Pacific from Magellan to
MacArthur. Basic Books, p. 25.

1

�crippled his ship, with his crew weakened by the cold and scurvy. Urdaneta then prayed
for the intercession of St. Peter, patron saint of his ship San Pedro, that the westerlies
would carry them back to Acapulco. The westerlies did pick up, the ship sailed eastward
until the California current caught them and carried them southward to Mexico. They
reached Acapulco on October 8, 1565 after sailing over twelve thousand miles in 130
days. Urdaneta unwittingly discovered the Kuroshio current2 flowing off Japan, the North
Pacific Current flowing towards California, and the tornaviaje route that eluded earlier
Spanish explorers.
Thus began Spain’s mastery of the Pacific Ocean. According to Greg Bankoff (2006),
“The Spanish Empire in the Pacific may have been motivated by ‘God, gold, and glory’
but its realization, in particular its extent and its pulse, was largely determined by the
Pacific wind system.”3 Spain may have built an empire, but it came with considerable
loss of life and property. The Pacific, contrary to Magellan’s initial impression of this
“Spanish lake”, was far from calm. It is the birthplace of numerous tropical storms, the
home of the world’s most active volcanoes and tectonic plates, and the regular site of
earthquakes and tsunamis.
II. Initial Travels to the Philippines: From Ferdinand Magellan to Miguel Lopez De
Legazpi, 1519-1565
Antonio Pigafetta, Magellan’s assistant and chronicler, kept a detailed account of the
events of the 1519 expedition. The fleet began its voyage to the largely unknown waters
in November 1520, with no clue as to direction or length of travel. Three months later,
the food had deteriorated, and morale was low. He notes,
“The tired crew only ate sea biscuits that were full of worms and smelled
of the urine from the rats that had already eaten the good parts. Some men
fought over old cowhides which they softened for four or five days in seawater
2

As described by Shirley Fish in her book, The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the
Pacific. Author House (2011), p. 64: “The Kuroshio Current begins off the coast of Taiwan and flows in a
circular, clock wise pattern as far north as Japan. The current then merges with the North Pacific Current
(NPC) which flows in a westerly pattern taking the ship towards the coast of Northern California and
Mendecino. The NPC is the Pacific’s counterpart of the Atlantic’s Gulf Stream. Once off the coast of
California, the galleon sailed south to Baja California and then to Mexico’s Cape Corrientes and
Acapulco.”
3
Greg Bankoff (2006). “Winds of Colonisation: The Meteorological Contours of Spain’s Imperium in the
Pacific, 1521-1898”, Environment and History 12, p. 67.

2

�before cooking them over a charcoal fire. Others caught and sold rats…and the
demand for this kind of fresh meat could not be met. Nineteen of them perished
from scurvy…”4
Scurvy is a disease that occurs due to the lack of Vitamin C and usually
accompanies malnutrition. Symptoms include pale skin, sunken eyes, and loss of teeth.
It was a common illness among sailors since the 15th century due to the absence of
fresh vegetables and fruits, especially citrus, in their diets. These foods are highly
perishable and cannot last for the several months that the sailors spend in long-distance
travel in ships. A second voyage led by Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, and assisted by Juan
Sebastian Del Cano [Elcano], was mandated by Carlos I to colonize the Spice Islands
for the Spanish Crown. Leaving Spain in 1525 with an impressive fleet of seven ships
and crew of 450, the Loaisa expedition barely survived the Atlantic crossing. Even
before they crossed the Pacific, they were already down to four ships. After the Pacific
voyage, only one ship reached the Spice Islands as three more ships were lost in the
storms, while Loaysa and Elcano both died 5 of scurvy in July 1526.The October 31,
1527 trip of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron proved most favorable for the Spanish fleet. Not
only were the northeast trade winds strong enough to push them across the vast ocean,
thus making the trip faster, they also arrived in the Philippines after the typhoon season
was over.6 Of course, it helped that one of the captains of the ships was a member of
the earlier Elcano expedition and could have copies of the navigation charts. It was also
the first time that a Spanish fleet originated from Mexico, instead of Spain, which means
the food would remain fresher for a longer period of time during the Pacific crossing.
However, Saavedra could not escape the curse of the Pacific. Only two weeks
into the voyage, the crew discovered that the ship was leaking badly. Wright (1951)
wrote,7
“…The water was pouring into the bread storeroom in the stern of the
ship, in such quantities that the ship was settling rapidly. They hastened to
lighten her by throwing overboard thirty quintales [equivalent to fifty days ration

4

Rodrigue Levesque (trans.) The Philippines: Pigafetta’s Story of Their Discovery by Magellan (n.d.).
Levesque Publications, p. 14.
5
Ibid, p. 111.
6
Ione Stuessy Wright “Voyages of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron” in R. S. Boggs (ed.) University of Miami
Hispanic-American Studies (1951). University of Miami Press, p. 17.
7
Ibid. p. 19.

3

�for forty men] of bread and meat and other foods, and set to work to get rid of the
water….”
On December 15, 1527, another misfortune happened to the crew. They encountered a
storm, developed rudder trouble, and were forced to wait out the bad weather in the
middle of the sea. Two other ships of the convoy – the Santiago and Espiritu Santo -continued on their journey, but after the storm passed, these two vessels were never
seen again.8
It was Saavedra who first attempted the tornaviaje in June 1528 by sailing
northeastward, but was apparently unprepared for the extreme weather condition and
more storms. He returned to the Moluccas and departed for a second attempt in May
1529, only to be attacked by the native islanders along the way. Saavedra himself fell ill
and died on the return voyage (estimated around October 1529), but barely out of the
western Pacific region. The crew returned to the Moluccas a second time, but was later
captured by the Portuguese and taken to Malacca. After the Spaniards surrendered
their arms to the Portuguese, they were sent to India and finally got back to Spain in
Portuguese ships.
By the time Ruy Lopez de Villalobos set sail in October 1542, a lot of things had been
learned about the Pacific. Captains were further instructed to keep a very detailed log of
each day’s journey, measured in leagues.
Despite all the preparation and the knowledge that went into the Villalobos expedition,
the usual problems surfaced – leaking boats, lack of drinking water, and the occasional
storms and gales, one of which caused one ship, the San Cristobal, to disappear.9 It
would later resurface in Mindanao and rendezvous with the rest of Villalobos’s fleet.
After several months in Mindanao, one of the ships -- the San Juan – would attempt to
return to Mexico via the Pacific Ocean. The Villalobos expedition may have been better
prepared for the journey this time around, but with the persistent lack of adequate
knowledge of wind direction and sea currents occurring in the Pacific, this attempt was
destined to fail. It would take Spain two more decades to figure this out before the
incredible feat of returning to Spain via the Pacific would be accomplished. Miguel

8

Ibid., p. 21.
Andre Gschaedler, “Mexico and the Pacific, 1540-1565: The Voyages of Villalobos and Legazpi and the
Preparations Made for Them”. PhD dissertation, Faculty of Political Science, Columbia University, p. 52.
9

