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                    <text>Ancient Afro-Asia Links:
New Evidence from a Maritime Perspective
Caesar Bita

Abstract
Historical records have shown that the East African coast was connected to ancient global trade
st
networks. These early overseas contacts are evidenced by references to trading voyages in the early 1
th
th
millennium AD and in the 11 to 14 century AD. During these periods, exports to India, China and the
Persian Gulf included skins, horns, ivory and gold, whilst pottery, glass, textiles and beads were imported.
Maritime archaeological studies have produced pottery, beads and shipwrecks that have showed links
between East Africa and the Middle East, Indian sub-continent and China. Furthermore, historic Kenyan
coastal settlements such as Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu were important port towns of call for merchant
shipping, as they were strategically sited along busy sea-lanes. This paper examines this historical
connection between ancient Kenyan coastal towns and the Asian continent. It explores results of previous
and ongoing underwater archaeological research in Malindi and Lamu archipelago that has produced
evidence of Asian cultural heritage.

Keywords
East Africa; Kenya; Maritime; Swahili; Mombasa; Lamu; Pate, Malindi; Ngomeni

Introduction
Kenya is one of the East African countries that border the Indian Ocean. The East
African coast littoral of the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) is referred to as the "Swahili
coast" and its coastline extends for 3000 km from 1° North in Somali to 25° south to the
mouth of Limpopo (Morgan 1973; Sanseverino 1983; Kusimba 1999). The dimensions
of this coast cover the coastal littoral and the off-shore islands of Lamu, Pemba,
Zanzibar and the Comoros (Chami 1998:199-218; Horton 1984; Sutton 1990). However,
its width varied historically depending on the rate of interactions. For example, between
11th and 15th century AD, this coast extended from 50 – 300 kilometers (km) to the
interior, while between 7th to 9th century AD and after 17th century AD, the width was
100 km (White 1983; Chami 2006). The coast is characterized by alternating beaches,
rocky outcrops, coral reefs, large estuarine areas, wetlands, lagoons and inter-tidal flats
(Ase 1987:276–295). On its part, the Kenya coast extends over 600 km in length
bordering Somali in the north (at Kiunga) and Tanzania in the south at Vanga (see
Figure 1). It has an almost continuous fringing of coral reef shelf running parallel to the
coastline and extending 0.5 – 20 km offshore (Obura 2001:1264-1278). Over the years
the adjacent continental shelf has been subjected to marine activity thereby leading to
creation of new coastlines through fresh deposition of sand dunes and formation of
coral rocks (Ase 1987:276–295). In other cases adjacent lands have been eroded away
or have been sunk (Obura 2001:1264-1278). There is evidence that oceanic wave
turbulences as well as human activities have, through the years, caused wreckage to a
number of ships and canoes with cultural materials in them (Patience 2006).
Communities who settled along the Swahili coast have had a history of long and
continuous interaction with not only the hinterland communities but also across the
Indian Ocean seaboard. This Ocean has permitted a close network of sailing routes
between its surrounding continents based on regular and predictable monsoon winds
(Hall 1996). These winds allowed the Kenyan coast, being part of the WIO, to be visited

�by seafarers from distant lands: Greece as early as 2000 Before Present1 (BP)
(Coupland 1938; Inghams 1962:1-2; Freeman-Grenville 1975:1-4, 14-24, 50-112;
Hourani 1963), China and Persia in the 900 – 1400 AD (Boxer 1960; Chittick 1979:273277; Sutton 1990). These visitors left material remains such as ceramics and
shipwrecks that are reported in the seabed of Kenya. Local fishermen have reported
features on the seabed along many parts of this coast and collected and handed to the
National Museums of Kenya pottery, stone anchors, cannons and canon balls (Bita and
Wanyama 2007; Bita 2008; 2009a). Recent archaeological and non-archaeological
expeditions have yielded significant materials that are confirming this historical AFROSINO-ARABO connection (Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2008; 2009a; 2011a).

Figure 1. The Kenya coast showing location of some of the sites mentioned in the text
(Bita 2010).

Historical links
Historical records reported by travelers as well as chronicles have showed that for
centuries, the people who lived along the east African coast had developed international
trade links (Boxer 1960; Freeman-Grenville 1975: 1 - 4, 14 - 24; Chittick 1976;
Huntingford 1980; Smith and Wright 1988; 115 - 145; Casson 1989; 117 - 134; Sutton
1990; Hall 1996; Chami 1999: 237 - 241; 2001: 7 – 20; Mbida, et al 2000: 151 - 162).
However, the scale of this trade seems to have been limited and there is a marked
hiatus in trading activity at most sites from the fourth to the eighth / ninth century AD
(Forsythe, et al. 2003:133-138). Thus, it is at the latter date that the dynamic
commercialization in the WIO truly begins. During this period, the Swahili coast was a
busy highway for international traders and travelers some of whom recorded
observations of the areas they visited (Hollingsworth 1951; Mathew 1963:94-114; Datoo
1970:65-77; Freeman-Grenville 1975:1-4, 14-24; Huntingford 1980; Kirwan 1986:99114; Casson 1989; Chami 1999:237-241). Even before the arrival of the Europeans,
Africans had connections with people from the India-subcontinent. According to Martin
1

used to indicate a date before the present era, commonly 1950 is the chosen date of reference because
this is when the radiocarbon dating method was first invented.

�(1973), Indian traders had been visiting the East African coast from at least the early
centuries of the first millennium AD with some settling in the region. Today, Indiandescendants' enterprise and business acumen has introduced and currently runs most
of the cloth shops in the coastal towns (Martin 1973; Bita 2005; 2008).
When one walks the streets the notable Indian heritage includes the architectural
styles of storey buildings with penthouses and outer wooden stairways, a style that has
remained unique in some infrastructure found in the region. Interestingly, other
assortments of artifacts of Asian origin have been adopted as cultural heritage of the
local people. These include for instance, Indian grinding stones and wooden pestles for
making noodles (Bita 2005; Bita 2008). Other forms of heritage resulting from the Asian
contact are the introduction of Hori (type of canoe) and Ngalawa (boat with outriggers)
both of which are still in use in the region (Martin 1973; Bita 2005; Bita 2009a; Bita
2009b).
During the Ming dynasty the Chinese launched various missions to the African
continent. Two of these voyages made between 1417-1419 AD and 1421-1422 AD
have descriptions of the African territories visited, such as Maqdishu (Mogadishu),
Brava, Juba and Muâ-lién / Mo-lin (Inghams 1962:5; Kirkman 1964:86-89). These areas
have been identified as East African coastal towns with, Mua-lien as the town of Malindi
on the Kenyan Coast and Maqdishu as Mogadishu in Somali (Inghams 1962: 1 - 3;
Freeman-Grenville 1975: 7).The descriptions of these territories have been preserved in
the Ming Shih, the official history of the Ming dynasty (Inghams 1962:5). The same
record has also been preserved in the Hsing- ch’a sheng- lan which is a record of the
lands visited by Fei Hsin who sailed as a junior officer on some of the voyages
(Inghams 1962:5; Freeman-Grenville 1975:7; Kirkman 1964:86-89).
The fifth Chinese expedition was between 1417-1419 (Inghams 1962:5) to
Malindi and was a reaction to a gift of a giraffe sent to the Chinese Emperor by the King
of Bengal Saif-ud-Din, as a gift from the Sultan of Malindi (Kirkman 1964:86-89). The
gift included a ‘celestial stag’ or Oryx, and a ‘celestial horse’ or Zebra. The arrival of an
African giraffe in China was made possible by the established seafaring networks
between the Kenyan coast and countries bordering the Indian Ocean.
The legendary Chinese explorer Zheng He is said to have visited Malindi several
times during the Ming dynasty, when maritime trade grew unabated (Inghams 1962:1-5;
Kirkman 1964:88-89). In Zheng He's travel he would have been privy to this
commercialization, the most obvious signs of which include a wide range of imported
ceramics, beads, glassware and metal artifacts imported from the Persian Gulf, the Red
Sea, India, Southeast Asia and China. Artifacts of these types have been found in most
archaeological excavations along the Kenyan coast (Wilson 1982; Abungu 1994; Chami
2006; Kusimba 1999; Breen and Lane 2003; Bita 2011b). China was known for its
porcelain production. Coming from China, the porcelain was traded on the Swahili
Coast in exchange for mangrove poles, ambergris2, leopard skins, slaves, ivory, gums,
rhinoceros horns, and tortoise shells (Chittick 1979:273-277; Whitehouse 2001:411-424;
Forsythe, et al. 2003:133-138).
The ancient Afro-Asiatic trade connections are said to have existed for several
centuries in the Swahili Coast before the arrival of Europeans. This historical link is
today evident by, the suspected shipwreck of Zheng He and the associated
descendants of his shipwreck survivors in the Lamu archipelago (Bita and Wanyama
2007; Bita 2009a). During one of Zheng He's voyages to East Africa, around 1458 AD,
one of his ships is said to have capsized near Pate in the Lamu archipelago (see Figure

2

A gray waxy substance secreted from the intestines of the sperm whale consisting mainly of cholesterol.
It is found floating in tropical waters or on beaches and was an important export commodity to the Far
East and Middle East mainly for perfume-making.

�1). After the Chinese the next well-documented foreign arrivals to the Kenyan coast
were the Portuguese, eighty years later (Bita 2005; Bita 2008).

Previous research
Previous archaeological research has revealed that the Kenyan coast has had long
contacts with Far Eastern countries. An underwater excavation of the Portuguese
shipwreck Santo Antonio de Tanna recovered a lot of pottery identified as manufactured
in the Far East (Figure 2) including India, China, Thailand and Burma (Piercy 1977:331347; Piercy 1978:301-319; Sassoon 1980; Lynch 1999). In Malindi, fishermen have
been collecting Chinese porcelain in the sea (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a).

Figure 2. Jars from Thailand and Burma (Courtesy: Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa)

Present work
Current maritime research is concentrating in Malindi and the Lamu archipelago, areas
known for their historical global trade links. Malindi, located 120 km northeast of
Mombasa and about 250 km south of Lamu, among the towns that have shaped the
history of the East African coast. The town appears in Chinese records of the 9th
century AD (Freeman-Grenville 1975:7; Kirkman 1964:86-89) and was visited and
described by Arabs and Portuguese visitors in the 12th - 15th centuries AD (FreemanGrenville 1975:1-4; Inghams 1962:5-15; Ross 1995; Hall 1996; Sassoon 1980). By the
15th century AD for instance, the Chinese explorer Zheng He is said to have visited the
town where he was given a giraffe as a present by the Malindi ruler (Kirkman 1964:8689). By then it was a thriving town an attribute that led the Portuguese on their arrival to
make it their headquarters for international trade links between Europe and the Indian
sub-continent (Boxer 1960; Freeman-Grenville 1975:50-75; Kirkman 1964:89-95;
Kirkman 1974; Hourani 1963; Martin 1973; Martin 1975; Martin and Martin 1978; Sutton
1990; Bita 2011b).
In trading areas, shipwrecks would be closer to certain shipping hazards such as
reefs and projecting headlands. In Malindi, maritime investigations are confined in the
areas of Ras Ngomeni and Leopard Bay. Ngomeni is located near a headland whereas
Leopard Bay is in a navigation channel between two reefs. In the two areas many ships
are suspected to have sunk and locals have been collecting Chinese and Persian
ceramics from underwater (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a; MS, Malindi).
Recent maritime surveys in Leopard Bay have identified a ship engine block,
Chinese porcelain of the 14th century and Indian wares (Bita 2008; Bita 2011a). There
are several Portuguese shipwrecks in Malindi whose locations have not been found

�(Bita 2008), including one allegedly discovered by local fishermen containing Indian and
Chinese pottery (Patience 2006; TA, Malindi).
Ngomeni village, about 50 km north of Malindi town, stands on an arm of land
jutting towards the sea (Ras Ngomeni), which offers a protected shallow harbour
formerly used as a gateway for all seafarers from Lamu to Malindi (Wilson 1982:210219; Bita 2008; Bita 2011a). The area was known for mangrove growing which was
exported to, and used in house-roof construction in, cities around the Gulf (Wilson
1982:210-219; Whitehouse 2001:416). Recent maritime archaeological studies in the
area have discovered a 14th century AD wooden shipwreck about 40 m long at a depth
of between 7 – 10 m partially covered in sand (Plate 1). On-going studies seek to
establish the origin of this shipwreck (Bita 2011a).

Plate 1. Bottom plank of a shipwreck in Ngomeni, Malindi (Bita 2011a).
Other artifacts recovered, which confirm the trade links between Malindi and the
Far East, include a complete Far Eastern pot, white-glazed plate from Thailand (Figure
3), Islamic green glazed pottery, bronze mortar, copper plates and bowls (Bita 2008;
Bita 2011a).

Figure 3. Glazed pot, Ming Dynasty pot with Dragon and Thailand plate (Courtesy: Fort
Jesus Museum, Mombasa)

�Lamu archipelago is composed of several islets but the main inhabited islands
include Lamu, Manda, Pate, Ndau and Kiwayu, all with ancient towns by the same
names. The archipelago and its settlements are important landmarks in the history of
the East Coast of Africa. This archipelago was the most important centre of the northern
Swahili world with Manda and Pate revealing evidence of early occupation (Chittick
1984; Horton 1987b:290-322). The Island of Pate borders Manda Island to the south
and the Indian Ocean to the east. The island’s main town of Pate is significant because
it was among the earliest sites founded upon the East African coast (Wilson and Omar
1997:31-76; Kusimba 1999). Previous research has indicated that Pate fully participated
in the development of the Swahili culture from these beginnings and grew to be one of
the most politically influential and economically prosperous communities on the Swahili
coast (Wilson and Omar 1996:453-554; Wilson and Omar 1997:31-76).
Pate Island for many years served as the gateway to Lamu for sea travelers. Up
to the present locals refer to its eastern shores as mlango wa Lamu (gateway to Lamu).
The Portuguese used this route for decades controlling the WIO trade (FreemanGreenville 1975:50-112; Kirkman 1964:86–117). The Arabs dominated the coastal strip
long before the Portuguese and used the same route for hundreds of years in trade with
the Persian Gulf (Chittick 1979:273-277; Chittick 1984; Hall 1996).
A narrow creek divides Pate Island into two halves. In the past the creek was
deep allowing sailing ships to anchor for the loading of copra, tamarind, dates,
mangroves, leather products, furniture and other Swahili crafts; and off-loading products
from various markets (Chittick 1967:37-67; Chittick 1979:273-277; Whitehouse
2001:411-424). The eastern side of this creek has silted heavily allowing mangrove
forests to grow hence they cover the entire original anchorage. Pate Bay has several
long reefs and many rock outcrops such as Pazzali, Mwamba Hassani and Mwamba
Hanawi. The lack of nautical charts for this area caused many early seafarer casualties
on these coral rocks when sailing through this bay.
Over the years, fishermen in the Lamu archipelago have been recovering
archaeological pottery at various sites along the reefs and channels (Bita and Wanyama
2007; Bita 2009a). A distinct find was a pot with a dragon emblem (see figure 3),
believed to be of the China Ming Dynasty period. In one of the Chinese Ming Dynasty
missions to East Africa one of Zheng He's ships is said to have wrecked in Pate bay,
around 1458 AD, where survivors went to stay with, and later intermarried with, the local
population (Bita 2009a). The union led to a generation of locals who claim direct
decadency of the Chinese shipwreck survivors (SK, Pate; AS, Lamu; SM, Lamu; HK,
Mombasa). Their physical features and DNA analyses (SM, Lamu; BS, Pate) attest to
this and locally they are referred to as Wa- China (local for Chinese people). The clan
name of these people is Wa- Shanga (people from Shanga) which local people claim is
an abbreviation of Shanghai (meaning the ship wreckers may have originated from
modern day Shanghai, China).

Recent Evidence
The Zheng He phenomenon in Pate and the prolonged recovery of Chinese cultural
materials in Lamu has prompted further underwater archaeological research. Recent
maritime and underwater archaeological surveys have recovered data that further
supports ancient trade connections between Kenya and Asian countries (Bita and
Wanyama 2007; Bita 2009a; Bita 2011a). Seabed survey identified scatters of Far
Eastern and Chinese pottery and several copper ingots. Several underwater sites were
identified, although yet to be confirmed, indicate presence of historic shipwrecks (Bita
2011a).
The studies have also established existence of a strong tradition and a
generation of locals who claim ancestry from the Zheng He shipwreck in Pate (SL, Pate;

�AS, Lamu; SM, Lamu; SK, Pate; SM, Pate; BS, Pate; Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita
2009a). In relation to the shipwreck survivors there are also two graveyards: one with
elaborate tombs and the other, thought to belong to the Chinese, has simple graves
with headstones that Chinese informants from Xinhua News Agency identified as
Chinese tombstones (HK, Mombasa). In the nearby villages of Pate, Faza and Siyu,
there are a lot of Chinese porcelain of the 14th century, used in decoration of niches of
tombs and houses (Horton 1987b: 290-322; Bita and Wanyama 2007; Bita 2009a).

