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                    <text>The Lashings and Knots of the Chau Tan Shipwreck
Ian McCann
ABSTRACT
The Chau Tan shipwreck is the oldest ocean-going cargo ship yet found in Vietnam dating from around the 8th9th century CE. It provides a unique opportunity to study the construction methods of a lashed- lug ship from that
period. Over 40 of the ship’s timbers were retrieved but unfortunately all the lashings connecting the lugs were
severed during the salvage and no record was made of the salvage. There was still enough in situ ropes to start to
build a small list of the types of simple knots and complicated flat braided lashings that were used in its
construction. For this paper ropes were made using simple technology that may have been available at the time
the ship was built. The two knots used on the Chau Tan ship are widely used, even today. The braided lashings
are a different matter, they do not appear in any maritime archaeology or sailing literature that the author could
access. First the author had to work out how the lashing was tied. It was then tested for strength to try and further
understand it's utility. The results were surprising and emphasised the value of experimental archaeology.
Keywords: Lashed-lug, rope strength, experimental archaeology
List of figures
Figure 1. Lashings on timber CT-T3
Figure 2. Lashing loops
Figure 3. Lashing model of some of the Punjulharo lashings and Chau Tan
Figure 4. Lashing after the stringer was removed and after the lashing was removed from the through holes.

INTRODUCTION
The Chau Tan vessel was carrying a cargo of mainly ceramics from Changsha, Ding and Yue kiln sites
in Hunan province, China (Kimura 2015:3; Kimura 2016:51, Giang 2016:74). The shipwreck was
discovered close to the village of Binh Chau in the province of Quang Ngai in Central Vietnam in the
early 2000’s. Severe weather had stripped metres of sand from the seabed, allowing the salvage of its
cargo. Over 40 of the ship’s timbers were also recovered and sold to a local collector, Lam Du Xenh.
THE LASHINGS
When found, the wreck was in a remarkable state of preservation with nearly all the lashings that held
the vessel together intact. Later, the salvors cut the lashings to facilitate the removal of the timbers. The
boat’s internal structure, such as the frames, thwarts etc. had been removed during salvage operations
and not saved.
The few intact lashings were of one type, a woven lashing that may have held longitudinal round battens
with a flattened face that may have held some form of caulking in direct contact with and along the join
of the hull planks. This lashing has also been found in Thailand on the Bueng Kum shipwreck inspected
and recorded in early 2023 by Wongsakorn Rahothan and Naphat Piromrak (2023, 8). These lashings
and their position on the timbers can be seen in Figure 1. Most of the lashings are located within 70mm
of the corner of each lug. On top of the lashings are overhand knots and a single fisherman’s knot
(Figure 1 lower right). These helped determine how the lashings were tied.

1

�Figure 1. Lashings on timber CT-T3 circled in red and two intact lashings. (Photo Kevin Edward and Author).

Each of the hull timbers have through holes drilled in the face and the side with matching holes on
adjacent timbers. During Vietnam Maritime Archaeology Projects (VMAP) fieldwork in 2017 the
author selected 26 through holes where the quantity and diameter of ropes that were threaded through
the holes were measured. Each of the matched holes has a rope of two strands threaded through them
and this rope appears to be one continuous length that is wrapped around from between 18 to 26 times.
The difference in the number of wraps is due to the variation in the thickness of the rope, being from
between 3.2 mm to 5.49 mm. This variation may indicate that the strands were crudely made by hand
or with simple tools.

ROPE HISTORY
Rope has been a staple technology for humans for millennia and rope making techniques, through trial
and error, have resulted in different cultures constructing rope in similar ways. The longevity of
techniques used in rope making is demonstrated by a painting on a wall in the tomb of Nefer at Saqqara,
Egypt, circa 2465–2323 BCE. It shows a method of making ropes using a rope spinner to twist the ropes
(Wendrich 2008, 1909). A photograph taken in Egypt before 1916 shows the same process (Mackay
1916, 126). In both illustrations the person making the strands is using a rope spinner. This illustrates
an unchanged method of rope making spanning over 4000 years. It is likely that this long use of an
unknown rope making methodology has been repeated in the Indo Pacific region. This rope spinner
method was chosen by the author to make the ropes due to its longevity of use, not that it may have
been a method of rope production used in the Indo Pacific region.

2

�Early rope making in Asia is shown in two photographs from the Bristol Historical Photographs of
China website, pictures pa01-24 from the W. Palmer Collection and picture ba05-120 from the
Bannister Family Collection. These two photographs show rope being woven by hand from a stiff fibre,
possibly bamboo. A 1960s photograph of a Vietnamese rope factory in Qui Nhon in the (Dalby and
Thede 1962, A11-18) shows two rope makers extending the length of a thick coiled rope, each working
from opposite ends. Again, the material used is a stiff fibre and again the twisting is done by hand. What
these three photographs demonstrate is that ropes can be made with basic tools and wherever flora with
suitable fibres are found.

ROPE FIBRES
One of the complications of studying flora used to make rope is the lack of a database of identified
waterlogged material (Haw 2019, 510). Allied with this is the variety of plant species in each genus.
Palm trees are a common source of natural fibre for making ropes but there are between 2400 (Eiserhardt
2011, 1392) to 2600 known species (Baker and Dransfield 2016, 209). Fibres from the palm tree Arenga
pinnata have been identified by archaeologists as being used on the construction of Southeast Asian
boats, (Lacsina 2016, 9; Mochtar 2018, 15). We need to differentiate between palm species as this may
help narrow down the geographic region of where the ropes were made and help to determine where
the boats using those ropes may have been constructed or repaired. It must also be a consideration that
rope may have been traded.
Multiple types of rope fibre have been used, and still used, on boats. Different parts of a palm tree, such
as the upper trunk and leaves, will produce a fibre of different colour, the latter being dark and the
former being lighter, as well as of different texture and strength. This further complicates species
identification. During a visit in 2016 to the island of Taumako in the Duff Island group, the author
recorded a recently built Vaka, a large ocean voyaging outrigger canoe. Four different types of rope
were used in its construction: two from palm trees, the leaves and upper trunk; one coconut fibre rope
and the third, bamboo. After the Vakas first sea trial some palm fibre rope lashings were strengthened
using strips of bamboo, indicating that different materials from possibly different locations may be used
on any given vessel.
MAKING THE ROPE
In attempting to make rope the author constructed a rope spinner similar to the example seen on the
Egyptian tomb and photograph and a simultaneously rotating three-hook system were the rope making
‘machines’ used. The only fibres that could be sourced were sisal (Agave saliana) and hemp (Cannibis
sativa). Both rope makers worked well with around 10 metres of 3.5mm two strand rope being made in
45 minutes and 30 minutes respectively and with a little practice, a uniform rope could be made.
Two of the most important things learnt by making rope is that a tightly spun, uniform diameter rope
will produce a better-quality lashing, and when tightly spun, a rope will expand in diameter and tangle
once the rope is released of any tension. If the tension is maintained on the rope for several hours by
stretching it between two fixed points, the rope maintains the same diameter, does not tangle and is a
stiffer, denser rope. When discussing the modern rope manufacturing process with Kent Mills from WA
Ropes and Hardware, he explained that the diameter of a natural fibre rope will expand after
manufacture. A 14 mm diameter hemp rope could measure up to16mm when on a spool, as the diameter
of the rope is measured during manufacture when it is still under tension.

3

�LOAD TESTING THE ROPE
A device was set up to measure the breaking strain of the rope. A 5,000 lb capacity analogue Dillion
dynamometer to measure the load, and a high ratio yachting winch or a 1,500 kg lever block to apply
the load, were used. Ten samples from each batch of two strand rope were tested for their breaking
strain. Next the ropes’ breaking strain was tested first with an overhand knot and secondly a single
fisherman’s knot. The figures were rounded to the nearest kilogram. The average breaking strain for the
sisal rope was 24kg and for the manila rope, 29 kg. The overhand knot in both the sisal and manila
reduced the strength of the rope by an average of 33 per cent, the single fisherman’s knot by 21 per
cent.
Commercially produced rope made from sisal, manila, jute, bamboo, nettle, seagrass, raffia, Egyptian
flax and an artisanal coir rope from Vietnam were also tested. All these ropes had a similar percentage
reduction in breaking strains when knotted. Comparing the breaking strains of different ropes made
from different materials is problematic. Fibre strength, length and the aging process are a few of the
factors that can affect the results. One of the main factors observed during these tests that impacted the
breaking strain of the rope is the manufacturing process. Refined rope with a consistent density and
diameter, such as the Egyptian flax, nettle and bamboo broke just outside the knot. The Vietnamese
coir, handmade sisal and hemp often broke where there was a visible defect in the rope, such as a point
where the diameter of the rope was noticeably thinner or where coarser fibres could be seen. To help
set some meaningful benchmark strength for the different fibres, the weight of a given section of rope
in relation to its diameter was recorded. A 100 mm length of rope from each test was weighed and this
provided a strength, diameter and weight ratio. For example, the two-strand spinner made rope, when
held under stress after making, would be between 15-30 per cent thinner than when the same type of
rope was immediately released from any tension. With the tension released, the rope would tangle and
expand in diameter.

REPRODUCING THE LASHING
A wooden model was made by reproducing a section of the hull, the model was made using short
timbers and were joined by wooden dowls or treenails with through holes for the lashing. The hull
planks were made from a hardwood and the stringer from a softwood. The intact lashings on the Chau
Tan wreck had an internal diameter of approximately 47 mm which indicates the diameter of the
wooden stringer that it held. A piece of wooden pole representing a stringer was carved to this size for
the lashing to be woven around (Figure 2).
The rope made from sisal and made using the rope spinner was chosen to make the lashing. Two 3800
mm lengths of rope were wound around the stringer and through each of the through holes 24 times,
creating a continuous bundle of loops that were secured with an overhand knot, (Figure 2 bottom left).
Two wooden wedges were placed between the round wooden stringer and the hull planks creating a
gap of approximately 10 mm. This gap was needed to allow the binding rope to be fed around the
bundles of loops. As the weaving of the lashing progressed, this gap would be gradually reduced to
where the lashing had drawn the stringer tight onto the hull planks. Two 1,200 mm lengths of rope were
secured to the top of the looped bundles on top of the stringer (12 o’clock) and secured with an overhand
knot (A). These ropes were then woven around the bundles as figure two lower left and right. One of
the 120 mm ropes is passed on the inside of the bundles, between the bundles and the stringer (B), over
the top of the bundles (C) and fed under itself (D), in effect making an overhand knot (E). The knotted
rope is pushed up to the top of bundles (F) then pulled tight. The same process is repeated on the
opposite bundle with the same rope. This sequence is repeated until the lashing is formed a quarter of
the way around the wooden stringer. Then the second 1200 mm rope is woven from the top down on
the opposite side of the stringer until it formed a quarter of the way around the other side of the stringer.
Now both 120 mm ropes are at the maximum diameter of the stringer (three and nine o’clock) and the
bundles of loops now are vertically above the through holes. The ropes can be threaded through and
4

�pushed up the lashing as there is a growing gap between the round stringer and the vertical ropes of the
loops. The remainder of the 1200 mm ropes are used in the same fashion until the stringer is held tight
against the hull timbers. Once the lashing was completed, (Figure 2 top right), the stringer was held
fast. A total of 10 metres of rope was needed to make the lashing.

Figure 2. Above left. the lashing loops set up, right the lashing completed, and lower right and left the sequence used
to make the lashing.

PURPOSE OF THE LASHING
This lashing appears to perform two functions; it pulls the stringer hard against the hull planks and at
the same time, pulls the two planks together.
This is a unique feature of the Chau Tan vessel; other lash lugged vessels have longitudinal stringers
sitting on top of the ribs or frames leaving a gap between the stringer and the hull planks. As an intact
internal structure from the Chau Tan shipwreck does not exist it is not known if the timbers were
stringers or if they serve different functions. Figure 3 is a photograph of a model with a combination of
lashings from the Punjulharo boat (1 and 2) with the large frame sitting across lugs and the stringers on
top of one of the large frames (Lacsina 2016, 130; Mochtar 2018, 52). The small lashing (1) is securing
a small batten that is at 90 degrees to the joins of the hull planks (Manguin 2019, Figure 7, Mochtar

5

�2018, 58). Three and four show how the Chau Tan stringers might have been placed under the frames,
between the lugs and in direct contact with the hull planks seams.

Figure 3. Lashing model of some of the Punjulharo lashings (1 and 2) and how the Chau Tan stringer or batten may
have been lashed (3 and 4). (Model and photo by the author).

The small lashing (Figure 3, 1) has some of the same physical characteristics as the Chau Tan lashing.
Two bundles of loops are threaded through opposite holes on opposing planks. These bundles are then
bound together with another rope that passes over a small batten with a continuous loop. The batten is
sitting across the hull plank seam and its purpose is to provide a physical link between the two hull
timbers and hold them tightly together at that point.
The Chau Tan lashing and stringers also join the two hull planks tightly together, adding strength to the
internal frame from the sizable stringer and helping to distribute loads across the internal structure. They
could also be used as another system of caulking if the bottom of the round stringer was flattened.
There are examples of battens lashed along the seam lines of a boats hull timbers as part of the caulking
system. The bronze age Ferriby boat has a wooden batten or capping lath lashed with yew along the
joins of the hull planks, (Wright 2104,16), with caulking moss between the batten and the hull planks.
These thin battens would not provide much additional strength to the vessel.

LOAD TESTING THE LASHING
When weaving the lashing four 2,200 kg sewn slings were placed between the stringer and the hull
timbers. Two of the tapes were attached to the 1,500 kg lever block and anchor point, the other two to
the dynamometer and a second anchor point. This set up was used for the static load test of the lashing.
A load was gradually applied until a measurement of 1,160 kg was reached, there was no movement of
the lashing and no gap between the stringer and the hull timbers. The test was stopped at this stage due
to the lever block starting to malfunction and concern in case the lashing failed as the author had to be
close to the test rig to apply the load.

6

�With the testing model intact and with no visible damage a second load test was set up, this time
applying a dynamic load. A peak load of 1,270 kg was reached. The lashing was still intact but both
sides of the lashing had stretched; the left by 4mm the right by 18mm. None of the fibres had broken;
however, where the strands passed over the edge of the wooden holes, a slight flattening of the fibres
could be seen. This is the point where the lashing would most probably fail if the lashing was tested to
destruction.
The stringer could now be slid out from the lashing, (Figure 4 left) and by cutting two of the bundles of
loops the whole knot could be removed from the model (Figure 4 right). This allows the structure of the
knot to be clearly seen.

Figure 4. Figure 4. Lashing after the stringer was removed and after the lashing was removed from the through holes.

CONCLUSION
The Chau Tan lashing has been proven to be a very strong lashing and simple to make. The gap between
the curve of the stringer and the lashing would allow a rope to be bound around the looped bundles to
tighten the lashing if it stretched. If damaged at sea it would be possible to completely replace the
lashing whilst underway. Making rope using simple technology is straight forward and surprisingly
quick. By following a few basic principles, a uniform rope of good quality can be made. Making rope
can be as simple as rolling fibres in the hands to form strands and then twisting those strands to form
rope. Alternatively, a simple wooden device, such as a wooden rope spinner, could be used. What this
shows is that rope can be made almost anywhere, even on board a sailing vessel, if suitable material is
at hand.
More research is needed on identifying the species of plant used to make ropes particularly those that
have been waterlogged. A comprehensive comparison of the strength of the different lashings systems
in relation to the internal structural configurations of strakes, thwarts, stringers, knees and frames that
have been used to construct lash lugged vessels is needed. This will give us a better understanding of
the strengths, weaknesses, and flexibility of the lash lugged tradition of boat building.

7

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Baker, William J., and John Dransfield. "Beyond Genera Palmarum: progress and prospects in palm systematics." Botanical
Journal of the Linnean Society 182, no. 2 (2016): 207-233.
Conard, Nicholas J., and Maria Malina. "Außergewöhnliche neue Funde aus den aurignacienzeitlichen Schichten vom Hohle
Fels bei Schelklingen." Archäologische Ausgrabungen in Baden-Württemberg 2015 (2016): 60-66.
Dalby, M., and W. Thede. "The Junk Blue Book." A Handbook of Junks of South Vietnam (1962).
Eiserhardt, Wolf L., Jens-Christian Svenning, W. Daniel Kissling, and Henrik Balslev. "Geographical ecology of the palms
(Arecaceae): determinants of diversity and distributions across spatial scales." Annals of Botany 108, no. 8 (2011): 1391-1416.
Giang, Do Truong. "Diplomacy, trade and networks: Champa in the Asian commercial context (7th-10th
Centuries)." Moussons. Recherche en sciences humaines sur l’Asie du Sud-Est 27 (2016): 59-82.
Haw, S.G., “The genus Afzelia and the Belitung ship.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 29, no. 3 (2019):505-518.
https://hpcbristol.net/ Historic Photographs of China, Bannister Family Collection ba05-120 and W. Palmer Collection pa0124. Last accessed 22/3/23.
Kimura, J. Shipwrecked? New developments in Southeast Asian maritime archaeology and the safeguard of shipwrecks in the
region. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 44 no. 1(15), pp. 1–4.
Kimura, Jun. "Maritime archaeological perspectives on seaborne trade in the South China Sea and East China Sea between
the seventh and thirteenth Centuries." Crossroads: Studies on the History of Exchange Relations in the East Asian World 11
(2016): 47-61. Lacsina, Ligaya. "Examining pre-colonial Southeast Asian boatbuilding: An archaeological study of the Butuan
Boats and the use of edge-joined planking in local and regional construction techniques." PhD diss., Flinders University,
School of Humanities and Creative Arts., 2016.Mackay, E., 1916. Note on a new tomb (No. 260) at Drah Abu'l Naga,
Thebes. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 3(1), pp.125-126.
Lacsina, Ligaya. "Examining pre-colonial Southeast Asian boatbuilding: An archaeological study of the Butuan Boats and the
use of edge-joined planking in local and regional construction techniques." PhD diss., Flinders University, School of
Humanities and Creative Arts., 2016.
Manguin, Pierre Yves. "Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: the stitched-plank and lashed-lug tradition." International Journal of
Nautical Archaeology, 48 no. 2 (2019): 400-415.
Mackay, E., 1916. Note on a new tomb (No. 260) at Drah Abu'l Naga, Thebes. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 3(1),
pp.125-126.
Mochtar, Agni Sesaria. "The Seventh-Century Punjulharjo Boat from Indonesia: A study of the early Southeast Asian lashedlug boatbuilding tradition." PhD diss., Flinders University, College of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences., 2018.
Wendrich, Willemina. "Ancient Egyptian Rope and Knots”. Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and
Medicine in Non-Western Cultures. Springer. pp 1908-1909. 2008.
Rahothan, Wongsakorn and Piromrak, Naphat. Bueng Kum Ancient Shipwreck. Unpublished report Division of the Thai Fine
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Wright, E.The Ferriby Boats: seacraft of the Bronze Age”. City: Routledge, 2014.

8

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                <text>The Chau Tan shipwreck is the oldest ocean-going cargo ship yet found in Vietnam dating from around the 8th9th century CE. It provides a unique opportunity to study the construction methods of a lashed- lug ship from that&#13;
period. Over 40 of the ship’s timbers were retrieved but unfortunately all the lashings connecting the lugs were&#13;
severed during the salvage and no record was made of the salvage. There was still enough in situ ropes to start to&#13;
build a small list of the types of simple knots and complicated flat braided lashings that were used in its&#13;
construction. For this paper ropes were made using simple technology that may have been available at the time&#13;
the ship was built. The two knots used on the Chau Tan ship are widely used, even today. The braided lashings&#13;
are a different matter, they do not appear in any maritime archaeology or sailing literature that the author could&#13;
access. First the author had to work out how the lashing was tied. It was then tested for strength to try and further&#13;
understand it's utility. The results were surprising and emphasised the value of experimental archaeology.</text>
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                <text>McCann, Ian. 2023. “The Lashings and Knots of the Chau Tan Shipwrecks.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Ligaya Lacsina, Agni Mochtar, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1941 </text>
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                    <text>“Winged” stem and stern in Southeast Asian lashed-lug vessels: from ethnography to archaeology

Pierre-Yves Manguin (EFEO/French School of Asian Studies, Emeritus Professor)
ABSTRACT

So-called “winged” bows were among the first boat characteristics that were used to identify the expansion of
shipping technologies of the Austronesian speaking people across both the Pacific and the Indian Ocean. Pioneers
Haddon and Hornell were the first to recognize that small outrigger dugouts observed in East Africa shared a
“winged” stem (and stern) construction with comparable boats from Insular Southeast Asia. Starting with the
Butuan archaeological excavations in the 1980s, a number of much larger plank-built vessels of the first and second
millennia CE have been brought to light in Southeast Asian waters that clearly belong to this “winged” technical
tradition. They all belong to the lashed-lug shipbuilding tradition which is specific to Southeast Asia. This
presentation will bring together the presently available evidence on such matters, with detailed observations, and a
first attempt at building up a typology of such vessels.
Keywords: lashed-lug, Southeast Asian archaeology, Southeast Asian ethnography, winged stem
List of figures
Figure 1. Butuan 2 “winged” stem (from Clark et al. 1993).
Figure 2. The Punjulharjo ship
Figure 3. Rope fastenings of stem and/or stern. Lamalera; biduk of the Upper Batang Hari, Jambi
Figure 4. “Winged” Paya Pasir; Stepped keel piece, to which “winged” stem or stern blocks fastened

INTRODUCTION
Pioneers Alfred C. Haddon and James Hornell were the first to recognize that small outrigger dugouts
observed in East Africa and Madagascar shared structural characteristics with comparable boats from
Insular Southeast Asia. They thus brought material evidence of early maritime contacts between the two
shores of the Indian Ocean (linguistic and anthropological affinities with Madagascar had by then be
recognised). They first examined the design of outriggers (Haddon 1918; 1920; Hornell 1919). Hornell,
however, soon shifted his attention to what he termed the “winged” stem and stern pieces of these small
boats, a possibly more stable common characteristic of crafts, built thousands of miles apart (Hornell
1920; 1928; 1934; 1944). On such small dugouts with only one or two raised side-planks, both dugout
extremities are raised by attaching to them one or more blocks of wood carved out in the shape of a
“winged“ stem or stern pieces. In such boats, there is no need for a stem post, the extremities of the
planks being fastened to these “winged” blocks of wood —at some distance from the acute-angled ends

Figure 1. Butuan 2 “winged” stem (from Clark et al. 1993).

1

�of the hull, and therefore without the need to impose a strong curvature, difficult to achieve, on the
planks.
We know by now that such a design is not limited to small dugout craft but may also be found in larger
plank-built boats in which the dugout has evolved into a true keel piece. Solid ethnographic work by
Nick Burningham (1990) recognised and discussed such features in what he calls the “stemless craft” of
Ende or the “seven- part craft” of the Bajau of Tawi-Tawi (Burningham 1990; 1992; on the Bajau lepa,
see also Nimmo 1990). A close observation of the boats built by the Moken sea nomads living along the
upper northwest coast of the Thai-Malay Peninsula, on the other side of Southeast Asia, show distinct
similarities with those of the Sama Bajau of the Philippines (Ivanoff 1999). It is clear from these
superficial remarks that, on ethnographic evidence alone, a considerable amount of comparative work
remains to be done on such matters.