4

�Lopez de Legazpi had one very distinct advantage as he set sail across the Pacific in
November 1564 – he was assisted by Andres de Urdaneta, who, by this time, had been
the foremost expert in navigation. He had been crossing the Pacific since the Loaysa
and Saavedra expeditions, and that his knowledge of cosmography and navigation was
well known throughout the empire. He became an Augustinian friar in 1552, and stayed
in Mexico where he was exposed to more studies on seafaring, particularly on the
meteorological observations made along the coast of California.10
The November 21, 1564 departure of the Legazpi fleet would have spelled
disaster had it not been for the instructions of Urdaneta who outlined different sea
routes for (1) departures between Oct 1 to November 10; (2) departures between
November 10 and January 20; and (3) departures after January which should not
proceed until March.11 Simply put, for every Pacific voyage, timing is paramount; one
cannot take for granted prevailing winds and the sea currents at different times of the
year. Needless to say, the voyage proceeded without any incident, and Legazpi
reached Guam on January 26, 1565, and Samar on February 13, 1565.12 Urdaneta left
Cebu to return to Mexico on June 1, 1565 aboard the San Pedro. Although this was the
voyage that discovered the eastward route back to Acapulco, we do know now that out
of the original 200 people on board, only about 30 people were able to reach their
destination after four months. This fact, however, does not diminish the significance of
this return voyage, and it would serve as the route that the Manila galleons would follow
for 250 years.
III. The Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade
Conquering the Pacific didn’t end the disasters accompanying the subsequent Spanish
expeditions. According to Shirley Fish (2011):13
“After the arrival of the San Pablo in Mexico, it was followed by the San
Geronimo, which arrived at Cebu in October 1566. This proved to be a difficult
journey for all those aboard the vessel as a mutiny arose on the ship. The
captain was murdered by the mutineers and it was a miracle that the ship arrived
in the Philippines at all.”
10

Ibid., p. 84.
Ibid. p. 115-16.
12
Ibid., p. 149, 152.
13
Shirley Fish (2011). The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific. Author House, p.
65.
11

5

�Aside from mutinies, captains also faced the possibility of encountering pirates and rival
foreign ships when traveling over international waters. The galleons were part of the
Spanish Crown Trade Route (SCTR), a larger network of traditional merchant ships that
sailed
-routes. As discussed by Ruescas and Wrana (2012),14
“Thus, two lengthy maritime routes operated across the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans simultaneously for over two centuries. Both of these lines
were in turn connected by an overland route between Acapulco and
Veracruz via Mexico City…. Through this overland route, the Atlantic and
Pacific lines were connected forming a single combined route that
stretched from Manila to Seville, linking Asia, America, and Europe….”
For both the Atlantic and Pacific fleets, the Spanish Government established a
highly-regulated system of laws that governed everything from cargo and
provisions to weaponry and crew. The schedule for the voyages had to be strictly
followed. Sailing to the Americas had to commence in the months of April or May
in order to arrive in Mexico before the hurricane season, while the Pacific fleets
can only start their voyage in October, but not later than January, to be assured
of calm waters and favorable winds.
The Atlantic waters were likewise used by vessels from other countries such as
the Dutch and British ships which were always hunting for Spanish galleons. That is
why as early as 1526, the King of Spain had decreed that vessels traveling to the
Americas would be escorted by war ships. In contrast, the Pacific galleons were not
accompanied by these vessels, but instead were fitted with cannons to be able to
protect themselves. 15 At times, an incoming Manila galleon was escorted from Baja
California to the port of Acapulco by additional armed warships.
Alas, such precautions proved far from foolproof. One such example was when the
Santa Ana was captured by Thomas Cavendish in 1587 off the coast of Baja
California.16 The Santa Ana was originally with the war ship San Francisco when they
left Manila, but both encountered a typhoon off Japan which considerably wrecked the
14

Javier Ruescas and Javier Wrana, “The West Indies and the Manila Galleons: The First Global Trade
Route” in Probing Philippine-Spanish Connections in History: Selected Papers, Philippine-Spanish
Friendship Day 2011 (2012). National Historical Commission of the Philippines and the History
Department, UP Diliman, p. 8.
15
Ibid., p. 28, 30
16
Ibid., p. 188.

6

�latter, leaving the Santa Ana to continue its voyage back to Acapulco alone and
unarmed. In November 1587, the Cavendish fleet spotted the lone galleon sailing
towards Baja California, chased it, and got control of the ship, the cargo, and the crew.
After picking the best of the lot from the ship, Cavendish set the Santa Ana on fire and
set off, leaving the burning ship which managed to drift to a nearby shore, eventually
getting salvaged by the remaining crew and brought back to Acapulco.17
The Dutch were the more aggressive attackers of the galleons, who constantly
dispatched ships to the Philippines. They had hoped to catch one of the incoming or
outgoing galleons by blockading either Manila Bay or the San Bernardino Strait. One
such encounter happened in December 1600 when Oliver van Noort led the attack in
Cavite, which unfortunately resulted with the sinking of the San Diego.18 It was this San
Diego that was later excavated by underwater archaeologists in 1993, and the artifacts
are presently housed in the National Museum of the Philippines and the Museo Naval in
Madrid (Spain).
Let me end this study with an incident from the seventeenth century. One of the worst
disasters for the Spanish flotilla was the tragedy that befell the Nuestra Señora de la
Concepcion. The Concepcion had quite a reputation as the largest, most indestructible
galleon of its time. It was built using the best tropical hardwoods in the Philippines and
measured 160 feet long, 50 feet wide, with a carrying capacity of 2,000 tons. It was
accompanied by the San Ambrosio, but had become separated from the Concepcion
due to the strong winds they encountered. The San Ambrosio was able to stay the
course and arrived in Acapulco safely; the Concepcion, however, did not.
17

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Cavendish#Capturing_a_Manila_galleon, Accessed October 5,
2013.
18
“Oliver van Noort’s Attack on Luzon” in Blair and Robertson, ‘Documents of 1600’, (Volume 11). The
Philippine islands, 1493-1803 : explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their
peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and
manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from
their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century / tr. from the
originals, ed. and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, with historical
introduction
and
additional
notes
by
Edward
Gaylord
Bourne.
55
Vols.
URL:
http://quod.lib.umich.edu/p/philamer/afk2830.0001.011/144?page=root;size=100;view=image;q1=blair.
Accessed October 5, 2013.
20
Fish, p. 3.
21
Ibid, p. 3-4.
22
Ibid., p. 11-15. An annotated list of Transpacific Galleons, 1565-1815, can also be found in Fish, pp
492-523.

7

�Fish (2011) relates that on September 20, 1638, the Concepcion encountered bad
weather and crashed into a reef off the southern coast of the Northern Marianas, where
it eventually capsized and broke to pieces. An investigation conducted in 1644
concluded that the ship’s disaster:
“…was brought about by a combination of bad weather and the lack of
vigilance on the part of the pilots in charge of the ship’s navigation. Apparently,
there was a disturbance on the galleon which had become so out of control that
the navigation of the ship was completely forgotten. Perhaps there was a fight
among the officers and crew or a mutiny was attempted with a planned takeover
of the vessel. Whatever happened on the galleon, it appears that no one was
paying attention to the ship’s course and the fact that it had been dangerously
drifting towards the reef.”
Eventually, the culpability was traced back to Manila and to the then
Governor-General Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who was held responsible.
Fifty-nine charges were brought against Corcuera, among which were (1)
appointing his inexperienced nephew as Commander of the Concepcion which
was probably one of the factors that led to a near-mutiny aboard the ship; (2)
illegally-transporting personal cargo of jewelry, gold, and other items aboard the
galleons back to Mexico, to be sold for profit; and, (3) numerous violations of
Spanish trade laws. A recovery team was sent to Saipan by the Spanish
government in Manila in 1684, to at least retrieve the ship’s cannons. But it was
not until 1987 that an archaeological team led by William Mathers and his team
of thirty men and women recovered the riches that the Nuestra Señora de la
Concepcion buried off the waters of the Pacific for 375 years.
Conclusion
The Pacific Ocean had been the last frontier for the Spanish expeditions in the sixteenth
century; their final obstacle to reaching the coveted Spice Islands. Erroneously named
Pacifico by Magellan in 1520 which he based on its calm demeanor when he first saw
the vast ocean, the Pacific is anything but peaceful. For it is the birthplace of numerous
tropical storms, the home of the world’s most active volcanoes and tectonic plates, and
the regular site of earthquakes and tsunamis.
The first hazard they had to overcome was the weather and the ocean current. A ship
captain must possess enough skills and navigation know-how to even begin to sail the
large ocean to lands unknown. Initially a venture based on trial-and error, they had to
8