Conclusion
This paper has considered multiple sources in the research to define the extent of the
significance of the Swahili Coast in past Indian Ocean maritime activities. The Periplus
3
documents refer to east Africa’s coast as early as 2000 BP. Chinese sources mention
presence of a cattle economy at Berbera coast, Somali by late 800s AD, as well as their
involvement in trade with foreigners from the Far East. Historical records by Arab
travelers and geographers in mid 900s AD mention thriving maritime communities along
the east African coast. These records are correlated with data coming from terrestrial
archaeological investigations at many sites on the Swahili Coast.
Maritime archaeological studies which are producing evidence in forms of
shipwrecks lend support to these ancient trade links. Additionally, the probable
presence of the Zheng He shipwreck(s) in Pate; and cultural materials of Chinese,
Indian, Thai and Burmese in underwater archaeological sites signify that communities of
the Kenya coast were in continuous interaction with the Asian continent. Accordingly,
that the Kenyan coast was (and still is) a highway for international maritime travelers,
and has had historical trade connectivity with regions surrounding the Indian Ocean,
makes it an important area for maritime studies as traces of these connections could be
lying on the seabed.

Oral Sources
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

Twalib Ahmed, Village Mayungu, Malindi, 12 January 2011, cited as TA, Malindi.
Baraka Shee, Village Siyu, Pate, 17 June 2009, cited as BS, Pate.
Shariff Lali, Shanga Village, Pate, 16 June, 2009, cited as SL, Pate.
Salim Bwana Kheri, Village, Siyu, Pate, 7 June 2009, cited as SK, Pate.
Ali Suo, Shella, Village Lamu, 3 October 2007, cited as AS, Lamu.
Safina Mohamed, Village Shella, Lamu, 4 October 2007, cited as SM, Lamu.
Herman Kiriama, Mombasa, 23 April 2005, cited as HK, Mombasa.
Mwalimu Shali, Village, Ngomeni, Malindi, 26 October 2008, cited as MS, Malindi

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Mombasa Wreck Excavation, Interim Report, National Museums of
Kenya, Nairobi.
“The ceramics from Ras Hafun in Somalia: notes on a classical
maritime site”, in Azania, 23, pp. 115–41.
A thousand years of East Africa, British Institute in East Africa, Nairobi.

The vegetation of Africa, United Nations Educational Scientific and
Cultural Organization, Paris.
“East Africa and the maritime trade of the Indian Ocean A.D.
800 – 1500”, in (ed) Amenoreti, B. S., Islam in East Africa: New
Sources, Herder, Rome, pp. 411 – 424.
Wilson, T. H.,
“Spatial analysis and settlement patterns on the East African coast”, in
Paideuma, 28, pp. 201 - 219.
1982
Wilson, T. H., and “Archaeological investigations at Pate”, in Azania, 32, pp. 31 - 76.
Omar, A. L.,
1997
Wilson, T. H., and “Excavation at Pate on the East African coast”, in (eds.) Pwiti, G., and
Soper R., Aspects of African Archaeology, University of Zimbabwe,
Omar, A. L.,
1996
Harare, pp. 543 - 554.
Wright, H. T.,
“Early seafarers of the Comoro Islands: the Dembeni phase of the IXth
- Xth centuries A.D.”, in Azania, 19, pp. 13 – 60.
1984

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                <text>Ancient Afro-Asia Links: New Evidence from a Maritime Perspective&#13;
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The archaeological study of shipsâ€™ cargo, hull, and maritime infrastructure</text>
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                <text>Historical records have shown that the East African coast was connected to ancient global trade networks. These early overseas contacts are evidenced by references to trading voyages in the early 1st millennium AD and in the 11th to 14th century AD. During these periods, exports to India, China and the Persian Gulf included skins, horns, ivory and gold, whilst pottery, glass, textiles and beads were imported. Maritime archaeological studies have produced pottery, beads and shipwrecks that have showed links between East Africa and the Middle East, Indian sub-continent and China. Furthermore, historic Kenyan coastal settlements such as Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu were important port towns of call for merchant shipping, as they were strategically sited along busy sea-lanes. This paper examines this historical connection between ancient Kenyan coastal towns and the Asian continent. It explores results of previous and ongoing underwater archaeological research in Malindi and Lamu archipelago that has produced evidence of Asian cultural heritage. </text>
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                <text>Caesar Bita</text>
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                    <text>Maritime and underwater archaeological explorations in Kenya:
Recent discoveries

Caesar Bita
National Museums of Kenya, Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa, P.O. Box 82412, 80100,
Kenya
Email: mcbita@yahoo.com

Abstract
Kenya is the first sub-Sahara African country to initiate an underwater archaeological
expedition thus legally recognizing the value of underwater cultural heritage. This was
after successful survey and excavation of the 17th Century Portuguese shipwreck,
Santa Antonio De Tanna, in Mombasa. Kenya coast is part of the Western Indian
Ocean; commonly referred to as the ‘Swahili coast’. This coast was a domain of
foreigners from the early centuries of the first millennium AD. It was visited by the
Greeks; controlled by the Arabs, Portuguese and the Europeans. In addition, it played a
major role in ancient transoceanic maritime trade across the Indian Ocean Seaboard
linking the Swahili Coast with the Arab world, India sub-continent, Far East and China,
America and Europe. Owing to crude navigation and sea faring technologies of the time,
there are on the seabed of Kenya traces of these interactions in the form of
archaeological remains. Recent studies have shown that the Kenya coast is home to a
number of shipwrecks and has immense potential in underwater cultural heritage.
Drawing from ancient literature, previous and current maritime and underwater
archaeological studies, and this paper presents the recent discoveries from underwater
archaeological surveys in Kenya. The paper illustrates that there is immense potential
for underwater archaeology in Kenya that requires new attention both in research and
conservation.
Key words: Swahili Coast, Lamu archipelago, Malindi, Maritime Archaeology
Underwater Cultural Heritage, Shipwreck

Introduction
The conservation of maritime and underwater cultural resources has become a major
field of great scientific and regional importance world over. Maritime cultural heritage is
a critical element of Kenya’s wellbeing. In addition to its intrinsic value, it provides us
1

�with important space for recreation and has a significance that makes it worth
preserving; it is part of the environment, has an economic and scholarly value. This
resource is however under ever increasing pressure from human activity. Its protection
is thus a key part of sustainable development, whereby policies to encourage social and
economic development should be equaled by policies to protect our environment. To
effectively protect this heritage one important step is to document how much of this
resource is available.
The National Museums of Kenya (NMK) cannot afford to rely on “accidental” discoveries
by non-scientific ventures and still remain an authentic custodian of the national
heritage. It is for this that Kenya has made efforts to implement the preservation of
underwater cultural heritage (UCH). The country has developed capacities in maritime
and underwater cultural heritage through the training of underwater archaeologists and
establishment of an underwater artifact conservation laboratory. NMK has designed a
maritime archaeological programme for the study of this heritage as well as a database
of all shipwrecks in the country. These efforts are expected to increase the dimension in
which we understand and interpret this heritage in addition to mitigating the risk of
loosing this resource to vandalism and uncontrolled development.
Maritime History of the Kenyan Coast
Kenya is a maritime country with a coastline approximately 600 km long with many
small islands and navigable channels.
This coast, which is part of the Western
Indian Ocean (WIO), commonly referred
to as the ‘Swahili coast’, was a major
player

in

the

ancient

transoceanic

maritime trade across the Indian Ocean
Seaboard. Its inhabitants are known to
have had a history of long and continuous
interaction with not only the Indian Ocean
but also foreign visitors including the
Greeks,
2
1 Fig. 1 Trade goods exchanged across the
Western Indian Seaboard. (C. Bita)

Arabs,

Portuguese

and

the

�Europeans. Further, several early Swahili settlements ranging in time from the 8th-17th
centuries AD dot both the entire coastline as well as its off-shore islands (Garlake,
1966; Chittick, 1984; Horton, 1984; Abungu, 1989; Bita, 2011b). Such include
Mombasa, Lamu, Pate, Faza, Dondo, Kiunga, Ishakani, Ungwana, Siyu, Kilepwe,
Mambrui, Malindi, Gedi, Jumba La Mtwana and Kilifi. These ancient towns linked the
Swahili Coast and other continents across the Western Indian Ocean seaboard
including the Arab world, India sub-continent, south East Asia, the Far East and China,
America and Europe (Fig. 1).
Several

historical

records make reference
to ancient seafaring off
the Swahili coast. The
Periplus

of

Erytharean

Sea,

document

by

the
a
an

anonymous Greek sailor,
mentions

the

east

African coast as early as
2000

BP

(Freeman-

Fig. 2 Figure showing the concentration of shipwrecks along the Grenville, 1962; 1975;
Wright, 1984; Horton,
Kenya coast. (C. Bita)
1990; Whitehouse, 2001;
Chami, 2006). Records by Chinese travelers refer to the Somali coast and her trade
connections with the Far East by late 800s AD, while reports by Arab geographers
allude to thriving maritime communities on this coast by 900 AD (Kirkman, 1964; Datoo,
1970; Martin, 1973; Freeman-Grenville, 1975; Horton, 1990; Hall, 1996). The period
between the first millennium BC and the 2nd half of the first millennium AD was
characterized by crude shipping technology and lack of nautical charts. These crude
navigation technologies, as well as oceanic changes, are likely to have made early
seafarers casualties of coral reefs and violent sea waves. In addition, the East African
coast has been a centre of rivalry between major powers and the resultant wars
3

�witnessed a number of marine armour destroyed and sunken in these waters. This
evidence is today lying on the sea-bed and foreshores in the form of shipwrecks,
anchors, military structures among others (Bita, 2014). In Kenya this underwater
archaeology comes to light from researches, accidental discoveries by fishermen,
written records and oral tradition. Recent investigations that corroborate historical
literary sources have shown that the Kenya coast is home to a number of ancient
shipwrecks. Studies have shown the highest concentration of these sites in Kenya to be
around Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu (Fig. 2) (Breen and Lane, 2003; Forsythe et al.,
2003; Bita, 2008; 2010; 2011b; 2014).
Maritime and Underwater Archaeological explorations in Kenya
There are significant pointers towards the richness of Kenya’s maritime and underwater
cultural heritage. A survey to establish the full range of this resource is ongoing in the
country. The objectives of this undertaking are to identify and understand the range and
distribution of this resource in the Kenya coast and to develop a database of the
maritime and UCH sites for further archaeological investigation and conservation.
Kenya initiated an underwater archaeological expedition after successful survey and
excavation of the 17th century Portuguese shipwreck in Mombasa. This Portuguese
frigate was sunk by Oman Arabs in 1698 in Mombasa during a battle to free Fort Jesus
from the Arabs (Piercy, 1977; 1978; Sassoon, 1980; Boxer, 1960; Lynch, 1991;
Patience, 2006). Following this development, this shipwreck, later dubbed ‘Mombasa
Wreck’, was gazetted as a national monument and is today protected by the country’s
legislation. It is this initiative that made Kenya the first east African sub-Saharan country
to legally recognize the value of underwater cultural heritage. In the subsequent years,
there was a growing importance of underwater archaeology including management of
UCH in Kenya. With the potential of underwater archaeology in the country, a new
research and heritage management perspective was required. As such, Kenya sought
to develop capacities in underwater cultural heritage management through training and
infrastructure development. The country has trained two underwater archaeologists,
three conservators of underwater cultural material and has a well established
underwater artifact conservation laboratory. Additionally, a database of maritime and

4

�UCH sites has been developed for the coastal region and undersea cultural heritage
impact assessments are conducted as part of these efforts.
Recent Discoveries
Several underwater surveys have been undertaken off the Kenyan coast in which a lot
of archaeological heritage has been documented. These surveys include a 2001
maritime archaeological study of Mombasa Island (Breen and Lane, 2003). Others are
the 2006-2009 surveys in Lamu, Malindi and Mombasa by NMK (Patience, 2006; Bita
and Wanyama, 2007; Bita, 2008; 2009 a-b). The latest, and ongoing, is the survey by
National Museums of Kenya in collaboration with National Museums of China, in the
“Sino-Kenya Underwater Archaeology project” (Bita, 2011a; 2013a). In these surveys
numerous maritime and underwater heritage sites have been documented including
shipwrecks, structures and artifacts. Interestingly these have been found to occur
around the ancient towns of Lamu, Mombasa and Malindi; towns that played a major
role in the ancient transoceanic interactions across the Western Indian Ocean (Fig. 2).
Underwater archaeological surveys have also focused on these important towns.
Underwater Archaeological survey in Mombasa
Mombasa Island borders the open sea to the south east and has several channels.
There have been numerous underwater
archaeological surveys of this island in
the previous years that realized a lot of
maritime

and

heritage

sites.

underwater
The

first

cultural
survey

undertaken was the excavation of the
Santa

Antonio

recovered

Indian

shipwreck
wares,

which
Chinese

porcelain, Martaban and Portuguese
jars, canons, mortar shells and bronze
medallions (Piercy, 1977; 1978; Bita,
Fig. 3 Lamu Archipelago: the eastern shores 2013b). A later survey revealed several
have many rock outcrops where ancient ships
5
are believed to have sunk while entering Lamu
Town. (C. Bita)

�anomalies, some being shipwrecks (Breen and Lane, 2003; Forsythe et al., 2003).
Recent surveys (Bita, 2009b; 2011c) have recorded wreck sites and associated
structures (Fig. 3).
Underwater Archaeological survey in Lamu archipelago
Lamu archipelago is composed of several islands but the main ones are Lamu, Manda
and Pate, all with ancient towns by the same names (Fig. 3). Ancient settlements in this
archipelago are important landmarks in the history of the Swahili Coast. They were
important centres of the northern Swahili world with some, like Manda and Pate,
exhibiting evidence of very early occupation (Chittick, 1984; Horton, 1987; Wilson and
Omar, 1996; 1997). Ancient Pate Bay for instance was the gateway to Lamu Town for
sea travelers. Even up to the present, the eastern shores of this island are referred to by
the locals as mlango wa Lamu (gateway to Lamu). This route was used by the
Portuguese for decades controlling the WIO trade (Kirkman, 1964; Freeman-Greenville,
1975; Chittick, 1976; 1984; Hall, 1996). The Arabs dominated the Swahili Coast long
before the Portuguese and used this route for hundreds of years in trade with the
Persian Gulf (Bita, 2011b).
Pate Bay has several long reefs
and many coral rock outcrops such
as Pazzali, Hassani and Hanawi.
These rocks are at the confluence
of Pate channel and the open sea
and being submerged at high tide
suggests many vessels may have
wrecked here. In addition, the lack
of nautical knowledge for this area
caused

many

early

seafarer Fig. 4 Portion of a shipwreck embedded in concretion in
casualties on these coral rocks Mombasa waters. (Coastal Archaeology, National
when sailing through this bay. Over Museums of Kenya)
the years, fishermen in the Lamu
archipelago have been recovering archaeological materials at various sites along these
6

�reefs and channels in addition to seabed surveys (Bita and Wanyama, 2007; Bita,
2009a; 2014). Recent surveys in Lamu have made major achievements in terms of the
volume of artifacts recovered; sites surveyed and amount of data collected. Geophysical
studies have recorded several underwater anomalies while sites identified include areas
with concentrations of pottery and iron anchors (Bita, 2014). A massive anchor
approximately 4m long with 2m long hooks was found (Fig. 4). Standing upright and
embedded in coral, one of its hooks is however missing (this suggests probably its line
was cut when sailors were unable to take it back into the ship). Similar types of anchors
have also been recovered in Mombasa. Small iron anchors 2m long heavily encrusted
and of 3 hooks have also been recovered. This style of 3 hook anchors is not a common
feature of the Swahili Coast and suggests they belong to foreign ships. Early travel
across the Western Indian Ocean was subject to the monsoon winds which alternated
every six months. For instance, foreign traders sailed to the East African coast on the
northwest monsoon wind which blows from November until April. For six months they
would wait for the winds to change direction in order for them to sail back home on the
southeast monsoon winds which blow from June to October. During this period of wait,
ships would be anchored for loading and repairs while the sailors engaged in trade.
Similarly, due to ocean currents and long wait, the ship anchors would, in most cases,
be covered in sand or dragged into rock crevices. Such would make them difficult to pull
back into the ship at departure forcing the crew to cut the ropes and abandon the
anchor underwater. As is the case with Pate channel, many areas have silted over the
years with many sites heavily covered in the sands (Bita, 2014).
Maritime Archaeological Survey in Malindi
Malindi town is located 120km north of Mombasa and is one of the ancient trading
towns which had contact with the outside world in the last centuries of the last
millennium. The town owes, as do many other coastal towns, its origin and prosperity to
the Western Indian Ocean for facilitating transport and trade. It was at one time a
gateway where the movement and transformation of goods were facilitated and urban
services developed to promote maritime trade (Bita, 2008). It is believed to have been
visited by a Chinese fleet in the 15th century. When the Portuguese arrived on the
Kenyan coast in 1495, they found a thriving town and made it their trade headquarters
7

�while monopolising the WIO trade (Hall, 1996; Martin, 1975; Bita, 2012). Malindi Bay
has three ancient centres, Malindi town, Mambrui and Ngomeni. Mambrui and Malindi
were vibrant agricultural regions while Ngomeni was known for production and export of
mangroves (Bita, 2005; 2008). In trading areas, shipwrecks would be closer to certain
shipping hazards such as reefs and projecting headlands. In Malindi Bay, Ngomeni is
located near a headland whereas in Malindi town there is Leopard Bay, the navigation
channel of which is between two reefs. In the two areas, many ships are suspected to
have sunk (Patience, 2006; Bita, 2008; Bita, 2011a-b; 2012). Portuguese records
mention their ships lost and sunk in Malindi and whose locations have not been found
(Patience, 2006). Maritime and underwater archaeological surveys in the area have
documented several shipwrecks (Bita, 2005; 2008; 2011a) including remains of a ship
engine block, sites containing 14th-15th century Indian and Chinese pottery (Bita, 2008;
Bita, 2011a). This corroborates Portuguese and British records of ships lost in Malindi
waters (Patience, 2006).