WINGED STEMS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
Starting with the Butuan archaeological excavations in the 1980s, several large plank-built vessels of the
first and second millennia CE were brought to light in Southeast Asian waters, which also clearly belong
to this “winged stem and stern” technical tradition. This point was raised in one of the first systematic
descriptions of one of the Butuan boats (Clark, Green, Santiago et al. 1993; see Figure 1), and discussed
in much detail, after additional data was brought to light during further excavations of the Butuan boats
by Ligaya Lacsina (2016).
This raises the possibility of connecting this particular boatbuilding technology with one other design
that has now been firmly associated by nautical archaeologists to Southeast Asian shipbuilding, i.e. the
“lashed-lug” technology. One essential task that nautical archaeologists working in Southeast Asia had
assigned themselves was to identify technical characteristics that defined a local shipbuilding tradition
different from those of neighbouring areas. In the early phases of nautical archaeology in the region, this
was essential as most recoveries of ship timbers were brought to light as broken and dissociated
fragments, after looting or during rescue operations of damaged sites (and this still happens too often).
The “lashed-lug” technique is not exclusive to Southeast Asia, as already noted by Hornell (1935), but it
is unique within Asia, and it has been one key identifier of the Southeast Asian origin of archaeological
finds. If it is proved to be usually associated with winged stem and stern pieces, such identifications of
archaeological finds (or of ambiguous textual sources) of Southeast Asian craft will be more secure, and
a more reliable typology will be built up.
This brief presentation only purports to bring together new evidence presently available on such matters,
mostly from Indonesia, as one assembled and many fragmented ship remains have been found in the past
years, many of which could be studied at leisure. They all clearly belong to the lashed-lug tradition, and
all can be associated with winged designs for stem and/or stern.
One major discovery by Indonesian archaeologists was that in Rembang (north coast of Central Java), on
the beach ridge site of Punjulharjo, of a 16 m long, remarkably well preserved lashed-lug and stitchedplank boat dated to the 7th to 8th century CE (Abbas 2010; Mochtar 2018; Manguin 2019) (Figure 2). The
fastenings with ijok ropes of the planks together and that of lugs to frames, stringers and vertical
stanchions are particularly well preserved, as are the stem and the stern pieces, up to the third strake, as
depicted in the following drawings. The stern and the less well- preserved stem are not symmetrical, but
are clearly built following the same design. The “winged” blocks of wood are fastened not only by
treenails inserted into theirs seams, but also by two kinds of ijok lashings: one passes outside of the hull,
and fastens the extremity of the keel piece and the first block; the other is inside the hull, and must have
been made taught by hammering in a rounded, bevelled wedge.

2

�Figure 2. The Punjulharjo ship: 3D image (by Ipso Facto and P.-Y. Manguin) Stern (left) and stem of the
Punjulharjo ship (drawing by P.-Y. Manguin).

Such rope fastenings of stemless stem and stern pieces have survived to this day under different guises in
a few small boats (in Lamalera, Lembata, or in Jambi, Sumatra (Figure 3) (Barnes 1985; Dwyer and
Ackerman 1998). Daniel G. Dwyer recently remarked that some boat depictions of Dong Son drums and
of archaeological remains in Vietnam may have also used a comparable fastening (Dwyer 2015a, 2015b).
Such lashings are no longer used in the Butuan boats, in line with the fact that, being younger by a few
centuries, their planks are no longer stitched together with ijok as are those of Punjulharjo. Only treenails
and tenons and mortises have by then remained in use to assemble the hull (Manguin 2022).
One rescue operation carried out in 1989-1990 by Indonesian archaeologists and the present author at
Paya Pasir, which turned up to be the heavily disturbed harbour site of the 11th to 14th century CE
neighbouring site of Kota Cina (North Sumatra). Only broken timbers belonging to a variety of small to
large boats and ships were recovered, all of them of the lashed-lug tradition, and all dated to the period of
activity of the Kota Cina site (Manguin 1989; in press).
One major find belonging to a middle-sized vessel (some 15 to 25 m) was that of a well-preserved
stepped stem or stern (Figure 4, left). Contrary to what we have seen so far, it was elaborately carved out
from one single block of wood that was fastened, as usual, to the extremity of a keel (now broken off).
The end parts of the planks would have been fastened to the stepped wing sides by way of dowels (one or
two dowel holes are still preserved on each step).
Other damaged pieces from different craft may be identified as the tapering extremities of now broken
off keels, to which separate “winged” stem or stern pieces would have been attached. The twin bevelled
surfaces starting after the stem or stern end are bored with dowel holes that would have maintained the
garboard strakes in place (Figure 4, right). It appears that, as in the Butuan boats, no rope lashings were
used to fasten the stem/stern piece to the keel (here again, in line with the late dating of these boats, none
of which were of the earlier “stitched-plank” type).

3

�Figure 3. Rope fastenings of stem and/or stern. (top): model of a whaling boat of Lamalera (ph. Nick
Burningham) / (bottom): a biduk of the Upper Batang Hari, Jambi (as drawn by van Hasselt 1882, pl. XCIV).

Other sites of Sumatra have in the past years delivered comparable remains of broken off keel pieces, all
unfortunately from disturbed sites, along the shore of the Kota Kapur site (Bangka-Belitung), or at
Margomulyo (Air Sugihan site complex, South Sumatra). All appear to have been fastened to similar
stem/stern pieces. They have not been dated by C14, but both sites were in activity during the 1st
millenium CE.

DISCUSSION
Scholars of the early 20th century, with the limited evidence they had at hand regarding the ancient
shipbuilding traditions of Southeast Asian people, only considered the small boats they could then
observe (dugouts with only a few raised planks). We know by now that large ocean sailing ships were
built by Southeast Asians as early as the first few centuries CE, and that the boat builders of the Maldives
—roughly half way on one possible route between Indonesia and Madagascar— kept building their midsized plank-built fishing craft in ways that clearly derive from former Southeast Asian lashed-lug
technologies (Manguin 2011). It is therefore logical to conclude that those Austronesian speaking people
who settled in Madagascar during the 1st millennium CE has sailed there in large plank- built vessels
(Manguin 2012; 2016). This will have to remain in the realm of informed speculation, pending a
systematic study of textual sources that would tell us if some of the Malagasy larger ships would show

Figure 4. “Winged” stem or stern of a medium sized boat from Paya Pasir (photograph and drawing by P.- Y.
Manguin; from Manguin, in press) / (right) Stepped design of the extremity of a keel piece, to which “winged” stem or
stern blocks would have been fastened.

4

�traces of Southeast Asian shipbuilding traditions, or the discovery of a relevant shipwreck in the Indian
Ocean.
On more secure, if limited grounds, it now appears that the shape and the mode of assemblage stem and
stern pieces following the ubiquitous “winged” design can vary considerably from craft to craft, and in
different periods. It may well also have differed from region to region within Southeast Asian waters, but
boats and ships being essentially mobile, it is rarely possible to ascertain from archaeological finds if the
craft are locally produced of came from overseas).

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abbas, Novida. "Perahu Kuna Punjulharjo: Sebuah Hasil Penelitian." Jurnal Penelitian Arkeologi, 6 (2010): 42–56.
Akerman, Kim and Dan Dwyer. "The Senabi: External stern-lashings on Austronesian water-craft", Bulletin of the Australian
Institute for Maritime Archaeology, 24 (2000): 85–88.
Barnes, Robert H. “Whaling vessels of Indonesia.” In Sewn Plank Boats, edited by Sean McGrail and Eric Kentley, 345–366.
Greenwich: British Archaeological Reports International Series 276, National Maritime Museum, 1985.
Burningham, Nick. "Stemless boats of Ende Bay." The Beagle, records of the Northern Territory Museum of Arts and Sciences
7, no. 1 (1990): 105–119.
Burningham, Nick. "Bajau lepa and sope: A 'seven-part canoe' building tradition in Indonesia", The Beagle (Records of the
Northern Territory Museum of Arts and Sciences), 10, no. 1 (1992): 193–222.
Clark, Paul, Jeremy Green, Rey Santiago, et al. 1993, "The Butuan Two boat known as balangay in the National Museum,
Manila, Philippines", International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 22, no. 2 (1993): 143–159.
Dwyer, Daniel. "Value Adding to Maritime Archaeology with Two Case Studies from Vietnam: Possible External Stern-Lashing
on 9th Century Hoi an Watercraft and a Re-Examination of Some Maritime Technologies Recorded on Dong Son Drums", in
Mark Staniforth and Lê Thi Liên (Eds.), Underwater Archaeology in Vietnam and Southeast Asia: Co-operation for
development, Quang Ngai 2014. Quang Ngai: Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences, pp. 117–124, 2015a
Dwyer, Daniel. "External stern-lashings on Southeast Asian Watercraft: New evidence for Early Technological Regionality in
Boat Construction.", in Aldemar Ossowski (ed.), Book of Abstracts, ISBSA 14. International Symposium on Boat and Ship
Archaeology: Baltic and beyond Change and continuity in shipbuilding National Maritime Museum in Gdańsk, 43. Gdansk: The
National Maritime Museum, 2015b.
Dwyer, Daniel and Kim Akerman. 1998, "The pelédang. The lashed-lug whaling craft of Lamalera, Lomblen (Lembata), Nusa
Tenggara Timur, Indonesia ", The Beagle, Records of the Museums and Art Galleries of the Northern Territory, 14 (1998): 123–
147.
Gibson-Hill, Carl Alexander. “Further notes on the old boat from Pontian”, Journal of the Malayan Branch, Royal Asiatic
Society 25, no. 1 (1952): 111–133.
Haddon, Alfred Court. "The Outrigger Canoe of East Africa", Man, 18, no. 29 (1918): 49–54.
Haddon, Alfred Court. 1920, "The Outriggers of Indonesian Canoes", Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 50 (1920):
63-134.
van Hasselt, A. L. Ethnographische atlas van Midden-Sumatra, met verklarenden tekst, in Pieter J. Veth (ed.), Midden-Sumatra
1877-1879: Reizen en onderzoekingen der Sumatra-expeditie. Leiden, E. J. Brill. 3, no. 1 (1882): 2.
Hornell, James. "The Affinities of East African Canoes", Man 55 (1919): 97–100.
Hornell, James. "The Common Origin of the Outrigger Canoes of Madagascar and East Africa", Man 20, no. 67 (1920), pp. 134–
139.
Hornell, James. "Indonesian Cultures in East Africa", Man 28 (1928): 1–4.
Hornell, James. "Indonesian Influence on East African Culture", Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 54 (1934): 305–
332.

5

�Hornell, James. "Constructional Parallels in Scandinavian and Oceanic Boat Construction", Mariner's Mirror, 21 (1935): 411–
427.
Hornell, James. "The Outrigger Canoes of Madagascar, East Africa and the Comoro Islands", Mariner's Mirror 30 (1944): 3–18,
170–185.
Ivanoff, Jacques. The Moken Boat. Symbolic Technology. Bangkok: White Lotus, 1999.
Lacsina, Ligaya. “Examining pre-colonial Southeast Asian boatbuilding: An archaeological study of the Butuan Boats and the
use of edge-joined planking in local and regional construction techniques.” PhD thesis, Flinders University, 2016.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “Sewn-plank craft of South-East Asia.” In Sewn Plank Boats, edited by Sean McGrail and Eric Kentley,
319-343. BAR International Series 276, Greenwich: National Maritime Museum, 1985.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. "The trading ships of Insular Southeast Asia : New evidence from Indonesian archaeological sites", in
Proceedings, Pertemuan Ilmiah Arkeologi V, Yogyakarta 1989. [Jakarta]: Ikatan Ahli Arkeologi Indonesia 1 (1989): 200–220.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. "Les techniques de construction navale aux Maldives originaires d’Asie du Sud-Est", Techniques &amp;
Culture 35-36 (2001): 21–47.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. "The Maldives connection: pre-modern Malay World shipping across the Indian Ocean", in Chantal
Radimilahy and Narivelo Rajaonarimanana (eds.), Civilisations des mondes insulaires. Mélanges en l'honneur du Professeur
Claude Allibert, 261–284. Paris: Éditions Karthala, 2011.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “Late Mediaeval Asian Shipbuilding in the Indian Ocean: A Reappraisal”, in Om Prakash (ed.), The
Trading World of the Indian Ocean, 1500-1800, 597–629. Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Civilisations, 2012.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “Austronesian Shipping in the Indian Ocean: From Outrigger Boats to Trading Ships”, in Gwyn
Campbell (ed.), Early Exchange between Africa and the Wider Indian Ocean World, 51–76. Basingstoke, Hampshire:
PalgraveMacmillan, 2016.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. "Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: the stitched-plank and lashed-lug tradition", International Journal of
Nautical Archaeology 48, no. 2 (2019): 400–415.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. 2021, “The assembly of hulls in Southeast Asian shipbuilding traditions: from lashings to treenails”, in
Giulia Boetto, Patrice Pomey &amp; Pierre Poveda (Eds), Open Sea / Closed Sea: Local and Inter-Regional Traditions in
Shipbuilding (Proceedings of the Fifteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Marseille 2018, ISBSA 15),
Archaeonautica, 21 (2021): 135–138.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “Ship timbers at Paya Pasir: the 1988-89 rescue excavation”, in Daniel Perret and Henny Surachman
(eds.), The archaeology of Kota Cina, Paris- Jakarta: EFEO, BRIN. In press.
Mochtar, Agni Sesaria, “The Seventh-Century Punjulharjo Boat from Indonesia: A study of the early Southeast Asian lashed-lug
boatbuilding tradition.” Master’s thesis, Flinders University, Adelaide, (2018).
Nimmo, H. Arlo. "The boats of the Tawi-Tawi Bajau, Sulu Archipelago, Philippines", Asian Perspectives, 29, no. 1 (1990): pp.
51–88.

6

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                <text>Mangiun, Pierre-Yves. 2023. “‘Winged’ stem and stern in Southeast Asian lashed-lug vessels: from ethnography to archaeology.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Ligaya Lacsina, Agni Mochtar, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology.URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1940 </text>
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                    <text>Regional Identity and Local Variety: Plank Configurations in Lashed-lug Boatbuilding
of Southeast Asia
Ligaya Lacsina (University of the Philippines)
Abhirada Pook Komoot (CSEAS, Kyoto University)

ABSTRACT
This short paper is suitable for session 6. It is written to report the result of the recent survey of the lashed-lug
boatbuilding technology in the Southeast Asian region. In addition to desk-based assessments, investigations were
undertaken at Khlong Thom in the south of Thailand, Chau Tan remains in central Vietnam, and Butuan in the
south of the Philippines. This project aims to observe the variety of the lashed-lug boatbuilding to better
understand meaningful, technical connections.
Keywords: lashed-lug boatbuilding, Southeast Asia nautical knowledge, ship comparison
List of Figures
Figure 1. Distribution of archaeological ship remains in Southeast Asia (illustrated by Abhirada Komoot)
Figure 2 Diagram of plank configurations: A) Khlong Thom, B) Punjulharjo, C) Chau Tan and D) Ban Khlong
Yuan (illustrated by Abhirada Komoot)
Figure 3 Diagram of Butuan boat remains, from top: (A) Butuan 1, (B) Butuan 5, (C) Butuan 2, (D) Butuan 4
(illustrated by Ligaya Lacsina).
Figure 4. Conjectural lug-lashing of Butuan 2 and other exclusively doweled planks based on the Punjulharjo boat
lashing example that crosses planks (illustrated by Ligaya Lacsina).
List of Tables
Table 1. Khlong Thom wood ID (UAD report 2019)
Table 2. Punjulharjo wood ID (Abbas 2010; Nugroho 2010)
Table 3. Ban Khlong Yuan wood ID (UAD report 2019)
Table 4. Butuan 1 Wood ID (Lacsina 2016)
Table 5. Butuan 5 Wood ID (Lacsina 2016)
Table 6. Butuan 2 Wood ID (Lacsina 2016)
Table 7. Butuan 2 Wood ID (Lacsina 2016)
Table 8. Plank Configurations

INTRODUCTION
Lashed-lug construction is a distinctive nautical technology that facilitated Southeast Asian regional
networks from the early 1st to the late 2nd millennium CE. It refers to a boatbuilding technique in which
the planks were cleated with lugs and assembled by individual stitching and/or wooden dowels. The
seams of stitches, if any, were only visible inboard. The remains of lashed-lug vessels are distributed
over coastal areas linking mainland and island subregions (Figure 1). Yet, each of the vessels reflect
the unique personality of the boatbuilders. This paper thus hopes to highlight the techno-cultural
diversity and links to realise the complexity that shapes the way our region is today.
Plank features are the most prominent attribute for understanding hull assemblage. The details of the
keel plank designs are focused and have been previously noted (Lacsina and Mochtar 2019). Regarding
plank fastenings, an earlier hypothesis by Adrian Horridge (1982, 1; 32–33; 56–58) posited that the
oldest plank-built boats were held by stitching or sewing without the use of edge dowels. He based this
on the assumption that dowel holes could not be produced without the aid of metal tools, though it must
be noted when he wrote this, no plank boat remnants had been found that predate the use of metals in
Southeast Asia. Pierre-Yves Manguin (1993; 2021) and Sean McGrail (2001) surmised that edge
dowelling was incorporated to supplement stitching, leading to dowelling supplemented by stitching,
until stitching was set aside entirely for exclusive dowel fastening. The reason for shifting to an
exclusive reliance on dowelling is unclear, whether this was the result of technological or arbitrary
choices. Our observations thus present a review of this aspect by sharing the results of a preliminary
1

�comparison of the fastening methods in several examples. It hopes to contribute to the growing dataset
of lashed lug boats and lead to greater insights into their construction.

REGIONAL VARIATION OF PLANK CONFIGURATIONS
This section provides information gathered from existing research and field survey in Thailand,
Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam. Eight examples of lashed-lug remains were selected for this
comparison. They are classified into two main categories – those with no edge dowels present and those
with edge dowels. The utilisation of dowels is divided into three distinct methods, stitched-dowelling,
pinned-dowelling, and exclusive dowelling. Illustrative diagrams are produced to present a schematic
configuration of the lashed-lug planking. It should be noted that they are based on approximate
measurements and authors’ observations (Figures 2 and 3).
No Edge Dowels
Khlong Thom (KT)
The remains studied in this paper are based on the report written by the Thai Underwater Archaeology
Division (UAD) during the 2019 investigation (Piromrak 2019). The timber fragments were removed
from the sandy-clay bed of Khlong Thom, near Kuan Luk Pad archaeological site in Krabi Province,
Thailand. Khlong Thom is a waterway giving access to the inner land from the Andaman Sea.
Figure 2A illustrates how the planks feature a narrow face of about 20 centimetres in width and a
thickness of about three centimetres. Lugs are almost the same width but double in thickness. The total
thickness of plank ranges from 9 to 12 centimetres, including lug. Lugs were made at about 40
centimetres gap without a link, except for the keel plank of which the centre was carved into a
longitudinal, narrow ridge linking with the rectangular ones. On the moulding face of the central ridge,
there is an oval-shaped hole. The rectangular shape lugs have a pair of square holes diagonally chiselled
near the upper edge. This differs from the lugs on the keel plank with round holes. The row of lugs
seems to be carved off-centre. The base of the lug is longer than the plank on one side, suggesting a
locking function. On either side of the lugs are a pair of rounded, L-shaped holes, not visible outboard.
The cordage remaining in the holes indicates that planks were secured by stitching with a cross and

2

�Figure 1. Distribution of archaeological ship remains in Southeast Asia (illustrated by Abhirada Komoot).

wrap pattern. A small wedge was hammered in to ensure the knots were tight. No indication of dowels
are seen throughout. Between lugs, the remaining stitching exhibits cordage with a delicate braiding
technique tightened by a piece of wedge.
Table 1. Khlong Thom wood ID (UAD report 2019)
Samples
Descriptions
1
Wooden wedge
2
Caulking/ luting
3
Plank

Species
Mesua ferrea L.
Payena acuminate (Blume) Pierre
Hopea sp.

With Edge Dowels and Stitches
Punjulharjo
The Punjulharjo boat is located on the northern coast of Rembang District, Central Java. It was
accidentally discovered by local villagers during the rehabilitation of the salterns and was investigated
archaeologically between 2008 and 2009 by the Yogyakarta Archaeological Center. An open building
was built in place with an elevated floor to house the wooden remains after Polyethylene Glycol (PEG)
impregnation treatment was done.
A comprehensive diagram of plank configuration is drawn following the measurement conducted by
Agni Mochtar (2018). Figure 2B demonstrates the hull of the Punjulharjo was assembled mainly by
edge dowels and stitching. Tenon and mortise joints also appear in the mix. Mochtar (2018) reports that
the keel plank is 15.6 metres long and has a maximum width of 56 centimetres. It was tapered on both
3

�Figure 2. Diagram of approximate plank configurations of: A) Khlong Thom, B) Punjulharjo, C) Chau Tan and D)
Ban Khlong Yuan (illustrated by Abhirada Komoot).

4

�ends to receive wing-ends. The lugs are mostly flat and rectangular. The largest lug size is 40 by 25
centimetres at midship. Pairs of the rounded holes appear on lugs and next to lugs. On the edge, there
are dowelling holes with uneven intervals. There are sets of several dowelling holes (3-4 holes)
alternating with two pairs of stitching holes. There is no report on the length of dowels or dowel holes.
For the purpose of this paper, the Punjulharjo’s dowel holes in Figure 2C are based on the finding in
CT and BKY, but remain conjectural.
Notably, the documented construction of the Punjulharjo boat depicts the lug-lashing that secured
frames, stringers, beams, and other parts also fastened two adjacent planks to one another,
supplementing the stitching and dowelling (see Manguin 2019, Figure 7a and 7c; Mochtar 2018, Figure
5-10).
Table 2. Punjulharjo wood ID (Abbas 2010; Nugroho 2010)
Samples
1
2
3

Descriptions
Wooden dowels
Plank
Stringer

Species
Melaleuca leucadendron
Palaquium gutta
Scorodocarpus borneensis

Chau Tan (CT)
The Chau Tan ship remains were found by local fishermen off the coast of Quang Ngai, Central
Vietnam. The remains were discovered by accident during a fishing activity in 2011 and are now kept
in a shed at the house of a local collector, Mr. Lam. There is no scientific documentation of the original
context of the site. A team of Japanese researchers processed post-salvage documentation of the
recovered timbers and published their findings in 2017 and 2018 reports (Noriko et al. 2017). The
reports reveal the ship date to be between 663 and 715 CE. This paper adds to existing information
based on the authors’ survey in January 2023.
The Chau Tan planks are relatively large, as seen in Figure 2C, and long. The keel plank measures 41
centimetres at the maximum width and about 22 metres in length. The width of the lugs is almost the
same as the plank width, although the size of the lugs was carved with tapering ends. All holes are round
and about 2.5 to 3 centimetres in diameter. The lug interval is about 40 centimetres, except for the midsection, where the break is about 150 centimetres. Lugs on the keel plank were connected to a narrow
ridge of 14 centimetres maximum width. A pair of through holes are on the ridge at the interval of lugs.
The fastening technique of the Chau Tan boat is stitching and dowelling. A pair of stitching holes appear
on the sides of lugs, alternating with a row of dowels.
Ban Khlong Yuan (BKY)
Ban Khlong Yuan is located east of the peninsula, facing the Gulf of Thailand. It is under the
administration of Chaiya District, Surat Thani Province. The boat remains were found buried in the
terrestrial area, away from the sea. There are 84 pieces of boat remains that were recovered by the
landowners during the reservoir construction in 2002. They are now transferred to the UAD office in
Chantaburi for further analysis. The ship was reported with an approximate dating between 768 and
890 Cal CE (Rahotan 2019).
The diagram (Figure 2D) shows that the broadest part of the keel plank measures about 30 centimetres.
Lug thickness is about 2 centimetres, while the overall thickness of the plank is about 5-6 centimetres.
Lugs were carved along the length with regular intervals of about 35 centimetres and linked by a 10centimetre wide ridge in the middle. Ligature and dowelling holes are round and about 1.5-2 centimetres
in diameter. A pair of ligature holes present next to lugs alternating with rows of dowelling holes. Some
dowels are still intact in the holes.