�leave Acapulco at a specific time of the year, and carefully keep a daily log of their
latitudinal position to even have any hope of surviving the months-long journey or
reaching an island to replenish supplies. Another challenge is rationing their food and
water supply and combatting physical diseases like scurvy, or emotional distress like
loneliness and boredom.
A second hazard is the violent climate. The Pacific is the birthplace of tropical storms, a
phenomena entirely new to citizens of an almost hurricane-free Europe. As such, coping
with shipwrecks, leaks, storms, and gales had become regular struggles for the hapless
sailors.
A third form of challenge was finding the tornaviaje route back to Acapulco. For some
reason, the Pacific waters behaved differently going back east than moving towards the
west. Sixteenth-century navigation meant relying on wind and sea currents in the
absence of modern instrumentation. It took Spain all of half a century before hitting the
Kuroshio Current off Japan which finally gave them that coveted return trip to Acapulco
with a shorter travel time. This historic discovery paved the way for Spain to master the
Pacific Ocean, establish their empire, and build a lucrative trade route for the galleons
for 250 years.
Finally, Spain had one last hurdle to overcome – piracy and attacks in the high seas.
Carrying untold fortune between Manila and Acapulco, the galleons are virtual magnets
to every daring treasure hunter with a sea vessel. The Portuguese had staked their
claim over the Spice Islands and its surrounding lands and waters, and had used this
ruse to capture Spanish vessels which wandered inside its territory. Meanwhile, the
Dutch and British ships lie in wait in pivotal water channels like the San Bernardino
Strait, Manila Bay, and Baja California. Although Spanish galleons frequently carry
cannons and firearms to protect themselves, the length of the travel time and distance
sometimes leave them weak and vulnerable to pirates and bounty hunters who maintain
close proximity to the shore and thus remain healthy and ready to pounce on weary
sailors.
The cost of conquering the Pacific may have been enormous for Spain in the sixteenth
century. The payback, however, was their enduring legacy in structuring the earliest
techniques for modern navigation and map-making, pioneering the methods to building
9

�a formidable, cross-continent empire, and ushering in the first global trade by linking the
largest landmasses of the earth – Asia, the Americas, and Europe.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bankoff, Greg, 2006. Winds of Colonisation: The Meteorological Contours of Spain’s
Imperium in thePacific, 1521-1898, Environment and History (12): 65-88.
Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson, Alexander (eds.). ‘Documents of 1600’, (Volume 11).
The

Philippinne

islands,

1493-1803:

explorations

by

early

navigators,

descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the
Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts,
showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the
nineteenth century / trans. from the originals, ed. and annotated by Emma Helen
Blair and James Alexander Robertson, with historical introduction and additional
notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. 55 Vols.
Fish, Shirley, 2011. The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific.
Author House.

Gschaedler, Andre,1953. Mexico and the Pacific, 1540-1565: The Voyages of Villalobos
and Legazpi and the Preparations Made for Them. PhD dissertation, Faculty of
Political Science, Columbia University.
Levesque, Rodrigue (trans.), n.d. The Philippines: Pigafetta’s Story of Their Discovery
by Magellan. Levesque Publications.
McDougall, Walter A.,1993. Let the Sea Make a Noise: A History of the North Pacific
from Magellan to MacArthur. Basic Books.
Morga, Antonio de, 1962. Historical Events of the Philippine Islands. Writings of Jose
Rizal Volume VI (Centennial Edition). Jose Rizal National Centennial
Commission.
Paige, Paula Spurlin (trans.),1969. The Voyage of Magellan: The Journal of Antonio
Pigafetta. Prentice-Hall International.
Ruescas, Javier and Wrana, Javier, 2012. The West Indies and the Manila Galleons:
The First Global Trade Route. In Probing Philippine-Spanish Connections in
10

�History: Selected Papers, Philippine-Spanish Friendship Day 2011. National
Historical Commission of the Philippines and the History Department, UP Diliman,
1-32.
Wright, Ione Stuessy, 1951. Voyages of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron. In R. S. Boggs (ed.)
University of Miami Hispanic-American Studies. University of Miami Press.
Online Sources:
“The Philippine Islands, ”
http://philhist.pbworks.com/w/page/16367055/ThePhilippineIslands
“Thomas Cavendish”,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Cavendish#Capturing_a_Manila_galleon
Biography
Maria Luisa de Leon Bolinao is an Associate professor at the University of Philippines
Diliman. Her area of specialization is Asian History, particularly Southeast Asian History
and West Asian History. She teaches the Contemporary Period (Post-War Philippine
History), and her field of specialization is Environmental History.

11

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                  <text>Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro </text>
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                  <text>Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepÃ´ts that stood along the way.</text>
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                <text>The Pacific Ocean is the largest body of water on earth, measuring more than 165 million square kilometers. Although the first European to spot it was Vasco NuÃ±ez de Balboa in 1513, who named it Mar del Sur (South Sea) due to a miscalculation, it was Ferdinand Magellan who named it Pacifico after taking notice of its calm waters.  This paper discusses the various disasters that sixteenth-century Spanish expeditions encountered during their trips to and from the Philippines while crossing the vast Pacific Ocean. It focuses on four events: (1) natural disasters like storms and gales; (2) health hazards like diseases and spoiled food provisions; (3) man-made hazards like mutinies and piracies; and, (4) other accidents like leaks and reef grounding. The study covers the period from Magellanâ€™s voyage of 1519 up to the trips of the galleons until the end of the sixteenth century, and concludes with the lessons learned from a century of traversing the Pacific.</text>
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                    <text>DISCOVERY AND MANAGEMENT OF THE WRECK OF USS ALBACORE (SS-218)
1

Ivor Mollema (Naval History and Heritage Command, Archaeologist)
Tamaki Ura, PhD (University of Tokyo, Professor Emeritus)
3
David Johnston (Naval History and Heritage Command, Naval Photographic Interpreter)
4
Stephen Katona (Naval History and Heritage Command, Independent Researcher)
2

ABSTRACT
The wreck of USS Albacore (SS-218) was discovered on 25 May 2022 and resurveyed in October by Dr Tamaki
Ura’s team of researchers at La Plongée Deep Sea Engineering Society. Following the initial discovery,
volunteer researchers for the Naval History and Heritage Command (NHHC) examined recorded footage of the
wreckage to identify the wrecked boat. Key features identified the wreckage as belonging to an American
submarine from the Second World War. Further investigation and archival research identified the submarine as
the American Albacore, a Gato class submarine lost in action in Japanese waters on 7 November 1944. The U.S.
Navy formally confirmed the identity of the wrecksite as the Albacore in February 2023.
After an overview of the vessel’s history, this paper covers the initial search and discovery of Albacore during
2022. In particular, the use of a Remotely Operated Vehicle demonstrates the viability of this approach for
initial identification assessments of deep wrecks. An outline of the identification process is provided that covers
key features of Albacore observed on both the underwater footage and archival imagery. The identity
confirmation process and media outreach efforts surrounding the discovery are covered, followed by a
discussion on the continuing management and treatment of Albacore.
Key Words: Submarine, Second World War, Japan, US Navy

LIST OF IMAGES
Figure 1. Albacore at the final stages of its final refit at Mare Island Naval Shipyard, completed in May, 1944 (USN
Photograph 19-N-65354).
Figure 2. The vent holes that allowed researchers to identify the wreck as Albacore as captured during the 2022 survey led
by Dr. Tamaki Ura (Niconico Live, October 2022).
Figure 3. The SJ Radar Mast that helped confirm the identity of Albacore as captured during the 2022 survey led by Dr.
Tamaki Ura (Niconico Live, Oct. 2022).