Fig. 5 The plan of the Ngomeni Ras shipwreck Fig. 6 The remains of the Ngomeni Ras shipwreck
site.

(Sino-Kenya

Underwater

Archaeology lying

project)

on

seabed.

(Sino-Kenya

Underwater

Archaeology Project).

Ngomeni Ras Shipwreck
While no UCH sites have been located in Mambrui, 10km north of Malindi Town, in
Ngomeni, a village about 30 km northeast of Malindi town, several important sites have

8

�been identified. Ngomeni stands on an arm of land jutting towards the sea (Ras
Ngomeni), which offers a protected shallow harbour formerly used as a gateway for all
seafarers from Lamu to Malindi (Wilson, 1982; Bita, 2008; 2011b). The area was known
for mangrove growing which was exported to, and used in house construction in cities
around the Persian Gulf (Wilson, 1982; Whitehouse, 2001). Surveys in 2008 discovered
a wooden shipwreck that consistently produced materials dating to the 14th century
including Persian and Far Eastern wares. The shipwreck was revisited in 2010-2011
and excavated in 2013. The exposed wood remains of this site are however seriously
threatened by terredo. Ngomeni Ras Shipwreck is a probable 15th-16th century
merchant ship. The site measures 40m x 20m lying 5m below the sea (Fig. 5-6). This
discovery has proved the town participated in ancient mangrove trade across the
Western Indian Ocean (Bita 2011a-b; 2013a).

Fig. 7 A militant bunker overlooking the sea in Fig. 8 Lime and stone jetties and sacred sites on the
Mombasa. (C. Bita)

maritime zone of Mombasa coast. (C. Bita)

Intertidal and Foreshore surveys
Intertidal and foreshore surveys have also documented a rich resource of cultural
heritage. Irrespective of typology, these sites existed to exploit the maritime resource
that is the Western Indian Ocean. The most important include ancient forts, redoubts,
anchorages, ports and jetties. Others are maritime practices such as boat building and
fishing styles. It is their relationship with this ocean that makes them worth studying and
conserving.
9

�Military structures
Ancient East African coast was a centre of rivalry between powers such as between
rivaling Arab rulers, Arabs and Portuguese and later in the 1st and 2nd world war
between Germans, British and Italians (Coupland, 1938; Kirkman, 1964; 1974; Martin,
1973; 1975). These witnessed a number of marine structures erected along the coast
as defense forts or escape tunnels (Bita, 2009a-b). The Kenyan coast is awash with
such, including redoubts, forts including Fort Jesus, Siyu and Lamu, as well as habitable
caves and military bunkers. A majority of these are associated with Arabian, Portuguese
and British periods (Fig. 7).
Moorings, Anchorages, Jetties and sacred sites
Intertidal surveys have recorded ancient moorings and anchorages of different styles
(ranging from metal, lime and stone), ruins of jetties built of stone and lime (Fig. 8). A
majority of these have been attributed to the Portuguese and British periods. Jetties
may probably be related to old crossing points from the Islands to the coastal mainland.
Other equally important features are the sacred sites that are manifestations of the
relationship between people’s beliefs and the elements of maritime environment. Most
shrines are located in rock shelters, caves and secluded places on the seaward side of
cliffs (Bita, 2009b). The traditional ritual paraphernalia including talismans, white and or
red pieces of cloth; mixed colours of red, blue, white and black are mostly strategically
placed so as to come in contact with sea water at high tide.
Acknowledgments
I am thankful to the Director General, National Museums of Kenya, for his support and
nominations to the training in Underwater Archaeology. I am also grateful to UNESCO
for the sponsorship to train in the 3rd Foundation and In-Situ Preservation of
Underwater Cultural Heritage courses in Thailand and participation in the Abuja UCH
meeting. Thanks too to the Chinese government for the bilateral cooperation in
underwater archaeology research in Kenya.

10

�References
Abungu, G. O., 1989. Communities on the river Tana, Kenya: An Archaeological study
of relations between the Delta and the river basin, 700-1800 AD. PhD Thesis, University
of Cambridge, Cambridge.
Bita, C., 2014. The potentials of underwater archaeology in Kenya: A short
communication. In Sila Tripati (Ed.), Shipwrecks around the world: Revelations of the
past, Delta Book World, New Delhi: 486-510.
Bita, C., 2013a. Underwater archaeological survey of Ngomeni Shipwreck site. SINOKenya

Underwater Archaeology Project Report. National Museums of Kenya,

Mombasa.
Bita, C., 2013b. Martaban jars found in Kenya. Southeast Asian ceramics museum
Newsletter. Vol. VII (1) Jun-Sept 2013: 3.
Bita, C., 2012. The Origin of Malindi Town: A Case Study of Mambrui. M. A.
Dissertation. University of Dar es Salaam. Dar es Salaam.
Bita, C., 2011a. SINO-Kenya Underwater Archaeology Project. Preliminary Report.
National Museums of Kenya, Mombasa.
Bita, C., 2011b. Ancient Afro-Asia links. New evidence from a maritime perspective. In
Mark Staniforth et al., (Eds.), Proceedings on the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on
Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November 2011, Manila: 289-301.
Bita, C., 2011c. Cultural Heritage Impact Assessment for the Lion 2 Undersea Fibre
Optic Cable in Mombasa. National Museums of Kenya, Mombasa.
Bita, C., 2010. Protection of maritime and underwater cultural heritage in Kenya. Paper
presented to the International Conference on Maritime Cultural Heritage, Alexandria,
Egypt.
Bita, C., 2009a. Inter-tidal and foreshore survey of Pate island. Survey Report, Fort
Jesus Museum. Mombasa.
Bita, C., 2009b. The intertidal and foreshore archaeology of Mombasa Island: An
inventory of maritime sites. Survey Report, Fort Jesus museum, Mombasa.
11

�Bita, C., 2008. The Western Indian Ocean Maritime Heritage:

An overview of the

maritime archaeological heritage in Malindi. British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi.
Bita, C., 2005. Malindi. A Review of the History of a Coastal Town at the mouth of River
Sabaki, Kenya. National Museums of Kenya, Malindi.
Bita, C., and Wanyama, P., 2007. Preliminary intertidal and underwater archaeological
survey of Lamu archipelago. Research Report, Fort Jesus Museum, Mombasa.
Boxer, C. R., 1960. Fort Jesus and Portuguese in Mombasa, British Museum, London.
Breen, C., and Lane, P., 2003. Archaeological Approaches to East Africa’s changing
Seascapes., World Archaeology, Vol. 35 (3): 469-89.
Chittick, H. N., 1976. An archaeological reconnaissance in the Horn: the British-Somali
Expedition 1975. Azania, Vol. 11: 117-34.
Chittick, N., 1984. Manda: Excavations at an Island Port on the Kenya coast. Memoir
No. 9, British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi.
Coupland, R., 1938. East Africa and its invaders. Clarendon press, Oxford.
Chami, F., 2006. The Unity of African Ancient History: 3000 B.C. to AD 500. Dar es
Salaam, E and D Vision Publishers.
Datoo, B. A., 1970. Rhapta: The location and importance of East Africa’s first port.
Azania, Vol. 5: 65-77.
Forsythe, W., Quinn, R., and Breen, C., 2003. Subtidal archaeological investigations in
Mombasa’s Old Port. In P. Mitchell., A. Haour, and J. Hobart (Eds.), Researching
Africa’s Past: New Contributions from British Archaeologists, Oxford University School
of Archaeology Monograph 57, Oxbow Books, Oxford: 133-138.
Freeman-Grenville, G. P., 1975. The East African Coast: Selected documents from the
first to earliest nineteenth century. Clarendon Press, Oxford.
Freeman-Grenville, G. P., 1962. The Medieval History of the coast of Tanganyika,
Oxford University Press, London.

12

�Garlake P. S., 1966. The early Islamic architecture of the east African coast. Nairobi.
Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Hall, R., 1996. Empires of the Monsoon. Harper Collins, London.
Horton, M. C., 1990. The Periplus and East Africa. Azania, Vol. 25: 95-99.
Horton, M. C., 1987. Early Muslim trading settlements on the East African Coast: New
Evidence from Shanga. Antiquaries Journal, Vol. 67: 290-322.
Horton, M. C., 1984. The early settlement of the northern Swahili coast. PhD Thesis,
University of Cambridge, Cambridge.
Kirkman, J., 1964. Men and Monuments on the East African Coast. Butterworth,
London.
Kirkman, J., 1974. Fort Jesus: A Portuguese Fortress on the East African Coast.
Clarendon, Oxford.
Lynch, M., (Ed.), 1991. The Mombasa wreck excavation. Institute of Nautical
Archaeology Newsletter, Vol. 18 (2): 2-29.
Martin, E. B., 1975. The History of Malindi: A geographical analysis of an East African
Coastal Town from the Portuguese period to the present. East African Literature
Bureau, Nairobi.
Martin, E. B., 1973. A History of Malindi, Nairobi. East African Literature Bureau.
Nairobi.
Patience, K., 2006. Shipwrecks and Salvage on the East African Coast. Dar Akhbar Al
Khaleej, Bahrain.
Piercy, R, C, M., 1977. Mombasa wreck excavation, Preliminary Report. International
Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 6 (4): 331-47.
Piercy, R, C, M., 1978. Mombasa wreck excavation, Preliminary Report. International
Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 7 (4): 301-19.
Sassoon, H., 1980. Mombasa Wreck Excavation. Interim Report, National Museums of
Kenya, Nairobi.
13

�Whitehouse, D., 2001. East Africa and the maritime trade of the Indian Ocean AD 8001500. In B. S. Amenoreti (Ed.), Islam in East Africa: New Sources, Herder, Rome: 411424.
Wilson, T. H., 1982. Spatial analysis and settlement patterns on the East African coast.
Paideuma, Vol. 28: 201-219.
Wilson, T. H., and Omar, A. L., 1997. Archaeological investigations at Pate. Azania, Vol.
32: 31-76.
Wilson, T. H., and Omar, A. L., 1996. Excavation at Pate on the East African coast. In
G. Pwiti., and R. Soper (Eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology, University of Zimbabwe,
Harare: 543-554.
Wright, H. T., 1984. Early seafarers of the Comoro Islands: the Dembeni phase of the
9th-10th centuries AD. Azania, Vol. 19: 13-60.

Biography
Caesar Bita has a Masters degree in Archaeology from the University of Dar es
Salaam, Tanzania; a Postgraduate Diploma in Management of Heritage and Museum
Collections from the University of Nairobi, a Professional Diploma in Underwater
Archaeology from Underwater Archaeology Center in China. Bita has participated in
training programme such as Maritime Heritage Training and Integrated Coastal Zone
Management Course (2006, Zanzibar, Tanzania), Regional Training on Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage Management (2010, South Africa), International Training
Workshop on Preservation, Presentation and Education on Maritime Cultural Heritage
(2010, Alexandria, Egypt). He participated in the 3rd UNESCO Foundation Course on
Underwater Cultural Heritage and In-Situ Preservation of Underwater Cultural Heritage
(2011, Thailand). He joined the National Museums of Kenya in 1999 and currently
coordinating underwater archaeological research and underwater cultural heritage
management at Fort Jesus museum, Mombasa, Kenya.

14

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                  <text>Maritime archaeology, a new branch of social sciences, took its birth in the Mediterranean Sea in the 19th century and academically it began after 1950. Maritime archaeology is also known as â€˜underwaterâ€™, â€˜marineâ€™ and â€˜nauticalâ€™ archaeology. All are valid terms for different aspects. One aspect of Underwater Archaeology is the study of the past through submerged remains such as shipwrecks, habitations and ports.&#13;
Maritime Archaeology, while being similar to â€˜Underwater Archaeologyâ€™, goes beyond waterscape, because it includes all related disciplines covering maritime and nautical archaeology. In the recent past, the new nomenclature â€˜Hydro-archaeologyâ€™ has been coined to include all aspects of maritime archaeology where water plays a great role. Taking into consideration the importance of maritime archaeology, many universities, research institutes and professional societies have introduced maritime archaeology in their regular curriculum and are carrying out explorations and excavations and offer training to researchers, students and amateurs. Maritime archaeological studies have been carried out all over the world, except a few countries, either by the respective states or by state sponsored or private or international organisations.&#13;
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                <text>Kenya is the first sub-Sahara African country to initiate an underwater archaeological expedition thus legally recognizing the value of underwater cultural heritage. This was after successful survey and excavation of the 17th Century Portuguese shipwreck, Santa Antonio De Tanna, in Mombasa. Kenya coast is part of the Western Indian Ocean; commonly referred to as the â€˜Swahili coastâ€™. This coast was a domain of foreigners from the early centuries of the first millennium AD. It was visited by the Greeks; controlled by the Arabs, Portuguese and the Europeans. In addition, it played a major role in ancient transoceanic maritime trade across the Indian Ocean Seaboard linking the Swahili Coast with the Arab world, India sub-continent, Far East and China, America and Europe. Owing to crude navigation and sea faring technologies of the time, there are on the seabed of Kenya traces of these interactions in the form of archaeological remains. Recent studies have shown that the Kenya coast is home to a number of shipwrecks and has immense potential in underwater cultural heritage. Drawing from ancient literature, previous and current maritime and underwater archaeological studies, and this paper presents the recent discoveries from underwater archaeological surveys in Kenya. The paper illustrates that there is immense potential for underwater archaeology in Kenya that requires new attention both in research and conservation. </text>
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                    <text>Preservation and Management of
Underwater Archaeological Resources:
Role of Agency
Sunny O. Ngirmang and Calvin T. Emesiochel1

Abstract
Underwater archaeological resources within the Republic of Palau (henceforth referred to as the
Republic) cover a wide array of types from famous World War II wrecks, to Yapese stone money disks
which sank to the bottom of the sea during their transport, and to traditional sites - which includes but not
limited to semi-submerged docks/piers, fish traps, burials, and a sunken city mentioned in traditional
folklore. These resources are protected under the Cultural and Historical Preservation Act (henceforth
referred to as Title 19) mandated by the Palau Bureau of Arts &amp; Culture (henceforth referred to as the
Bureau). More specifically, Chapter 3 of Title 19 known as the "Palau Lagoon Monument" is exclusively
reserved for all submerged and semi-submerged foreign vessels located within the Republic’s territorial
waters. Tour agencies play a proactive role in monitoring the health and condition of the wrecks, report
new site locations, and notifies the Bureau of possible looting activities. A Geographic Information System
database maintained by the Survey &amp; Inventory/Archaeology Section within the Bureau keeps an
inventory of underwater sites obtained from earlier works plus data from affiliated tour agencies.
This paper will examine the current situation within the Bureau and its subdivisions particularly
the Survey &amp; Inventory/Archaeology Section. It will provide detail of their efforts and goals, challenges,
and gaps pertaining to the preservation and management of underwater archaeological resources. In
addition, present case studies where the "Palau Lagoon Monument" clause was enacted. Lastly, we will
discuss the measures and other aides available within the Bureau aimed towards assisting the state
government establish medium-term goals for preservation and management plus effective long-term
objectives beneficial for their state in terms of underwater cultural resources.