5

�Table 3. Ban Khlong Yuan wood ID (UAD report 2019)
Samples
1
2

Descriptions
Wooden dowels
Plank

Species
Terminalia mucronata Craib &amp; Hutch.
Hopea sp.

Pinned-dowelling
Butuan 1
The Butuan boat 1 was the first of several lashed-lug boats found in Butuan City, north-eastern
Mindanao, Philippines. It was discovered by salvagers in 1976. A site museum was constructed to house
Butuan Boat 1 in 1980, where it remains to this day. A report states that the wood received Wolmanized
treatment, a pressure treatment used for commercial lumber.
The lugs of Butuan 1 are unique in known lashed lug boats to date. Figure 3A illustrates that they have
three pairs of L-shaped lashing holes on relatively wide lugs. On the keel plank are also three pairs of
lashing holes but on three sets of lugs. Plank fastening was by dowels, with roughly every alternate
dowel locked in place with a wooden pin. The boat remains were measured at a maximum of 10.2
meters in length. The longest piece is the keel plank at 9.74 meters.
Table 4. Butuan 1 Wood ID (Lacsina 2016)
Samples
Descriptions
1
Wooden dowel
2
Plank
3
Wing end

Species
Vatica sp.
Petersianthus quadrielatus, Shorea sp., Vatica sp.
Shorea sp.

Butuan 5
Butuan 5 was first unearthed in 1985, and then recovered in 1986 as part of a regional training course
on archaeological conservation organised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN
1986). The final ASEAN report describes Boat 5 timbers as being so fragile that they could not be lifted
in one piece. They were cut into fragments, which were reportedly labelled and soaked in a tank of fresh
water in Butuan until PEG could be acquired. Unfortunately, when researchers visited to examine Boat
5’s timbers, they found the water had dried and the wood was warped and dissociated from their labels.
Boat 5 also seems to have unique features, particularly in the lashing holes on the lugs, which run
through the breadth of the lugs (Figure 3B). Its keel plank is also unique in that it does not have
individual lugs, only a continuous ridge that runs the length of the keel plank through which lashing
holes are also bored breadthwise. The hull parts are badly degraded and warped. When Butuan 5 was
excavated, the remains measured 11.5 metres in length, the same as its keel plank. It was found with
eight strakes on one side and seven strakes on the other. Like Butuan 1, some of Butuan 5’s dowels are
locked with wooden pins driven from the inboard of the plank.
Table 5. Butuan 5 wood ID (Lacsina 2016)
Samples
Descriptions
1
All hull parts
2
Frames
3
Wing ends
4
Dowel

Species
Pistacia chinensis
Dimocarpus sp., Vitex parviflora
Pterocarpus indicus
Dimocarpus sp.

Exclusive Dowelling
Butuan 2
The Butuan 2 remains were found by pot hunters in 1977, several months after Butuan 1 was unearthed.
The excavation was carried out by the National Museum of the Philippines in 1977. Butuan 2 was found
6

�Figure 3. Diagram of approximate plank configurations of: (A) Butuan 1, (B) Butuan 5, (C) Butuan 2, (D) Butuan 4
(illustrated by Ligaya Lacsina).

within several metres of Boats 4 and 9, and reportedly Boat 3, though this has yet to be confirmed. It is
currently in storage at the National Museum in Manila, where it was previously on display before the
gallery that contained it was dismantled.
The planks of Butuan 2 only show evidence of dowelling and no apparent locking feature to keep the
planks from separating. Lacsina (2016, 208) has suggested that lashed lugs, as they were applied in the
Punjulharjo Boat, might have also been used here to compress planks together, though this cannot be
7

�Figure 4. Conjectural lug-lashing of Butuan 2 and other exclusively doweled planks based on the Punjulharjo boat
lashing example that crosses planks (illustrated by Ligaya Lacsina).

confirmed due to limited evidence of ligatures in Butuan. The keel plank is the longest piece and
measures 11.3 metres. It has two sets of lugs and two pairs of L-shaped holes (Figure 3C). Individual
lugs on the planks also have two sets of L-shaped holes.

Table 6. Wood ID of Butuan 2 (Lacsina 2016)
Samples
Descriptions
1
All hull parts
2
Wing ends

Species
Hopea sp.
Pterocarpus indicus

Butuan 4
Butuan 4 was found several meters from Butuan 2. A looter’s pit was extended by archaeologists in
2012 to find the remains of this Boat, half of which appear to be missing; the keel plank is sawn cleanly
at this point.
So far, the planks of Butuan 4 appear to only use dowels. There are two pairs of L-shaped lashing holes
on the individual lugs. The keel plank lugs are connected by a continuous ridge running the length of it
Figure 3D.
Table 7. Wood ID of Butuan 4
Samples
Descriptions
1
All hull parts

Species
Vatica sp.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
While its prominent feature is the protruding lug on the inboard planks, arranged in traversal rows for
fitting and locking frames, our investigation conducts a comprehensive review of the characteristics of
plank modification and assembling methods in several examples in Thailand, Vietnam, Indonesia, and
the Philippines. In closely observing lashed-lug boat remains of the currently documented examples,
the result demonstrates a variety of planking techniques and configurations (Table 8).
Keel plank configurations are notable as they are generally carved in different designs than the other
planks (Lacsina and Mochtar 2019). The most common variation is an individual lug joined by a raised
ridge. The greatest variation can be seen in the Butuan assemblage which include two and three sets of
lugs, a raised edge with no lugs, and the aforementioned lugs joined by a ridge. No raised ridge is
presented in the Punjulharjo’s keel plank. The size of keel planks range between 20 and nearly 40
centimetres. As presented, the Butuan boats’ planks and lugs are narrower compared to others. The keel
8

�plank on the KT is also narrow but lugs were uniquely carved to lock with adjacent planks. All holes
were predrilled and mostly round, except for the KT remains. Lashing holes on the KT lugs feature
square but ligature holes for stitching on the planks, are round.
Lugs were transversely aligned to fasten the full frames. Manguin (2021) provides a technical
proposition that lug lashing on frames, the increased edge dowels and pinning could be a compensation
for plank stitching that disappeared completely from the lashed-lug vessels at the beginning of the 2nd
millennium CE.
Figure 4 presents a hypothetical illustration of the lug lashing based on a key surviving example. The
evidence from the Punjularjo boat reveals cross-plank lashing, in contrast to ethnographic examples
that show lug-lashing is isolated to individual lugs and planks (Horridge 1982, 15, 16). This fastening
technique is believed to have assisted to strengthen the hull and would provide especially significant
reinforcement to exclusively dowelled vessels.
This paper also found that the lashed-lug vessels had the most configurative variation during the late
1st millennium CE. Exclusive stitching was used in the 1st century (KT), even as dowels were used to
supplement stitching in other vessels (Manguin, 2019). An increased use of dowels as a main fastening
occurred toward the second half of the 1st millennium. The use of dowelling appeared in the CT and
Pubjulharjo in the 8th century and the BKY of the 9th century. Only the boats found in Butuan did not
have stitching, only dowelling throughout the 8th and 10th centuries. This finding brings a question of
regional variation: what could be a driving force for these differences? More inclusive approach to
consider materials (i.e., type of wood) and plank modification (i.e., different lug shapes and size of
plank) is necessary.
The variations observed here need further study to learn about the technical performance and
effectiveness of each. A closer observation of the elements of hull construction, scrutinising their
characteristics for previously unnoticed qualities and, if possible, understanding the efficiency of each
fastening technique should follow. In the future, it is hoped to better understand how the technical
variety contributes to the understanding of technological development.
Table 8. Plank Configurations
Dates
Sites
Central ridge on
keel plank
85-229 CE

Khlong
Thom

Vertical ridge,
standing up right

Lugs/ligature holes Ligature
holes on
planks
Narrow/square and Round
round

660-780 CE

Punjulharjo

No ridge

Round

663-715 CE

Chau Tan

Flat with 2 lashing Broad/round
holes on every
interval

Round

715-940 CE

Butuan 2

No. 2 sets of lugs

Round

-

768-890 CE

Ban Khlong
Yuan

Flat with no
lashing holes

Broad/round

Round

775-973 CE

Butuan 4

777-971 CE

Butuan 5

777-988 CE

Butuan 1

Yes, with
Round
individual lugs
Yes, no individual Round
lugs
No. 3 sets of lugs Round

Round

-

9

Plank
assembling

Special
features

2 pairs of
stitching holes
and wedgedstitching
2 pairs of
stitching holes
alternated by a
row of dowels
2 pairs of
stitching holes
alternated by a
row of dowels
Exclusively
dowelled

-Locking
lugs
- visible
wedges
Tenon and
mortise

2 pairs of
stitching holes
alternated by a
row of dowels
Exclusively
dowelled
Pinneddowelling
Pinneddowelling

-

Tenon and
mortise
(wing end)
-

-

�ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Our sincere gratitude is extended to Suvarnabhumi Studies Center under the auspices of the Thai Ministry of Higher Education,
Science, Research and Innovation for funding this project. Our partners at the National Museum of the Philippines, and local
authority in Vietnam and Indonesia are appreciated for their assistance.

BIBLIOGRAPGHY
ASEAN. Report on the third intra-ASEAN Archaeological Excavation and Conservation Butuan City, Philippines 16
November–10 December 1986. Manila: ASEAN, 1986.
Horridge, Adrian. The lashed-lug boat of the eastern archipelagoes, the Alcina MS and the Lomblen whaling boats. Maritime
Monographs and Reports. Greenwich: Trustees of the National Maritime Museum, 1982
Lacsina, Ligaya. "Examining pre-colonial Southeast Asian boatbuilding: An archaeological study of the Butuan Boats and the
use of edge-joined planking in local and regional construction techniques." PhD diss., Flinders University, School of
Humanities and Creative Arts, 2016.
Lacsina, Ligaya, and Agni Sesaria Mochtar. ‘The Lashed-Lug Tradition Beyond the Commonalities: A Closer Examination
of Variations in Keel Design within Southeast Asian Shipbuilding Tradition’. In Advancing Southeast Asian Archaeology
2019: Selected Papers from the Second SEAMEO SPAFA International Conference on Southeast Asian Archaeology, Bangkok,
Thailand 2019, edited by Noel Hidalgo Tan. Seameo-Spafa, 2020.https://www.spafajournal.org/index.php/spafapub/issue/
view/136.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “Trading ships of the South China Sea. Shipbuilding techniques and their role in the history of the
development of Asian trade networks.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 36, no.3 (1993): 253–280.
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: The Stitched-Plank and Lashed-Lug Tradition. International Journal
of Nautical Archaeology, 48(2), 2019, 400-415. doi:10.1111/1095-9270.12367
Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “The assembly of hulls in Southeast Asian shipbuilding traditions: from lashings to treenails”, in Giulia
Boetto, Patrice Pomey &amp; Pierre Poveda (Eds), Open Sea / Closed Sea: Local and Inter-Regional Traditions in Shipbuilding
(Proceedings of the Fifteenth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Marseille 2018, ISBSA 15),
Archaeonautica, 21, 2021, pp. 135–138.
Mcgrail, Sean. Boats of the world. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.
Mochtar, Agni Sesaria. "The Seventh-Century Punjulharjo Boat from Indonesia: A study of the early Southeast Asian lashedlug boatbuilding tradition." PhD diss., Flinders University, College of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, 2018.
Noriko, Nishino, Toru Aoyama, Jun Kimura, Nokami Takenori, and Le Thi Lien. Nishimura Masanari’s Study of the Earliest
Known Shipwreck Found in Vietnam. Asian Review of World Histories, 5, no. 2 (2017): 106-122.
Piromrak, Napat. Report on the Survey of Lashed-Lug Remians in Khlong Thom Tai Subdistrict, Khlong Thom District, Krabi
Province 2019, Research Unit, Underwater Archaeology Division, Fine Arts Department, 2019 (in Thai and unpublished).
Rahotan, Wongsakorn. Preliminary Report on the Survey of Lashed-Lug Remains in Ban Klong Yuan, Surathani Province
2019, Research Unit, Underwater Archaeology Division, Fine Arts Department, 2019, (in Thai and unpublished).

10

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                    <text>Si Satchanalai Ceramic Figurines from Klang Aow Shipwreck, Thailand: ideas,
Functions and Their Roles
Khongkamon

Rattapat

(Curator,

National

Maritime

Museum

in

Chanthaburi)

lonelymount@hotmail.com

ABSTRACT
Amongst the most remarkable commodities of Thailand on the maritime trade routes during the fourteenth to the
seventeenth centuries was Thai ceramics “Sangkhalok” (the ceramics characterised by green glazed, brown
glazed, and underglaze black stoneware produced from Si Satchanalai and Sukhothai kilns). They were made in
various shape, such as bowl, jar, plate and figurines. They are marked as one of the significant products found
from shipwrecks around Thai waters. The figurines were originated from Pa Yang kilns as one group of kiln at
the Si Satchanalai kiln complex; as it was also a dependency under the Sukhothai Kingdom (1238–1438) where
the people made ceramics by local materials and applied local wisdoms and handicraft skills to the ceramics. The
research materials for this paper focused on the 80 Si Satchanalai figurines recovered from the Klang Aow
shipwreck. The shipwreck date (cal. 1305–1420 CE) is based on the Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) result
of a small bamboo sample stuck on the body of Si Satchanalai green glazed small bottle. This paper aims to find
out what was the manufacture purpose of these figurines, as they played a major role in Southeast Asian and East
Asian maritime trade networks during the fourteenth to the fifteenth centuries? The result indicates these figurines
were created at the Pa Yang village of Si Satchanalai kiln in Sukhothai province during the late fifteenth to the
sixteenth centuries, to meet the demand for religious activities and toys in folk theatre.
List of Figures
Figure 1 Seizing of Klang Aow shipwreck in 1992.
Figure 2 The human figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck
Figure 3 The animal figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck

INTRODUCTION
“Sankhalok” wares are one of the most remarkable commodities of Thailand dated to fourteenth to
sixteenth centuries. Typically, this type of stoneware ceramic originates from kilns in Sukhothai
province, especially Ko Noi and Pa Yang kilns. Located in Si Satchanalai city as a dependency under
the Sukhothai Kingdom (1238–1438 CE). The kilns are well-known as Si Satchanalai or Sawankhalok
kiln complex and Turiang or Sukhothai kiln located in Sukhothai city, capital of the Sukhothai
Kingdom. All kilns are located outside of the city wall. Si Satchanalai kiln is located in the north along
the bank of the Yom River. While the Turiang kiln is located in the north of the city beside the Turiang
and the Phrapai Luang temples. Potters use the local clay as the main materials for ceramic production.
These ceramics have various shapes: bowl, jar, plate, dish, human and animal figurines. These are
decorated by slipping, incising, engraving, impressing, applying, painting and glazing.
These ceramics were the products which made high profits for Siam or Ayutthaya Kingdom (1350–
1767 CE). Ayutthaya as the capital of the kingdom located in central Thailand along the Chao Phraya
River, which linked to the Gulf of Thailand - played the role as the middleman who linked the ceramic
productions and supplied the ceramics to maritime routes. Since the establishment of the kingdom,
Ayutthaya maintained a close relation with China, with diplomacy and tributary trade. However, the
international policies of Early Ming Dynasty affected the supply of Chinese ceramics for Southeast
Asia and were insufficient (Brown 2009,69-70). The international trade block under the emperors’
decree of Ming Dynasty (1368–1644 CE) made space in the market for Southeast Asian states,
1

�especially Ayutthaya and Dai Viet (now northern Vietnam) who already had their own ceramic
manufactures, to supply their products.
A word “Sankhalok” is a mispronunciation from a word “Sung-chiao-lo” in Chinese Mandarin or “Sung
ka lok” in Chinese Swatow (Shantou), but it is not possible to determine exactly when this word began
to be used (Plaicharnjit 2002, 287). In the sixteenth century, a word “Sunkoroku” was mentioned in the
Japanese records (Nelson 1965, 127). These words are mispronunciations that referred to the area called
Sawankhalok district, Sukhothai province where kilns are located. According to fourteenth-century
historical records of Ayutthaya Kingdom, Si Satchanalai referred to Sawankhalok (Kasetsiri 2002,8).
The collection for this paper comprises of 80 human and animal ceramic figurines recovered from the
Klang Aow shipwreck, which recently preserved in the storage of the National Maritime Museum in
Chanthaburi and the National Museum Storage in Pathum Thani. The paper aims to explain the details
of ceramic figurines, production sites and answer the research question: what was the manufacture
purpose of these figurines, as they played a major role in Southeast Asian and East Asian maritime trade
networks during the fourteenth to the fifteenth centuries?

KLANG AOW SHIPWRECK
The Klang Aow shipwreck was named after the location as a word “Klang Aow” meant the middle of
the Gulf of Thailand located at the latitude 11°37’N and longtitude 100°59’E, which is approximate 60
nautical miles from the coastline of Sattahip district, Chonburi province, (Vilaikaew 1992,8-33). In
February 1992, this shipwreck and its cargo were recovered by vessel named AHTS Australia Tide in
the Gulf of Thailand as Thai exclusive economic zone and Thai task force included Royal Thai Navy,
Thai Marine Police Division and the Fine Arts Department intercepted the vessel and seized 12,000
artifacts to be the national treasures of Thailand, protected by the National Act of Monuments, Artifacts,
Art Objects and National Museums (firstly announced in 1961 and revised in 1992). The origins of
these artifacts can be divided in to three different groups (Plaicharnjit 1992,34-37).
i.
ii.
iii.

Thai ceramics, especially Si Satchanalai, Sukhothai and Maenam Noi or Singburi ceramics
(97 per cent of all artifacts)
Vietnamese ceramics, especially Chu Dau blue-and-white wares (2.5 per cent of all
artifacts)
Chinese ceramics, especially Jingdezhen blue-and-white wares (0.5 per cent of all
artifacts).

The scientific date (1305–1420 CE from Beta Analytic Inc. 1999, Beta-134072) from Accelerator Mass
Spectrometry (AMS) is from a small bamboo piece stuck on the body of the Si Satchanalai green glazed
small bottle with two ring handles. This bamboo seems to be a part of ship structure or cargo hold
because of the concretion when the Klang Aow sunk. This feature was also found on a Maenam Noi or
Singburi jar.

2

�Figure 1 Thai task force on duty of seizing the recovered artifacts from Klang Aow shipwreck in 1992. (left)
Recovered artifacts from Klang Aow shipwreck during the seizing in 1992. (right)
(The Fine Arts Department of Thailand)

SI SATCHANALAI CERAMIC FIGURES FROM KLANG AOW SHIPWRECK
The human and animal figurines can be classified into four different types as follows.
i.

ii.

A man figurine with 28.8 centimetre height in the form of a man sitting on one of his knees
up and holding a poultry in the hands on the chest. His appearance shows a short hair with
moustache and beard on man face, wearing of the Chinese style dress (possibly an
overcoat), and holding of a poultry (possibly a bird or a cock) in the hands on the chest.
Inside the figurine is hollowed with a hole on the top of man head and another hole as the
poultry head. The glaze was eroded and concretion was occurred.
Two women figurines with 21 centimetre height in the form of woman sitting on her knees
and holding a basin on the shoulder. Her appearance shows a hair tied into the bun shape,
women face, wearing of the tube skirt with no upper-body cloth, and holding of basin on
the shoulder. The glaze was eroded and concretion was occurred.

3

�Figure 2 The human figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck, fourteenth to fifteenth centuries:
[top] man and [bottom] woman.
Chinese man carrying a poultry functioned as a water dropper. Woman carrying a basin functioned as a candle
holder. (National Maritime Museum in Chanthaburi)

iii.

iv.

41 small poultry figurines (possibly a cock or a quail) with 6.8 centimetre height, standing
on the rounded base. The head was sculpting as a beak, the eyes and wings were formed by
sculpting and applying, some were incising the detail of wing, and a tail was also sculpting
and applying.
34 small elephant figurines with 7.4 cm. standing. The figurines showed realistic details of
a head, eye, ear, and trunk by sculpting and applying.

4

�Figure 3 The animal figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck, fourteenth to fifteenth centuries. (top)
(National Maritime Museum in Chanthaburi)
The figurine in the form of an elephant from Klang Aow shipwreck, fourteenth to fifteenth centuries. (left)
The figurine in the form of a horse from Klang Aow shipwreck, fourteenth to fifteenth centuries. (right)
(National Museum Storage in Pathum Thani)

There are other animal figurines from the Klang Aow Shipwreck preserved in the National Museum
Storage in Pathum Thani: an elephant and a horse.
i.

ii.

An elephant figurine with 27 centimetre height with a mahout sitting on the neck, a howdah
on the back, and four warriors holding a sword and a shield protect at the elephant feet. The
glaze was eroded. concretion.
A horse figurine with 27 centimetre height with a horseman sitting on the neck and a bowl
affixing on the back, and four men holding a lotus flower standing at the horse feet. The
glaze was eroded. concretion.

Production site of figurines
The production site of these figurines can be identified by the comparative study between the
production, glazing and decoration techniques such as clay body textures, glazing characteristics, and
decoration or design styles. The sources for comparative study are the figurines preserved and on
display of the National Maritime Museum in Chanthaburi, National Museum, Bangkok (Chongkol
1999,91), Ramkamhaeng National Museum in Sukhothai, Sawanworanayok National Museum in
Sukhothai (Srisumang 1992,39–40), and the figurines discovered at kiln sites of Si Satchanalai.
Previous excavation at the kiln site by Don Hein (2001, 156–262) resulted the figurines and even the
architectural ornaments were produced at Pa Yang kiln, Si Satchanalai kiln complex within specific
kilns separated from other kilns for other utensils production. Additionally, the chronology of trade
ceramics recovered from the shipwrecks around Southeast Asian waters by Roxanna Brown (2009) and
Atthasit Sukkham (2016) suggest the figurines were supplied to maritime trade routes during the
fifteenth to sixteenth centuries.
Production process began by a preparation of local clay acquired from the riverbank nearby the kilns
where materials were mixed with the sands or stone pebbles. They were formed into various shapes
before they were decorated by slipping, incising, engraving, impressing, applying, and painting.
5

�The green or brown glaze was reactive of clay slip mixed with plant ash and silicate during firing in the
cross-draught kiln with temperatures around 1,200–1,300 degree Celsius (Hein 2001). The evidence of
these processes is supported by a large number of cross-draught kilns discovered in Ko Noi and Pa
Yang village of Si Satchanalai kiln on the riverbank of the Yom River (Nithiarchakul, Rattanawong
2022,73-82).

FUNCTIONS AND ROLES OF FIGURES
Functions of figurines from literature review
Generally, the manufacturing purposes of figurines produced at Si Satchanalai kiln can be reviewed as
follows:
i.