INTRODUCTION
The USS Albacore (SS-218) is one of 52 American submarines lost during WWII. She served on ten
war patrols and sank at least 10 enemy vessels, with a potential for three more unconfirmed sinkings.
This includes six enemy combatant ships and ties Albacore for the most sinkings of enemy combatant
ships by any American submarine during WWII. Reported lost at the end of 1944, Albacore
was discovered by a team of researchers from the University of Tokyo in May 2022 (Johnston,
Katona, and Iwasaki 2022). A team of researchers associated with the Naval History and Heritage
Command (NHHC) reviewed the collected footage and compared it with archival imagery and
records to determine the identity of wreckage as belonging to Albacore. NHHC archaeologists
verified the identity of the wrecksite and corroborated the initial assessment of the wreck’s
identity. The discovery, investigation, and announcement (NHHC 2023) laid out a template for
approaching wreck sites in the future, with particular relevance to contemporary submarines.
HISTORY OF USS ALBACORE (SS-218)
Albacore was laid down on 21 April 1941 at Groton, Connecticut by the Electric Boat
Company (“Albacore II (SS-218)”). It was launched on 17 February 1942 and commissioned on 1
June of the same year. Following the submarine’s shakedown cruise, it crossed the Panama Canal
and arrived in Pearl Harbor in mid-1942. She departed for her first of 11 war patrols on 28
August 1942 in the waters surrounding Truk. This patrol ended on 20 October 1942 with Albacore’s
return to Midway for a refit. During her inaugural
war patrol, Albacore experienced her first
1
combat actions when she

�engaged two enemy cargo vessels on 13 September 1942 with damage to the leading vessel, but
missed the second. She then proceeded to make a night surface attack on an enemy tanker on 1
October 1942, and heavily damaged it. On 9 October, three Japanese warships, including one Zuikaku
class carrier, pursued Albacore for most of the day. The next day, Albacore crew sank an enemy
freighter after shaking off pursuers. Two Japanese submarine chasers, supported from the air,
encountered Albacore on 11 October but broke off the chase after seven hours of silent running by
Albacore. She departed the area the next day and headed to Midway Atoll for the first refit.
Departing Midway for her second war patrol on 11 November 1942, Albacore set out for the waters
off New Britain and New Guinea. Rebuffed from her first assigned patrol area by Japanese destroyers,
she started patrolling the area around Madang harbour in New Guinea. Two enemy vessels were
spotted: one destroyer and one suspected transport. Releasing a salvo of torpedoes, the Albacore crew
sank the transport on 18 December 1942. On her arrival in Brisbane on 30 December 1942 her crew
learned they had sunk the Japanese light cruiser Tenyru of 3300 tons. This was only the second
Japanese cruiser sunk by an American submarine during WWII, and succeeded in weakening the
enemy hold on New Guinea. This engagement was certainly one of Albacore’s most significant.
After receiving an overhaul on her main engines, Albacore departed for her third patrol on 20 January
1943. During this patrol, the crew sank one destroyer and one frigate, with suspected damage to
another vessel. Her fourth patrol achieved no confirmed enemy sinkings, although she reportedly
engaged several enemy convoys. The next war patrol, this time under the command of Lt. CmDr
Oscar Hagberg, achieved similar results. Albacore’s crew sank the ship Heijo Maru on 4 September
1943. Her seventh patrol would see Albacore come close to destruction. She pursued a Japanese
convoy, but was accidentally bombed by a plane from the US 5th Air Force on 6 November. Although
she received no damage during this attack, Albacore did lose contact with her quarries. On 10
November 1943, she was once again the victim of friendly fire when she was bombed by an American
aircraft and suffered significant damage. All auxiliary power was knocked out, and the main induction
valve was broken. For two and a half hours, she continued to move between 30 and 400 feet before
restoring her trim and returning to the surface. She completed her patrol and returned to Brisbane on 5
December 1943, where she also received a new commander in Lt. Cmdr. James Blanchard. She
completed one more patrol, before setting sail for Pearl Harbor on 22 February 1944. Three days later,
she sailed for Mare Island Navy Yard for her final overhaul.
She arrived back in Pearl Harbor on 13 May and departed for her ninth war patrol on 29 May in
waters west of the Marianas Islands. She engaged no enemy ships during this patrol. Albacore shifted
her position to the south on 18 June to support the American landings on Saipan. Admiral Nimitz
planned to get the submarine, along with several others, to intercept a Japanese relief force. Albacore
encountered a large concentration of Japanese Navy ships, and torpedoed near the aviation gasoline
tanks of the aircraft carrier Taiho. The loss of one of Japan’s largest and newest aircraft carriers, along
with a second sunk by USS Cavalla that same morning, caused the rest of the Japanese fleet to retreat
to the relative safety of Okinawa, facilitating the subsequent landing of the U.S. forces in Guam,
Tinian, and Saipan. Albacore would go on to sink two more ships after this action.
Albacore departed Midway Atoll for her final war patrol on 28 October 1944. This was the last time
anyone received any communications from the submarine. A Japanese report, issued by the Japanese
Ominato District Guard Unit, references an underwater explosion off of Hokkaido, Japan. Forces at
Ezan Lighthouse and aboard Fukuei Maru #7, both reported an explosion a few miles off the coast on
7 November 1944. NHHC volunteer researchers Yutaka Iwasaki and Stephen Katona triangulated
these two sightings to develop a predicted location for the wreckage. The same records reported
details of surface debris found at the explosion site. One winter jacket or jumper was found with the
marking “ALB-5” on the back. This is presumed to be an abbreviated form of Albacore and used to
identify the clothing as belonging to the submarine. A pair of white shorts, labelled with “ASK,” was
also found. These initials match those of Arthur Star Kruger, a Seaman 2 nd Class who was listed as a
member of the crew of Albacore at the time of her demise. Associated with the clothing items were
also large amounts of heavy oil, cork, bedding, and American food supplies. This evidence, coupled
2