Palau Island Brief History, Geography &amp; Geology
The Palau Island is the westernmost archipelago in the Caroline chain approximately 7
degrees North of the equator, consisting of six island groups totaling more than five
hundred high and low islands (only 16 of which are inhabited) including World War II
battleground of Peleliu and world-famous mushroom shaped rock islands.
The inhabited islands of Palau including from north to south is Kayangel,
Babeldaob, Koror, Peleliu, Angaur and the Southwest Island groups. Most of the Islands
are encompassed in a barrier reef that stretches for approximately 105 kilometers
except for the Southwest Islands
Palau lies on a subduction zone causing Babeldaob, the largest island to
submerge about a half millimeter per year. Consequently, it is hypothesized according
to paleoenvironmental studies that the earlier colonization and settlement sites along
the coast of Babeldaob are underwater (Dickinson and Athens 2007). More
archaeological data are needed from other possible sites for examination and
identification pending comparative analysis. The possibility to access other sites around

1

Bureau of Arts &amp; Culture, Palau Historic Preservation Office, Koror, Republic of Palau 96940

�Palau Pg - 2 - of 8

Micronesia is needed for a further reexamination to cement together proposed
hypothesis of early settlement and exclude others.

Bureau of Arts &amp; Culture
The Bureau is a branch of the Palau National Government responsible for identifying,
documenting, protecting, preserving and managing all cultural and historical resources
within the Republic
First established in 1978, then called the Division of Cultural Affairs and is
presently the Bureau of Arts and Culture through Executive Order No. 203 since 2001,
is a Palau governmental entity under the Ministry of Community &amp; Cultural Affairs, which
mandates a framework for the adequate protection of archaeological sites and tangible
cultural resources (Emesiochel 2008:4).
Additionally, the Bureau implements Section 106 of the US National Historic
Preservation Act of 1966, as amended. The Bureau helps in the implementation of
acceptable historic preservation laws in the 16 states of the Republic of Palau.
The Bureau receives funds from the Palau National Government and the Historic
Preservation Funds from the U.S. National Parks Service, Department of the Interior.
The Bureau has a total of 11 staff members. It operates with the advice and assistance
from the 16-member Palau Historical and Cultural Advisory Board, 16-member Society
of Historians, and 5-member Technical and Professional Review Committee.
The mission of the Bureau is to protect and preserve all the Republic’s cultural
and historical resources to enhance, enrich, and foster the Palauan heritage now and
into the future. To achieve this mission, the Bureau had four main goals: First to
preserve and foster cultural and historical resources for the benefit of Palauan people;
Second, to preserve and educate Palauan tradition that are threatened with extinction;
third, to protect cultural and historical resources from destruction; and finally, to
preserve culture and tradition in the face of inevitable increasing foreign contact and
interaction.

A. Historical &amp; Cultural Preservation Act 19 PNC § 102
Created in 1974, the Palau Historic Preservation Act (PNC Title 19) is administered by
the Bureau that is intended to serve as the official inventory of all those historical sites
and tangible cultural properties which are deemed of significance to the Palauan people
and culture hence worth preserving, plus be protected from destruction and impairment.
The Palau Register is the legal instrument to ensure that registered properties or
properties that may be eligible, threatened by public or private development will be
subject to comment and review in accordance with the procedures prescribed by law.
19 PNC § 134: Each state (and national government) reserves to itself the exclusive
right and privilege of ownership and control over historical sites and tangible cultural
property located on the lands and waters owned or controlled by the state.

A.1 Survey, Inventory and Archaeology
The Survey, Inventory and Archaeology Section are the leading responsible for the
identification and inventoried of all cultural and historical resources within the Republic.

�Palau Pg - 3 - of 8

To carry out this responsibility, we have divided our survey into three phases: First,
Babeldaob survey, second, rock island survey then underwater survey. The basis of
determining and prioritizing our survey in this way was based on economical,
developmental, policy, as well as not enough staff, training and funding to do both
surveys at one time. Especially Underwater Cultural Heritage that require more
technical skills.
Even though data haven’t input into the database, the information of underwater
cultural heritage but we do have readily available hard copies that provide descriptive
information including coordinates, maps, drawings, and photos. There are records of
more than 60 wreck sites are submerged around the Palau lagoons. Some of these
sites are very popular for tourist diving spots which are shown on the map. Diving tour
companies are really strict as to preserve these sites for their own benefit. They usually
report to our office as they found new wrecks or even suspicious action of looting.
The issue of Geographic Information System (henceforth referred to as GIS) in
Palau and future plan is to centralize a main information office that manages all data.
Each government agency should be interconnected to the Information office and have
their own GIS program they manage and provide data to the central office. This will
allow all agencies to share and upload files from different agencies. But due to lack of
funding, only few government offices and NGOs are able to acquire GIS program.
Right now, the office of PALARIS - Palau Automated Land and Resource
Information System is the office that has well trained and full GIS operation staff. This
office is the one that supposedly be the central GIS information office.
Short-term Goals
• Revisit identified underwater archaeological sites/resources for further analysis
of: site condition, assessment, and verification of information, and inventory
• Identify immediate threat (deterioration, looting, etc) affecting underwater
cultural resources
• Develop community and local state government interest and collaboration
Long-term Goals
• Method of conservation and preservation
• Establish a database for underwater archaeological sites/resources
• Create a underwater cultural resources management plan to be implemented at
the state and national level
• Continuous management, protection, and preservation of underwater cultural
resources
This section assist in public education in “disseminating information and
educating the public through presentations and site visits, in order to foster awareness
and importance of protecting, preserving, and conserving our cultural heritage that is
our national identity for our future generations” (Emesiochel 2008: 8).

B. Palau Lagoon Monument 19 PNC § 306
It is hereby declared that it is a policy of the Republic to preserve forever
historic landmarks, structures, and other sites and objects of significance to
the Republic of the Trust Territory situated within the jurisdiction of the
Republic for the inspiration and benefit of the people of the Republic.

�Palau Pg - 4 - of 8

All ships, other vessels and aircraft, and any and all parts and contents
thereof, which formerly belonged to or were part of the armed forces or
commercial fleet of Spain, Germany, Japan, and the United States or any
other nation, which were sunk to or otherwise deposited on the bottom of the
Palau Lagoon and its territorial waters, subject to applicable salvage laws,
shall be and hereby are set apart as monuments which shall be collectively
called the Palau Lagoon Monument.

The administration, protection, and development of the monument shall be
exercised under the direction of the President of the Republic or his duly authorized
representatives. The strictness of this law, give us enough time to seek assistance and
trainings to accomplish the survey and inventory of the underwater cultural heritage of
Palau.
In order to convict someone for violating the Palau Lagoon Monument, the
government must prove that the individual (1) removes, appropriates, damages, or
destroys (2) ships, other vessels or aircraft (or parts thereof), which formally belonged to
the armed forces or commercial fleet of any nation and which are at the bottom of the
Palau lagoon.

C. Types/Categories of Underwater Cultural Resources
The most notable types of UCH sites within the Republic are the WWII wrecks located
mostly in the Southern Lagoon. There are more than 60 WWII ship and aircraft wrecks
sites in Palau. The wrecks sites are popular tourists dive spots. Tourists who decide to
dive the wrecks are educated in the types of ship, ship content, and their components.
Captain Wilson’s shipwreck of 1783 off the Coast of Ulong Island is also a well-known
site. The Antelope shipwreck site is under the control of the Koror State Government.
Some of the ship’s remnants can be seen during low tide.
Other UHC sites are locally known by the form of myths and folklore for instance
is the sunken City of Ngibtal. Fish trapping sites, stone docks/piers, underwater burial
sites, and submerged landmarks are known UCH sites which are found in different parts
of Palau – all are protected under Title 19.
Other known but not fully documented is the numerous Yapese stone money
disks which sank to the bottom of the sea during their transport from Palau to Yap.
These large stones or “megaliths” were quarried in Palau by Yapese islanders prior to
European contact (Hazell and Fitzpatrick 2006:12). During their several hundred
kilometers of oceanic voyage to Yap, some vessels transporting the money disks
capsized, leaving a trail of money disks from several trips on the ocean floor. It is not yet
certain where exactly these money disks are located. There has yet to be a full
documentary, mapping, and surveying of the Yapese stone money disks under the
waters of Palau.
Recent work by Scott M. Fitzpatrick in the management and protection of the
quarry sites provides the opportunity for the local communities in Palau and Yap to take
lead in the preservation of such sites. The proposed management plan covers sites
located inland. Sites or money disks underwater are also given the same amount of
attention and protection it deserve once the sites have been identified. One of Palau’s
local community leader and well-known scuba diver Francis Toribiong takes lead in the
advocacy and protection of UCH sites in the Republic.

�Palau Pg - 5 - of 8

As part of public education and outreach, the Bureau in collaboration with Palau
Visitors Authority, the Belau National Museum, and local state government aims to
promote community awareness on the types of underwater cultural heritage. From the
shipwrecks to sunken city and to the Yapese megaliths, Palau aims to increase the
fascination and value into the preservation and conservation of UCH sites.

D. Tourism, location, and accessibility
Palau was the headquarters of the Japanese command in Micronesia and was heavily
fortified by the Japanese in the years leading up to WWII in the Pacific. Malakal Harbor
was a major forward supply base for Japanese shipping.
On March 31, 1944 U.S. dive-bomber strikes from aircraft carriers Yorktown and
Bunker Hill, of Carrier Task Force 58 destroyed over 50 warships and airplanes of the
Japanese Imperial Forces, making Palau's western lagoon their final resting place.
Most of the wrecks are located within a few minutes of Sam's Tours dive center
and remain in excellent condition for diving. Each year in March, Sam Scott of Sam's
Tours hosts Palau Wreck Week to mark the anniversary of the sinking of the Japanese
fleet.
WWII shipwreck sites are mainly located in Palau’s Southern Lagoon in Koror,
the states of Peleliu and Angaur and other sites around the coast of Babeldaob. Most of
Palau’s dive shop, naming for instance Sam’s Dive Tour offer services, kayak, and
dives to the WWII wrecks. Provided in the tour, the dive operator educates the tourist
basic information of the wreck. There are 10 popular wreck dive sites which Sam’s Tour
takes their clients for diving. Accessibility to the sites is not restricted; tour operators can
freely access the wreck for photo taking, kayak, and other recreational activities.

E. Current legislation, Preservation and Management of Underwater
cultural resources
Aside from PLM, local conservation legislations and regulations pertaining to the
protection and management of UCH sites are very minimal. The permits or MOA’s
administered by the office of the President of stipulations of the management and
treatment of UCH sites are only created in the event such salvage, research, etc arises.
With the exception of Title19 and PLM, the Protected Areas Network Act
(henceforth referred to as PAN) and the Micronesia Challenge established in 2007 aims
to protect not only terrestrial cultural heritage but up to 20% of marine areas including
where such UCH sites are located. Since there is not a definite line where the 20%
occupies, it would be logical to deduce that such percentage be broken accordingly to
where high concentration of UCH sites are found. Included in the 20% however should
be reserved also for the protection and preservation of high marine biodiversity areas.
To be protected under PAN, local state government endorses the PAN Act and agrees
to the stipulations and guidelines under PAN to ensure full resource safeguarding. In
turn, the sites designated by the states as PAN sites are eligible for funding and other
opportunities for the effective management of the sites.
Local state governments take full responsibility in the protection of the UCH sites
located within their municipal boundaries. Such legislation, rules and regulations or
guidelines must address the proper protection, monitoring, and research around the
areas. Special cases such as the salvage of a particular vessel or parts thereof will be

�Palau Pg - 6 - of 8

under the unified consensus and understanding between the foreign entity, the state
government, and the President with the cooperation and guidance from the Bureau.

F. Threats
The ever changing climatic changes, erosion, and oil spills are potential yet inevitable
threats to marine cultural heritage. The supposed submerged landscape such as the
City of Ngibtal is prone to heavy silt erosion due to development projects inland. As
Palau is eagerly searching for economic and financial stability during this present-day
world financial crisis, Palau may explore other sources of renewable sources of energy
such as water currents which could inevitably have serious impacts to UCH sites.
The lack of or minimal legislation in place which specifies the integrity of UCH
sites makes these sites at risk of improper handling and inadequate recording or data
recovery.
Salvage of particular artifacts, relics, or components of a UCH site when exposed
to the elements may oxidize hence damage to the object. This possibility will hinder any
salvage attempts but will not impede any foreign entity to reclaim their objects.
The parts of some vessels of WWII ships are exposed during low tide. This
exposure speeds up oxidation and the deterioration. More attention needs to be made
from the administrative center in charge of and mandates UCH sites within the
Republic.

G. Status of Salvage
Any foreign entity wishing to salvage parts of or contents of any submerged vessel shall
comply with the provisions outlined in the rules and regulations of the Palau Lagoon
Monument section of Title 19. A signed memorandum of agreement between the foreign
entity and the Republic of Palau government must agree to the outlined stipulations in
the memorandum. Usually before any salvage, proper research and documentation of
the wreck site, the parts, and contents to be salvage are conducted.
Salvage instances seldom occurs in Palau. The expense of research and data
recovery rests on the foreign entity wishing to repatriate their artifacts. Entities wishing
to repatriate goes through a series of negotiation with the Palau Government stating
intention and the need of such artifacts being returned.

H. Case Study
Republic of Palau (plaintiff) v. Cameron James Avenell, Matthew Young,
Richard Sumor, David Tansey, and Ian McCombie; ROP vs. Avenell, 13 ROP
272 (Tr. Div. 2006) Criminal Action No. 06-072
Mr. Cameron Avenell and Mr. Matthew Young, the remaining defendants where
charged for removing pieces of artifacts from shipwrecks. These shipwrecks have been
declared by low to be preserved as “Palau Lagoon Monument”. The Government
charged the defendants for their conduct with counts based on the Palau Lagoon
Monument Act. The divers took artifacts from Amatsu Maru wreck, Chuyu Maru wreck,
Ryuku Maru wreck and an unidentified forth wreck. Amongst the artifacts found during
the search resulted in the recovery of a porthole, a compass, a frame, lanterns, light
bulb covers, and porthole frames. The artifacts were recovered from the Lionwind
vessel operated by divers.

�Palau Pg - 7 - of 8

Francis Toribiong and the Republic of Palau (plaintiffs) v. John C. Gibbons,
Koror State Executive Administrator, et al. Civil Action No. 451-91; 24
September 1993
Plaintiffs allege that Koror Sate intends to dismantle or remove a World War II Zero
fighter airplane which is located under the Palau lagoon at the depth of approximately
sixty feet. They allege that such removal would violate the provisions of 19 PNC § 301
et seq. because the Zero is part of the Palau Lagoon Monument. The relief sought by
the Plaintiffs is a declaratory judgment that Koror State may not remove or dismantle
the Zero without complying with the Lagoon Monument Act and that it be permanently
enjoined from the removing or dismantling the Zero unless it obtains a permit to do so
pursuant to the Lagoon Monument Act. Plaintiffs have proven by a preponderance of
the of the evidence that the airplane at issue herein is a Zero formerly a part of the
armed forces of Japan and that is has been sunk or otherwise deposited on the bottom
of the Palau lagoon. Section 304 of the Lagoon Monument Act requires that, before a
person may gain access to a monument aircraft to examine it or gather objects from it, a
permit must be obtained from the President of his duly authorized representatives.
Similarly, section 306 provides for penalties for any person who removes such aircraft
or any part thereof without first obtaining permission from the President. Koror State
contends that it does not have to comply with the Lagoon Monument Act by obtaining a
permit to gain access to or otherwise deal with the Zero because (1) under Article I,
Section 2 of the ROP Constitution, Koror State is the owner of the Zero, and the owner
can “do what he pleases with what he owns”; (2) the Republic of Palau’s regulatory
power are limited by Koror State’s right to own and derive revenues from exploiting
state resources; (3) the Lagoon Monument is unconstitutional as sought to be applied
here because, without compensation, it takes away Koror State’s right to exploit and
derive revenues from the Zero; and (4) absent regulations, the Republic of Palau has no
rights under the Lagoon Monument Act.