Beliefs and religions: especially the ceramic figurines in the form of a Sukhothai style
Buddha image in various postures, Ganesha (a deity in Hinduism influenced from Khmer
Empire), a man riding a swan and Norasingh (the man with the lion head in Hinduism
influenced from Khmer Empire) were produced related to this cultural aspect. These
figurines also represented the Buddhism and Hinduism in Sukhothai Kingdom associated
the both religious temples around the capital (Vudhaditya 1984,78-89).

Some utensils were built in the same form of figurines or attached by sculpted figurines, especially
an incense burner, kendi in the form of a deity riding on a swan, water dropper in the form of a man
holding a jar or other animal, and a candle holder in the form of a cup or a basin attaching on the
back of various kinds of animal. The incense burners, kendis, water droppers and candle holders
can be considered to be the utensils used in religious activities, such as pouring a scared water or
burning a candle in front of Buddha image (Sukkham 2016).
Additionally, most common characteristic of figurines discovered from excavation is the figurines
in the forms of a man or a woman with headless which was referred to the intention of the figurine
head as a ritual practise for protecting from the sickness or bad spirits (Vudhaditya 1984). Some
scholars also believed that this form of headless figurine was accidentally broken in the
archaeological deposit because the part of figurine neck was softer than other parts (Sukkham
2016).
ii.

iii.

Household items: some other cultural aspects may occur in the figurines, such as the
figurines in the form of a man carrying a container on his head (Suzata and Srisuchat et al
2022, 290), a humpbacked elder carrying a jar by one hand beside the body as seen in the
museum collection of Ramkhamhang National Museum in Sukhothai (Suzata and Srisuchat
et al 2022,306).
Playing equipment: the figurines can be used as toys or games for children. A piece of
ceramic chess glazed by the white and brown color (Ram Khamhang National Museum
exhibition) has been unearthed during an excavation at Si-Satchanalai old palace.

Function of figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck
The figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck can be considered as bespoke or on-demand manufacture. A
lot of Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai ceramics were found in many shipwrecks sank around Southeast
6

�Asia. For example, the Turiang shipwreck sank near the coast of Malaysia there are approximately
3,735 of 6,475 ceramics identified to be Siamese ceramics included Sukhothai, Si Satchanalai, and
Suphan Buri or also-called Bang Poon ceramics associated with Chinese and Vietnamese ceramics
dated cal. 1305–1435 CE (Sjostrand 2001,101). Similarly, Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai ceramics have
also been found in the shipwrecks sank in the Philippines waters, notable on the Pandanan, the Lena
Shoal and Santa Cruz dated in the mid-fifteenth to early sixteenth centuries (Orillaneda 2016,85-88),
and the San Isidro and the Kanduli dated in the sixteenth century (Orillaneda 2021).
The excavation at Calatagan peninsula, Batangas province, Luzon Island in the Philippines revealed the
Si Satchanalai jarlets in Calatagan burial site dated in the fifteenth century (Fox 1959,355). Moreover,
the figurines in the form of an elephant were found in Sulawesi, Sumatra, and Kalimantan, Indonesia
dated to the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries (Kerdpanyawat 1987,32). While fragments of glazed
figurines in the form of an elephant were recovered from the Brunei shipwreck, dated late fifteenth to
the early sixteenth centuries (Maidin 2017,173).
A man figurine found in the Klang Aow is likely a Chinese man carrying a poultry. This style was
possibly influenced from Chinese’s zodiac god figurines discovered in the Ming tomb, where the
figurine in the form of Chinese man carrying a cock was found (The Barakat Gallery 2013,118) (Fig
3).
Based on the characteristics of this figurine that has the hollow body, holes at the top of man and poultry
heads, it can be indicated that the function of this figurine was the water dropper for pouring a sacred
water.
In Vietnam, there are the blue-and-white figurines with 28 centimetre height have been found. It
illustrated the man sitting on knees and holding the vessel dated to the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries
(Stevenson and Guy 1997,369). Other small blue-and-white figurines originated from kiln site in
Vietnam was to be a rabbit or a frog with 3-4 centimetre height and 4-5 centimetre length. In the middle
of figurine body has punched holes around 0.7-1 centimetre diameter. These Vietnamese figurines can
be identified as a water dropper. The dating and function were related to the figurines found in the Klang
Aow.
The figurines in the form of a women carrying a cup on her shoulder, an elephant with a howdah on its
back (Chongkol 1999,91) and a horse with a cup on its back (Watcharangkul 2002,129) (Figs 2, 3) show
the traces of use that are probably functioned as a candle holder for using in the religious activity in the
households or temples. All of them were attached a small cup that used to hold the candle.
The figurines used as a candle holder or an incense burner previously appeared in Chinese ceramic
figurines since Western Jin Dynasty (fifth to sixth centuries). This represented by sacred animals with
some forms of vessel on their back (Valenstein 1989,52). There are some figurines from Si Satchanalai
kiln were produced in the Chinese stylistics, such as a Chinese wearing officer hat, dressing the Chinese
monk outfit (Sukkham 2016). These characteristics also appeared on the figurines found in the Klang
Aow especially the appearances, postures, and outfits that can be considered to be Chinese style.
According to this reason, figurine production at Si Satchanalai kiln has also been influenced by the
Chinese craftsmanship.
The duplication can also be seen on animal figurines in the form of a swan and an elephant from the
Klang Aow (Figs 3). Those were indicated the mass production of these forms of figurine. Additionally,
the animal figurines were formed as various kinds of animal in mass production scale, such as quail,
7

�ox, cow and monkey, for example, which discovered from archaeological sites and were transferred to
display at the national museums around Thailand. Undoubtedly, they were recognised as a indigenous
or domesticated animals, (Suzata and Srisuchat et al. 2022,301-304). Although these forms of figurine
are commonly found especially in the terrestrial sites around central Thailand, they are found in small
amount from the shipwrecks around Southeast Asia. According to the quantity in shipwreck context,
these forms of figurine are probably gifts, souvenirs, or collectibles for their consumers at the ports of
call or destination.
Commercial role of figurines from Klang Aow shipwreck
Since the fourteenth century the Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai ceramic trade was incorporated with
Ayutthaya Kingdom. According to Ayutthaya historical records mentioned that the trade and diplomacy
with other country were managed by Ayutthaya royal court. The trades in South China Sea and even
Southeast Asian waters had directly manipulated by Chinese merchants and diplomats who were
probably conducted a close connection with the Ayutthaya royal court under the Chinese-Ayutthaya
tributary trade system (Kasetsiri 2002,42-43).
According to the ban on the international trade in Early Ming Dynasty, many Chinese merchant junks
active in the South China Sea stuck and smuggled in Southeast Asia. Some Chinese immigrants who
stayed in Ayutthaya had received a job opportunity for high-ranked officers worked in Ayutthaya royal
court. In the Ryukyu Kingdom, a trade archive named “Rekidai Hoan” (precious documents of
successive generations) recorded that one of the royal letters mentioned the correspondence between
Ayutthaya and Ryukyu was written in Chinese language by an overseas Chinese who stayed in
Ayutthaya (Ichii and Yoshikawa 1999,42).
Before the Ming ban, most of the Southeast Asian states consumed the ceramics from China for a long
period of history. During the late fourteenth to the mid-fifteenth centuries, the Chinese ceramics were
deemed for domestic market only. This was an important opportunity for the Sukhothai, Si Satchanalai,
Vietnamese, and Burmese ceramics. It raised their supply to maritime trade routes in Southeast Asian
market. The ceramics from Sukhothai, Si Satchanalai and others were acquired by those Chinese
merchants because they knew well about market demands. Other reason is the Sukhothai and Si
Satchanalai ceramic form and decoration had influence from Chinese and Vietnamese ceramic
productions. The Ming Dynasty removed the ban for international trade and the Chinese ceramics were
returned to Southeast Asian market from mid-fifteenth century onwards. Then, new forms and
decorations of Si Satchanalai ceramics were created during the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries, such as
the two-colour glazed wares, architectural ornaments, and especially the figurines.

CONCLUSION
The shipwreck contexts ceramic characteristics and quantity of the figurines from Klang Aow
shipwreck demonstrated a context of figurines originated from Si Satchanalai kiln during the fifteenth
to sixteenth centuries
The AMS date result from the fourteenth to fifteenth century of the shipwreck suggested the dating of
figurines between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. This also represented the cultural pattern on
ceramic trade during this time. There was the mixed cargo between Chinese, Vietnamese, Maenam Noi
or Singburi, Sukhothai and Si Satchanalai. Ceramics were spread around the South China Sea and the
8

�Islands of Southeast Asia. This is supported by several types of evidence, especially the ceramics
recovered from both shipwrecks and terrestrial sites.
According to the identification result of the sources of influence and functions for figurines found from
the Klang Aow, it can be suggested that the figurines were used as the utensils and household appliances
for some ritual practises. They were also considered that the Chinese and Vietnamese figurines were
the sources of influence for Si Satchanalai figurine production and remarked that the figurine production
was a new creation became a mass production to compete with the return of Ming ceramics to Southeast
Asian market.

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                <text>Si Satchanalai Ceramic Figurines from Klang Aow Shipwreck, Thailand: ideas,&#13;
Functions and Their Roles</text>
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                <text>Amongst the most remarkable commodities of Thailand on the maritime trade routes during the fourteenth to the&#13;
seventeenth centuries was Thai ceramics “Sangkhalok” (the ceramics characterised by green glazed, brown&#13;
glazed, and underglaze black stoneware produced from Si Satchanalai and Sukhothai kilns). They were made in&#13;
various shape, such as bowl, jar, plate and figurines. They are marked as one of the significant products found&#13;
from shipwrecks around Thai waters. The figurines were originated from Pa Yang kilns as one group of kiln at&#13;
the Si Satchanalai kiln complex; as it was also a dependency under the Sukhothai Kingdom (1238–1438) where&#13;
the people made ceramics by local materials and applied local wisdoms and handicraft skills to the ceramics. The&#13;
research materials for this paper focused on the 80 Si Satchanalai figurines recovered from the Klang Aow&#13;
shipwreck. The shipwreck date (cal. 1305–1420 CE) is based on the Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) result&#13;
of a small bamboo sample stuck on the body of Si Satchanalai green glazed small bottle. This paper aims to find&#13;
out what was the manufacture purpose of these figurines, as they played a major role in Southeast Asian and East&#13;
Asian maritime trade networks during the fourteenth to the fifteenth centuries? The result indicates these figurines&#13;
were created at the Pa Yang village of Si Satchanalai kiln in Sukhothai province during the late fifteenth to the&#13;
sixteenth centuries, to meet the demand for religious activities and toys in folk theatre.&#13;
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                <text>Khongkamon Rattapat</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6280">
                <text>Rattapat, Khongkamon. “Si Satchanalai Ceramic Figurines from Klang Aow Shipwreck, Thailand: ideas, Functions and Their Roles. 2023.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Atthasit Sukkham. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1938 </text>
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                    <text>A Study on the Production Sites of Potteries Excavated from Twelfth to Thirteenth
Century Korean Shipwrecks
Dr. Jong-Kuk Shin (Exhibition &amp; Education Division Section Head, NRIMCH)

ABSTRACT
On the south-western coast of Korea lie 12 shipwrecks of the Goryeo Dynasty (tenth to fourteenth centuries). So
far, among recovered artifacts from shipwrecks, less attention was given to pottery, than wooden tablets. Our
research on pottery shows that different production techniques and features are distinctive by region. We expect
this to indicate ports of departure, call, and shipment. The production site was assumed by patterns of dark-brown
glazed pottery, which has distinctive techniques and features among the Goryeo pottery recovered from
shipwrecks. Possible imports from various regions were analysed, considering their provenience.
Ports of call have been usually presumed by production sites like celadon cargo indicated on wooden
tablets. Among five shipwrecks, three namely the Wando, Taean, and Mado no.1, suggest the same ports of
departure from previous analysis on celadons and wooden tablets. Port of departure for Mado no. 2 shipwreck is
argued to be Haenam, which is located roughly 100 kilometres to the south from the port of shipment stated on the
wooden tablets. Also, dark-brown glazed pottery, only one of which was discovered from Mado no.3, is assumed
to have been loaded when it was transferring and navigating near Haenam.
Keywords: shipwreck, pottery, production site, port of departure
List of Tables and Figures
Table 1 Excavation status of pottery recovered from Goryeo shipwrecks in Korea
Table 2 Dark-brown colored glazed pottery recovered from shipwrecks.
Figure 1 Underwater excavation sites of Korea.
Figure 2 Restoration of Mado no. 3 cargo
Figure 3 Various forms, sizes and decoration of storage jars from the Wando and Mado no. 3 shipwrecks
Figure 4 Kiln sites of dark-brown glazed pottery in the Goryeo Dynasty

INTRODUCTION
So far, roughly 100,000 artifacts and 16 shipwrecks have been discovered. Ninety-five per cent of the
former are potteries. After the mid-2000s, at Taean waters of Yellow Sea in Korea, were excavated four
shipwrecks of the Medieval period (Goryeo Dynasty; twelfth to thirteenth centuries). In these more than
100 potteries in good condition were discovered, which raised the necessity of their research. In the case
of cargo vessels from the twelfth to thirteenth centuries in Korea, pottery was used either in daily-life
activities on shipboard, containers for transporting foods in cargos, or carrying other products. Also, the
possibility that pottery from various regions were loaded by their usage and how to operate vessels was
raised. For example, one shipwreck contains a variety of pottery with diverse production techniques and
shapes. Thus, information relevant to the navigation of the vessels, such as port of departure, shipment,
and call, can be assumed. Usage of pottery can be divided by excavation contexts. Incoming routes of
pottery can be traced based on production sites of pottery with similar techniques and shapes.
The methods used to identify pottery production sites from shipwreck cargo:
1. After classifying pottery by production techniques and shapes, potteries are divided by
distinctive features
2. Excavation patterns of pottery from land sites (production and consumption sites) and its
production sites are entered into a database of Goryeo pottery of NRIMCH
3. When compared to previous studies on wooden tablets, porcelain, etc., new suggestions can be
deduced from ports of departure or shipment by the result of cargo pottery production sites.

1

�Figure 1 Underwater excavation sites of Korea.

2

F
i
g
u

�STATUS OF EXCAVATION AND SHIPMENT OF GORYEO POTTERY
A total of 189 pottery pieces were excavated from the shipwrecks. With the exception of Daebudo and
Talido shipwrecks, which contain none. The quantity varies by shipwreck, from five to 54 pieces; for
those with less than 10 pieces we consider the possibility of loss. Also, kitchenware is not included in
the context, as it should be considered with metalware. While jar types, used as a storage, are focused
with distribution and loading categories. The following table summarizes cargo pottery quantity and
type (Table 1).
Table 1 Excavation status of pottery recovered from Goryeo shipwrecks in Korea
Storage Ware (jar)
Shipwreck
Sibidongpado

Small
(&lt;6 L)
1

Medium
(7–25 L)
2

Wando

15

6

Taean

2

6

Daebudo no. 2

1

5

Mado no. 1

9

24

1

Mado no. 2

7

13

2

Mado no. 3

4

37

Anjwa
subtotal
Total

Large
(30-60 L)

Tableware
XLarge
(&gt;100 L)
1

Plate

Bowl

Cookware
Bottle

Steamer

1

1

1

3
15

4

2

1

etc.

Total

6

1

Pot; 6

29

1

Water
jar; 1

10

1

1

11

2

1

54

1

1

24

4

50

5
39

5

98

7

5

16

149 (78.8%)

2
27 (14.2%)

9

6

7

6 (3.1%)

7
(3.7%
)

189

The Sibidongpado and Anjwado shipwrecks, which contain less than five pottery jars, indicate artifacts
loss. Aside, the Taean, Daebudo no. 2, and the Mado no. 4 contain approximately 10 pieces. The
Daebudo no. 2 has eight pieces of 200 litres jars, very large jars for a small craft, it has enough room for
loading foods for shipboard. However, the facts that only four external planks of the Taean were
identified showing severe losses, with eight pieces of 100 litres jars, we argue most were lost.

Figure 2. Restoration of Mado no. 3 cargo

The Wando and the Mado nos. 1, 2, and 3 have more than 20 jars, which raises the possibility of food
cargo storage transport. On the one hand, Wando cargo had 15 small jars, of those only six were used
to transport ingredients so, 9 are considered shipboard use. On the other hand, Mado nos. 1, 2, and 3 had
jars for transport and shipboard. Ten medium-sized jars were found, which is too much only for foods.
On the Mado no. 3 the cargo wooden tablets indicate 26 jars were for food storage transport. In summary,
based on the number of jars, their capacity, and provenience: (1) pottery from the Wando, Taean, and
3

�the Daebudo no. 2 were for shipboard life, (2) pottery from the Mado nos. 1, 2, and 3 were for both
shipboard life and food transport.
How potteries were loaded can be seen on the Taean and the Mado no. 3. It is well-preserved and has
50 pieces of pottery. Figure 2 loaded hypothesis based on restoration of Mado no. 3 cargo provenience.
In the Mado no. 3, which has the largest number of pottery ~ 30 pieces for food storage transport, at the
third room of stem was space for stacking up cargos pottery. We do not see this example elsewhere.
Where they are loaded is 60 centimetre wide, partitioned by Garyongmok (planks used for supporting
side planks and dividing partitions scarfed with one external plank) on the bottom part, which connects
external planks and bridging planks. In Figure 2 we see the 19 jars. In the sixth room were found five
wooden tablets, two bamboo boxes and four pieces of pottery, which indicates cargo for food storage
transport. We also noted a double-sided jar in the second room, which has likely moved from its original
stack. This adds up to 24 cargo potteries. Near the stone hearth in the third room are 13 jars: three bottles,
and one plate. Twenty pieces of celadon and the bronze tableware, along with an iron pot indicates the
likelihood that shipboard goods were stacked near the hearth. We remain unsure of the use for a jar
found between loading areas and shipboard goods. Potteries assumed to be used for food storage
transport are sealed strongly with herbaceous materials and alongside bamboo tablets, number 3 out of
7 jars. The jars nos. 47 and 48 have 31 and 34 litres of capacity, respectively. This is quite large for food
storage transport. However, raw abalone or pickled abalone should not have been too heavy to carry for
an adult. Yet, jar no. 49 next to no. 48, has capacity of more than 50 litres, it is comparatively large.
This exception is hypothesized to have stored drinking water. In summary, our records indicate the Mado
no.3 had wooden tablets in close provenience to 31 jars for food storage transport, along with 19 jars for
shipboard life, which included 14 jar types and five bottles, plates and tableware. We hypothesize the
Mado no. 3 stacked shipboard jars near the hearth at the centre room; whereas the third room, and those
jars for storage transport stacked at the stem of centre room and the stern, while the sixth room indicates
similar features.

FEATURES AND PRODUCTION SITES OF DARK-BROWN GLAZED POTTERY
One-hundred eighty-nine tableware and cookware artifacts were recovered from the Goryeo shipwrecks
of Korea, of which 149 are jar. This 80 per cent jar indicates their likely use for food storage transport
for the crew members. The forms and decorations of pottery recovered from shipwrecks, especially the
jar characteristics are glaze/no glaze, various in sizes from small to large, round- and tall-shaped, and
several forms of the mouth, mouth rim and the neck. Thus, production techniques are diverse. Many
different styles can be loaded along different routes, despite being recovered from the same shipwreck.
We suspect pottery used for shipboard life were generally produced near the port of origin, while those
for food storage transport stayed local to the port of departure. If pottery for storage and shipboard were
loaded from the port of call then jar forms and decoration can indicate strong hypotheses for the port of
departure or call.

4

�Figure 3 Various forms, sizes and decoration of storage jars from the Wando and Mado no. 3 shipwrecks

Pottery form and decoration are used to identify the pottery production sites. Pottery with dark-brown
glaze recovered from the Wando, Taean, and the Mado nos. 1, 2, and 3, which includes ~ 100 show the
complete condition of form and glaze and are identified according to unique glazing method and
characteristics. Most consist of everted mount and a sharp ridge at the neck that made the mouth look
like a tray. It is also a heavier jar. Table 2 shows that 60 per cent of dark-brown glazed jars excavated
from five shipwrecks.
Table 2 Dark-brown glazed potteries able to identify the production sites.
Shipwreck
(date)

Jar

Plate

Wando (early 12th c.)

Tall
jar
5

Hemisphere
jar
15

Taean (mid-12th c.)

1

3

Mado no. 1 (early 13th c.)

1

28

3

Mado no. 2 (early 13th c.)

2

10

2

th

Mado no. 3 (mid-13 c.)
Total

Bowl

Bottle

Sphere
jar

Large
Bowl

Total
(total pieces)

6

26(29)
4(10)

15

2

1

50(54)
14(22)

1
9

57

1(50)
5

15

2

1

6

9 5 (16 5 )

In order to identify the production sites of dark-brown glazed pottery we compared pottery excavated
from the shipwrecks and pottery excavation from terrestrial production and consumption sites.
According to most recent 930 terrestrial excavation sites dated in the Goryeo Dynasty, we conclude
eight sites produced dark-brown glazed pottery comparable with the potteries recovered from the
shipwrecks (Fig. 4).
i. Kiln Jinsan-ri, Haenam (excavated in 1991, 2018, 2021): In 1991 excavation dark-brown glazed
pottery found in large number in the kiln’s waste layer no. 17. This was confirmed again in the 2021
excavation.