�with later video evidence collected by Dr Ura and reviewed by David Johnston and Steve Katona,
later confirmed the identity of this wreck as belonging to Albacore. With no outgoing
communications received from Albacore, she was ultimately declared lost on 21 December 1944 and
stricken from the Naval Vessel Register on 30 March 1945.
Over her relatively short career, Albacore conducted 11 war patrols and is credited with 10 sinkings
against enemy vessels, with another three not yet confirmed. She earned nine battle stars and four
Presidential Unit Citations (PUC). The submarine received the PUC for her second, third, eighth, and
ninth patrols. Six of her 10 sinkings were against enemy combatant ships, ranking her as one of the
most successful submarines against enemy combatants during WWII.
DISCOVERY OF SITE USS ALBACORE
Following archival research and location data in Japanese records, Dr Tamaki Ura and his team
developed a survey pattern covering the suspected area of Albacore’s sinking. They completed
surveys in the Shiriyaski Sea between Honshu and Hokkaido, Japan (Johnston, Katona, and Iwasaki
2022). On 25 May 2022 two multibeam systems were used to develop a bathymetric map of the area,
while a towed system equipped with side scan sonar was used to develop a clearer image of the
seafloor and any wreckage still located there. Dr Ura’s team found a wreck, about 50 metres in length.
After identifying a shipwreck site, Dr Ura’s team conducted underwater surveys using ROVs on 26
May and 2 October 2022 (Johnston, Katona, and Iwasaki 2022). All survey activity was broadcasted
live via internet (Nico Nico News, May and October 2022). The initial survey attempts in May
encountered difficulties brought on by the harsh underwater surroundings and poor visibility. The
depth, over 200 metres, also complicated matters. Despite difficulties, several images suggested the
discovery of an American submarine. The confirmed location of the shipwreck was within one
nautical mile of the location of the underwater explosion reported by Japanese forces off Hokkaido on
7 November 1944. Dr Ura’s team returned with volunteer researchers and archaeologists from NHHC,
in October 2022 with a larger and more powerful ROV to confirm the identity of the wreck as
Albacore.
The data collected on these two trips showed a shipwreck split, as the fore part was lost and the aft
end was buried in the sand. The break occurred forward of the conning tower fairwater. The centre
section, including the conning tower and its aft part, was surveyed by the ROV. The shipwreck is
heeled over to starboard about 5 degrees. The bridge has been smashed down to the port side of the
submarine. Many fishing nets and marine concretions cover the wreck.
ANALYSIS OF ALBACORE FOOTAGE
Unlike surface vessels, there are a number of challenges facing those attempting the identification of
American submarine wrecks. WWII submarines typically had little to no markings to distinguish
themselves. Surface vessels usually have their name and assigned numbers marked in several
locations. In this case, only the visual modifications, outlined below, and some deductive reasoning
guided NHHC researchers who relied heavily on historic photographs from the Mare Island Navy
Shipyard.
Volunteer researcher David Johnston reviewed the footage collected by Dr Ura’s team with location
data derived from Japanese historical reports. As mentioned above, the official ship history provided
by the Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships (DANFS) alongside archival material confirmed
that Albacore underwent its last major refit at the Mare Island Navy Yard in California starting on 25
February 1944. She departed Mare Island Navy Yard on 5 May 1944. A collection of U.S. Navy
photographs shows Albacore during its final overhaul at Mare Island Navy Yard. Figure 1 shows
several modifications made to the submarine and highlights three as they relate to the video analysis

3

�Figure 1. Albacore at the final stages of its final refit at Mare Island Naval Shipyard, completed in May, 1944 (USN
Photograph 19-N-65354).

Figure 2. The vent holes that allowed researchers to identify the wreck as Albacore as captured during the 2022
survey led by Dr. Tamaki Ura (Niconico Live, October 2022).

4

�Figure 3. The SJ Radar Mast that helped confirm the identity of Albacore as captured during the 2022 survey led by
Dr. Tamaki Ura (Niconico Live, Oct. 2022).

(Katona and Johnston 2022). A watertight gun ammunition locker, containing rounds for the deck
gun. This can be seen on the aft port side of the conning tower fairwater, shown as feature four in the
accompanying photograph. It is likely that an identical locker existed on the starboard side as well.
Second, NHHC researchers noticed the removal of steel plates on the upper edge of the fairwater. The
removal revealed the structural I-beam ribs shown as feature six in the photograph. Finally, one of the
most important aspects is labelled as feature seven in the image. A line of vent holes drilled along the
upper corner of the superstructure on both sides of the submarine allowed air to escape the
superstructure faster, speeding diving times (Figure 2). Another key identifying feature is the SJ
Radar antenna mounted on Gato class submarines like Albacore. Based on the Mare Island overhaul
photographs, the SJ radar mast was mounted forward of the periscope shears, and this is where it was
found on the wreck (Figure 3). SJ Radar systems were installed on most USN submarines between
1942 and 1944. This system was key to differentiating Albacore from any submarines of different
nationalities in the area. The SJ Radar dish was unique to American submarines in the Pacific theatre,
and clearly differentiated it from British, Dutch, and Soviet submarines that could also have operated
in the same area as Albacore.
All of the aforementioned features were identified by co-author Johnston during his review of the
footage collected by Dr Ura’s team. The most informative features included the SJ Radar system and
the vent holes along the upper edge of the superstructure. Researchers also identified one of
Albacore’s 20 mm anti-aircraft gun mounts, affixed during a previous refit, and the exposed ribs

5

�revealed in the conning tower during her final refit. Some additional features, including possible
hatches and ladders, were also documented.
These observed features, many which clearly differentiated Albacore from any other contemporary
submarine lost in the area, provided sufficient evidence for archaeologists at NHHC to confirm the
identity of Albacore’s remains. The SJ radar system established the remains as those of an American
submarine, while features installed/opened during its final refit in early 1944 set it apart from any
other American submarines lost in the area. The combination of archaeological documentation,
historical records, and location data provided the necessary confidence for NHHC to assert the
submarine wreck’s identity.
ANNOUNCEMENT AND OUTREACH
Coupled with the first press release (NHHC 2023) were announcements on Facebook, Instagram,
Twitter, and LinkedIn. The total number of views in the first four days reached 269,657 across all
NHHC platforms. The largest number of responses was on Twitter, followed by Facebook and
Instagram. The press’ response to the NHHC announcement was also encouraging. Several domestic
and international outlets, including NPR, CNN, Fox News, Popular Mechanics, and Science, ran
features. Outside the United States, the story was picked up by Spanish, Hungarian, Polish, Italian,
French, Japanese, and Vietnamese publications.
NHHC’s volunteer researchers also coordinated with a number of organisations focused on research
and preservation of the history of lost WWII submarines and their crewmen. In particular, those
involved in the organisation On Eternal Patrol (OEP), website that records lost servicemen of
American submarines, worked to find next of kin of Albacore’s crew members (OEP 2023). NHHC
supported these efforts by issuing a letter on the discovery signed by the Command’s Director that
could be forwarded to any next of kin on the website. Efforts are underway to organise a memorial
event involving next of kin in the near future.
MOVING FORWARD: WHAT’S NEXT?
The NHHC’s experience with Albacore has illustrated the effectiveness of collaboration when
addressing future submarine discoveries. Research partners, such as Dr Ura, spearheaded research
efforts that led to the discovery of a wreck of interest, while he gained experience with submarine
wreck investigations. NHHC volunteer researchers, lending their time and analytical skills, also
gained valuable experience and insight into the methods used to identify submarines. Finally, NHHC
archaeologists, historians and archivists lead to the wreck identity confirmation. In tandem with
partners, NHHC then coordinated the associated public announcement. This collaborative approach
allowed for a pooling of knowledge, expertise, time and resources that increased confidence in and
accelerated the official confirmation of the identity of the wreck. Both of these facets are crucial,
allowing for the public to be informed in a timely manner of the site’s importance, while at the same
time ensuring protective measures can be applied, which now constitutes a sunken military craft under
the jurisdiction of the Department of the Navy. Further disturbance must be sanctioned by NHHC.
At present, NHHC has no plans to recover Albacore, or any part of it. The sea is considered a fit and
final resting place for U.S. Navy sailors. The focus now shifts to the continued preservation of this
war grave.