Conclusion
Currently, there is only three staff within the Bureau with adequate training on maritime
archaeology. The minimal expertise available within the Bureau reduces the speed of
anticipated surveys and monitoring.
In addition, there is no other available expertise on island particularly in maritime
archaeology. Due to a very few certified trainees in underwater archaeology and
courses on island, the support of such discipline is minimal. Public interest is high
however there is a lack of available resources for the proper education and awareness
of underwater archaeology. The Bureau is always looking for opportunities plus
welcomes any opportunity that offers the adequate training, education, and the right
tools in assessing, monitoring, and managing UCH sites.
The Palau Community College offers a course in archaeology but short of the
resources to expose students in underwater archaeology. The college aims to seek
available programs that are geared towards the protection of marine cultural heritage
which is a much needed field in Palau. In addition, such opportunity will help increase in
the public awareness and advocacy and the potential push needed to help create new

�Palau Pg - 8 - of 8

or strengthening existing legislations for the protection of UCH sites at the state and
national level.

Bibliography
Bailey, D. E.,
1991
Dickinson, W.
R., and Athens
J. S.,
2007
Fitzpatrick, S.
M.,
2008

Flatman, J.,
2009
Emesiochel, C.
T.,
2008
Hazell, L. C.,
and Fitzpatrick,
S. M.,
2006
Liston, J.,
2009
Olsudong, R.,
(M.A.) et al.,

Palau National
Code Title 19
1982
Sam’s Tours

WWII Wrecks of Palau, North Valley Diver Publications, California.
Holocene Paleoshoreline and Paleoenvironmental History of Palau:
Implications for Human Settlement. Journal of Island and Coastal
Archaeology 2(2):175-196
Maritime interregional interaction in Micronesia: Deciphering multigroup contacts and exchange systems through time. Journal of
Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) Pp. 131-147
Preservation and management for Yapese Stone Money sites in
Palau and Yap.
Editorial. Conserving Marine Cultural Heritage: Threats, Risks, and
Future Priorities. Conservation and Management of Archaeological
Sites (11):1 Pp. 5-8
Palau County Report: Training Course on Cultural Heritage
Protection: Research, Analysis and Preservation of Archaeological
Sites and Remains. Nara: Japan
The maritime transport of prehistoric megaliths in Micronesia.
Archaeol. Oceania 41 (2006) Pp. 12-24

Cultural Chronology of Earthworks in Palau, Western Micronesia.
Archaeol. Oceania 44 (2009) Pp. 56-73
Draft: Inventory of Cultural Sites and Oral History in Melekeok and
Irai. Palau: Bureau of Arts &amp; Culture (1997)
Draft: Inventory of Cultural &amp; Historical Sites and Oral History in
Ngarrard State. Vol. I: Inventory of Cultural and Historical sites. Palau:
Bureau of Arts &amp; Culture (2000)
Cultural and Historical Preservation Act

www.samstours.com, accessed Oct 11

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                <text>Underwater archaeological resources within the Republic of Palau (henceforth referred to as the Republic) cover a wide array of types from famous World War II wrecks, to Yapese stone money disks which sank to the bottom of the sea during their transport, and to traditional sites - which includes but not limited to semi-submerged docks/piers, fish traps, burials, and a sunken city mentioned in traditional folklore. These resources are protected under the Cultural and Historical Preservation Act (henceforth referred to as Title 19) mandated by the Palau Bureau of Arts &amp; Culture (henceforth referred to as the Bureau). More specifically, Chapter 3 of Title 19 known as the "Palau Lagoon Monument" is exclusively reserved for all submerged and semi-submerged foreign vessels located within the Republicâ€™s territorial waters. Tour agencies play a proactive role in monitoring the health and condition of the wrecks, report new site locations, and notifies the Bureau of possible looting activities. A Geographic Information System database maintained by the Survey &amp; Inventory/Archaeology Section within the Bureau keeps an inventory of underwater sites obtained from earlier works plus data from affiliated tour agencies.&#13;
&#13;
This paper will examine the current situation within the Bureau and its subdivisions particularly the Survey &amp; Inventory/Archaeology Section. It will provide detail of their efforts and goals, challenges, and gaps pertaining to the preservation and management of underwater archaeological resources. In addition, present case studies where the "Palau Lagoon Monument" clause was enacted. Lastly, we will discuss the measures and other aides available within the Bureau aimed towards assisting the state government establish medium-term goals for preservation and management plus effective long-term objectives beneficial for their state in terms of underwater cultural resources.&#13;
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                    <text>Preservation and Management of Underwater Archaeological Resources:
Role of Agency

Sunny O. Ngirmang and Calvin T. Emesiochel
Palau Bureau of Arts and Culture, Koror, Republic of Palau 96940
Email: bac_reg@palaunet.com
Abstract
Underwater archaeological resources within the Republic of Palau (henceforth referred
to as the Republic) cover a wide array of types from famous World War II wrecks, to
Yapese stone money disks which sank to the bottom of the sea during their transport,
and to traditional sites - which includes but not limited to semi-submerged docks/piers,
fish traps, burials, and a sunken city mentioned in traditional folklore. These resources
are protected under the Cultural and Historical Preservation Act (henceforth referred to
as Title 19) mandated by the Palau Bureau of Arts and Culture (henceforth referred to
as the Bureau). More specifically, Chapter 3 of Title 19 known as the "Palau Lagoon
Monument" is exclusively reserved for all submerged and semi-submerged foreign
vessels located within the Republic’s territorial waters. Tour agencies play a proactive
role in monitoring the health and condition of the wrecks, report new site locations, and
notifies the Bureau of possible looting activities. A Geographic Information System
database maintained by the Survey and Inventory/Archaeology Section within the
Bureau keeps an inventory of underwater sites obtained from earlier works plus data
from affiliated tour agencies. This paper will examine the current situation within the
Bureau and its subdivisions particularly the Survey and Inventory/Archaeology Section.
It will provide details of efforts, challenges and goals, and gaps pertaining to the
preservation and management of underwater archaeological resources. In addition,
present case studies where the "Palau Lagoon Monument" clause was enacted. Lastly,
we will discuss the measures and other aides available within the Bureau aimed
towards assisting the state government establish medium-term goals for preservation
and management plus effective long-term objectives beneficial for their state in terms of
underwater cultural resources. In addition, give an overview of the latest UCH training,
sponsored by UNESCO, which was held in Palau and plans moving forward to
increasing the advocacy of UCH in the Pacific Region, particularly Micronesia.
Key words: Palau, WWII, Pacific, Micronesia, Yapese Stone Money

Introduction
Cultural heritage protection by means of public education is an effective medium for the
positive awareness at local community level. In addition, it provides enough force for
capacity building of key stakeholders or advocates and other leaders to set the stage for
community level goals towards cultural resource management mechanisms. This will
1

�promote effective and sustainable resource management, training, public education and
awareness, and advocacy that will instigate community based efforts and goals in
preserving archaeological heritage sites. Cultural resource management will allocate the
awareness of traditional cultural heritage that would embody sustainability and
sensitivity towards cultural heritage. Underwater cultural heritage offer a vast selection
of heritage wealth for the understanding and interpretation of our past. Underwater
archaeology has yet to receive its much-needed recognition and appreciation within the
Palauan community since the field is not fully popularized. This report examines the
current situation within the Bureau of Arts and Culture (BAC) and its subdivisions
particularly the Survey and Inventory/Archaeology Section of their efforts and goals
pertaining to the management of underwater cultural resources. In addition, provide the
outcome of the most recent Palau Underwater Archaeology Training in 2013.
Palau Island Brief History, Geography and Geology
The Palau Island is the westernmost archipelago in the Caroline chain approximately 7
degrees North of the equator, consisting of six island groups totaling more than five
hundred high and low islands (only 16 of which are inhabited) including World War II
battleground of Peleliu and world-famous mushroom shaped rock islands. The inhabited
islands of Palau including from north to south is Kayangel, Babeldaob, Koror, Peleliu,
Angaur and the Southwest Island groups. Most of the Islands are encompassed in a
barrier reef that stretches for approximately 105 km except for the Southwest Islands.
Palau lies on a subduction zone causing Babeldaob, the largest island, to submerge
about a half millimeter per year. Consequently, it is hypothesized according to
paleoenvironmental studies that the earlier colonization and settlement sites along the
coast

of

Babeldaob

are

underwater

(Dickinson

and

Stephen,

2007).

More

archaeological data is needed from other possible sites for examination and
identification pending comparative analysis. The possibility to access other sites around
Micronesia is needed for a further reexamination to cement together a proposed
hypothesis of early settlement and exclude others.
Role of Agency: Bureau of Arts and Culture
The Bureau of Arts and Culture is a branch of the Palau National Government
responsible for identifying, documenting, protecting, preserving and managing all
2

�cultural and historical resources within the Republic. First established in 1978, the
Bureau of Arts and Culture - then called the Division of Cultural Affairs - and later
renamed under the Executive Order No. 203 since 2001- is a Palau governmental entity
under the Ministry of Community and Cultural Affairs, which mandates a framework for
the adequate protection of archaeological sites and tangible cultural resources
(Emesiochel, 2008: 4). Additionally, the Bureau implements Section 106 of the US
National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended. The Bureau helps in the
implementation of acceptable historic preservation laws in the 16 states of the Republic
of Palau. The Bureau receives funds from the Palau National Government and the
Historic Preservation Funds from the U.S. National Parks Service, Department of the
Interior. The Bureau has nine staff members. It operates with the advice and assistance
from the 16 members Palau Historical and Cultural Advisory Board, 16 members
Society of Historians, and 5 members Technical and Professional Review Committee.
The mission of the Bureau is to protect and preserve all the Republic’s cultural and
historical resources to enhance, enrich, and foster the Palauan heritage now and into
the future. To achieve this mission, the Bureau had four main goals: First, to preserve
and foster cultural and historical resources for the benefit of Palauan people; second, to
preserve and educate Palauan tradition that are threatened with extinction; third, to
protect cultural and historical resources from destruction; and finally, to preserve culture
and tradition in the face of inevitable increasing foreign contact and interaction.
Historical and Cultural Preservation Act Title 19 PNC § 102.
Created in 1974, the Palau Historic Preservation Act (PNC Title 19) is administered by
the Bureau of Arts and Culture that is intended to serve as the official inventory of all
those historical sites and tangible cultural properties, which are deemed of significance
to the Palauan people and culture. Their significance makes them worth preserving, and
protecting from destruction and impairment. The Palau Register is the legal instrument
to ensure that registered properties or properties that may be eligible, threatened by
public or private development will be subject to comment and review in accordance with
the procedures prescribed by law. Title 19 PNC § 134: Each state reserves to itself the
exclusive right and privilege of ownership and control over historical sites and tangible
cultural property located on the lands and waters owned or controlled by the state.
3

�Section 134 allows the state government to create legislations for the protection of their
UCH sites not limited to the foreign vessels located within their boundaries. The creation
of the legislation is however at the discretion of the state. If the state does not have
legislation in place, the state would comply with the procedures outlined in PNC Title19.
Sites located underwater that may suffer potential damage or displacement during a
development project are subject to and must comply with the rules, regulations, and
provisions outlined in the PLM Act of PNC Title 19 through the project review process.
Currently, all WWII wreck sites as well as the Yapese stone money disks on the shores
of rock islands and the bottom of the sea plus other known or unknown submerged
landscapes are not listed on the Palau Register of Historic Places. The BAC Survey and
Inventory/Archaeology section has yet to perform a thorough underwater survey of the
sites.
Survey and Inventory/Archaeology
The Survey and Inventory/Archaeology Section is the leading responsible body for the
identification and inventory of all cultural and historical resources within the Republic. To
carry out this responsibility, we have divided our survey into three phases: First,
Babeldaob survey; second, rock island survey; then, underwater survey. The basis for
determining and prioritizing our survey this way is based on economical, developmental,
and policy factors, as well as a lack of staff, training and funding to do both surveys at
the same time, especially Underwater Cultural Heritage that requires a more technical
set of skills. The issue and plan of GIS in Palau and plan is to centralize a main
information office that manages all data. Each relevant government agency should be
interconnected to the Information office and have their own GIS program they manage
and provide data to the central office. This will allow all agencies to share and upload
files from different agencies. But due to lack of funding, only few government offices and
NGOs are able to acquire a GIS program.
Short-term Goals


Revisit identified underwater archaeological sites/resources for further analysis
of site condition, assessment, and verification of information, and inventory



Identify immediate threat (deterioration, looting,) affecting underwater cultural
resources
4

�

Develop community and local state government interest and collaboration

Long-term Goals


Method of conservation and preservation



Establish a database for underwater archaeological sites/resources



Create an underwater cultural resource management plan to be implemented at
the state and national level



Continuous management, protection, and preservation of underwater cultural
resources

This section assist in public education in “disseminating information and educating the
public through presentations and site visits, in order to foster awareness and importance
of protecting, preserving, and conserving our cultural heritage that is our national
identity for our future generations” (Emesiochel, 2008: 8).
Palau Lagoon Monument 19 PNC § 306
It is hereby declared that it is a policy of the Republic to preserve foreverhistoric landmarks, structures, and other sites and objects of significance
to the Republic of the Trust Territory situated within the jurisdiction of the
Republic for the inspiration and benefit of the people of the Republic.
All ships, other vessels and aircraft, and any and all parts and contents
thereof, which formerly belonged to or were part of the armed forces or
commercial fleet of Spain, Germany, Japan, and the United States or any
other nation, which were sunk to or otherwise deposited on the bottom of
the Palau Lagoon and its territorial waters, subject to applicable salvage
laws, shall be and hereby are set apart as monuments which shall be
collectively called the “Palau Lagoon Monument”.
The administration, protection, and development of the monument shall be exercised
under the direction of the President of the Republic or his duly authorized
representatives. The strictness of this law, give us enough time to seek assistance and
trainings to accomplish the survey and inventory of the underwater cultural heritage of
Palau. In order to convict someone for violating the Palau Lagoon Monument, the
government must prove that the individual (1) removes, appropriates, damages, or

5

�destroys (2) ships, other vessels or aircraft (or parts thereof), which formally belonged to
the armed forces or commercial fleet of any nation and which are at the bottom of the
Palau lagoon.
Types/Categories of Underwater Cultural Resources
The most notable types of UCH sites within the Republic are the WWII wrecks located
mostly in the Rock Island Southern Lagoon (World Heritage Site – 2012). There are
more than 60 WWII ship and aircraft (see Fig. 1 for sample aircraft) wreck sites in Palau
(Bailey, 1991). The wrecks sites are popular tourists dive spots. Tourists who decide to
dive the wrecks are educated on the types of ship, ship content, and their components.
In the form of myths, locally known UHC sites and folklore for instance is the sunken
City of Ngibtal. Fish trapping sites, stone docks/piers, underwater burial sites, and
submerged landmarks (Olsudong et al., 1997 and 2000) are known UCH sites that are
found in different parts of Palau – all are protected under Title19 PNC Chapter 1. Other
known material that is not fully documented is the numerous Yapese stone money disks
(Fig. 2) which sank to the bottom of the sea during their transport from Palau to Yap.
Yapese islanders quarried these large stones or “megaliths” in Palau prior to European
contact (Hazell and Scott, 2006: 12). During their oceanic voyage to Yap, which
expanded several hundred kilometers, some vessels transporting the money disks
capsized, leaving a trail of money disks from several trips on the ocean floor. It is not yet
certain where exactly these money disks are located. There has yet to be a full
documented, mapping, and surveyed report of the Yapese stone money disks under the
waters of Palau.
Recent work by Fitzpatrick (2008a, 2008b) in the management and protection of the
quarry sites provides the opportunity for the local communities in Palau and Yap to take
lead in the preservation of such sites. The proposed management plan covers sites
located inland. Sites or money disks underwater are also given the same amount of
attention and protection it deserve once the sites have been identified. Francis
Toribiong, one of Palau’s local community leaders and a well-known scuba diver, has
taken the lead in the advocacy and protection of UCH sites in the Republic. As part of
public education and outreach projects, BAC in collaboration with PVA, the Belau
National Museum, and local state government aims to promote community awareness
6

�of the types of underwater cultural heritage. From the shipwrecks to sunken city and to
the Yapese megaliths, Palau aims to increase the fascination and value into the
preservation and conservation of UCH sites.