5

�Figure 4 Kiln sites of dark-brown glazed pottery in the Goryeo Dynasty

ii. Wolchul Mountain, Yeongam (1994): Located 30 kilometres from Jinsan-ri, Haenam kiln site. The
summit of Wolchul Mountain was used for ritual ceremonies. Dark-brown glazed hemisphere jars were
used for consumption and imported from Haenam.
iii. Yongjang Fortress, Jindo (2012): In the 2012 excavation a medium-sized hemisphere jar was
discovered near the cornerstone of the centre of a fortress. It is a typical dark-brown glazed pottery
similar to a hemisphere jar found in the Mado nos. 1 and 2. A fortress is assumed to be built in the
middle of thirteenth century. Except for this case, two or three pieces of mouth rim on the dark-brown
glazed potteries were discovered during the survey on the fortress in 1989. According to the distance, it
6

�can be interpreted that they were possibly imported through the maritime routes to Yongjang Fortress,
Jindo as one of the consumption sites of pottery in Haenam.
iv. Gwangju Town Wall (2006-2007): A hemisphere jar was found at the foundation for the pillar of
Goryeo town wall. The jar was originated from Haenam. This jar with dark-brown glaze was the first
discovery had ever been excavated on this site. This jar and its context suggest that the jar was possibly
used in some ritual practises after importing through land or maritime routes during food transportation
from Haenam.
v. Osik Island, Gunsan (2016): The site is discovered near the mouth of Geum River on the Osik Island
surrounded by dwellings with ondol1. Based on its location, there was the strategic point of maritime
routes and also assumed to be used as a temporary residence for sailors. A dark-brown glazed
hemisphere jar was discovered inside the fourth dwelling hypothesized to have been imported from the
mouth of Yeongsan River in Haenam.
vi. Stone Chamber Tomb in Neungnae-ri, Ganghwa (2006-2007): The site was a tomb for the first half
of the thirteenth century queen. A jar was placed on the northern side of the tomb. The jar is a darkbrown glazed hemisphere similar to the jars found from the Mado nos. 1 and 2. Other three jars buried
in the tomb were unglazed hemisphere jars. These jars were used as food storage at the castle, imported
through maritime routes to the temporary capital of Ganghwa Island and later recycled as tomb offerings.
vii. Yongjeong-ri, Ganghwa Island (2013-2017): During the construction of national highway through
east-west on northern Ganghwa Island, there are 37 features of Goryeo Dynasty, for example two
buildings and three wells were found at Yongjeong-ri. There are two dark-brown glazed hemisphere jars
in wells nos. 1 and 2. As they are only two jars of a hundred potteries, they are believed to be imported
jars from Haenam as food storage from maritime routes, similarly to the Stone Chamber Tomb in
Neungnae-ri.
viii. Bonghwang-dong, Gimhae: At Geumju near Bonghwang-dong during the Goryeo Dynasty, there
was a port city in continued use since the Three Kingdoms period (220 to 280 CE). Gimhae is where the
Goryeo Dynasty’s castle was located, it consisted of one dwelling and four buildings. At the dwelling
was discovered a dark-brown glazed hemisphere 25-litre jar (large-sized capacity). These two
hemisphere jars were similar to the jars recovered from the Mado nos. 1 and 2. More pottery were found
near the two castle jars but they were all unglazed. Based on this context, these two jars were considered
a special craft of the site and were imported for food storage transport through the maritime routes,
similarly to the Stone Chamber Tomb in Neungnae-ri.
So far, only kiln sites in Jinsan-ri, Sani-myeon, and Haenam-gun in the southwestern region of Korean
peninsula, among other 77 pottery kilns of Goryeo Dynasty in South Korea, were identified to be the
kilns for producing the dark-brown glazed potteries. In the waste layer near celadon producing kilns in
Jinsan-ri, there was discovered a number of those within this layer. Dark-brown jars were produced to
supply the Wando and the Mado no. 1 shipwrecks via Haenam. The production site of potteries for the
Wando shipwreck is the Jinsan-ri kilns. Mado no. 1 shipwreck potteries were associated with nine of 15
wooden tablets from Juksan-hyeon, near Jinsan-ri kiln.
Other archaeological evidence of dark-brown glazed jars indicates they were produced and supplied
from Haenam and imported for goods transportation. At the ritual sites on the Wolchul Mountain,
located 30 kilometres from Jinsan-ri kiln and Yongjang Fortress in Jindo, there were +10 glazed jars
and sherds. It can be deduced that both sites are possibly the consumption sites of potteries produced in
Jinsan-ri and imported via land and maritime routes. Additionally, one or two pieces of glazed
hemisphere jars were found from Osik Island of Gunsan, Stone Chamber Tomb in Neungnae-ri of
1

Underfloor heating system

7

�Ganghwa, Yongjeong-ri, Bonghwang-dong of Gimhae, and Gwangju Town Wall. All similar in size,
forms and decoration to jars found on the Mado no. 1 shipwreck. Moreover, we hypothesize the jars
were loaded on Mado no.1 as seafood transport from Haenam via maritime routes to each destination,
the jars were later reused in ritual practise or daily-life.

PORTS OF DEPATURE, SHIPMENT AND CALL OF DARK-BROWN GLAZED JARS
Among five shipwrecks where the dark-brown glazed jars were discovered, most of jars from the Wando
and the Mado no. 1 shipwreck were originated from the port of Haenam. The Taean, and Mado nos. 2
and 3 shipwrecks show different patterns. Four of eight jars from the Taean and six of 20 jars from the
Mado no. 2 are unglazed. One of 45 jars from the Mado no. 3 is dark-brown glazed jar. The wooden
tablets indicate the Taean carried the potteries of Tamjin-hyeon (currently Gangjin-gun), the Mado no.
2 carried the grains and the foods of Musong, Jangsa, Gochang and Gobu-gun (currently Gochang and
Jeongeup-si), and the Mado no. 3 carried the foods from the northern and eastern regions including
Yeosu-hyeon (Yeosu-si).
According to recovered location and condition, there is a seal made of herbaceous material on the darkbrown glazed jars found on the Mado no. 3. This evidence suggests the jars were used as a container for
food transportation. The jars found on the Mado no. 3 also different in form and production technique
from other jars, features of which represent jars loaded from some ports near Haenam.
Taean jars were likely for shipboard life. The jars on this shipwreck were possibly originated from the
port of Tamjin. In fact, similar jars were discovered at the Samheung-ri kiln, Gangjin. This suggests the
Taean home port was either Gangjin or Haenam. Perhaps it carried typical celadon a regional kiln
production.
Even though the port of departure or shipment of the Mado no. 2 were Gochang and Jeongeup. Around
60 per cent of pottery are glazed-pottery originated from Haenam. As mentioned above, the potteries
found in the shipwrecks can be divided into two different functions: Cargo and shipboard. Based on two
pieces of wooden tablets for foods found on the Mado no. 2, there are at least two jars originated from
the ports of Gochang and Jeongeup. In the Mado no. 2, four medium-sized (7-25 litres) unglazed jars
were presumed for food storage transportation. One of them was recovered near the wooden tablet for
foods. The kilns that produced unglazed potteries in the Goryeo Dynasty, such as Gyoun-ri kiln in
Gochang and Bugok-ri kiln, indicate the localized technology for potteries production. Unlike the
porcelain, the pottery in this period dedicated to short distant distribution and unglazed potteries
probably produced from Gochang Mountain.
In that case, why are potteries for shipboard life usually the dark-brown glazed potteries from Haenam?
Based on the home port of Mado no. 2, Gomso bay in Gochang and unglazed potteries were possibly
used as pottery for shipboard life. The potteries for shipboard life that originated from Haenam suggest
that vessel was assigned to transport cargos or it was possibly originated from the home port in Haenam.
The assumption that home port of the Mado no. 2 was Haenam. Wooden tablets indicate the Mado nos.
1 and 2, both showed almost the same hull structures. Seven of bottom planks were connected in the
almost the same way: trimmed timbers used for bottom part and trimming the planks with curved face
of log as the bottom planks and external planks. However, Daebudo no. 2, constructed from the second
half of the twelfth to the first half of thirteenth centuries, is similar to the Mado nos. 1 and 2 but the
connection methods of trimming timbers were fairly different, such as using L-shaped
Mangogjongtongjae (curved longitudinal knee) on the connected part of bottom and other externals.

8

�CONCLUSION
In Korea the cargo that has received the most attention from archaeologists are the wooden tablets, less
so the pottery. This paper demonstrates that pottery can be analysed and interpreted for information,
such as the identification for the ports of departure, call, and shipment. Based on the context of darkbrown glazed potteries from terrestrial archaeology excavation, the pottery kilns can be identified and
used in comparative analyse with shipwrecks pottery cargo.
Generally, the shipwrecks’ ports of departure were identified by celadon or green glazed pottery kilns,
that usually include wooden tablets. This research further supports these conclusions. In addition, the
Wando, Taean, and the Mado no. 1 were from the same port of departure. The Mado no. 2 port of
departure was likely Haenam, located 100 kilometres south of the shipping address written on the
wooden tablets. Similarly, the Mado no. 3 had single dark-brown glazed jars that indicates the jar was
loaded from some port near Haenam.
These results could likely change in future as more archaeological evidence is available. This study
places emphasis on the interdisciplinary analysis of tandem cargo artifacts as a holistic approach to the
reconstruction of maritime transportation in Medieval Korea.

Bibliography
Bureau of Cultural Property. Wando Underwater Artifacts. Seoul: Samhwa Printing, 1985 (In Korean).
National Maritime Museum. The Underwater Excavation of the Sea off Sibidongpado, Gunsan. Mokpo: National Maritime
Museum, 2005 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Treasure Ship-submarine Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2009 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 1 Underwater Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2010 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 2 Underwater Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2011 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 3 Underwater Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2012 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Ansan Daebudo Shipwreck No. 2 Underwater Excavation. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2016 (In Korean).
Shin, Jongkuk. “The Characteristics of Shipwrecks in the Goryeo Period and the Study on Artifacts Recovered from Them”
PhD diss. Kongju National University, 2020. (In Korean)

9

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far, among recovered artifacts from shipwrecks, less attention was given to pottery, than wooden tablets. Our&#13;
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this to indicate ports of departure, call, and shipment. The production site was assumed by patterns of dark-brown&#13;
glazed pottery, which has distinctive techniques and features among the Goryeo pottery recovered from&#13;
shipwrecks. Possible imports from various regions were analysed, considering their provenience.&#13;
Ports of call have been usually presumed by production sites like celadon cargo indicated on wooden&#13;
tablets. Among five shipwrecks, three namely the Wando, Taean, and Mado no.1, suggest the same ports of&#13;
departure from previous analysis on celadons and wooden tablets. Port of departure for Mado no. 2 shipwreck is&#13;
argued to be Haenam, which is located roughly 100 kilometres to the south from the port of shipment stated on the&#13;
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                    <text>Trading Ceramics: The Findings from the Shipwrecks along the Coast of Vietnam
Hoang Anh Tuan (History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City, hoanganhtuan.btls@gmail.com)

ABSTRACT
The overland ‘Silk Road’ has served as the main conduit for the exchange of goods and culture between China,
Southeast Asia, and the West since the Han Dynasty. Its primary role has been diminished due to the establishment of
sea routes by the Tang Dynasty, thus Guangzhou (China) became one of the main gateways for maritime trade with
Southeast Asia and the West.
Southeast Asia is strategically situated at the passage of the maritime trade route, connecting the East and the West. It
has thus been known to be an area rich in precious metals, and luxury products such as pearls, rhino horn, tortoiseshells
and spices since ancient times. In addition, it is also used as an entrepôt complex on the maritime route between the
East and the West.
With a particularly favourable geographical situation, Vietnam's waters play a particularly important role in the
‘Maritime Silk Road’.
Over the past three decades, dozens of ancient shipwrecks have been discovered related to the ‘Maritime Silk Road’
in Vietnam's territorial waters. Those shipwrecks are evidence of the ceramics trade, which may have taken place for
centuries along the coasts of Vietnam.
This paper deals with the ceramic collections discovered on one of the shipwrecks in Vietnam's territorial waters, being
housed at the History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City. It is dated from the ninth to nineteenth centuries. It may
demonstrate the process of economic and cultural exchange from the East to the West at that time.
Keywords: shipwreck, ancient ceramics, maritime silk road, Vietnam's territorial waters.

List of Figures
Figure 1 Chinese ceramics dated in Kangxi reign around the seventeenth century from Hòn Cau Island shipwreck
preserved in the Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History.
Figure 2 Sawankhalok ceramics dated in the sixteenth century from the Hòn Dầm Island shipwreck preserved in the
Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History.
Figure 3 Chu Dau ceramics dated in the fifteenth century from the Cham Island shipwreck preserved in the Ho Chi
Minh City Museum of History.
Figure 4 Chinese ceramics dated in Yongzheng reign around the eighteenth century from Cà Mau shipwreck
preserved in the Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History.
Figure 5 Chinese ceramics dated in the Late Ming Dynasty around the seventeenth century from Bình Thuận
shipwreck preserved in Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History.
Figure 6 Chinese ceramics dated in the Tang Dynasty around the ninth century from waters of Southern Vietnam
preserved in Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History.

1

�INTRODUCTION
Chinese ceramics during the Kangxi reign of Qing Dynasty dated in 1690, from Hòn Cau Island
shipwreck, Vũng Tàu-Côn Đảo province
In 1990, a wreck measured 32.71 metre length with 9 metre width was discovered at a depth of 40 metres
below the sea surface, buried in sand 1 metres deep, located in the Cau Island area (Hòn Cau in Vietnamese),
Côn Đảo district; coordinates at N8°38’15” latitude, E108°48’50” longitude. The excavation was conducted
under the cooperation of Vietnam Salvage Joint Stock Company (henceforth Visal), with the multi-nations
of underwater archaeologists and divers from Canada, the US and the UK. More than 60,000 artefacts have
been recovered, most of which are Chinese ceramics, possibly destined for the European market, produced
from Chinese kilns such as Jingdezhen (Jiangxi province), Shantou and Dehua (Fujian province). Along
with the copper coins, two Chinese inksticks “墨” (Mò) marked with the characters “庚午” (GengWu)
were found, suggesting that the ship was built in the Kangxi reign of the Qing dynasty around 1690.
Besides the Chinese style items, European style objects were also found on the wreck, possibly porcelain
ordered from Chinese kilns. Their shape is a testament to their technical and artistic flair making them
admired all over the world.
The Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History has received from the Ministry of Culture and Sports 229
artefacts including the vases, jars, pen tubes, cups, plates, and the small statues.

Figure 1 Chinese ceramics dated in Kangxi reign around the seventeenth century from Hòn Cau Island shipwreck preserved in the
Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History. Left - Vase BTLS 10045, blue and white, MD: 12.6 cm, H: 21.5cm. Right - Dish BTLS
10.136, blue and white, MD: 12.9cm, H: 3.0cm.

Thai ceramics dated to the sixteenth century, from Hòn Dầm Island shipwreck, Kiên Giang province
The wreck was found at a depth of 10 metres below the sea surface, 5 kilometres far from the shore of Dầm
Island (Hòn Dầm in Vietnamese), Phú Quốc district, Kiên Giang province; coordinates at N9°59’00”
latitude and E104°02’00” longitude. The size of the shipwreck is nearly 30 metre length and 7 metre width,
divided into several bulkheads with a width of 1.8 metres each. More than 16,000 ceramics have been found,
mostly the celadon or green glazed, brown glazed, and underglaze black wares produced from Sawankhalok
(or Si Satchanalai) and Sukhothai (Sukhothai province, Thailand) kilns dated to the sixteenth century.
Thai style celadon or green glaze ceramics, also called “Đông Thanh” glaze in Vietnamese; and other
colours such as light grey, blackish brown or yellow, white and grey, included unglazed earthenware
utensils. The shape is mainly small jars, with or without handles, small bowls, plates, and other household
2

�items. Some reflections of the Vietnamese ceramic forms and decorative elements on blue-and-white wares
can be seen in the Thai underglaze black ceramics, specifically the boxes, kendi (known as a container of
Indian derivation using contain liquid with the mouth on the top for filling, neck for handle, and the spout
for pouring), and the covered jars painted black flowers on white slip background. Some other Thai large
celadon bowls also suggest that they had influenced from the Southern Song ceramic (南宋 1127–1279) in
the South China.
Glazed ceramic figurines are prominent among the other types of ceraics found on this shipwreck. They
include the figurines of a mother holding a baby, an elephant with a mahout and warriors protecting the
elephant feet, and other forms of animal, such as a hare with their own details being very vividly embossed.
The Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History owns 218 artefacts, of which nine have been transferred. Types
of artefacts kept by the museum include bowls, plates, covered boxes, jars, pots, elephant figurines, kendi.

Figure 2 Sawankhalok ceramic dated in the sixteenth century from the Hòn Dầm Island shipwreck preserved in the Ho Chi Minh
City Museum of History. Elephant BTLS 30.394, Celadon, MD: 18.5 x 10.7 cm, H: 19.4cm.

Chu Đậu ceramics from a Cham Island shipwreck, Hội An, Quảng Nam province, fifteenth century
The shipwreck was found at a depth of 70 metres below the sea surface, close to the Cham Island area on
coordinates at N16°16’08” latitude and E108° 27' 00” longitude. The excavation was conducted under the
cooperation of the archaeologists from the Vietnam History Museum in Hanoi, Visal, and Saga Horizon
Company (Malaysia) The project was carried out in three years, from 1997-2000 with joint-operations
between the archaeologists from the UK, Malaysia, and Slovakia.
240,000 ceramic items were recovered from a wreck measuring 29.4 metre length with 7.2 metre width,
divided into 19 bulkheads. The ceramic origins are likely Dai Viet, Champa, Thailand, and Chinese.
Ceramics made from kilns in Chu Đậu (Hải Dương province) and Thăng Long (Hanoi) are outstanding in
quantity, style, and type. These kilns are located in the north of Vietnam active in ceramic production since
the late fifteenth century onwards.
Ceramics found in the Cham Island shipwreck are mainly the housewares, containers, and utensils for eating
and drinking. Some designs are served as religious utensils such as incense burner, kendi.
These ceramics represent the development of export ceramics with varieties of decorative techniques
creating a distinct tradition of Vietnamese ceramics.
3

�The Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History currently keeps 4,675 artefacts. 4,366 objects were requested by
the Ministry of Culture and Information and the rest were transferred to the Police Department.

Figure 3 Chu Dau ceramics dated in the fifteenth century from the Cham Island shipwreck preserved in the Ho Chi Minh City
Museum of History. Kendi BTLS 16.956, cobalt blue pattern, DM: 18.6 cm, H: 15.1 cm. Covered boxes Collection of History
Museum.

Chinese ceramics during the Yongzheng reign of Qing dynasty dated to eighteenth century from the
Cà Mau shipwreck, Cà Mau province
An ancient shipwreck was found in the waters of Cà Mau province, coordinates at N7°41’12” latitude and
E105° 29' 18” longitude. The excavation on this shipwreck was cooperated between the National History
Museum in Hanoi, the Cà Mau Provincial Museum and the Visal. The excavation was conducted for two
phases, carried out from August 1998 to January 1999 and from April to October 1999. Although the wreck
is not intact at a depth of 35 metres below the sea surface, the remains suggest the wreck was 24 metre
length and eight metre width.
Nearly 50,000 recovered items are the ceramics including blue-and-white and overglaze enamel by multicoloured painting possibly from Chinese kilns such as the Jingdezhen (Jiangxi) and some kilns in
Guangzhou (Guangdong). Notably, there are some European-style porcelains such as milk bottles, wine
jugs with handles, plates decorated with flowers and a Dutch landscape. Inscriptions on some objects
suggest that they were probably made under the Yongzheng reign (雍正 1723–35) of Qing Dynasty. These
ceramics are thus assumed to be destined for the European market.
Excavations also found items belonging to merchants or sailors such as lamps, pots, boxes, seals, amulets.
Notably, Chinese metal coins of the Qing dynasty are the diagnostic finds to confirm the dating of this
shipwreck.
A total of 1,392 artefacts were transferred to the Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History: blue-and-white and
overglaze enamel wares in the forms of the chalk boxes, bowls, large plates, equestrian statues, baby
figurines, burnt lamps.

4

�Figure 4 Chinese ceramics dated in Yongzheng reign around the eighteenth century from Cà Mau shipwreck preserved in the Ho
Chi Minh City Museum of History. Left - Jarlet BTLS. 22.390, blue and white, DM: 8.3 cm, H: 7.4 cm. Center - Jar with cover
BTLS 22.008, blue and white, DM: 12.5 cm, H: 3.8cm. Right BTLS 22.010- Dish, blue and white, DM: 17 x 10.5cm, H: 3.0cm.

Chinese ceramics dated to the seventeenth century from the Bình Thuận shipwreck, Bình Thuận
province.
In 2001, a shipwreck was discovered at a depth of 40 metres below the sea surface about 65 kilometres from
the coast of Bình Thuận province, at coordinates N10°33’30” latitude, E108°35’55” longitude. The remains
suggest the wreck was a length of 23.4 metres and a width of 7.2 metres. The excavation was conducted
under the cooperation between Visal and the Vietnam History Museum in Hanoi during 2001-2002.
The recovered ceramics were mainly household items such as cups, plates, pots and jars decorated by blueand-white and overglaze enamelling from Chinese kilns such as Shantou (Guangdong province) and
Zhangzhou (Fujian province) dated to the early seventeenth century. The “Zhangzhou ware” or also called
as “Swatow ware” is heavy in weight, poor technical and poor artistic quality compared to the blue-andwhite and overglaze enamelling wares of Jingdezhen kilns in Jiangxi province those probably satisfied the
international markets, such as Southeast Asian and Japanese markets. The Zhangzhou wares are
characterised by the sand stuck on the bottom, which was the placing technique to prevent the glaze from
becoming stuck in a chamber during the firing process in the kiln.
The hypothesis is that the wreck was once property of the Chinese merchant I-Sin-Ho, who went missing at
sea on his way back from Southeast Asia. It is based on a report of the Dutch East India Company
(Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie:VOC) on 21 July 1608 referred to by Dr. Michael Flecker, an
underwater archaeologist who participated in the excavation.
The total numbers of ceramics kept at the History Museum include 117 ceramics, 15 ceramics were
purchased and donated, the rest are transferred by the Police Department, especially the bowls, jars, plates,
and the chalk boxes.

5

�Figure 5 Chinese ceramics dated in the Late Ming Dynasty around the seventeenth century from Bình Thuận shipwreck preserved
in Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History. Left - Covered box BTLS 28.033, blue and white, DM: 10.4cm, H: 6.4cm. Centre Dish BTLS 28.099, blue and White, DM: 26.8 cm, H: 5.2 cm. Right - Dish with overglazed enamels BTLS 23 911, DM: 25.8cm,
H: 5.0 cm.

Other unknown provenances
In 2019 many fishermen have discovered and recovered a lot of white glazed, copper green glazed and
splashed household ceramics from the Chinese kilns of Ding (Hebei province) and Changsha (Hunan
province) even some kiln in Zhejiang province during the Tang dynasty (618–907 AD). These Tang
ceramics were found in the waters of Southern Vietnam between the coast of Vung Tau and Con Dao Island.
Similar ceramics found in these underwater sites were previously found on the Belitung Island shipwreck
in the Java Sea. In 1998, more than 60,000 ceramics and other luxury objects of gold and silver were
recovered. This evidence found from the shipwreck and underwater sites provides the early evidence of
trade linked between China, Southeast Asia and the Middle East.
The Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History currently houses more than 30 ceramics, especially vases, bowls,
plates, cups, and cups with white glazed, copper green and splashed decorations.

Figure 6 Chinese ceramics dated in the Tang Dynasty around the nineteenth century from waters of Southern Vietnam preserved
in Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History. Left - Dish BTLS 35.450, green glazed, DM: 16.1 x 9.9cm, H: 2.1 cm. Centre - Dish BTLS
35.448, white glazed, DM: 14.0, H: 3.2 cm. Right - Bowl BTLS 35.453, DM: 11.8 cm, H: 4.2 cm.

Problems raised in the study of ceramics found on shipwrecks in the East Sea of Vietnam
The discoveries of Chinese, Vietnamese, and Thai ceramics on shipwrecks in the East Sea of Vietnam
among the collection of the Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History represent the important roles along the
maritime trade or called “Maritime Silk Road” originated from China and passed through the maritime route
in the East Sea of Vietnam. The Chinese ceramics of Tang Dynasty found from waters of Southern Vietnam
near the coasts of Vung Tau and Con Dao Island are a most recent discovery suggesting the early period of
international maritime trade between the East and the West.

6

�The ceramic collection also reflects the problems in the study of politics, economy, culture, society and
trade between the East and the West for a long period of history. Economic and cultural exchange through
the art and technologies of ceramic productions, art and trades suggested they were diverse between China,
Vietnam, Thailand, and other Western countries in different periods of time. They also show the important
role of maritime routes and ports in Vietnam along “Maritime Silk Road.”
Based on the discovery and excavation of ceramics from shipwrecks in the East Sea of Vietnam, the
awareness about underwater cultural heritage may actively conduct within a legal perspective and
international cooperation to ensure the protection, conservation and promotion of underwater cultural
heritage is sustainable and bringing the long-termed benefits to the community in Vietnam.