6

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Naval
History
and
Heritage
Command.
“Albacore
II
(SS-218).”
Accessed
https://www.history.navy.mil/research/histories/ship-histories/danfs/a/albacore-ss-218-ii.html.

April

28,

2023.

The Society La Plongee for Deep Sea Engineering. “Find US Submarine ‘Albacore’ Sunk off Hokkaido.” Academist.
Accessed April 29, 2023. https://academist-cf.com/projects/187?lang=en.
Johnston, David, and Steve Katona. 2022. “Addendum to the Report ‘Evaluation of the Wreckage of USS Albacore (SS218)’ Dated October 2022.” Washington DC.
Johnston, David, Steve Katona, and Yutaka Iwasaki. 2022. “Evaluation of the Wreckage of the USS Albacore (SS-218).”
Washington DC.
Katona, Stephen J., and David L. Johnston. 2022. “Critical Features for Identification of USS Albacore (SS-218).”
Washington DC.
Nico Nico News. “Niconico Live: Finding the Lost Submarine “ALBACORE.” May 25-26, 2022. Accessed April 28, 2023.
https://live.nicovideo.jp/watch/lv326919568.
Nico Nico News. Niconico Live: Finding the Lost Submarine “ALBACORE.” October 2, 2022. Accessed April 28, 2023.
https://live.nicovideo.jp/watch/lv336612796.
OEP On Eternal Patrol. “On Eternal Patrol.” Accessed April 29, 2023. https://www.oneternalpatrol.com/.
NHHC Naval History and Heritage Command. “Wreck Site Identified as WWII Submarine USS Albacore (SS 218).”
Accessed April 28, 2023. https://www.history.navy.mil/news-and-events/news/2023/nhhc-identifies-albacore-wrecksite.html.

7

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                <text>The wreck of USS Albacore (SS-218) was discovered on 25 May 2022 and resurveyed in October by Dr Tamaki&#13;
Ura’s team of researchers at La Plongée Deep Sea Engineering Society. Following the initial discovery,&#13;
volunteer researchers for the Naval History and Heritage Command (NHHC) examined recorded footage of the&#13;
wreckage to identify the wrecked boat. Key features identified the wreckage as belonging to an American&#13;
submarine from the Second World War. Further investigation and archival research identified the submarine as&#13;
the American Albacore, a Gato class submarine lost in action in Japanese waters on 7 November 1944. The U.S.&#13;
Navy formally confirmed the identity of the wrecksite as the Albacore in February 2023.&#13;
After an overview of the vessel’s history, this paper covers the initial search and discovery of Albacore during&#13;
2022. In particular, the use of a Remotely Operated Vehicle demonstrates the viability of this approach for&#13;
initial identification assessments of deep wrecks. An outline of the identification process is provided that covers&#13;
key features of Albacore observed on both the underwater footage and archival imagery. The identity&#13;
confirmation process and media outreach efforts surrounding the discovery are covered, followed by a&#13;
discussion on the continuing management and treatment of Albacore. </text>
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                <text>Mollema, Ivor, Stephen Katona, David Johnston, and Tamaki Ura. 2023. “Discovery and Management of the wreck of USS Albacore (SS-218).” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Alexis Catsambis. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1893 </text>
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                    <text>Discovery of Ceramics from the Koh Sdach Shipwreck,
Koh Kong province, Cambodia
Tep Sokha
Royal University of Fine Arts, 72 str. 19
Phnom Penh, 1200
Cambodia
Email: tepsokha81@yahoo.com
Abstract
In February 2006 fishermen discovered a shipwreck off the southwest coast of the Kiri
Sakor district, Koh Kong province in 30 m of water approximately 20 km west from Koh
Sdeach. Charred timber found at the shipwreck site and large irregular globs of melted
metal which encase pottery pieces appear to indicate that the ship burned before
sinking. The Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts and the Shipwreck Research and Salvage
Committee obtained the collection, which includes cooking pots with lids, storage jars
with four loop-handles of different sizes, basins, bottles, kendi, dishes, plates, mortars
and porcelain and celadon bowls. During our examination of the collection we selected
a representative sample of 88 pieces of ceramics. Among the recovered material we
found two pieces of lacquered covered box. While the designs on the lacquered
surfaces were quite faded, the basketry core was in perfect condition. The calibrated
date was from 1428 to 1482 AD (95% probability). The preliminary analysis of ceramics
indicates that they could originate from the Mae Nam Noi kilns in Singbori province and
the Si Satchanalai kilns in Sukhothai province, both in Thailand. Furthermore, the same
type of storage jars with four handles has been found in the Cardamom Mountain, in
Cambodia, where they have been used for burials. In this presentation I will discuss the
preliminary analysis of the material and the different ways in which the site is connected
to maritime trade routes in the gulf of Thailand and mainland Southeast Asia.
Key words: Cambodia, Post-Angkor, Cardamom, Maritime trade, Ceramics, Burial jars,
Koh Sdach
Introduction
In February 2006 fishermen discovered a shipwreck off the southwest coast of the Kiri
Sakar district, Koh Kong province in 30 m of water approximately 20 km west from Koh
Sdach Island. Charred timber found at the shipwreck site and large irregular globs of
melted metal which encase pottery pieces appear to indicate that the ship burned
before sinking. His Excellency Ly Yong Phat funded the recovery of some 900 pieces of
complete ceramics, various artifacts and a pile of broken ceramics. The Ministry of
Culture and Fine Arts (MoCFA) and the Shipwreck Research and Salvage Committee
1

�obtained the collection, which includes cooking pots with lids, water jars, storage jars
with four loop-handles of different sizes, basins, bottles, Kendi, bowls, plates, mortars,
porcelain and celadon bowls. The material is currently stored at the Provincial Court in
Koh Kong. During our examination of the collection we selected a representative
sample of 88 pieces of ceramics. Among the recovered material we found two pieces of
lacquered covered box. While the designs on the lacquered surfaces were quite faded,
the basketry core was in perfect condition. The radiocarbon dating was done by Nancy
Beavan and its calibrated date ranges between 1428 and 1482 AD (95% probability)
(Beavan et al., 2012b). The preliminary analysis of ceramics indicates that they could be
derived from two sources of ceramics kiln sites: Mae Nam Noi kilns or Bang Rachan
kilns in Singburi province and Si Satchanalai kilns in Sukhothai province, Thailand.
Furthermore, the same type of storage jars with four lug handles has been found in the
Cardamom Mountain, in Cambodia, where they have been used for burials. In this
presentation I will discuss the preliminary analysis of the material and the different ways
in which the site is connected to maritime trade routes in the gulf of Thailand and
mainland Southeast Asia.
Collection of Ceramics from Shipwreck near Koh Sdach Island
Discovery of Ship sunk near Koh Sdach Island so far only one shipwreck has been
located in Cambodia. This ship sank near Koh Sdach Island. The main cargo was of
Thai ceramic production and various artifacts. According to local villagers some of
ceramics and valuable objects were looted though the extent of the looting has not been
quantified. Additional researches of underwater archaeology suggest that there may be
around 15 shipwrecks according to local people in Kompot, Sihanouk village, Kep and
Koh Kong province (UNESCO, 2011), but no evidence of their location has been found
yet, further work will be done in the future lead by UNSECO in Cambodia and
Department of Underwater Archaeology under Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts.
According to initial reports, the estimated ship dimension is 30 m long and 8 m wide
(Chuch Phoeurn, 2006). The location of the shipwreck is between the mainland and Koh
Sdach Island. The popular name of the closest harbor is the “Japanese Port”. This may
indicate evidence of maritime trade around area near Koh Sdach Island between
Cambodia and Japan.
2