Fig. 1 (left)Jake Seaplane - History: A Japanese - Aichi E13A1-1 Navy Floatplane, built in 1941. The
seaplane is a long range and high speed reconnaissance seaplane, 3-seat, single engine, twin float, 15 hr
maximum endurance, range of 1,128 nautical miles. Primary role – bombing missions against land and
shipping targets, air-sea rescues, staff transport and kamikaze sorties and destroyed in 1944. Today, the
seaplane sits upright, mostly intact; artifacts around the site are radios, ammunition – small bomb inside
cockpit to the right of the aft seat. Marine life surrounding the site consists of crocodile fish, Batfish,
Octopus, Cuttlefish, whitecap Shrimp and Nudi branches. The marine life in surrounding shallow patch
reef – Sponges, Staghorn Lettuce, Brain, and Table corals, small sea whips and colorful juvenile tropical
fish. (Bailey, 1991; Emesiochel 2013 Palau Underwater Archaeological Training field notes)
Fig. 2 (right)The site is Uet el Daob ma Uet el Chutem, a Yapese Quarry site on Orrak Island, Airai state.
The Orrak Island site is undergoing UNESCO World Heritage nomination process as a Transboundary site
with Mangyol Money Bank in Yap. (Scott M. Fitzpatrick, 2002, Airai, Palau)

Tourism, location and accessibility
Palau was the headquarters of the Japanese command in Micronesia and was heavily
fortified by the Japanese in the years leading up to WWII in the Pacific. Malakal Harbor
was a major forward supply base for Japanese shipping. On March 31, 1944 U.S. divebomber strikes from aircraft carriers Yorktown and Bunker Hill, of Carrier Task Force 58
destroyed over 50 warships and airplanes of the Japanese Imperial Forces, making
Palau's western lagoon their final resting place (Bailey, 1991). Most of the wreck are
located within a few minutes of Sam's Tours dive center and remain in excellent
condition for diving. Each year in March, Sam Scott of Sam's Tours hosts Palau Wreck
Week to mark the anniversary of the sinking of the Japanese fleet. WWII shipwreck
sites are mainly located in Palau’s Southern Lagoon in Koror, the states of Peleliu and
7

�Angaur and other sites around the coast of Babeldaob. Most of Palau’s dive shops offer
services, kayak, and dives to these WWII wrecks. Provided in the tour, the dive operator
educates the tourist on basic information about the wreck. There are 10 popular wreck
dive sites, which Sam’s Tour takes their clients for diving. Accessibility to the sites is not
restricted; tour operators can freely access the wreck for photo taking, kayak, and other
recreational activities. Most of the Palau tour agencies with the assistance of Palau
Visitors Authority (PVA) promote eco-tourism and eco-heritage. Such promotion
provides incentive to state legislatures to create or strengthen exciting laws pertaining to
UCH sites within their boundaries.
Current legislation, Preservation and Management of Underwater cultural
resources
Aside from PLM, local conservation legislations and regulations pertaining to the
protection and management of UCH sites are minimal. The permit or MOA is
administered by the office of the President for the stipulations of the management and
treatment of UCH sites are only created in the event such salvage and research arises.
With the exception of PNC 19 and PLM, the Protected Areas Network Act (PAN) and
the Micronesia Challenge established in 2007 aims to protect not only terrestrial area up
to 20% but also includes a 30% of marine areas where possible UCH sites are located.
Since there is not a definite line where the 30% occupies, it would be logical to deduce
that such percentage would be broken accordingly to where high concentrations of UCH
sites are found. Included in the 30% there should be space reserved for the protection
and preservation of high marine biodiversity areas. To be protected under PAN, local
state government has to endorse the PAN Act and agree to the stipulations and
guidelines under the Act to ensure full resource safeguarding. In turn, the sites
designated by the states as PAN sites are eligible for funding and other opportunities for
the effective management of the sites. Local state governments take full responsibility in
the protection of the UCH sites located within their municipal boundaries. Such
legislation, rules and regulations must address the proper protection, monitoring, and
research around the areas. Special cases such as the salvage of a particular vessel or
parts thereof will be under the unified consensus and understanding between the

8

�foreign entity, the state government, and the President with the cooperation and
guidance from the BAC office.
“Public involvement and interest in the underwater cultural heritage is at an
all-time high, but, paradoxically, one of the major problems as regards
marine-zone development and the historic environment remain that of
convincing the government and the general public alike to consider cultural
heritage within environmental impact assessments, and to see the
protection of cultural heritage as not only a moral, social imperative but also
as an economic one” (Flatman, 2009).
UCH conservation is relatively new. Nevertheless, Palau is willing to take part in any
capacity building opportunities for training to effectively manage underwater heritage.
This will provide a foundational guidance to the local stakeholders and state
government the necessary tools to build their conservation program to include the
proper management of their known (and unknown) UCH sites.
Threats
The ever changing climatic changes, erosion, and looting are potential yet inevitable
threats to marine cultural heritage. Climate change is a slow inevitable threat to semisubmerged sites and other coastal properties as it continues to change the physical
characteristics of the area. This either alters the features or displaces them from the
site. Unexploded Remnants of War (ERW) that leaks out picric acid, oil, and maybe
other harmful elements are increasing threats to the livelihood of wreck divers and local
community, environment as well as the heritage itself. There is an ongoing project at the
famous Helmet Wreck dive site to remove fused depth charges. There are no thorough
survey of all the wrecks to understand the extent of EWR and its impact on marine life.
Salvage of particular artifacts, relics, or components of a UCH site when exposed to the
elements may oxidize, which damages the objects. This possibility will hinder any
salvage attempts but will not impede any foreign entity to reclaim their objects.
Available expertise and Current Trainings
Currently, there are only two staff members within the Palau HPO with adequate
training on maritime archaeology. With the assistance from UNESCO’s Participant
Program, Palau through the Bureau of Arts and Culture was able to secure funding to
9

�perform a three-week training course on Underwater Cultural Heritage from November
18 to December 06, 2013. Through this training, we were able to achieve valuable
lessons:
i. Educate local partners the benefits of the UNESCO 2001 Convention for the
Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage
ii. Nautical Archaeology Society (NAS) training program
a. Introduction to Foreshore and Underwater Archaeology
b. Part 1, Certificate in Foreshore and Underwater Archaeology
c. Part 2, Intermediate Certificate in Foreshore and Underwater Archaeology
iii. Study Tours – Peleliu and Koror State Southern Lagoon World Heritage Sites
iv. Development of a Palau Underwater Cultural Heritage Team (PUCHT)
a. Recording and documentation of UCH in Palau
Through the Underwater Archaeology Training program, Dr. William Jeffrey of Flinders
University and his associate Luis Cabral from the Guam Department of Education were
able to train and certify 10 Palauans and 1 American environmental graduate student
from the University of Guam in UCH surveying, conservation and preservation
techniques.
The UCH training gained a great number of supports from the local state governments,
environmental NGO’s in Palau, as well as the Palau National Congress. This amount of
support from the Bureau of Arts and Culture partner agencies encourages the Bureau to
seek more funding from UNESCO to do more UCH trainings beyond technical skills.
More importantly, this would help toward the completion of the Nautical Archaeology
Society (NAS) certificate training program of Part 3 and Part 4. This request came
through the Bureau by the state government if there is a possibility to do more training
in 2014. The success of the training will be shared during the 2014 Asia-Pacific
Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Honolulu. It is hoped that more publicity
could build solid networking and interest to bring in more training opportunities to Palau.
Training outcomes included:
i. Trained 10 Palauans who have worked together very effectively in conducting a 3Dimensional survey and two quick 2-D surveys of 3 underwater cultural heritage (UCH)
sites in Koror and Airai States.
10

�ii. Can now work together on future Palauan UCH projects in combination of further
training.
iii. Well recorded and documented the Jake Seaplane that with further research could
be nominated for the Palau National Register of Historic Places or the US National
Register of Historic Places.
iv. The cohorts have the capacity to conduct surveys of all types of underwater cultural
heritage (tangible and intangible).
Conclusion
In conclusion, we are a small island nation and still in the process of getting ourselves to
improve our capacity building and awareness regarding our UCH. We are hoping that
the participants who just finished the UCH training will help the agency on both human
resource and public awareness. We are also looking forward to seek any other sources
to expand the capacity and awareness to the states so we can assist both working side
by side to enhance the protection and preservation of our underwater cultural heritage.
Acknowledgement
We would like to take this opportunity and to extend our deep appreciation to the
organizer of the conference that gave us the opportunity to participate and share the
Role of the Agency regarding UCH heritage in the Republic of Palau. We would like to
also thank all the participants for their contribution and experiences that will help paved
us our way to improve and enhance our approach to our heritage.
References
Bailey, D. E., 1991 WWII Wrecks of Palau. California: North Valley Diver Publications,
California.
Dickinson, W. R., and Stephen, A. J., 2007. Holocene Paleoshoreline and
Paleoenvironmental History of Palau: Implications for Human Settlement. Journal of
Island and Coastal Archaeology, Vol. 2 (2): 175-196.
Emesiochel, C. T., 2008. Palau County Report: Training Course on Cultural Heritage
Protection: Research, Analysis and Preservation of Archaeological Sites and Remains.
ACCU Nara, Japan.

11

�Fitzpatrick, S. M., 2008a. Maritime interregional interaction in Micronesia: Deciphering
multi-group contacts and exchange systems through time. Journal of Anthropological
Archaeology, Vol. 27: 131-147.
Fitzpatrick, S. M., 2008b. Preservation and Management for Yapese Stone Money sites
in Palau and Yap, Palau HPO. Palau.
Flatman, J., 2009. Editorial. Conserving Marine Cultural Heritage: Threats, Risks, and
Future Priorities. Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, Vol. (11) 1: 58.
Hazell, L. C., and Scott, M. F., 2006. The maritime transport of prehistoric megaliths in
Micronesia. Archaeology Oceania, Vol. 41: 12-24.
Olsudong, R., Calvin T. E., and Errolflynn, T. K., 1997. Draft: Inventory of Cultural Sites
and Oral History in Melekeok and Irai, Bureau of Arts and Culture, Palau.
Olsudong, R., Calvin, T. E., and Errolflynn, T., K., 2000. Palau Bureau of Arts and
Culture, Draft: Inventory of Cultural and Historical Sites and Oral History in Ngarrard
State, Vol. I: Inventory of Cultural and Historical sites, Bureau of Arts and Culture,
Palau.
Biography
Sunny O. Ngirmang is currently the Director/HPO of the Bureau of Arts and Culture,
also known as Palau Historic Preservation Office of the Ministry of Community and
Cultural Affairs of the Palau National Government. Ever since in her post in the Bureau
four years ago, she has attended several trainings, conferences, workshops and other
activities related to managing, preserving and protecting historical and cultural heritage
both in the state, national, regional and international level. She is passionate about
cultural resource management of Palau’s tangible and intangible heritage.
Calvin T. Emesiochel is currently the Deputy HPO of the Bureau of Arts and Culture,
also known as Palau Historic Preservation Office of the Ministry of Community and
Cultural Affairs of the Palau National Government. Emesiochel has over 12 years of
extensive archaeological experience including extensive knowledge in GIS and Access
database management, Section 106, surveying, and CRM. He is a certified PADI diver
since 2002 with experience in underwater archaeological surveying techniques and also
NAS Part 1 and Part 2 certified since 2006. He is passionate about the preservation and
protection of the Palauan tangible and intangible heritage.

12

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                  <text>The Pacific Ocean contains a wealth of underwater cultural heritage. Underwater sites in Oceania span human history from the Stone Age to the Atomic Age. Due to the cultural richness of underwater heritage in the region and its complex history, the protection of these sites is of high importance for the region. Moreover, the potential for sustainable tourism in partnership with diving industry has been attracting a growing attention.&#13;
The first UNESCO regional workshop on the Pacific underwater cultural heritage took place in December 2009 in Honiara, Solomon Islands. As possible steps towards building a capacity for managing UCH, participants at the workshop identified the following needs; systematic recording and maintenance of a database of submerged and underwater sites; exploring licensing activities directed at underwater sites; and developing a training and education programme for managers. The papers presented by experts at the workshop were compiled, edited and published as "Underwater Cultural Heritage in Oceania" in 2010.&#13;
Based on the recommendations made at the Honiara workshop, a Feasibility Study on Pacific Capacity Building Programme was prepared by Flinders University with UNESCO support. The Study recommends a possible capacity building programme to be hosted by the University of the South Pacific (USP) in Fiji. The launching of the Pacific Heritage Hub (PHH), a regional facility for knowledge management, capacity building and partnership building, at USP in 2013 presents an opportunity for the actual implementation of the capacity building programme. UNESCO is also exploring the possibility of organising regional and national consultations in the Pacific focusing on cultural policy development.&#13;
The objectives of the session are to:&#13;
&#13;
â€¢ Enhance understanding of characteristics of UCH in the Pacific.&#13;
&#13;
â€¢ Identify priority actions.&#13;
&#13;
â€¢ Foster partnership for regional and international cooperation.</text>
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                <text>Underwater archaeological resources within the Republic of Palau (henceforth referred to as the Republic) cover a wide array of types from famous World War II wrecks, to Yapese stone money disks which sank to the bottom of the sea during their transport, and to traditional sites - which includes but not limited to semi-submerged docks/piers, fish traps, burials, and a sunken city mentioned in traditional folklore. These resources are protected under the Cultural and Historical Preservation Act (henceforth referred to as Title 19) mandated by the Palau Bureau of Arts and Culture (henceforth referred to as the Bureau). More specifically, Chapter 3 of Title 19 known as the "Palau Lagoon Monument" is exclusively reserved for all submerged and semi-submerged foreign vessels located within the Republicâ€™s territorial waters. Tour agencies play a proactive role in monitoring the health and condition of the wrecks, report new site locations, and notifies the Bureau of possible looting activities. A Geographic Information System database maintained by the Survey and Inventory/Archaeology Section within the Bureau keeps an inventory of underwater sites obtained from earlier works plus data from affiliated tour agencies. This paper will examine the current situation within the Bureau and its subdivisions particularly the Survey and Inventory/Archaeology Section. It will provide details of efforts, challenges and goals, and gaps pertaining to the preservation and management of underwater archaeological resources. In addition, present case studies where the "Palau Lagoon Monument" clause was enacted. Lastly, we will discuss the measures and other aides available within the Bureau aimed towards assisting the state government establish medium-term goals for preservation and management plus effective long-term objectives beneficial for their state in terms of underwater cultural resources. In addition, give an overview of the latest UCH training, sponsored by UNESCO, which was held in Palau and plans moving forward to increasing the advocacy of UCH in the Pacific Region, particularly Micronesia.</text>
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                <text>Sunny O. Ngirmang</text>
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                <text>Calvin T. Emesiochel, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)</text>
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                    <text>The Southeast Asian Galleon Trade:
A process towards a re-assessment of human-environment interaction
Jennifer Craig and Carl Hughes
McGill University
Indian Ocean World Centre
Montreal, Canada H3A 0E6
Email: Jennifer.craig2@mail.mcgill.ca
Email: carl.hughes@mail.mcgill.ca
Abstract
In 1939, William Schurz published ‘The Manila Galleon’ that has been considered a
seminal work in maritime history (in the English language). In it, he proposed the
shipping route of the galleon trade in the Pacific Ocean during the 16th to 19th centuries.
The directional flow of goods were purported to enter eastern Southeast Asia through
the Philippine archipelago at the San Bernardino Strait. The same strait was also used
as the exit point by the galleons that travelled northeast out of East Asia and east bound
across the Pacific. This paper will reconsider Schurz’s hypothesis with input from up to
date analyses based on environmental data. Our results are displayed in layers on
digital seascape in a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) format? These layers
include detailed water-surface topography (small islands, atolls, reefs) as well as the
dynamic atmospheric and oceanic environment. The data for these layers were
gathered from accessible online datasets generated by the National Oceanic and
Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). These datasets were then reconfigured into
algorithms and models for use in a set of geovisualizations using GIS and Google Earth.
This is overlaid with Schurz’s hypothesized historic shipping route. The results are a
comparison of human-environment interaction and a re-assessment of a 75 year old
hypothesis.
Keywords: Chart, Digital, Geovisualizations, Manila Galleon, Maritime, Pacific Ocean

Introduction
This paper is a case study and part of a larger project that re-evaluates historians’
works on shipping routes in Southeast Asia from the 14th to mid-18th centuries CE
(Common Era) for maritime archaeology purposes. It discusses the methodology to
produce dynamic charts that visually represent human-environment interaction. The
1

�direct comparison of contemporary data on human activity and environment action was
problematic because there is little information on maritime environment data prior to the
mid-19th century. To overcome this issue, we incorporated recent atmospheric and
oceanic data generated from readily available reputable sources. The results are an
original figure of a chart created in 1939 and three charts created using GIS software.
The first figure is William Schurz’s interpretation based on the Spanish archives. Of the
three figures created by this exercise, the first chart is a detailed shipping route through
the Philippines for the eastward journey. Schurz did not repeat the details for the
westward journey but he inferred similar directions that were followed through the
Philippines to Manila. The second chart showed the breadth of the possible shipping
routes eastward bound for the Americas. The third chart showed the breadth of possible
shipping routes westward bound across the Pacific Ocean.
Schurz’s hypothesis
William Schurz’s (1939) ‘The Manila Galleon’ is considered a seminal work in maritime
history (in the English language). Part of the reason why the book had such impact was
because it contained The Chart of the
Pacific Ocean (Fig. 1; henceforth known as
Schurz’s

Chart).