CONCLUSION
This article is an introduction on the collection of ceramics found from the shipwreck context in the East
Sea of Vietnam currently kept at the Ho Chi Minh City Museum of History. The maritime trade of Chinese,
Vietnamese and Thai ceramics demonstrated economic and cultural exchange activities between the East
and the West along the “Maritime Silk Road” especially in the Vietnamese waters from the 8th to the 18th
centuries.

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Asia Society. “Secrets of the sea: a Tang shipwreck and early trade in Asia,” accessed 22 June 2023. https://asiasociety.org/newyork/exhibitions/secrets-sea-tang-shipwreck-and-early-trade-asia.
Boissoneault, Lorraine. “An 800-year-old shipwreck helps archaeologists piece together Asia’s maritime trade.” Smithsonian
Magazine, 17 May 2018. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/science-nature/800-year-old-shipwreck-helps-archaeologistspiece-together-fragments-asias-maritime-trade-180969110/.

8

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                <text>Trading Ceramics: The Findings from the Shipwrecks along the Coast of Vietnam</text>
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                <text>The overland ‘Silk Road’ has served as the main conduit for the exchange of goods and culture between China,&#13;
Southeast Asia, and the West since the Han Dynasty. Its primary role has been diminished due to the establishment of&#13;
sea routes by the Tang Dynasty, thus Guangzhou (China) became one of the main gateways for maritime trade with&#13;
Southeast Asia and the West.&#13;
Southeast Asia is strategically situated at the passage of the maritime trade route, connecting the East and the West. It&#13;
has thus been known to be an area rich in precious metals, and luxury products such as pearls, rhino horn, tortoiseshells&#13;
and spices since ancient times. In addition, it is also used as an entrepôt complex on the maritime route between the&#13;
East and the West.&#13;
With a particularly favourable geographical situation, Vietnam's waters play a particularly important role in the&#13;
‘Maritime Silk Road’.&#13;
Over the past three decades, dozens of ancient shipwrecks have been discovered related to the ‘Maritime Silk Road’&#13;
in Vietnam's territorial waters. Those shipwrecks are evidence of the ceramics trade, which may have taken place for&#13;
centuries along the coasts of Vietnam.&#13;
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                <text>Anh Tuan, Hoang. 2023. “Trading Ceramics: The Findings from the Shipwrecks along the Coast of Vietnam.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Atthasit Sukkham. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1936 </text>
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                    <text>Hoa Lu - The 10th Century Capital of Vietnam - An Abandoned City by the Sea
Dr. Vo Thi Phuong Thuy (Institute of History, Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences)

ABSTRACT
The research aims to understand the impact of sea recession on the rise and fall of the Hoa Lu ancient capital city
of Vietnam during the 10th-11th centuries. This is done by placing the city in its coastal context, which has been
neglected in previous studies. Hoa Lu is currently the core zone of the UNESCO World Heritage Site: Trang An
Landscape Complex, located 92km south of Hanoi. It was only used for 42 years (968-1010 CE) as the capital city
of the Dai Viet Kingdom before the capital was moved to Thang Long (present-day Hanoi). We believe that one
of the main reasons for this move was the sea recession. The available resources for this research include historical
documents; geographical surveys using old maps and LiDAR images; archaeological surveys including surface
ceramic collections and archaeological excavations. The research questions include: How did the sea and its
recession affect the landscape change of the region in the 10 th-11th centuries? How did it influence the water
management system and the plan of the city? How did it affect the economic activities of the city? The results of
the research project will give a more comprehensive understanding of the landscape of the region, including ancient
shorelines located south of the city. The sea recession could be the reason why the 10 th century seaport of Hoa Lu
was abandoned, leading to the capital's move to Thang Long. Although there have been some good results in the
early stages of the project, further research and collaboration with international researchers from various
disciplines are still needed.
Keywords: Hoa Lu, Vietnam urbanism, ancient shorelines
List of Figures
Figure 1 Landscape of the Hoa Lu area
Figure 2 Hoa Lu in relation to the coastline in the 10th century
Figure 3 Location of the sediment hand cores
Figure 4 A comprehensive map of Hoa Lu with the location of 13 th –15th centuries and 10th-century shrines

INTRODUCTION
We have been conducting a research project on the history and marine properties of Hoa Lu for nearly
10 years. Our preliminary research results show that Hoa Lu was located very close to the sea in the 10th
-11th centuries and the sea was an extremely important factor affecting the history of the formation,
development, and decline of the ancient capital. The proximity to the sea may have been one reason why
Hoa Lu was chosen as a military capital and then was abandoned, as the army could move forward and
backwards across the sea quickly and easily. The sea recession, however, made Hoa Lu far from the sea,
and it was no longer easy to enter or escape from Hoa Lu by sea. The proximity to the sea has certainly
influenced the water management system in Hoa Lu. The influence of tides and seawater certainly also
affected the agricultural activities of this area. In addition, the speed of the sea recession in this area has
also affected the reclamation and establishment of villages in this area, not only in the 10th -11th centuries
but until today.
However, the above issues are only our initial observations. Further studies from different aspects, such
as archaeology, geography, and environment, are still needed. This paper will present some preliminary
results in the study of marine factors in Hoa Lu including: The change of the political centre of Hoa Lu
from the 10th to the 13th century, which may partly show the influence of the sea recession on the political
history of the region; Some preliminary information about the ancient shorelines in the south of Hoa Lu;
The ancient shrines in the area of ancient shorelines and the relationship between the chronology of the
shrines and the villages.

1

�Brief historical and geographical context of Hoa Lu
Hoa Lu was the capital of Vietnam from 968 to 1010. It was the first capital of the independent Viet's
kingdom after almost 1000 years of domination by the Han people. After Hoa Lu, the capital was
relocated to Thang Long (present-day Hanoi). Hoa Lu played a pivotal role in Vietnamese history, as it
marked the end of the Han colonisation era and the beginning of an independent era for Dai Viet. During
the 13th century, long after the capital had moved to Thang Long, Hoa Lu was once again chosen as a
military base for Dai Viet during the war with the Mongol army. The Tran army strategically chose the
southern region of the capital Hoa Lu as the primary location for the king and the key army of the Tran
Dynasty during the war.
Hoa Lu is now located in Ninh Binh province, 92km south of Hanoi, in the core zone of the Trang An
UNESCO heritage site. The topography of Hoa Lu today shows that the area is low-lying and prone to
flooding. At the beginning of the 21st century, before the construction and development of infrastructure
and tourism, much of the area was still flooded, and transportation was mainly done by light boats.
Currently, some areas in the region are still prone to flooding, particularly during the rainy season.

Figure 1: Landscape of the Hoa Lu area (Location names in red: King Dinh’s home village, Hoa Lu Citadel, Trang An
Mountain Ranges, 13th-century military base, 10th-century seaport; Location names in blue: Hoang Long River, Day
River, Van River)

The city is situated on the eastern edge of the Trang An limestone mountain range and was formed by
alluvium from two major rivers in the region, the Day River and the Hoang Long River (Figure 1).
Additionally, the city is located not far from the coast. Although the exact location of the coastline in
the 10th century is unknown, preliminary studies suggest that it was close to the capital. A seaport was
built in the 10th century as the southeast gateway from the sea to the capital. The ancient coastline is
believed to have run parallel to the dug river, which was the southeast boundary of Hoa Lu. The end of
the dug river (the Van River) was the seaport.

2

�The flooding and proximity to the sea are important factors in the birth, development, and decline of the
Hoa Lu capital. The locals of Hoa Lu have adapted to the mangrove environment near the sea since
prehistoric times, as evidenced by the SUNDASIA Project. When Hoa Lu was chosen as the capital,
these experiences of the local residents were utilized, and there were many large reclamation and
encroachment projects implemented by the court, especially in the 15th and 19th centuries. The sea dike
from the 15th and 19th centuries still exists and serves as a testament to the feats of sea encroachment by
the inhabitants of this area. Throughout the history of the indigenous people of Hoa Lu, adaptation to
the coastal mangrove environment has been formed and existed. The current centre of Hoa Lu is about
60km from the coast. However, this area is experiencing a relatively rapid rate of coastal erosion. This
is evidenced by the fact that the 15th-century sea dyke is only about 13km from the 19th-century sea
dyke, and the 19th-century sea dyke is about 15km from the coast today. Historical records show that
Hoa Lu was once much closer to the sea. There are traces of a large seaport on the present-day terrain,
right at the gateway to the Hoa Lu boundary. (Figure 2)
Hoa Lu – a seaside capital city
To redefine the Vietnamese urban concept, we have situated Hoa Lu within the context of low-density
large cities that bear greater resemblance to mainland Southeast Asian urban settlements than to cities
in Europe or China (Vo et al. 2021). Previous studies mostly focused on the architecture and architectural
materials of the central area of the Hoa Lu capital. They mostly did not mention the sea and the
relationship between Hoa Lu and the sea. This makes our perception of Hoa Lu still one-sided and
limited. Our revision of the concept and expansion of the research scope on Hoa Lu has led us to realise
that without considering the city's coastal location, it would be impossible to grasp the nature of this
urban area. Hoa Lu is not solely an urban area constructed in limestone mountains and surrounded by
large rivers, but it is also a city in proximity to the sea. This realisation not only influences our
comprehension of the urban plan but also provides insight into why it became the capital and why it was
abandoned as such after only 43 years. To address these significant questions, more interdisciplinary
and archaeological studies are necessary. Despite limited resources, our preliminary research on this
matter has generated some preliminary findings over the years.
The 13th-century military base and the shifting of the central area
So far, despite numerous archaeological excavations in the central area of Hoa Lu, no research has been
conducted on marine elements in the 10th – 11th centuries. However, based on available data, it can be
concluded that Hoa Lu was originally chosen and constructed as a robust capital and military base
primarily due to its strategic geographical location. The city is surrounded by mountain ranges, creating
a strong protective boundary, and is located close to flooded valleys with many caves and rugged
mountains, making it easy to withdraw troops in times of external attacks. Additionally, the large and
small rivers in and around the city centre made transportation to the sea very convenient, with a distance
of just over 10km from the city centre to the coastal port.
During the 13th century, when Dai Viet faced the Mongol army, Hoa Lu was selected as the Tran army's
retreat base. However, this time, the base was moved south of the centre of Hoa Lu. In 2022, several
excavations and archaeological surveys were carried out in the military base area, south of the centre of
Hoa Lu (Vo 2022). Initial data was obtained on the size and nature of the foundations, archaeological
artefacts found in the area, and information about the system of monuments and legends related to the
site. These initial data suggest that this area was most likely a military base near the sea, acting as a
strategic forward area to protect the Thang Long capital in the southern coastal area of the country.
Therefore, it can be assumed that Hoa Lu has always been an important military area near the sea of Dai
Viet for centuries. The shift of military bases from the 10th to the 13th centuries towards the southsoutheast may indicate a shift in the coastline, as the sea receded from the location of the 10th-century
dug river and the 10th-century seaport to the location of the 13th-century military area after three
centuries.

3

�Ancient shorelines at the Southeast of Hoa Lu (Figure 2, 3)
The map below illustrates the simulated location of ancient coastlines using aerial photography, field
surveys, and the locations of archaeological sites and sea dikes from the 15th and 19th centuries.
Nevertheless, further research is required to comprehensively define and comprehend this matter.

Figure 2: Hoa Lu in relation to the coastline in the 10th century (The pre-10th century coastline based on Van Maren
(Van 2004, 12) and 1st-10th centuries and Iron Age sites based on Nishimura (Masanari 2005, 99-107).

After conducting surface surveys and examining Lidar images, we obtained primary results from three
sediment hand cores. These samples contained mainly pure, salty sand, supporting our hypothesis about
ancient shorelines in the southeast of Hoa Lu. However, this is only the preliminary result and further
sediment sampling, and archaeological research is required to obtain more information. This task is
essential for our upcoming research stages, as we aim to date the shrines in this area and examine the
changes in ancient shorelines. Understanding the relationship between the shrines and the development
of ancient shorelines will provide insight into the connection between Hoa Lu and the sea, and aid in
comprehending the city's water control planning.

4

�Figure 3: Location of the sediment hand cores (based on LiDAR image)

The ancient shrines at the South – East of Hoa Lu (Figure 4)
Based on field surveys and historical documents, we have compiled a list of 37 ancient shrines located
in the South-East of Hoa Lu. We have divided the shrines into two groups: those inside the area enclosed
by the Day River to the north of the Van canal (red triangles in Figure 4), and those to the south of the
canal (yellow triangles in Figure 4). However, the shrines located south of Hoa Lu pose a problem, as
they are traditionally dated back to the 10th century and are said to honour the generals of the Hoa Lu
rulers. The issue with these shrines is that the dates do not align with the successive locations of the
coastline from the 10th to the 19th century. These shrines lie between the location of the 10th century
harbour and naval base and the 15th century sea dike. This means that if they were built during the 40year duration of the Hoa Lu capital, the entire progradation of the coastline between the 10th century line
and the location of the 15th century sea dyke took only 40 years, which is problematic.
There are two possible interpretations of this situation. First, the shoreline could have moved very
rapidly since the 10th century, and the shrines were added at that time. However, this is geomorphically
problematic because the Non-Nuoc inscription refers to the sea still being near Non Nuoc even in the
15th century. Alternatively, and we incline to this second interpretation - the shoreline prograded
gradually between the 10th and the 15th century, and the shrines that are ascribed to 10th century warriors
were added later in honour of 10th century warrior heroes. Additionally, we only found later ceramics in
these shrines, not 10th century ceramics. Future research that involves excavating in the shrine enclosures
will provide answers to this issue.
An important task in the next stage of the research will be to date these shrines and examine the change
in the location of the former shorelines. Understanding the relationship between the shrines and the
development of the former shorelines will provide insight into the connection between Hoa Lu and the
sea.

5

�Figure 4: A comprehensive map of Hoa Lu with the location of 13th – 15th centuries and 10th century shrines.
(Location names in blue: Gian Khau Confluence, Hoang Long River, Hoa Lu, Da Gia Ha, Trang An Mountain
Ranges, Xuan Ang Noi, Nui Non Nuoc, Chanh River, Van Canal, 10th century seaport, Day River; Location names in
black: 10th century naval base, 10th century fortification, Man Bac site (4000-3500BP), 15th century sea dyke, 19th
century sea dyke)

6

�BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dang, Cong Nga. Kinh Do Hoa Lu Thoi Dinh - Tien Le (The Hoa Lu Capital in The Dinh-Early Le Dynasties). Ninh Binh,
Vietnam: So Van hoa Thong tin Ninh Binh, 2002.
Masanari, Nishimura. Settlement patterns on the Red River Plain from the Late Prehistoric period to the 10th century AD. Paper
presented at the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Bulletin 25, 2005, Taipei, 2005.
Van, Maren. Morphodynamics of a cyclic prograding delta: the Red River, Vietnam. (PhD). Utrecht: Utrecht University, 2004.
Vo, Thi Phuong Thuy, Roland Fletcher &amp; Ying-San Liou. Extensive urbanism in Vietnam between the 4th century BCE and
the 19th century CE. World Archaeology 53 (2) (2021): 345-368
Vo, Thi Phuong Thuy. Báo cáo kết quả khảo sát bước đầu các di tích liên quan đến nhà Trần ở khu vực Tam Cốc-Bích Động
(Field survey report of the Tran Dynasty relics in Tam Coc – Bich Dong region), So Du lich tinh Ninh Binh, 2022.

7

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                <text>The research aims to understand the impact of sea recession on the rise and fall of the Hoa Lu ancient capital city&#13;
of Vietnam during the 10th&#13;
-11th centuries. This is done by placing the city in its coastal context, which has been&#13;
neglected in previous studies. Hoa Lu is currently the core zone of the UNESCO World Heritage Site: Trang An&#13;
Landscape Complex, located 92km south of Hanoi. It was only used for 42 years (968-1010 CE) as the capital city&#13;
of the Dai Viet Kingdom before the capital was moved to Thang Long (present-day Hanoi). We believe that one&#13;
of the main reasons for this move was the sea recession. The available resources for this research include historical&#13;
documents; geographical surveys using old maps and LiDAR images; archaeological surveys including surface&#13;
ceramic collections and archaeological excavations. The research questions include: How did the sea and its&#13;
recession affect the landscape change of the region in the 10th&#13;
-11th centuries? How did it influence the water&#13;
management system and the plan of the city? How did it affect the economic activities of the city? The results of&#13;
the research project will give a more comprehensive understanding of the landscape of the region, including ancient&#13;
shorelines located south of the city. The sea recession could be the reason why the 10th century seaport of Hoa Lu&#13;
was abandoned, leading to the capital's move to Thang Long. Although there have been some good results in the&#13;
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                <text> Thuy, Vo Thi Phuong. 2023. “Hoa Lu - The 10th Century Capital of Vietnam - An Abandoned City by the Sea.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Abhirada Komoot. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1935</text>
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                    <text>Understanding the Interactions Between the Sea and Humans Through an
Anthropological Study of Wooden Boatbuilding in Indonesia
Tsukiko Myojo (Kanazawa University)

Abstract
This paper fits best within Session 3 because the topic, which is the anthropological study of wooden boatbuilding
today, will provide a specific ethnographic case to understand the interactions between the seas and humans in a
contemporary local context. The case study under consideration is the wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region
of South Sulawesi, Indonesia, where the local knowledge and skills have been inherited by the present generation.
This study mainly employs data collection based on anthropological fieldwork done by the author in 2019 and
2022, including observations and interviews in the shipwright community in the region, to examine the unique and
universal aspects of the way of life with/by the sea. The study explores how people's skills, philosophy, and social
relations are shaped through boatbuilding. The Konjo people have used local resources and developed their
knowledge and skills to make seaworthy vehicles. The construction process has been symbolized as human
procreation. Boatbuilding also illustrates the working networks of boatbuilders. This case indicates that boats are
not just a means of transportation but also a microcosm of the interaction linking people to the sea.
Keywords: wooden boat building, indigenous knowledge, maritime culture, Indonesia
List of figures
Figure 1. Map of the Bira Peninsula
Figure 2. Photo of boatyards on the Tanahberu coastline
Figure 3. Image of traditional fortune-telling of boat
Figure 4. Photo of sinkolo liners

1. INTRODUCTION
The topic of this paper is best within Session 3 because this anthropological study of wooden
boatbuilding in Indonesia can provide a specific case in this session for examining the interactions
between the sea and people from a local context. From the perspective of 'how the sea shapes human
society', this paper examines how people's skills, philosophy, and social relations are formed through
the practice of boatbuilding, which is directly related to the sea.
As historian Anthony Reid has demonstrated that Southeast Asia has a long history of development as
a centre of the global commerce (Reid 1988); in Indonesia, which was a part of this historical arena, the
'sea' is still a major social space today, and the sea-crossing 'boats' are also an integral part of people's
lives there (cf. Horridge 1986). In many parts of Southeast Asia, boatbuilding is more than just a
technical task. It is a matter that can be related to procreation and the birth of a child.
The boatbuilding process often involves various rituals, and the boat may have decorations and designs
that are not necessarily practical. Nor are boats of the same type built in a standardized size. Each boat
is supposed to be in harmony with the size of the owner's body. It is also important to maintain a good
relationship between shipowners and boatbuilders as well as among boatbuilders, otherwise misfortune
would occur during the voyage (Horridge 1986; Lapian 1997; Myojo 2021). Thus, boatbuilding
illustrates the various practices and creativity of people living with such a natural environment of the
sea. In other words, the sea is not only a natural realm but also a social space that shapes people's
technical and ritual practices as well as communication.
In Japanese studies of Southeast Asia, many researchers also consider the sea and coastal geographic
space as a social realm to be analysed. Mainly, they have discussed the fluid characteristics of the social
relations commonly seen in the maritime world of Southeast Asia. For example, Narifumi Tachimoto,
who studies the Malay world, pointed out the network type of social relations as one of the features of
maritime society. Such a network-type society is based on interpersonalism, which values individual
1

�relationships on a personal level (Tachimoto [Maeda] 1997, 199; cf. 1975). Chie Nakane argued that
groups of people without clear boundaries are often seen in many Southeast Asian societies. She
suggested that one of the elements in determining their social relations could be an interpersonaloriented relationship (Nakane 1987, 282–312). The subsequent studies have demonstrated the maritime
network societies through various cases, such as fishery communities and sea traders (cf. Kitamado
2000; Seki 2007; Nagatsu 2019; Ono 2011). In addition to the technical practices and philosophical
features of the rituals in boatbuilding, this case study will also examine the working network of
boatbuilders to demonstrate the characteristics of social relations in a maritime society that previous
studies have pointed out. Therefore, this paper aims to present a way of living with/by the sea from three
aspects: technical, philosophical, and social relations.

2. CASE STUDY: WOODEN BOATS AND BOATBUILDING IN SOUTH SULAWESI
The case study under consideration is the wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region of South Sulawesi,
Indonesia, as an example for considering the relationship between the sea and people through boats. The
Bugis-Makassar people, the majority ethnic groups in South Sulawesi, have been engaged in seafaring
and maritime activities such as navigation, fishing, and shipbuilding for several centuries since the area
was historically located at a strategic point to the Eastern Spice Islands. The wooden boats they have
built and continue to use are not just a means of economic activity but have become a symbol of today's
South Sulawesi society and of Indonesia as a maritime nation. For example, the local government logo
depicts a wooden sailing boat; the pinisi, one of the traditional sailing ships in South Sulawesi, was
inscribed on the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) list of
intangible cultural heritage in 2017 (UNESCO 2017).
In particular, the Konjo region in the Bira Peninsula, located in the southeastern tip of South Sulawesi,
is known as the largest boatbuilding area (Figure 1). This paper examines the entanglements in the
maritime community by showing the technical and philosophical characteristics of boatbuilding and the
social characteristics of the boatbuilders in Konjo based on anthropological research. The Konjo region
is situated by the Selayar Strait on the sea route to eastern Indonesia. According to Nishi and Osozawa,
who investigated the timber used for wooden boats in the region, one of the factors that contributed to
the development of the boatbuilding industry was the abundant availability of high-quality, water- and
insect-resistant timber, known as bitti (Vitex cofassus), in the Konjo area and surrounding islands (Nishi
1998; Osozawa 1999).
Today, the main boatbuilding area in Konjo is the western coastal area known as Tanahberu (Figure 2).
There are shipyards called bantilang along roughly two kilometres of coastline; as of 2019, there were
approximately 25 shipyards in this area, with 40 to 50 wooden vessels being built. Half of these were
boats used for fishing, for instance, purse seining in the local surrounding waters, while the other half

2

�were tourist cruisers used for diving and sailing around Komodo Island and other tourist destinations
(Myojo 2021).
Konjo wooden boats, even relatively large boats of several hundred tonnes, are built by hand by
boatbuilders one by one. Although electric carpentry tools such as chainsaws and electric drills are
widely used today, the shaping of the hull parts and their assembly are still done by hand. This manual
Konjo boatbuilding can be characterised both technically and philosophically. The technical aspect is
the plank-first method, where the hull is built from the outside, and the process traditionally does not
require blueprints. The philosophical aspect entails viewing boatbuilding as a human birth process. The
next section will present these characteristics in more detail, showing the boatbuilding process.