�Transportation and Storage
Ceramics, boards of ship, ivories, ingots, one small canon, bamboo lacquer cover boxes,
and various artifacts were moved and lifted from the ship by Russian divers. At first, all
the collection was stored in a Russian ship, but after the salvage operations ended, the
collection was moved and stored in a room that belonged to H.E. Ly Yong Phat, who
extended funding support for the operation. Cambodian Royal Government has no
funds to lift the shipwreck, an operation that was estimated to cost around one million
US dollars. Consequently, the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts, and National Museum
in Phnom Penh proceeded to make an inventory of the ceramics and various artifacts.
These were labeled as “KK.2006.0001”, abbreviation of KK “Koh Kong”. In the project I
am currently working on, there are plans to build storage, cabinets, and carry out
ceramics conservation such as desalination of soluble salt, assembling of broken
ceramics, writing the number in correct place, make description, photography for
database, etc. We will classify the ceramics in groups of large storage jars, medium
storage jars, small storage jars, cooking pots, water jars, bottles, stoves, motors, basins,
and so on.
Ceramics Conservation
We are carrying out technical methods of ceramic conservation for conservation
problems such as waterlogged ceramics in salt water, flaking glaze, powdery clay of
earthenware, cracking lines and broken in pieces, problem of storage, numbering in the
wrong place, and dirty.


Technical desalination: soak ceramics in fresh water for 24 hours, or three days,
or one week. Test the salt in the water carried out by Conductivity Meter that will
indicate its scale microsum (µ). Soak it in water time and again until
measurement of soluble salt to degrees down around 100 µ. This process will
stop the clay turn powdery and prevent further cracks in the ceramics.



Cleaning dirt and shells: at this point, we must learn how to work out a problem of
pot stains dirt and shells attached with the ceramics. We can remove some part
of shells attach on pot at any area is occurred the deteriorative issue and look
conspicuously, we keep in mind that shell remains is on pot could help us to

3

�identify evidence of source where pots found. We can apply sponge, dental
brushes, bamboo stick, and scalpel to clean the ceramics.


Consolidation of flaking glaze: adhesive Acryloid B-72 and B-48 dissolve in pure
acetone about 5-10 percent to drop on the glaze flaking with painting brush for
three or four times. Carrying out this method can help glaze strongly. Normally,
the problem of glaze flaking also occurs with soluble salt which thins the glaze
and cracks the glaze is getting weak and then it flicks off.



Consolidation of powdery clay: we can apply consolidation as glaze flaking, but
this method could make clay to gain a dark color. In any case, desalination of salt
may help pot clay in good condition. We know this problem often occurs with low
fired pots.



Assembling of pots: use adhesive Acryloid B-72 and B-48 in pure acetone, these
types of adhesive is adopted for the climate in Cambodia, the glass transition
temperature change is higher than 400C. Before joining shards, we must
consolidate the edge of shards three to four times, which strengthens the edge
and makes it safer when we press it together. Apply adhesive on one edge of
shard and press both shards together, and then pull it to see adhesive to fill in
completed hole.



Previous numbering was in the wrong place and also the size of the letter used
on small objects was too big. We will remove and number at the right place.
Normally, when numbering the objects we must think about where we should
write. We make a lined coat and remember not to write direct on pots since ink
stains on the pot are difficult to clean. The technical method used for numbering
on the pots, is by making a coat with thick liquid of adhesive Acryloid B-72 and
then we write the number on the coat, last point, we cover on top with thick liquid
adhesive Acryloid B-67, this method, it can protect from scratching of numbering.
As for, large jars can write number at low part of body and high from base 5 cm,
make layer or coat with Acryloid B-72, size of letter should be 1 cm high. Medium
size of storage jars and small jars must number smaller and smaller. Furthermore,
cooking pots, water jars, Kendi, basins and various objects should number at a
side of flat base in a section that will not be suffering friction from the floor, board
4

�and storage compartment. We must make sure this area is not scratched when
we move object.


Ceramics storage: It is really important for management of artifact collection in
Museum and Gallery. All of the ceramics derived from the Koh Sdach shipwreck
are currently not in a good condition of storage, as we can see from the pile of
ceramics and fragments (Fig. 6). Examination of ceramics indicates that many
pots were recently broken in pieces, scratched lines of the clay and glaze, and
chipped the edge of the shard. This happened due to weight compression from
material stored on top. In my project, this year I am working on complete
ceramics and I am planning on moving them to the Department of Culture and
Fine Arts. I have some funds allocated to build the storage in order to store
ceramics on shelf.

Conclusion
The Koh Sdach shipwreck was transporting cargo following a coastal route but never
managed to reach its destination, as it sunk off the coast of Cambodia and currently lies
underwater at 32 m of depth. Various researchers have thought this was a Chinese junk,
but this assertion requires further study of the planks. A proof of iron melting wrap
around ceramics appears to indicate that the ship may have been burnt due to an act of
piracy or by accident. This ship was found on February 2016 by fisherman. Ceramics
and various archaeological artifacts were brought up from the sea by Russian divers
supported by H. E. Ly Yong Phat. Most of the storage jars originated from Mae Nam Noi
kilns in Thailand and Radiocarbon date suggest 1428-82 CE old. Furthermore, we found
some Si Satchanalai celadon plates, Chinese blue and white porcelain plates, low fired
wares such as cooking pots, water jars, stoves, kendis and basins. The discovery of
Mae Nam Noi storage jars which highland people used for funerary practices in valley or
on the hills of Cardamom Mountain in Thma Bang and Sre Ambel districts, Koh Kong
province indicate that the trade routes taken by these materials was mainly coastal. The
jar burial sites in the Cardamom Mountains show the common use of Mae Nam Noi Jars
that have had the necks of the jars knocked off, and a hole was drilled on the bottom.
These jars were used to store human bones in a secondary deposition. The jars were
then placed in a natural rock ledge along the range of Cardamom Mountain (Beavan,
5

�2012a). We also found the celadon plates in this context; therefore it is possible that
they were used for food offering during ceremonies. In my project have planned for
three years of ceramics conservation and management, at first year, I am going to focus
on earthenware which researchers have been focused on the stoneware in Southeast
Asia; At second points, I am going to focus on the stoneware and third point, I am going
to conserve all of broken ceramics in pieces. We are going to build storage for ceramics
from the shipwreck and management. Therefore, we expect cultural heritage treasures
in Cambodia, were derived from the shipwreck are going to conserved and preserved in
good condition. In the near future, we hope UNESCO and other organization will help to
build the museum for collection found in Koh Kong province.

6

�Catalogue
Notification of ceramics is classified into 12 functions such as storage jars, bottles,
jarlets, basins, Kendis, celadon bowls, blue and white Chinese porcelains, cooking pots,
water jars, lids of cooking pots and water jars, stoves, and mortars. Additional point,
they have slightly different dimensions and decoration. Radiocarbon dating on bamboo
box with lacquer has provided the date between 1428 and 1482 CE.
1. Storage Jar (Fig. 1) with thick four lug
handles, black and green glaze in the lower part
of body, vertical neck, profile lip and flat base.
Many jars found having dimension of H: 50-66
cm, Diam: 40-45 cm.