This

is

a

visual

representation of Schurz’s hypothesis of
past Spanish shipping activity through the
Philippines, across the Pacific Ocean and
along the western coast of the Americas.
However, the choice to include the figure
at the beginning of the book is confusing
because the chart did not represent
Schurz’s whole discussion but only one of
his

subsections

of

a

chapter.

The

subsection titled The Route (Schurz, 1939:
216-250) is summarized in Schurz’s Chart.

Fig. 1 The Chart of the Pacific Ocean. (Schurz,
1939: no number) Image enhancement by Rachid
Hedjam with Synchromedia laboratory, Ecole de
technologiesuperieure de Montreal, University of
Quebec, Canada.

One can see from this figure that Schurz included the multiple possible routes the
Spanish took to establish trade in Southeast Asia. Some of his directions may seem
2

�uncharacteristic of sailing; for example, when the ships heading eastbound suddenly
switched direction from northeast to directly east. Other directions were unclear perhaps
due to the scale of the chart, such as the route through the Philippines.
The environment these voyages took place was highly dynamic; with air and water
movement being the major contributors to the decision-making of shipping activity
timing and location but the figure did not include this information. In fact, the water and
air look placid, and appears practically non-existent. Perhaps this is a restriction during
the time of writing because his text provided details of a very dynamic environment.
Schurz expects his readers to be familiar with major planetary environment. For
example, he writes of prevailing winds. Understanding where these winds blow are
central to appreciating the degrees of latitude ships sailed on the Pacific Ocean’s east
and west bound routes. Due to the Universal Laws of Gravity between the Earth, the
Sun and the Moon, prevailing winds consistently blow across the Pacific Ocean
eastward in the prevailing westerlies belt at latitudes 30º to 60º and westwards in the
north-east trade winds belt between 5º to 30º(Thurman and Trujillo, 2001). Schurz’s
exclusion of major water currents is not surprising. At the time of this publication,
humans knew next to nothing about the seabed. In 1940, the Woods Hole Institute had
just gathered survey information on the Indian Ocean and it was not until 1967 that
Mary Tharp had completed her drawings of the bathometric rift and published her
results in Mercador’s World (Tharp, 1967). Since then, oceanographers have
discovered the planet’s ocean water currents are caused by the prevailing winds and
effects of temperature caused by the Earth’s molten core seeping through the Earth’s
Crust at seabed rifts (Thurman and Trujillo, 2001). In the Pacific Ocean, the
atmospheric and oceanic action is separated by the Equator into Northern and Southern
Hemispheres (Thurman and Trujillo, 2001). In both hemispheres, Subtropical Gyres are
formed by the circulatory movement of water currents caused by the California Rift and
Mariana Trench, along with wind direction caused by prevailing winds. The currents that
form the north Pacific Subtropical Gyre are the Kuroshio Current, at approximately 15º
latitude off the east coast of the Philippines, flowing northeast out of the Philippine Sea;
to the east flowing the North Pacific Current; to the south, flowing California Current and
returns westward across the Pacific Ocean from latitude 10-15º with the North
3

�Equatorial Current (Thurman and Trujillo, 2001). Although these are major systems of
the Earth’s planetary causes there are other seasonal environmental effects. One of the
seasonal details that Schurz discussed is the monsoon.
Schurz pointed out the ‘traditional route’ took months to complete because of the
monsoon winds. The longest stretch of the journey was going through the archipelago
from Manila to the Embocadero and crossing the Pacific Ocean. For the purposes of
this paper it will suffice to say that the sea, as displayed by Schurz, does not show the
dynamism of his text. He expects the reader to be familiar with the local weather
patterns and planetary functions known in the 1930s. When he mentions monsoon he
does not explain the regularity of shipwreck caused by extreme weather but instead
implies this by mentioning the need to be out of harm’s way at the start of the season.
This is certainly the case for the westbound journey timing to enter the Embocadero and
the eastbound journey’s timing for leaving Manila. In order to visualize a closer reality to
the shipping activities of past sailors, the authors are currently developing a
methodology to display dynamic charts with historians’ hypotheses included as layers.
This will provide a platform for comparisons of data, recognition of gaps in the literature
and provide information for maritime archaeologists to recognize areas of potential highrisk for shipwreck of particular cultural groups during specific periods of time. This
exercise identifies cultural-group-specific corridors of maritime activity. It identifies
locations of Spanish galleons in the Philippines at certain periods of time; or when a
shipwreck is located these charts narrow down the possibilities of date and ship-type.
Alternatively, it notes if a shipwreck is in an unexpected area, leading to the hypothesis
of bootlegging.
Methodology: The Digital Data
Geovisualizations bring the dynamisms of the environment to historians’ hypothesized
routes. The results of this exercise are displayed in layers on digital seascape in GIS
format. These layers include detailed water-surface topography (small islands, atolls,
reefs) and the dynamic atmospheric environment. The data for these layers are
gathered from online accessible datasets generated by the National Oceanic and
Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). These datasets are then reconfigured into
algorithms and models for use in a set of geovisualizations using GIS and Google Earth.
4

�This is overlaid with Schurz’s hypothesized historic shipping route for comparison and
discussion. First, one had to prepare the data for GIS. This required ‘point creation’ of
the geographical locations described in the historian’s text. With these points in place
the authors followed Schurz’s text, the case study, to connect the points and sailing
routes. The reader is reminded that the authors were focused on the Southeast Asian
portion of Schurz’s data so the figures below do not include details about the route from
the Pacific Ocean to the western coast of the Americas, nor along that coast. The
westbound directions from Acapulco are assumed steady across the Pacific Ocean
because, in comparison to the complicated course of the eastbound journey, the
westbound journey is described as regular and straight across the Pacific to the
Ladrones. For example, to describe the eastward route from Manila to the Embocadero
Schurz (1939: 223-4) wrote 23.5 lines of text. From the Embocadero to the point where
the galleon crossed the Pacific Ocean, Schurz (1939: 226-7) wrote 14 lines of text. The
description for the westward route from Acapulco to Manila however, occupied only 8.5
lines of text (Schurz, 1939: 251-252).
Results: Geovisualizations
For the sake of clarity the ‘traditional route’ has been subdivided by the authors into six
steps: 1) Manila to Embocadero; 2) Eastbound from Embocadero to Ladrones; 3)
Eastbound from Ladrones to the Americas; 4) Southbound along the Americas; 5)
Westbound from the Americas to Ladrones; 6) West-Northwest bound from Ladrones to
Embocadero; 7) Embocadero to Manila. Steps 1, 2, 6 and 7 are displayed in full with
only partial discussion of steps 3 and 5. Step 4 is not included in this paper. To discuss
these locations and the consistent and seasonal environment the authors noted details
of timing and direction. Our meaning of the term ‘Direction’ is specifically the
geographical locations of the ‘traditional route’. ‘Timing’ discusses the months chosen
for sail which correspond to environment data of seasonal high and low activity. Steps 1
and 7 are displayed in (Fig. 2). The east bound journey was timed to start with the
beginning of the southwest monsoon. At this time, the winds were strong and would
push the sails of galleons through the archipelago from early May to late September,
with preference for timing during mid-June to mid-July (Schurz, 1939: 251-252). The
route’s direction through the Philippines is provided in minute detail in the book’s text
5

�over two pages (Schurz, 1939: 221-222). However, Schurz’s Chart (Fig. 1) only showed

Fig. 2 Schurz’s hypothesized Spanish galleon ‘traditional route’ through the Philippines
from 1565 to 1730. (Schurz, 1939: 216-283 and Chart created by Carl Hughes)

the exit/entry point of the Embocadero at the San Bernardino Strait. Figure 2 brings to
the foreground the following interesting points. The passage for the shipping activity
should be littered with shipwrecks. However, at this time the authors are unaware of any
underwater archaeology activity from the Verde Passage eastward. Perhaps this has to
do with the highly active environment. At this time, there is little data available on the
surface currents and wind force of the Philippines. Although an Oceanography article
discussed some of these details in the Sulu Sea region, the area is outside the route
discussed by Schurz (Lermusiaux, et al., 2011). Interestingly, Schurz provided minute
details when the route was directed around the entire coast of Capul Island. He included
what was viewed at the portside and starboard along with, one of the few times it is
mentioned, distance. This may have been the same case for San Bernardino Island
6

�situated near the entrance of the San Bernardino Strait. The directions on how a ship
was to sail through this point are confusing, hence the hashed triangle over the island of
San Bernardino and out towards Catanduanes, “northeast with Sorsogon coast to port
and San Bernardino to starboard; northeast by east seven leagues to the Embocadero
with San Bernardino now to port and the island of Biri to starboard” (Schurz, 1939: 222).
Step 2 and half of step 3 are displayed in (Fig. 3). Mid-July was recorded as the best
time to use the wind power of the monsoon in order to reach and sail across the North
Pacific. The Spanish galleons were recorded to regularly leave Manila from mid-June
and reach the Embocadero in mid-July; and then head from the 2nd Midpoint to the
Americas in September through November. Throughout most of the year, the winds and
currents run east from the 2nd Midpoint to the Americas. In (Fig. 3), October is labelled
because it is the middle of that period. In order to get to the Ladrones, they would need
to rely on the July winds to push them out of the Embocadero, up to the latitude where
the current flows eastward and along a narrow band of latitude running parallel to the
arrows on Figure 3. Our data shows that north of the July currents, the wind direction is
straight north then curves west. If this were the case, then ships may not have only
stopped into the Ladrones but also ported the islands south of China and/or Japan.
Schurz (1939: 230) did remark that ships reached Japan, “a galleon occasionally
passed close enough to make out the mountains of Hondo to the west”. On the chart
where the lines are solid, very definitive directions are provided. Where the hashed
triangles are is the potential extent of where the ships may have sailed. Schurz does
mention the full breadth of the route extended from the Shichi-to Islands to Guam but he
is clear that the main area the ships sailed were between the Volcanes and Uracas
(Schurz, 1939: 230-231). The ships again follow a very strict route to Midpoint 1 at 31º
latitude and longitude east of Manila 28.5º”, then east northeast on to Midpoint 2 at
between 36º and 37º in longitude 40º. Within the area represented in the key as the
Extent of the Route, Schurz indulged in Spanish lore of the islands Rica de Oro and
Rica de Plata (‘Rich in Gold’ and ‘Rich in Silver’). He spent some time discussing the
importance of these islands and stipulated the reason the ‘traditional route’ remained on
course for the length of time it did was because of these islands. Rica de Oro and Rica
de Plata had multiple locations over hundreds of years. They were often likened to
7

�Ptolemy’s
Chryse.

Argyre
Henry

and
Yule

(1882) placed a start
point from Orissa, West
Coast India and sailed
east across the Bay of
Bengal to
Arakan,

Argyre

(in

Burma)

in

parallel to the Ganges.
From there one went
south to Chryse within
Indo-China (i.e. Pegu
and

Irrawady

Delta

Myanmar/Thailand).

of

Fig. 3 Schurz’s ‘traditional route’ eastward from the Embocadero to
mid-way across the Pacific Ocean. (Schurz, 1939: 216-283 and Chart
created by Carl Hughes)

In

1885, William Muir in his publication on the Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society
cited Yule but went on to place Ptolemy’s Argyre in Arakan, Burma and Chryse as a
misnomer (Muir, 1885). This is interesting timing as the British were attempting to
colonize this part of the planet. Later, when the Americans displayed strong presence in
the Pacific Ocean, Japan was thought to be Chryse / Rica de Plata (Chassigneux 1933;
Moriarity and Roberts 1975). Considering these comments, the authors believe this is
still an area open for debate and one that seems to move geography according to
political maneuvers in colonization.
Half of step 5 and all of step 6 are displayed in (Fig. 4). The westbound voyage was
timed based on the Philippines’ northeast monsoon. It was recorded as best timing to
have the galleons in Manila by mid-April. This journey was only a matter of weeks so
the suggested date for leaving Acapulco was during the month of February through to
the end of March (Schurz, 1939: 225). Spanish galleons sailed westbound from the
Americas to Ladrones, then west bound from Ladrones to Embocadero. The westbound
journey, like the eastbound, also had a wide zone of possible sail route. Within which
any of the islands from the Marianas to Guam were potentially ported. A Royal Decree
in 1668 declared Guam as a regular stop point for all Manila Galleons. In 1681, Guam
8

�was fortified and a royal governor and friars were sent to administer and convert the
local populace in the name of the Spanish crown. When timing is considered, Schurz
referred to Humbolt on the ‘serenity of the sky’, and did not mention a specific month in
which the galleons had favorable conditions; except that it was best to enter the
Embocadero prior to the start of the northeast monsoon that runs from late April to early
October. This corresponds with Schurz’s (1939: 225, 252) comments that galleons were
not expected to reach Manila again until mid-April.

Fig. 4 Schurz’s ‘traditional route’ westward from the mid-Pacific Ocean, through the
Ladrones to the Embocadero. (Schurz, 1939: 216-283 and Chart created by Carl Hughes)

Discussion and Conclusion
The authors provided a methodology to create geovisualizations that displayed the
complex seascape of exchange with details on shipping activity directions and timing.
There are many and varied details to consider if one were to reassess the whole of
Schurz’s chart so the authors narrowed their focus to only Southeast Asia and the
western Pacific Ocean portion of Schurz’s ‘traditional route’, namely the Philippines and
the Ladrones. The Philippines is an archipelago of over 7,000 islands that
topographically intercepts the force of the Pacific Ocean in the Philippine Sea as it
9

�moves over/through the archipelago to continue to flow into the South China Sea, Sulu
Sea and the Indonesian Throughflow. The Ladrones are the Marianas Islands (Schurz,
1939: 247), an archipelago to the east of the Philippine Sea and at the western
boundary of the Pacific Ocean. The directional flow of goods were purported to enter
westward into east Southeast Asia through the Philippine archipelago at the San
Bernardino Strait. The same strait was also the exit point; then northwards close to
Japan with the eastbound route out of East Asia and across the north Pacific. The
locations mentioned in the text were all located and pinpointed on digital charts, along
with lines drawn or hashed-marks used to display breadth of route. The
geovisualizations provided more complete and dynamic figures to accompany the
details of Schurz’s text. It also pointed out the locations of unexpected activities on the
route, such as sailing around the entire island of Capul in the Philippine archipelago.
With these more detailed figures, we can begin to surmise the possibility of bootlegging
having occurred in the Ladrones. This area was visited by both the eastbound and
westbound journeys. The long stay and the false ship manifests are other indicators that
this area was a potential hotspot for illicit activity.
The outcome of this exercise pointed out the inconsistencies between the text and
figures. Schurz’s original chart (Fig. 1) showed an overlap of multiple documents. The
key associated to the Schurz’s Chart entailed five routes, however in his text he
discussed more. Schurz suggested that the galleon trade occurred within the period
from 16th to 19th centuries, specifically from 1565 to 1815. The ‘traditional route’
existed from 1565 to 1762 without much argument but from 1762 to 1814 various other
options were suggested, legislated, decreed and ultimately ignored. The Spanish
consulado, “which embodied the commercial interests at Manila” (Schurz 1939: 226)
nearly consistently argued to re-route different directions but these never took place
(specifically in years 1777, 1782, 1786, 1791, 1794) (Schurz, 1939: 226). An example
that Schurz does include in his chart but does not explain in the key is the Cape
Bojeador option. It was never favored, nor followed by the Spanish (Fry, 1985: 17-18). It
was endorsed by Philip Thompson, a British pilot of the royal navy who stated, “up the
west side of Luzon [a sail ship] could climb to the twentieth parallel in two and a half or
three DAYS” (Schurz, 1939: 224); whereas the ‘traditional route’ took nearly two
10

�MONTHS. Thompson’s route shortened the average time to Acapulco from five or six
months to three months. If this is the case then why follow the southern Embocadero
route? It was also interesting to note that modern day environment data was compatible
for displaying the past seasonal environment information. The seasons Schurz
discussed were from the archival records of the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries and these
matched the seasonality of the data collected by NOAA over an 18 year period, from
1992 to 2010.
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank our Team Leaders Brendan Gillon and Gwyn Campbell for their
continued academic input and support. This project is funded by the Social Science and
Humanities Research Council of Canada’s Major Collaborative Research Initiative for
the project The Indian Ocean World: The Making of the First Global Economy in the
Context of Human-Environment Interaction (http://indianoceanworldcentre.com/mcri).