3. RESOURCES: BOATBUILDING AND BOATBUILDERS IN KONJO
3.1 The process of boatbuilding
This section provides an overview of boatbuilding flows in Konjo based on fieldwork conducted
intermittently between 2019 and 2022 and a filed report (Myojo 2020). The resources available for this
research have been extracted from participant observation and interviews in the boatbuilder
communities in Tanahberu. In general, the process can be roughly divided into seven stages. The
following section describes three of those stages, the start of construction, the building of the hull, and
the launching of the boat, which are technically and philosophically distinct.
3.1.1 Commencement of construction
In the past, the first job of a boatbuilder was to find suitable timber in the forests. However, this paper
regards setting a keel part as the first process given that nowadays they purchase the timber since the
division of labour between boatbuilders and timber merchants/sawmills has been differentiated.
Moreover, setting the keel was traditionally considered essential in determining the boat's fortunes.
While the length of the keel is now determined by a technically rational decision using a measuring tool,
it was conventionally determined through a ritualistic procedure involving fortune-telling. This played
a role in adjusting the keel to the best length for the boat's fortune. It is assumed that the practice was
necessary when building fishing and cargo vessels, which were directly affected by fish catches and
profits. According to the interviews with elderly boatbuilders and previous research up to around the
1980s, the fortune-telling of the keel was summarised as follows.

Figure 1. Map of the Bira Peninsula
(Created by the author)

Figure 2. Photo of boatyards on the Tanahberu coastline
(taken by the author in 2022)

3

�When the size of a boat is determined to some extent according to the boatowner's request, the
approximate length of the keel is calculated based on the experience of the master boatbuilder. Once the
length of the keel is roughly determined, fortune-telling is performed to know whether the length is good
or bad luck (Figure 3). The general way of fortune-telling is firstly to set a section whose width is decided
according to the size of the owner's hand (from the wrist to the tip of the middle finger). Then, a set of
five sections, each section having its meaning. The keel is marked by the sets repeatedly in order from
edge to edge. When the keel is measured with the sets, the boatbuilders and boatowner see which section
comes to the end of the initially planned length. The section at the keel's edge is to tell that boat's fortune.
For example, if the keel ends at the third section, then the length of the keel is considered unlucky. In
such a case, the length of the keel is shortened for one section to make it the final length of the keel,
with the section having good meaning. Or, if it ends in the fourth section, the length of the keel could
be added for two sections so that it ends on the first plot with another good meaning.
3.1.2 Building the outer shell
After the keel is in place, the boatbuilder can start joining wooden planks to make the hull. This plank
jointing consists of five steps: (1) selecting a wooden piece, (2) making a pair of a joint, (3) adjusting,
(4) nailing the plank, and (5) shaving. In this process, relatively short planks are joined together to create
a three-dimensional curved surface of the hull. The joint surfaces are adjusted parallel with a tool called
a sinkolo (Figure 4), a flat steel tool with a 10-centimetre-long, two-parted tip used to draw parallel lines,
like a compass or divider. The planks can be made to fit closely together by using the sinkolo to draw a
line parallel to the edge of a newly installed plank (by copying the shape of the edge of one plank onto
the edge of the other plank). Instead of using a straight ruler, the unique tool enables one to draw parallel
lines according to the curve and distortion of the plank.

Figure 3. Image of traditional fortune-telling of boat (created by the author)

Figure 4. Photo of sinkolo liners
(taken by the author)

3.1.3 Launching
Once the hull is completed, the boat is pushed out or pulled from the sea using human resources or
pulleys to launch it. The work is a simple matter of pushing the vessel out of the water. However, for a
Konjo wooden boat, the launching is as symbolically important as the setting of the keel. The launching
ceremony called the acara annyorong lopi indicates more than just a wish for the boat's safety. The most
vital role of the launching ritual is described as 'giving life to the boat'. A navel/belly button (posi lopi)
is made in the middle of the keel when the hull is completed and the boat is ready to go to sea. In this
ceremony, usually an elderly boatbuilder leading the ritual prays for the safety of the launch in the name
of Allah. Then, a hole is made with a drill to create a navel about two cm in diameter and five cm deep.
The wooden boat, thus 'given life', is then launched into the sea manually. This ritual practice represents
a philosophy linking boatbuilding to human birth.

4

�3.2 The boatbuilder's way of work
As these processes show, boatbuilding in the Konjo region is technically and philosophically
characterised. In addition, the boatbuilders also have social characteristics in their way of work.
Generally, the employer/manager, called punggawa, who has the capital, such as land for the shipyard
and financial resources, gathers workers called sawi each time the punggawa receives an order.
Therefore, most boatbuilders in Konjo are not permanently employed by a particular workshop but work
fluidly, moving from one workshop to another for the next job when one project is finished. For example,
a mature boatbuilder A, I first met in Tanahberu in 2019, had worked under punggawa X for about four
months. When I revisited Tanahberu in May 2022, he was working under another punggawa Y. Indeed,
some boatbuilders who work on large boats that take more than a year to finish or work in large
workshops building several boats may work under the same punggawa for an extended period. However,
most boatbuilders, like A, move between workshops every three to five months. This fluid working style
based on a non-fixed employment relationship is one of the social characteristics of Konjo boatbuilders.

4. RESULTS: INTERACTION BETWEEN THE SEA AND PEOPLE FROM THE
PERSPECTIVE OF BOATBUILDING
The first aspect is that the sea, an environment different from land, has developed the technology for
Konjo boatbuilding. A physically important aspect of wooden boatbuilding is to make balanced threedimensional curved rather than linear components like a house. The local timber of bitti, which has
traditionally been used in Konjo boatbuilding, has a characteristic that makes it difficult to form long
straight timbers with many bends. Thus, in Konjo boatbuilding using bitti, relatively short pieces are
formed and put together like a puzzle. In this process, the combination of planks with sinkolo is crucial.
The tool enables the boatbuilders to form and assemble planks even using irregular wooden pieces.
Through making boats the people have developed their skills and knowledge for using local resources.
Perils at the sea are such extraordinary nature and power that cause the risk of loss and damage to life
and property. The second aspect that shapes people's worldviews and ritual practices is to pacify the
mind by way of fortune-telling at the beginning of construction. This has been put into a framework of
traditional cosmology for explaining and understanding the uncertainties, such as changeable weather,
catches and the conditions of the voyage. Having the navel of the boat as a parallel to the human birth
process is a way to analogise the centre of their microcosmos. Similarly, the house and the region (land)
also have a 'navel', as in the expressions posi bola and posi tanah, respectively. It indicates that
traditionally, the boat was as crucial to the Bugis-Makassar people as the human body and the house as
one of the components of their cosmology.
A third aspect is that the vagueness of the boundaries of the sea can also be seen in the fluid social
characteristics of boatbuilders. As noted in the first section of this paper, previous studies on maritime
societies in Southeast Asia indicate the mobility of people. In such a society, networks based on
interpersonal relationships tend to be valued rather than communities with clear boundaries (Nakane
1987, 282–312; Tachimoto 1996). These characteristics of the maritime societies in Southeast Asia are
thought to have non-fixed patron-client relationships and fluid mobility. The social relations of people
who live with the sea could be influenced by the sea, in which the boundaries are invisible and fluid.

5. CONCLUSION
The wooden boatbuilding in the Konjo region is not just an economic activity. As both a natural and
social realm, the sea is one of the key elements shaping human technology, philosophy, and social
relations. The 'uncertainty' of the sea especially indicates that humans can never control it completely.
The Konjo boats are an example of how people have responded to such nature of the sea. Technically,
the boatbuilding shows how people have used their resources (in this case, timber), and philosophically,
5

�it demonstrates the cosmology and ritual practices that may come from fear – or expectation – towards
the sea. It can also be seen as a representation of social dynamics, such as the mobility of people.
However, the technologies, philosophical elements, and social characteristics listed here are not always
common to all maritime worlds and people living with the sea. The sea has a single nature in terms of
connecting the world, however, it also has a plurality that shapes various social realms. The people who
live with it have diverse skills, knowledge, social relationships, and ways of life. In the recent global
movement toward sustainable community development, we tend to think that global issues such as
resource management and climate change should be addressed based on internationally standardized
assessment criteria. However, as the shipbuilding of Konjo shows, the way of living with the sea is not
simple but complex and diverse, depending on the natural environment and social conditions. In light
of this, we cannot simply force international standards and ideals on all kinds of communities in general.
On the one hand, global development goals are necessary to convey and share a common sense of crisis.
Yet, on the other hand, we also need to take into account the local contexts of environment, traditions,
and social systems, as well as people's lives in each region and country, in order to discuss, develop, and
formulate policies for sustainable development with various ethnographic cases.

Acknowledgements
I sincerely acknowledge this work was supported by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) KAKENHI Grant
Number 21J11290. Also, I appreciate the generous support from the Department of Anthropology at the Faculty of Social and
Political Sciences, Hasanuddin University, during my fieldwork in South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Last but not least, my gratitude
also extends to the Tanahberu villagers and the boatbuilders who shared their valuable experience and knowledge.

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7

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                    <text>Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape

Michael Ng Jian Cheng (Archaeology Unit, Tamasek History Research Centre, ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute [formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies])
ABSTRACT
The paper proposes to build upon existing approaches in the study of Singapore's past narrative by incorporating
the study of the maritime cultural landscape (MCL) to observe the micro connections and provide a closer
examination of the maritime activities around Singapore. This paper highlights Singapore's maritime cultural
landscapes within the premise of the MCL approach proposed by Christer Westerdahl. The case studies under
consideration include historical, archaeological and anthropological sources on maritime activity around
Singapore, the current historical narrative on Singapore, and recent maritime cultural landscape studies. The
expected results are to take on a different perspective in considering Singapore's maritime past as an island and
coastal settlement. It hopes to further the understanding of the island’s maritime past beyond the predominant
trade narrative. Ultimately, this allows stakeholders in Singapore to recognise the various types of maritime
cultural heritage that may reside around Singapore’s coast and waters. Consequently, the paper will highlight
how using the maritime cultural landscape approach could help with the United Nations Sustainable
Development Goals (SDG) and further our thinking on the interactions between humans and seas.

INTRODUCTION
Singapore's past is deeply connected to the waters surrounding its islands and is situated close to
several major waterways in Southeast Asia. Present maritime borders and traffic separation schemes
separate the various nation-states along these waterways; however, they were not divided in the past.
On the contrary, they were an interconnected network and a platform providing maritime polities in
the region access to the world around them and beyond, and vice versa (Borschberg 2012, 193).
To fully appreciate the past connections between the people of Singapore from various periods and the
surrounding maritime space, it is essential to identify a suitable approach that could encourage further
research. Christer Westerdahl's maritime cultural landscape (MCL) approach could be an appropriate
model to explore these past connections. This paper assesses the potential of Christer Westerdahl’s
approach to better understanding Singapore's maritime past by preliminarily identifying Singapore’s
maritime cultural landscapes based on available maritime-related historical, anthropological and
archaeological data. Hopefully, it will encourage future research on Singapore's past through the MCL
approach and perhaps highlight how the approach could contribute to greater ocean literacy.
Evaluation of the Current Approaches to Singapore’s Past Narrative
Historical and archaeological research has highlighted Singapore’s existence as an entrepôt since the
fourteenth century and further understand the island’s role in the global and regional context
throughout its 700 years of history (Flecker 2022a; Flecker 2022b; Kwa 2004; Kwa et al. 2019; Low
2004; Miksic 2013). In the book 1819 &amp; Before, Singapore's Pasts, Chong (2021, vii–ix) summarised
the historical and archaeological research conducted to examine the island’s past narrative. He
highlighted that the scholars had revealed the networks and linkages connecting Singapore to the
region over the centuries before 1819. Both recent publications, 1819 &amp; Before, and Seven Hundred
Years: A History of Singapore, emphasise the island’s pre-modern connectivity to the region by
including the economic activities of the communities living on and around the island long before
colonialism arrived on this island (Kwa et al. 2019, 6–11; Heng 2017, 42; Heng 2021, 31). A critical

1

�examination of recent academic pursuits of Singapore scholars indicates a considerable emphasis on
the connectivity, trade and exchange between Singapore and the region. These approaches are
essential because small nation-states are more susceptible to exogenous factors; however, viewing
Singapore's past narrative through a macro lens cannot account for the other varieties of past human
activity on the island. As an island coastal settlement, connectivity to the region would only represent
one of the many pursuits in the daily lives of the common folk. The "who we are?" and "what we
are?" questions of these individuals have yet to be thoroughly understood. Miksic (2021, 19–21)
mentioned expanding current arguments on Singapore's past to include artefact provenance and
relationships between human activity and the natural environment. In addition, research on
Singapore’s prehistoric past and the lives of ordinary individuals during Singapore’s colonial period
has not been emphasised. These added questions and challenges seemed like isolated areas of studies
that are not in line with the current approaches to Singapore's past narrative. However, by introducing
and perhaps integrating an approach which acknowledges the diversity in maritime activities, it is
possible to connect these approaches and provide a more wholesome way to study Singapore's macro
and micro maritime past. Thus, the MCL approach could be a viable option to combine these
approaches.
MARITIME CULTURAL LANDSCAPE
MCL can be defined as the human utilisation of maritime space by boat: settlement, fishing, hunting,
shipping, and, in historical times, its attendant subcultures, such as pilotage and lighthouse and
seamark maintenance (Westerdahl 1992, 5). Westerdahl (2011, 13–14; 2020, 6780) highlighted seven
types of maritime cultural landscapes. It includes the economic landscape, the landscape of transport
and communications, the power landscape, the outer resource landscape, the inner resource landscape,
the cognitive landscape and the recreative landscape. The basis of this concept is the study of past
cultures which exist at the edges of different varieties of water bodies, such as seas and oceans
(Westerdahl 2020, 6780). It utilises the physical elements of landscape and seascape to analyse
maritime cultures within an environment (Ford 2011, 4). Singapore, an island nation-state where most
of the past and, at times, present settlements lived along the water's edge, is a good candidate for
further maritime cultural landscape studies. Although the current usage of the concept is heavily
associated with maritime archaeology, the critical premise concerns the understanding of landscapes
created by the material culture left behind by people who lived and interacted with the physical
environment in which they were situated (Ford 2011, 4). Thus, studying maritime cultures will require
an examination of all aspects of the maritime past and a multi-disciplinary approach, including and
beyond maritime archaeology (Ford 2011, 1–4). Some coastal site studies used the MCL approach to
successfully connect the heritage deposits that reside on the shores with its underwater sites. In
addition, accounting for the range of human activities throughout the various technological, economic,
and geopolitical changes in their respective area (Fitzhugh 2011; Lusardi 2011).
Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape
This section identifies Singapore’s maritime cultural landscapes from historical, anthropological, and
archaeological records.
Economic Landscape

2

�The fishing traps and methods, mollusc gathering, the Orang Laut community, and Kelong
settlements are some identified features of sustenance and coastal agriculture within Singapore's
economic landscape. Evidence of traditional fishing traps and methods was highlighted in studies by
Gibson-Hill and Burdon. During the 1950s, Gibson-Hill (1950b) covered the types of fishing boats
that operated from Singapore, while Burdon (1954) examined the fishing methods of Singapore.
These were ethnographic studies that documented the fishing activities around Singapore Island.
Although they were recorded barely seventy years ago, these fishing methods could likely have been
practised before the 1950s or even before the arrival of the British in 1819.
Evidence of mollusc gathering can be identified from two historical sources. The earliest pre-colonial
historical source indicating shellfish collection was the Sejarah Melayu or the Malay Annals. The
book, written in the 16th century, recounted a specific event of mollusc gathering during the early days
of Singapore's history. It described Sang Nila Utama, a Sumatran prince who landed on the shores of
Temasek or ancient Singapore with his entourage and started gathering shellfish immediately after
arriving on the island.
“…Sri Tri Buana went ashore with all the ship’s company and amused
themselves with collecting shellfish…” (Brown 1953, 30)
There were no further descriptions of what they do with the seashells, but as they have arrived from
the sea through a storm, the mollusc likely forms part of their diet. During the colonial period, the
gathering of molluscs continued. However, the purpose of mollusc gathering is no longer restricted to
dietary but also for other uses such as the production of lime. During the colonial period, lime was
obtained from mollusc remains. Lime kilns were set up along the coasts of Singapore to process these
remains into lime. Lime serves an essential function as a disinfectant due to its bacteria-killing
properties, and it is often used to disinfect lavatories. Coastal archaeological sites like the National
Gallery Singapore, Victoria Memorial Hall and Empress Place contained sizable mollusc ecofacts
alongside large quantities of ceramic artefacts in various stratigraphic and temporal layers (Lim 2017;
Lim 2019). It suggests that humans were consuming these molluscs and further research can be
conducted on how people interacted with the environment.
The Orang Laut is a Malay term for “Sea People” or “People of the sea”. They are nomadic people
who settle around the maritime zone within Southeast Asia. Based on ethnographic studies, three
identified groups are within this community (Andaya 2008, 173). The Orang Laut that resides around
the southern tip of the Straits of Melaka and the Riau-Lingga Archipelago was called the Orang Suku
Laut (Chou 2021: 142). In Singapore, they primarily resided along the coasts and at river mouths
(Gibson-Hill 1952b, 161). The history of the Orang Laut stretches since the Srivijayan/Malayu period
(Andaya 2008, 191). Records mentioned them as necessary in the various polities surrounding the
Singapore Straits (Andaya 2008, 173–201). When the British arrived in Singapore in 1819, eyewitness
accounts described their settlements and lifestyle (Gibson-Hill 1952b, 161). Other academics
attempting to preserve the legacy of the Orang Laut through research included Cynthia Chou and the
authors of Beyond Bicentennial: Perspective on Malays publication (Chou 2021; Rasheed et al. 2020).
Unfortunately, due to the ever-growing development and current geopolitical boundaries, many Orang
Laut abandoned their way of life.
On the other hand, there are non-academic attempts to preserve the Orang Laut way of life. Orang
Laut Sg is a local community of Orang Laut originally residing on Pulau Semakau, an offshore island
in Singapore. They started an initiative to share their stories about the island and their way of life
3

�through traditional Orang Laut cuisines and stories.1. Another local blog called " We came from the
sea" was set up to share projects that study Singapore as an island or as islands.2. These attempts show
the need for continued historical and ethnographic studies to preserve this community's knowledge.
Future maritime archaeological research will also have to share the responsibility to protect sites that
could highlight the Orang Laut's lives from a material culture and landscape perspective.
Landscape of Transport and Communications (Communicative Landscape)
Research on Singapore's landscape of transport and communications, or communicative landscape,
has been highlighted in evaluating the current approaches to Singapore’s past narrative section. The
island’s past narrative is dominated by its economic and network-related history. While records
provide the documentation illustrating the ongoing trade Singapore was involved in, archaeological
research provides the material culture to inform on the trade's nature and contents. These significant
networks have profoundly impacted Singapore since the fourteenth century, thus the emphasis.
On the other hand, the history of the minor networks has yet to be thoroughly explored compared to
the study of the major networks. Singapore's geographical location is strategic not only because it lies
along one of the most crucial trade networks but because it is also surrounded by a cluster of islands
and land masses where different polities resided in the past. Regardless of how Singapore's settlement
history oscillates between autonomous society or part of a larger polity, the people in Singapore are
always in contact with their neighbours from Johor, Bintan, Batam and even the Karimun Islands
(Miksic 2013). A perfect example of how intense the connection of Singapore with its neighbouring
polities can be gleaned from the boat traffic between Singapore and Johor during the early colonial
period. Before constructing the causeway between Singapore and Johor, goods and people had to
move between these two locations by boat. The boat traffic was reported to be so intense that it
operates 24 hours a day, seven days a week.3. Thus, historians and archaeologists need to start
examining these micro or minor networks that have sustained the settlement in Singapore throughout
history. That will require an examination of the artefacts found in Singapore that could indicate the
trade and exchange between Singapore and its neighbouring polities, identify the boats and shed light
on their importance in this micro landscape of transport and communication.
Power Landscape
One of the most overt examples of a power landscape that could still be observed in Singapore is the
coastal defences erected during the colonial period of Singapore from 1819 to 1942. During the early
period of colonial Singapore, several forts, including some of the offshore islands, were constructed
around the south of the island to protect it from seaward or water-borne threats. This defensive
doctrine continued till World War II, and some of these fortifications were expanded and improved to
stay current with the latest military trends (Murfett et al. 2011). In 2008, and 2017, there were

1

Sani, Firdaus. 2020. “Orang Laut SG: Our Story.” Accessed May 3, 2023. https://oranglaut.sg/

2

We came from the sea. n.d. “About us.” Accessed May 3, 2023.
https://wecamefromthesea.wordpress.com/about/
3
Yap, Yok Foo. 2001. “The wild days of the Causeway” TODAY, January 8, 2001.
https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/today20010108-1.2.19.3

4

�archaeological attempts to document some of the remaining coastal fortification structures at Fort
Serapong Sentosa.4 and Pulau Ubin5 respectively.

Outer Resource Landscape
Records from the colonial period have indicated ship or boat construction and repair facilities along
Boat Quay.6, Beach road, Tanjong Rhu and Kallang river. These records come in archival drawings
and even photographs of these locations. Further research is required in this area as these records are
scattered throughout the archives. Only a handful of academics covered topics related to boats of
Singapore, such as Gibson-Hill and Eric Alfred. Gibson-Hill (1952a) provided brief descriptions of
the Tongkang vessels and their functions as lighter. Alfred (1987) documented a list of boat types
found in Singapore and provided some details about them. However, very little construction
information could be gleaned from his documentation.
Inner Resource Landscape (145)
Miksic (2013, 266) indicated that during the fourteenth century, Singapore provided raw natural
products, a collection and distribution centre for goods found in its immediate vicinity, mainly in the
Riau Archipelago and as a transhipment point for commodities. Archaeological evidence shows that
past Singaporeans processed raw materials to make finished products (Miksic 2013, 266). These
products include earthenware pottery, copper, bronze and gold implements manufactured from
imported raw materials (Miksic 2013, 266–285). In addition, according to historical records,
perishable goods, including Lakawood, hornbill casques, and sea turtle shells, were retrieved from one
of the archaeological sites close to the Singapore River (Miksic 2013, 285–286). During the 19th
century, Singapore continued to be a transhipment point for commodities obtained from Peninsular
Malaya, such as tin, rubber, pepper and gambier7.
Cognitive Landscape
There is some research which examines the cognitive maritime landscapes of Singapore. Tai (2021)
looked into Zheng He’s navigation methods and delved deeper into his visit to Singapore. Zheng He a
Ming dynasty eunuch who led a Chinese fleet on several voyages to Southeast Asia and onwards to
the West. Tai (2021) examined the place names listed on the Chinese navigational charts with other
Chinese records. His examination accounted for linguistic nuances between the various Chinese
languages. Sinclair (2021) also examined the etymology of Singapore’s previous names, such as
Temasek, Singapura, and some Singapore landmarks' names. He examined predominantly local Malay
sources but made comparisons with other non-local sources and identified the linguistic distinctions
between the languages and scripts.