Fig. 1
2. Jarlets (Fig. 2) with two handles and green
glaze, reddish tan clay. These types of jarlet
were produced in Si Satchanalai kiln around
15th -16th centuries. Jarlet was formed shape
as gourd, they perhaps use for liquid container.
Normal glaze is green glaze that we call Celadon
ware to focus on clay object with green color,
but soluble salt is made flake and changed color
of glaze. Measurements: H: 10.5 cm, Diam: 7cm;
and Cat: 13, H: 7 cm, Diam: 8cm
Fig. 2
3. Si Satchanalai Celadon Bowls (Fig. 3) Some
celadon bowls found in the pile of ceramics
which stylistic data of celadon; they were
produced in the late period of Si Satchanalai.
Bowl Fig. 3: H: 6-7.5 cm, Diam: 23-25 cm
Fig. 3

7

�4. Blue and White Porcelain Bowls (Figs. 4-5)
with blue cloud design at exterior and Chinese
letter “Fu” at center of bowl interior, ideogram
for happiness. Dimension H: 7 cm, Diam: 14.5
cm; Bowl Fig. 5 with cobalt blue glaze at
exterior and Chinese letter “Fu” but different
style of writing than Fig. 4 Dimension H: 4.5 cm,
Diam: 9.5 cm

Fig. 4

Fig. 5
5. Cooking Pots (Fig. 6) has an ellipsoid shape,
short neck, large mouth, and round base,
impress design on entire body. This type of
traditional cooking pot was made by paddle and
anvil, it appears like Thai production and many
storage jars of various sizes were exported.
There are 30 complete pots we counted and
some of them were broken. Dimension of
cooking pot Fig. 6 H: 31 cm, Diam: 22 cm

Fig. 6

6. Water Jars (Figs. 7-8) Based on the style of
tradition of water jars in Cambodia, we call this
type of pots “Water Jar” though it does not only
refer to water container but it could also be
used for various purposes. In this shipwreck,
water jars are more in number than cooking
pots. Many water jars are of the same
dimension: H: 16-17cm, Diam: 20-22 cm; there
is only a large water jar, dimension: H: 29.5 cm,
Diam: 33 cm. Decoration of pots indicates
impression of paddle pattern such as
illustration of incised lines on the wood pattern
Fig. 7; and pattern of X with fish eggs at upper
part of water jar Fig. 8.

Fig. 7

Fig. 8

8

�7. Group of lids (Figs. 9-10) with dome shape,
handle at center, they may be lids for the water
jars. Dimension H: 2-4 cm, Diam: 9 – 15 cm;
Four lids with dome shape and unglazed
cylindrical shape, Thai earthenware also found
at Rang Kwein ceramics (Brown, 2009), H: 711cm, Diam: 23-33 cm

Fig. 9

Fig. 10
8. Stove and Mortar (Fig. 11) there are several
mortars amongst the items recovered from the
ship; it seems under fired clay, this type of
object is used for pounding hard foods for
cooking. Mortar has ellipsoid shape, stamp foot,
and reddish clay. The mortar has the following
dimensions H: 10 cm, Diam: 17cm. A stove was
also found amongst the material recovered.

Fig. 11

Acknowledgements
I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to the committee of the Asia-Pacific
Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage who has supported me; Veronica Walker,
and others of the publications committee who has assisted in the reviewing the article,
Joyce Clark, and Helen Jessup from Friends of Khmer Culture (FOKCI), Lisa Sardegna,
Dr. Nancy Beavan, Dr. Louise Cort, and Atthasit Sukkham. I would like to dedicate this
article to Bonnie Baskin and late Roxanna Brown.

9

�References
Beavan, N., Halcrow, S., McFadgen, B., Hamilton, D., Buckley, B., Sokha, T., Shewan,
L., Sokha, O., Fallon, S., Miksic, J., Armstrong, R., O’Reilly, D., Domett, K., Chhem, K.
R., 2012a. Radiocarbon dates from Jar and Coffin Burials of the Cardamom mountains
reveal a unique mortuary ritual in Cambodia’s late to post-Angkor period (15th to 17th
centuries AD). Radiocarbon, Vol. 54 (1): 1- 22.
Beavan, N., et al. 2012b. Field note: A Radiocarbon date for the Koh S’dech Shipwreck,
KohKong Province, Kingdom of Cambodia. Smithsonian Freer Sackler Gallery online
resource.

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the

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2014,

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at:

https://www.academia.edu/2066819/Field_note_A_Radiocarbon_Date_for_the_Koh_Sd
ech_Shipwreck_Koh_Kong_Province_Kingdom_of_Cambodia
Brown, R., 2009. The Ming Gap and shipwreck ceramics in Southeast Asia: towards a
chronology of Thai trade ware. River Books, Bangkok.
Chuch, P., 2001. The Preliminary Cartography of Cultural Underwater Heritage in
Cambodia. UNESCO, Phnom Penh.
Tep Sokha is an archaeologist specialized in Southeast Asian ceramics and ceramic
conservation. He graduated from the Royal University of Fine Arts (RUFA), where he
established a small ceramics conservation workshop and was involved in student
training in conservation and ceramic analysis. Tep has some ten years of experience on
various ceramic conservation projects and organizing exhibitions including for the
Khmer sites of Preah Vihear, Phum Sophy, and Kuk Patri. Tep is currently the Chief
Ceramics Conservator for the Living in the Shadow of Angkor project for the jar burials
of the Cardamom Mountains and the study of the ceramics from the Koh Sdach
shipwreck.

10

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                  <text>Video interview with Session 8 chair Atthasit Sukkham and links to the papers presented in the session. </text>
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                  <text>Trade ceramics have usually been found together with other evidence in many ancient shipwrecks, harbours, ports, trade centers, hinterlands and burials around the world which were linked to international maritime trade routes. These were specifically Chinese, Indian, Southeast Asian, Middle East and European trade routes over a long period of history. Trade ceramics are virtually indestructible. They are also one of the most important sources of information for maritime archaeological studies concerning the dating of ceramics and shipwrecks, origins of ceramics, points of departure and destinations of ships and shipments, for instance. This session aims to provide an opportunity for specialists to contribute their knowledge on trade ceramics in multi-disciplinary approaches and foster international collaboration for ceramic studies from the shipwrecks, harbours, ports and related archaeological sites in near future. </text>
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                  <text>Atthasit Sukkham</text>
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                <text>Discovery of Ceramics from the Koh Sdach Shipwreck,  Koh Kong province, Cambodia</text>
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                <text>In February 2006 fishermen discovered a shipwreck off the southwest coast of the Kiri Sakor district, Koh Kong province in 30 m of water approximately 20 km west from Koh Sdeach. Charred timber found at the shipwreck site and large irregular globs of melted metal which encase pottery pieces appear to indicate that the ship burned before sinking. The Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts and the Shipwreck Research and Salvage Committee obtained the collection, which includes cooking pots with lids, storage jars with four loop-handles of different sizes, basins, bottles, kendi, dishes, plates, mortars and porcelain and celadon bowls. During our examination of the collection we selected a representative sample of 88 pieces of ceramics. Among the recovered material we found two pieces of lacquered covered box. While the designs on the lacquered surfaces were quite faded, the basketry core was in perfect condition. The calibrated date was from 1428 to 1482 AD (95% probability). The preliminary analysis of ceramics indicates that they could originate from the Mae Nam Noi kilns in Singbori province and the Si Satchanalai kilns in Sukhothai province, both in Thailand. Furthermore, the same type of storage jars with four handles has been found in the Cardamom Mountain, in Cambodia, where they have been used for burials. In this presentation I will discuss the preliminary analysis of the material and the different ways in which the site is connected to maritime trade routes in the gulf of Thailand and mainland Southeast Asia.  </text>
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                <text>Tep Sokha, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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