4

Lim, Chen Sian. 2009. “Colonial Singapore: Archaeological vs Historical Records The Fort Serapong Case Study.”
ScholarBank@NUS Repository.
5
Kao, Aaron. “Pulau Ubin Anti-Motor Torpedo Boat Battery: The Gun That Never Was.” In NSC Highlights (8). Singapore:
ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, 2018.
6
Vernon Cornelius-Takahama. 2004. ‘Bumboats’. Singapore Infopedia, Singapore: National Library Board.
https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_956_2004-12-15.html .
7
Chua, Alvin. 2004. “The Causeway.” Singapore Infopedia, Singapore: National Library Board.
https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_99_2004-12-30.html

5

�Jong racing could be an example of both a cognitive and recreative landscape. Jong is a lightweight
sailing model that was made for racing. Jong racing was a sport played by the people in Singapore, as
well as from the neighbouring islands to the south to the Lingga islands and the Straits of Johor
(Gibson-Hill 1950a, 144–145; Alfred 1986, 133). A larger version of the sport, Kolek (a traditional
local sailboat) racing, was carried out along the coasts of Singapore. Today, the local blog "We Came
from the Sea" continues to preserve the stories from this tradition, highlighting local efforts to revive
these traditions, like Mazlan Mohammed Nasir, who once was a resident on one of the offshore
islands in Singapore.
A Possible Approach for Sustainable Development Goals?
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) is a United Nations initiative to address today's global
challenges, such as poverty, inequality, climate change, environmental degradation, peace and justice.
Ongoing discussions are looking into how underwater cultural heritage and interdisciplinary maritime
activities can be incorporated into this initiative to help achieve goal 14, which represents life below
water (Trakadas et al., 2019). SDG calls for diversity in relating maritime cultural heritage to existing
environmental issues. A suitable approach is required to provide an outline for practitioners to quickly
identify areas for further research, conservation, and, most importantly, collaborations with other
disciplines. These areas must be diverse enough that they could correlate with different fields to
achieve a fuller understanding of our surrounding water environment. Incidentally, this issue mirrors
an ongoing discussion in public archaeology on how to get society to appreciate archaeology better.
One of the key takeaways from this discussion is that we should not just focus on bringing
archaeology to the community, but we have to consider how archaeology could meet society's
educational, social, and cultural needs (Smardz, 1997, p. 103; Copeland, 2004, p. 142; White, 2019;
Erdman, 2019). Perhaps, the key is to highlight archaeology’s multi and interdisciplinary nature and
identify areas which can be incorporated into the needs of society.
Westerdahl’s landscape concept accounts for diverse human interactions with water bodies. As
demonstrated by the above examples, applying landscape studies allows for a more wholesome
understanding of human interaction with water bodies. Most importantly, it was able to create the
connection between the heritage deposits that reside on the shores and its immediate maritime
environment. The MCL approach resonates with the societal objectives identified during the first
Global Planning Meeting organised by the National Museum of Denmark (Trakadas et al., 2019). The
diverse nature of the objectives calls for a diverse research approach to address the inclusion of
maritime cultural heritage into SDG. Thus, using Singapore as an example, this paper highlights the
possibility of adopting the maritime cultural landscape approach to achieve the SDG objectives
locally in the island state.

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, this paper evaluates the current approaches to studying Singapore's maritime past and
proposes integrating the MCL approach to examine Singapore’s past narrative thoroughly. The paper
attempts to identify examples from Singapore's historical, archaeological and anthropological research
that could fit into the seven iterations of the MCL. Admittedly, this paper did not manage to provide
an exhaustive investigation of all the existing research materials; however, with its meagre examples,
it hopes to highlight the potential of this approach and encourage future studies on Singapore's past
6

�narrative by viewing it as a maritime cultural landscape. Applying this approach also raises awareness
amongst Singapore's stakeholders that maritime cultural heritage should not be fixated on the
geographical and economic past. Still, it should illuminate the social–cultural interactions between
people and their natural environment. Although the approach is applied within a local or micro
context in this paper, it could also be used in other areas and on a macro scale. Suppose every coastal
community in the Asia-Pacific region identifies its maritime cultural landscapes and realises its
connectedness with adjacent landscapes and their collective impact on the ocean. In that case, it is
possible to create a deeper awareness and greater sense of stewardship to improve ocean health.

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9

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consideration include historical, archaeological and anthropological sources on maritime activity around&#13;
Singapore, the current historical narrative on Singapore, and recent maritime cultural landscape studies. The&#13;
expected results are to take on a different perspective in considering Singapore's maritime past as an island and&#13;
coastal settlement. It hopes to further the understanding of the island’s maritime past beyond the predominant&#13;
trade narrative. Ultimately, this allows stakeholders in Singapore to recognise the various types of maritime&#13;
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                <text>Cheng, Michael Ng Jian. 2023. “Identifying Singapore’s Maritime Cultural Landscape.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Abhirada Komoot. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1933 </text>
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                    <text>A Phenomenology of Oceanscapes: Aquatic Lifeworlds and Sustainability
Dr. Anja Krieger (Independent Researcher)

ABSTRACT
This paper is included in ‘Session 3 Decade of Action, the call for Oceans’ Past to Bridge our Communities’ to address
the encounter with experience and understanding of humans and their aquatic surroundings, i.e. the phenomenology
of oceanscape. Defined as the human perception and experience of the ocean, this concept includes both tangible and
intangible events and encounters. The notion of the sea as a blank, formless and featureless space has often been evoked
in scholarly writings. Recently, however, researchers have made compelling arguments against this point of view by
recognizing the materiality and temporality of the sea itself. Even though the ocean as a fluid space lacks the firm
surface of the land, it is not without recognizable structures in various forms. After introducing and examining a
theoretical framework for the phenomenology of oceanscape, and exploring the experience of encountering a vast body
of water, this paper uses the analysis of (contemporary) human interactions with the ocean that are firmly rooted in the
past to address sustainable concepts of human-ocean interaction in the present. The Haenyeo in South Korea and the
Ama in Japan, both representatives of invaluable and intangible East Asian maritime heritage, exist in the space
between past and present and between land and water. Based on centuries-old tradition and knowledge, their present
understanding of their maritime environment can contribute to a better understanding of social and mutual humanocean entanglements and thus contribute to ocean literacy as defined by UNESCO.
Keywords: phenomenology, marine cultural heritage, sustainability, East Asia
List of abbreviations
IOC
Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission
OL
Ocean Literary
TEK
Traditional Ecological Knowledge

INTRODUCTION
In this paper, it is argued that ocean literacy and sustainability efforts require an objective comprehension
of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK), which is derived from past human experiences within aquatic
lifeworlds and oceanscapes. Such knowledge serves as a basic building block and should be considered for
a successful sustainable future. By examining how individuals and cultures perceive and interact with the
ocean as a vital component of their lifeworld, and recognizing it as an integral part of their past, present and
future, one gains insight into the ocean’s role in socio-cultural, political, and economic transformations.
This in turn prompts the development of crucial strategies for conserving it. Several studies have explored
the role of fisheries in the socio-cultural fabric of coastal towns, highlighting their significance for
communities facing new policies, environmental shifts, and other challenges (see, for example Lim, Ito, and
Matsuda 2012; Khakzad and Griffith 2016; Axon 2019; Chisholm Hatfield and Song 2019; Henderson et
al. 2019). I contend that these individuals or groups should be included in discussions alongside national
governments, local coastal communities, and business and private sector stakeholders, rather than being
limited to sustainable tourism and educational initiatives.
The world’s oceans influence the climate, the weather, food consumption and the circulation of goods. Yet,
this important part of human lives is under dire threat. Coastal zones especially are rapidly deteriorating as
a result of changing environmental conditions, human development and climate change (IOC/UNESCO
2011). Recognizing this, UNESCO has proclaimed a Decade of Ocean Science for sustainable development
(2021–2030) aiming to reverse the decline in ocean health and promote sustainability. UNESCO’s
Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission (IOC) developed a roadmap, outlining preliminary
objectives and identifying stakeholders. Initially, maritime/marine archaeology and underwater cultural
heritage did not feature in the implementation plan. Thanks to a concentrated effort led by the National
1

�Museum of Denmark, cultural heritage and marine archaeology were recognized as essential to Ocean
Decade’s goals. Understanding an ocean’s past and the past and present lifeworlds of coastal communities
contributes invaluable knowledge to sustainability efforts and resilience building (UNESCO 2019; Trakadas
et al. 2019). However, all efforts to implement long-lasting changes in coastal areas concerning
sustainability must take a bottom-up approach and take human geographies and specific local conditions
into consideration as top-down approaches risk marginalizing local communities and are more prone to
failure (Axon 2019; Henderson et al. 2021).
To help promote sustainability efforts and to include local stakeholders, UNESCO makes use of the
promotion of ocean literacy (OL). OL was developed over the past two decades, gaining significant traction
among marine biologists and environmental educators before becoming a prominent factor in the Ocean
Decade (Worm et al. 2021). The term is defined as ‘the understanding of human influence on the ocean and
the ocean’s influence on people’ (IOC/UNESCO 2020, 23). OL is meant to enable and scale up actions in
all sectors of society regarding ocean sustainability and identifies four priority areas: policy formulation,
formal education, corporate action, and community engagement. The IOC/UNESCO implementation plan
mentions specifically aquariums, zoo and museum operators, the education of children and the general
public as groups and areas of interest but makes no mention of ocean literacy in paragraphs addressing
national governments, local coastal communities, and business and private sector stakeholders, even though
holders of local and indigenous knowledge are later mentioned as essential partners (IOC/UNESCO 2020).
This seems at odds with Goals 12, 13 and 14 of SDG 14: sustainable consumption and production patterns,
the pressing requirement to combat climate change and conservation and sustainable use of the oceans
(Santoro et al. 2017), neither of which can be implemented successfully without involving coastal
communities, businesses and governments. It is equally concerning that it is seldom mentioned that the term
‘literacy’ denotes as much scientific knowledge and educationally acquired knowledge as TEK. OL needs
to include diverse perspectives of human interaction with the ocean and must be tailored to regional cultural
contexts (Worm et al. 2021).
A Phenomenology of Oceanscape
The concept of phenomenology, employed as a tool to describe the character of human experience and the
encounter between humans and their surroundings, was originally introduced as part of landscape studies
(Johnson 2012) featuring an immersive bodily approach (Tilley 1994; Thomas 2006; Johnson 2012; Tilley
2012) and understands ‘landscape’ as a social construct or context for social actions rather than as solely
physical or geographical (Gosden and Head 1994; Darville 1999; Knapp and Ashmore 1999; Ingold 2000;
Ashmore 2004; Ingold and Vergunst 2018). Phenomenology means in its basic definition the human
encounter with and the experience and understanding of one’s surroundings. The experience relies on
context: one needs to be able to transform something that happened or something one’s senses tell one into
something that becomes recognizable or memorable. Therefore, the maritime experience is rooted within
the ocean itself and needs to be analysed and interpreted within that context.
Marine exploitation conducted using ships, boats, nets and fishing lines is likely to yield different
experiences than harvesting by diving where the body serves as the means of production. Experience
includes both tangible and intangible encounters and events. Some can be traced through the materials
employed, whereas others cannot be directly traced, like tacit knowledge regarding good fishing grounds,
safe diving techniques, oral traditions, myths and beliefs. Thus, to be able to understand experiences with
the oceans, one has to make use of an array of sources. The two case studies discussed in this article primarily
utilise information obtained through ethnographic surveys using participation-observation and interviews,
that address local traditions, both past and present experiences, maritime heritage and concerns for the future
(Hong and Rahn 1967; Kato 2007, 2009, 2019; Lim, Ito, and Matsuda 2012; Chisholm Hatfield and Song
2019; Song 2020).

2

�Phenomenological studies in archaeology have been met with critiques of subjectivity (Thomas 2006),
similar arguments can be made for anthropology or ethnography. The same landscape can be seen in
multiple ways through the lens of a variety of people. However, by embedding interpretations into a
framework of external references and by establishing a firm context in which interpretations happen,
subjectivity can be kept at a manageable level. Phenomenology as a method of examining past and present
experiences with the ocean can be enhanced by combining it with other theoretical approaches. The origins
of phenomenological studies in landscape studies have resulted in a primarily terrestrial perspective, which
has marginalised the ocean, viewing it only as a backdrop or boundary to land, rather than recognizing it as
a space in its own right (Farr 2006).
A common theoretical approach to study aquatic lifeworlds is the seascape, although the definition of what
that term means can vary. Westerdahl and Cooney put emphasis on the relationship between land and sea
while Ford sees the sea in its own right (Cooney 2003; Ford 2011; Westerdahl 2011). The author defines a
seascape as a middle ground between land and water, viewable as connected and existing independently.
As the two case studies presented here are located in the Pacific and in line with the focus on oceans
promoted in the Ocean Decade, ‘seascape’ will be replaced by ‘oceanscape’ henceforth.
However, although phenomenology proves useful for analysing human experiences with their aquatic
lifeworlds, adjustments need to be made. Unlike landscapes, the sea neither yields material remains on its
surface nor is it easily explored through a researcher’s body (Berg 2007). Oftentimes, the ocean has been
called a blank, formless or featureless space in scholarly writings and the research of seascapes has been
marginalised in academic discourses (Wigen 2007). Recently, however, compelling arguments have been
made to recognise the materiality and temporality of the sea. Individuals and cultures understand and
experience the ocean as a space that has character and agency and even a personality by itself (Anderson
and Peters 2014; Steinberg and Peters 2015; Peters and Steinberg 2019; Campbell 2020). To an experienced
sailor, the surface of the ocean becomes readable through wave patterns, for example, and changes in colour
can indicate reefs, shallows or sudden depths (Lewis 1971; Riesenberg 1972). This indicates a much-needed
shift towards the ocean as the centre of human geography instead of placing it at the margin and a strong
recognition that the ocean is its own world with embodied human experience. The longstanding binary
between land and sea needs to be overcome. Instead, one should focus on fluidity, both in terms of the
materiality of the ocean and its definition as a space (Anderson and Peters 2014; Peters and Steinberg 2019)
while being cautious of going too far and trying to label everything as ocean or ocean-adjacent (Anderson
2019).

CASE STUDIES: AQUATIC LIFEWORLDS AND SUSTAINABILITY
Diving women have a long tradition on the shores of the Korean Peninsula and the Japanese Archipelago.
Archaeological remains indicate that the practice began in the 4th Century. These women practise
freediving. Two different approaches are used, unassisted (cachido) and assisted (funado) dives, the former
usually dives to a depth between 4 to 6 metres and the latter to a depth between 7 and 15 metres.
The Ama of Japan
The term ‘Ama’ was first used in the 12th Century to describe a fisherperson. Initially, the term was used
for both men and women, but over the years the term became primarily associated with female divers.
According to a survey in 1989, the largest number of Ama or found in Chiba, Mie, Nagasaki and Iwate
prefectures. They dive for seaweeds, shellfish, urchin, lobster, oyster, octopus and abalone, the latter being
the preferred catch. Over the past decades, several surveys have been conducted amidst groups of Ama (see,
for example, Maraini 1962; Hong and Rahn 1967; Martinez 2004; Kato 2007, 2009, 2019; Lim, Ito, and

3

�Matsuda 2012). Lim, Ito and Matsuda, for example, conducted a study among the Ama of Yahataura village
of Ashibe Town, Iki City, Nagasaki prefecture, using participant observation, focus group discussion and
interviews. During their study, with data collection in 2008, the authors found that most Amas were in the
age bracket between 50 and 60, and numbers were projected to decline over the coming years. This is a
steady trend that began decades ago. In 2004, there were 54 Ama in Yahataura (Lim, Ito, and Matsuda 2012)
compared to 120 in 1972 with ages ranging from 17 to 65 (Sato 1973). They identify three main factors that
contribute to the issues Ama has to face in the present: dwindling resources, risks and health hazards due to
increased pollution, and the marginalisation of women in the fishing industries. The Ama in Yahataura made
the conscious decision not to wear wetsuits, the reduced diving time is meant to counter the dangers of overharvesting resources and the fishing season for abalone, turban shells and sea urchin has been shortened
(Sato 1973; Lim, Ito, and Matsuda 2012). The adoption of scuba gear could drastically increase their harvest
but would threaten the environment in the long-term. Some villages in Japan have outlawed the use of
wetsuits to prevent overharvesting for that reason (Hong and Rahn 1967). The Ama possesses an acute sense
of ethics: what they fear most is uncontrolled harvest, not any dangers from the ocean, which explains the
initial resistance to new diving equipment (Kato 2007, 2009). More pressing, however, is the fact that the
Ama are not involved in the structural organisation of the Fisheries Cooperative Association (FCA) which
regulates access and control to fishery resources, and therefore have no say in the administrative and
managerial decision-making process (Lim, Ito, and Matsuda 2012).
The effort to have Ama divers included in UNESCO’s intangible cultural heritage list is ongoing, a first step
towards reaching this goal was the registration as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property within
Japan. Their coexistence with the ocean through sustainable fishing makes them an important part of ocean
heritage as a whole. Their deep awareness of the marine ecosystems they rely on, leads them to responsible
and sustainable harvesting and they are important members of the coastal communities they live in. The
hope is that by recognising their importance to the nation or even worldwide, the profession becomes revived
and their knowledge will continue to ensure sustainable harvesting of marine resources (Ishihara 2017).
Traditional practice of women divers has become a popular tourist attraction in recent years. However, the
real power of the Ama lies in their knowledge, most of it tacit. Ethnographic fieldwork between 2015 and
2017 in Toba, Mie Prefecture; Minami-cho (Abu, Izari), Tokushima Prefecture; Iki Island in Nagasaki, Kuji
in Iwate, and Chikura in Chiba Prefecture to elicit oral histories of Ama, showed that among the study
participants, many were involved in tourism activities, where they would offer Ama cuisine and cultural
experiences combined with storytelling, centred around the Ama hut, or offer an Ama experience including
diving and harvesting shells. However, stereotypical images prevail and Ama sometimes gets idealised or
is placed in a ‘fixed tourist scape of romanticised heritage’ (Kato 2019, 949).
The Haenyeo of South Korea
The Haenyeo of South Korea has been part of UNESCO’s List of Intangible Cultural Heritage since 2016.
Haenyeo fisheries on Jeju are dispersed over 102 fishing villages and geographically cover fishing grounds
within a distance of 1.5 kilometres (km) from the coastline and a depth of seven meters (m) at low tide. As
of 2017 they produced 90 per cent of all shellfish exported from the island, thus being a driving force of the
local economy (Song 2020).
The Haenyeo face comparable challenges to the Ama. Their numbers have decreased from 14,000 in the
1970s to 4,500 in 2015. Women are hesitant to pursue the line of work of their foremothers due to its great
physical strain. In the 1970s, the government initiated funding for wetsuits in order to alleviate the cold and
enhance the diving time to boost harvests. Despite this, according to one Haenyeo’s assessment, their culture
could disappear within approximately thirty years (Mundy 2015). The TEK of the Haenyeo is connected to
changes regarding climate change and island culture. It is based on a lengthy oral history transmitted over
generations. Haenyeo can be seen as stewards of seascapes and landscapes. A field study by Chisholm
Hatfield and Song conducted on Cheongsando, Yeosodo, Jeju, Saengildo, and Udo showed the importance

4

�of Haenyeo in regard to sustainability efforts. The Haenyeo are a source of information about environmental
issues, having developed an acute sense for change. The resources they harvest, shellfish, seaweed and
abalone, for example, are steadily declining. The Haenyeo react by implementing countermeasures such as
planning sustainable harvest collections, reseeding ocean resources or moving to other islands. Their diving
techniques are non-intrusive and, similar to the Ama, they adhere to strict guidelines to ensure this remains
the case, even with the use of wetsuits. They understand precisely what is at stake, therefore upholding their
tradition and history in the present and future. However, their environmental knowledge is not as highly
appreciated as their economic impact or role in tourism. (Chisholm Hatfield and Hong 2019). Their
knowledge of the harvesting season was developed through observation with the goal of keeping marine
biodiversity alive. The system they developed over time is made sustainable by adhering to specific harvest
seasons and size restrictions for shellfish, designation of fishing grounds and ensuring ecological and social
stability but these factors need to be maintained continuously to ensure smooth running in the future. Local
policies on conserving and managing the ocean cannot succeed without taking their expertise into
consideration (Song 2020).

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Both Ama and Haenyeo are endangered groups of people due to various factors. Despite recognising them
as bearers of intangible maritime cultural heritage and indispensable parts of oceanscape, much work still
needs to be done. Other than trying to bolster the numbers through social measures, they need support to
grapple with external factors that they have no means of controlling. The consequences of pollution and
climate change, erosion due to coastal development, and marginalisation are all factors that can and need to
be amended if Ocean Decade’s sustainability goals want to be reached. The relationship between human
and nature becomes sustainable when it is reciprocal, whether that means a practical, symbolic or conceptual
relationship. Connectivity with the natural world is sensory, and grounded in everyday experiences (Kato
2007, 2009). These women have a trove of experience in dealing with the oceanscape in a sustainable way
and they prove it every day. They feel the waters with their bodies, they subject their livelihood, their beliefs,
their past, present and future to the ocean and have proven throughout their long history that they are ocean
literate in the literal sense.
The oceanscape allows people to help recognise their place in relation to the surrounding environment,
caring for it and being cared for in return. The Ama and Haenyeo, despite being recognised as living
intangible heritage, live in a present that is under threat due to dwindling numbers, pollution, and social and
economic issues. These issues are not limited to their local coastscape nor caused by their communities.
They are embedded within the larger context of the global oceanic environment. Their vital role should not
be seen only or mostly as a heritage preserved through museums or as part of tourism and education efforts,
but they need to be actively involved in all discussions together with stakeholders from policy and business
and private sectors. They immerse their body in the ocean every day multiple times, their lives tied to it in
many ways and adhering to a strictly sustainable harvesting cycle of their own volition. Their long history
grants them the necessary authority for successful long-term sustainability ventures. Moreover, their focus
on maintaining the ocean instead of exploiting it has been demonstrated time and time again.
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6226">
                <text>A Phenomenology of Oceanscapes: Aquatic Lifeworlds and Sustainability</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>This paper is included in ‘Session 3 Decade of Action, the call for Oceans’ Past to Bridge our Communities’ to address&#13;
the encounter with experience and understanding of humans and their aquatic surroundings, i.e. the phenomenology&#13;
of oceanscape. Defined as the human perception and experience of the ocean, this concept includes both tangible and&#13;
intangible events and encounters. The notion of the sea as a blank, formless and featureless space has often been evoked&#13;
in scholarly writings. Recently, however, researchers have made compelling arguments against this point of view by&#13;
recognizing the materiality and temporality of the sea itself. Even though the ocean as a fluid space lacks the firm&#13;
surface of the land, it is not without recognizable structures in various forms. After introducing and examining a&#13;
theoretical framework for the phenomenology of oceanscape, and exploring the experience of encountering a vast body&#13;
of water, this paper uses the analysis of (contemporary) human interactions with the ocean that are firmly rooted in the&#13;
past to address sustainable concepts of human-ocean interaction in the present. The Haenyeo in South Korea and the&#13;
Ama in Japan, both representatives of invaluable and intangible East Asian maritime heritage, exist in the space&#13;
between past and present and between land and water. Based on centuries-old tradition and knowledge, their present&#13;
understanding of their maritime environment can contribute to a better understanding of social and mutual humanocean entanglements and thus contribute to ocean literacy as defined by UNESCO.</text>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6228">
                <text>Dr. Anja Krieger</text>
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          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6229">
                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="6230">
                <text>2023</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
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                <text>English</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="80">
            <name>Bibliographic Citation</name>
            <description>A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible.</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="6232">
                <text>Krieger, Anja. 2023. “A Phenomenology of Oceanscape: Aquatic Lifeworlds and Sustainability.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Abhirada Komoot. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1932 </text>
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      <tag tagId="61">
        <name>Asia-Pac Session 3 2023</name>
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  </item>
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