References
Chassigneux, Edmond., 1933. Rica de oro et Rica de plata. In T'oungPao, Second
Series, Vol. 30 (1-2): 37-84, Brill, available on the World Wide Web at:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4527041.
Fry, Howard. T., 1985. The Eastern Passage and Its Impact on Spanish Policy in the
Philippines, 1758-1790. Philippine Studies, Vol. 33 (1): 3-21.
GeoNames.,
2013.
GeoNames
http://www.geonames.org/

Geographical

Database,

retrieved

from

Lermusiaux, Pierre, F. J., Haley, Patrick J. Jr., Leslie, Wayne, G., Agarwal, A., Logutov,
Oleg, G., and Burton, Lisa, J., 2011. Multiscale Physical and Biological Dynamics in the
Philippine Archipelago: Predictions and Processes. Journal of Oceanography, Vol. 24
(1): 70-89.
Moriarity, James. R., III and Roberts, William, R., 1975. Between Cipango and Quivira:
The Legends of Rica de Oro, Rica de Plata and Las Islas del. Southern California
Quarterly, Vol. 57 (3): 223-242, University of California Press on behalf of the Historical
Society of Southern California, Santa Cruz, accessed on the World Wide Web
26/11/2013 at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41170604.
Muir, W., 1885.Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society. Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society of Great Britain &amp; Ireland, Vol. 17 (3): f1-f16, accessed on the World Wide Web
11

�26/11/2013 at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00165517.
Schurz, W., 1939.The Manila Galleon. E. P. Dutton, (Reprinted 1959), New York.
Tharp, M., 1967. Bathymetric Map. In Mercator’s World and reproduced for National
Geographic Maps the 1999 November/December issue.
Thurman, Harold. V., and Trujillo, Alan P., 2001. Essentials in Oceanography. Pearson
Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, Seventh Edition.
Yule, H., 1882. Notes on the Oldest Records of the Sea-Route to China from Western
Asia. In Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of
Geography, New Monthly Series, Vol. 4 (11): 649-660, Wiley on behalf of The Royal
Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers), London, accessed on
the World Wide Web 26/11/2013 at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1800301.
Biography
Jennifer Craig is an underwater archaeologist. She attained two Archaeology degrees
from Memorial University in Newfoundland and University of Bristol. She continues to
thank all the people whose projects she was/is invited to join. Jennifer started her
Doctoral degree at the University of Oxford and continues at McGill University.
Carl Hughes is a GIScientist. He attained a degree in Geography from McGill. He
continues to work on novel web based mapping methods in his Masters degree at
McGill University. He would like to thank the support and resources provided to himfrom
within the Indian Ocean World Centre.

12

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                  <text>The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepÃ´ts that stood along the way.</text>
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                <text>The Southeast Asian Galleon Trade: A process towards a re-assessment of human-environment interaction</text>
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                <text>In 1939, William Schurz published â€˜The Manila Galleonâ€™ that has been considered a seminal work in maritime history (in the English language). In it, he proposed the shipping route of the galleon trade in the Pacific Ocean during the 16th to 19th centuries. The directional flow of goods were purported to enter eastern Southeast Asia through the Philippine archipelago at the San Bernardino Strait. The same strait was also used as the exit point by the galleons that travelled northeast out of East Asia and east bound across the Pacific. This paper will reconsider Schurzâ€™s hypothesis with input from up to date analyses based on environmental data. Our results are displayed in layers on digital seascape in a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) format? These layers include detailed water-surface topography (small islands, atolls, reefs) as well as the dynamic atmospheric and oceanic environment. The data for these layers were gathered from accessible online datasets generated by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). These datasets were then reconfigured into algorithms and models for use in a set of geovisualizations using GIS and Google Earth. This is overlaid with Schurzâ€™s hypothesized historic shipping route. The results are a comparison of human-environment interaction and a re-assessment of a 75 year old hypothesis. </text>
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                    <text>Pre Hispanic Navigation: Iconographic Evidence in
Moche Fine Line Painting
Carlos Ausejo

Abstract
Navigation in pre-Hispanic times in the Andean region has been a topic of discussion among
researchers for years. Different sources of information lead us to believe that at least one
type of marine craft was in use and involved in long distance trade at the arrival of the
Spaniards. However, the debate surrounding earlier periods is stronger due to the lack of
evidence in archaeological records. Most evidence consists of iconographic or sculptural
depictions on pottery; wall friezes; and, ultimately, references gathered by chroniclers – but
not a single remain of any kind of vessel.
This situation has lead researchers to believe that marine crafts like the “Caballito de
Totora” (“reed horse”) were just simpler tools without any further development. However, one
particular type of watercraft represented in the Moche iconography apparently contradicts this
idea, the “reed boat”. Moche fine line paintings portray this particular type of vessel, which
differs from the traditional “reed horse” vessel, and seems to be capable of holding
considerable cargo and occupants. Although the use of totora constitutes the oldest tradition
for constructing rafts and boats along the coast and in the Titicaca region, unfortunately, as
mentioned above, there is no evidence of such rafts or boats in the archaeological record
apart from the iconographic depictions.
In spite of this, we suggest that “reed boats” represented a real boat just as other real
Moche characters were represented in their iconography, such as the “Lord of Sipan” or “The
Priestesses of San Jose de Moro”. Moreover the reed boats were a technological innovation,
which filled particular needs to perform rituals in times of ecological distress and to procure
certain sumptuary items.

The Moche
The Moche civilization developed on the north cost of Peru between 100 and
800 Anno Domini (A.D1) during the Early Intermediate2 period (Donnan and
McClelland 1999:13). The geographical area occupied by the Moche can be
divided into Northern and Southern regions, separated by the Pampa de
Paijan. The success of the Moche society was based on controlling the rivers
through the construction of a complex network of irrigation canals, which
supported successful large-scale agriculture (Shimada 1994:52-56; Bawden
1996:87-92). Furthermore they managed to exploit the large resources of
marine and coastal fauna combined with the use of domesticated llamas,
guinea pigs and ducks (Bawden 1996:86-87; Donnan and McClelland
1999:14-15). The success of food production allowed the Moche to maintain a
highly stratified and dense population, and therefore to assign large number of
workers to the construction and maintenance of pyramids, palaces, temples,
and irrigation canal systems (Bawden 1996:76-107; Donnan and McClelland
1999:14).
As in any other Andean society, they didn’t have a writing system;
instead they left a stunning artistic record of their beliefs and activities in
Modelled and Painted ceramics (Bawden 1996:23; Donnan and McClelland
1

Georgian Calendar designation that starts at year one, fromt he birth of Jesus Christ of
Nazareth, with every year since added by one.
2
Between 400 B.C. and 600 A.C. (Rowe 1945:265-284)

1

�1999:15). Rafael Larco Hoyle developed Moche chronology in 1948 based on
the stirrup spout bottle. He identified five phases, each thought to last around
100 to 200 years (Donnan and McClelland 1999:21). However, during the last
ten years, researchers combined individual phases into three historical
periods (Bawden 2004:23,116-129): Early3 (Phase I – II), Middle4 (Phase III –
IV), and Late Moche5 (Phase V).
Moche potters were consummate masters of three-dimensional
sculpture and also produced ceramics with low-relief depictions of figures and
activities, geometrical and pictorial scenes with fine line painting (Donnan and
McClelland 1999:15-17). On the other hand it seems that Moche
representations had a limited representation of specific events or activities,
which are referred to as themes (Donnan and McClelland 1979:5).
Phase V shows a clear change in fine line painting evolution from
previous phases; the change to abstract and distorted, heavy emphasis being
placed on supernatural rather than human activities, and ultimately a focus on
marine creatures and environment (Donnan and McClelland 1999:178-183).
We can also find innovations in layout, characters and narrative techniques as
well as pottery shape (Donnan and McClelland 1999:166). Although artistic
cannons are mostly the same as preceding phases, there are changes; the
layout consists of half and half, spiral layout, and a new scheme using the
burial theme (Donnan and McClelland 1999:182-183). It is in this context that
Reed boats are more frequently depicted than in previous phases, but for a
completely different function. Rather than being portrayed for fishing activities
they are depicted carrying elaborately dressed individuals (Donnan and
McClelland 1999:179).

Iconography versus Archaeological Evidence
Over the last two decades, archaeological evidence has been demonstrating
that the Moche practiced several activities portrayed in fine line painting. They
also demonstrated that dignitaries as shown in iconographic representations
wore clothes and accessories (Bourget 2005:89-109; Castillo 2000:307-332;
Donnan and McClelland 1999:23; Verano 2005:111-125).
In that sense Christopher Donnan and Donna McClelland (Donnan and
McClelland 1979:6-10) propose the burial scene theme as four distinctive
activities: burial, assembly, conch-shell transfer, and sacrifice. Double and
parallel lines indicate that the activities were separate events, which did not
occur at the same time but were associated with the burial of one extremely
important individual and suggest that all depictions referred to the same
individual (Donnan and McClelland 1979:13). The evidence found in Huaca
Rajada is similar to the depictions (Alva 2004:101-116), but instead of one,
there are at least three high status individuals buried at three different times
with similar types of offerings. Moreover the caskets had a rigid structure of
reinforced heavy canes wrapped in cloth, which covered the cane and the
faces shown on the caskets may be hammered metal masks and attached to
the cloth wrapping (Donnan and McClelland 1979:7). Moreover the goods
depicted in the burial theme are frequently found in Moche and Sican graves,
3

Early Moche aproximately 200 A.D. – 400 A.D.
Middle Moche aproximately 400 A.D. – 600 A.D.
5
Late Moche aproximately 600 A.D. – 800 A.D.
4

2

�along with different kinds of ceramic vessels, gourd bowls filled with food and
conch shells (Alva 2004:86-99).
Symbolic representation is also evident in the belongings of high status
personages; they usually appear wearing gold alloy masks and are
accompanied by specific emblems representing their status and role (Donnan
2008:77). The paraphernalia resembles the images contained in Moche
friezes and ceramics, where it accompanies performers in the activities being
depicted (Alva 2004;Donnan and Castillo 1992,1994). Specific individuals can
be traced to the rituals depicted, which were acted out and performed exactly
as they were depicted (Bawden 1996:25). That is the case of “the Priestess of
San Jose de Moro” [Priestess] (Castillo 2000:307-332), where two female
burials were found with distinctive paraphernalia corresponding to the
Priestess from the Sacrifice scene, the female occupant of the reed boats
(Cordy-Collins 1999:21; Donnan and McClelland 1979:7) and the net shirt
personages form the burial scene (Donnan and McClelland 1979:7). Moreover
the goblets found in burials, similar to those in the San Jose de Moro, tested
positive for human blood traces (Bourget 2005:89-109). This reinforces the
possibilities of actual blood rites during Moche times (Bawden 1996:154155;Bourget 2005:89-109). In that sense, the war and sacrifice rites depicted
can also be related to archaeological evidence, such as the finding of human
remains in the Huaca de la Luna, which show evidence of decapitation,
defleshing and head trauma, among other signs of violence (Bourget 2005:89109; Verano 2005:111-125).

Reed boats Iconography6
Reed boats in phase V are portrayed mainly in a half and half layout, they
look larger than those depicted before and appear to have cargo decks
carrying people and large ceramic jars. On one half the sacrifice Priestess is
portrayed, on the second half a character is portrayed with a paddle-like
object (Donnan and McClelland 1999:178-179; McClelland 1999:77-78).
Phase V reed boats depictions appear with arms and legs, as well as the socalled floaters, contrary to Phase IV reed boats. Some artists replace the boat
with the bottle equator or use a crescent moon shape similar to the reed boat.
This type of representation is called the “Crescent Boat” and seems to be a
simplification of the more complex reed boat scene (McClelland 1999:77-78).
Whether it is represented in detailed reed boats carrying prisoners and
jars; simply depicted on a crescent boat; participating in a complex sacrifice
scene or in the Burial scene, it seems quite clear that the depiction of the
Priestess, or at least a female character, is closely related to navigation
scenes. Since these are all new scenes, or at least represented differently, we
can presume that the boats represented in Phase V pottery may be a new
type of reed vessel used in rituals and activities, perhaps as a response to
changes in the ecological environment associated with the end of the Moche
civilization around 800 A.D. (Donnan and McClelland 1999:184-185).
6

The research sample comes from drawings and photos from published sources, mostly by
Christopher Donnan and Donna McClelland. The proveniences of the vessels were traced
when possible, however most Moche pottery came from looted graves and therefore only a
rough area of provenance is available in most cases (Donnan and McClelland 1999:17-18)

3

�Researchers separate them into two types: Crescent Boats and Reed
Boats (Donnan and McClelland 1999:179), the first group refers to vessels
representing a female seated on a boat, the boat is represented by a crescent
shape form or using the angled equator to insinuate the boat, this group have
been excluded from research due to be a simplified representation. The
second group includes all the representations without making any distinction
between raft and boat (Cordy-Collins 1999:17-33).
Donnan and McClelland (1999:272) use the term reed boats for any
representation of Moche watercraft, however these could be divided into two
different types of representation, Reed Rafts and Reed Boats, which will be
described as follows:

Reed Rafts
Unfortunately we were unable to gather all known iconographic examples but
we believe that only a few are missing. The corpus is composed of six
examples of reed rafts and looks very similar to today´s “Caballito de Totora”.
The construction seems to be made up of bundles of Totora, which is tied
together and fastened with simple or double ropes, all depicting an animal
head on the upturned bow and stern, following a direction from left to right.
They are single manned by a human figure holding a fishing line, wearing
a shirt and a headdress adorned with feathers, an animal head, or simple
lines. Usually the occupant stands over a bundle of nets. All reed rafts appear
associated with fish, seashells, marine mammals and sea birds, which are
usually very realistic. However in some cases they portray anthropomorphised
sea birds pulling the reed raft.

Reed Boats7
Reed boats are more frequently found in the northern area (Donnan and
McClelland 2007:22), reed boats look in a similar way to the rafts but seem to
use massive bundles of totora, over them a simple structure, which seems to
create two different decks, one for cargo and a second for occupants. The
occupants shown, on each half of the bottle is a Paddler holding a long stick
or paddle and a female occupant usually identified as the Priestess (Donnan
and McClelland 1999:178-179; Cordy-Collins 1999:17-33). The corpus of
images is composed of the representation of thirty-seven reed boats,
including four with the spiral narrative.
To differentiate the variety of depictions, we have identified five main
attributes: Direction, Anthropomorphic characteristics, number of occupants,
type of cargo and finally the ratio and number of animal heads described as
follow:
• The first attribute is the direction of the scene; reed boat
depictions can be presented following a direction to the left or right.
• The second attribute is the anthropomorphic characteristics;
most of the depictions appear with arms or legs, and sometimes both.
There is only a small number without arms or legs.
• The third attribute is the number of occupants, which may vary
from one to three; only in a few cases, the number of occupants is

7

We believe to have most examples known, with just a few found in the last years.

4

�more than two. The rest of the sample presents only one occupant per
boat.
• The fourth attribute is the type of cargo; most cases present a
cargo consisting of pottery jars or rounded objects tied with ropes,
while the other type carries not only pottery jars but tied up prisoners.
• The last attribute is the ratio of animal heads on the boat.
Most reed boats show one or two animal heads in the bow and stern (#
in bow / # in stern), the distribution can be mainly 1 / 2 or 2 / 1, a few
exemptions appear where the distribution is 2 / 2, or 1 / 1.

Reed Boats Group Descriptions
After reviewing the corpus using these attributes, we can divide them into two
main groups. With an extra third group conformed by the spiral narrative,
however the boats represented on them belong to the type described on
group two.
Group 18: In general the depictions are represented similarly to the previous
phase. The main activity of the boats is transporting people and cargo, in only
one case the paddler is fishing instead, with the help of his companion. The
reed boats are following a left direction and all of them show arms, usually
holding a rope on the bow, and legs. Over the boat there is a single framed
structure that creates two decks: the cargo deck hold prisoners tied to their
necks and ceramic jars and the upper deck where the occupants stand9. The
animal head usually has a relation of 1 / 2 and the boat itself looks similar to
the reed rafts but the curve is less pronounced. All show the principal
occupants, the paddler and the Priestess, accompanied by one or two more
characters, and appear to be standing. The companions are
anthropomorphised seabirds holding a similar object to the paddler.
Group 210: the boats are very similar to the group ones although they have a
major number of reed bundle fasteners. A new addition to the depiction is a
circular net object attached to the bow and stern, with a few exceptions. All
boats are travelling to the right and the cargo deck seem to be more
elaborated or planned, it is represented as two double lines with a net in
between, creating a more defined cargo. The cargo varies from ceramic jars;
round objects suspended from the deck, probably gourd vessels, and some
stylized round suspended objects. None show more than one occupant in the
boats, likewise the occupants remain the same. Some changes can be seen
in the priestess´ attributes, which in most cases appear holding an open bag,
or having an oblong object on her dress, or holding a cup. The ratio of animal
heads on the boats is not relevant in this group.
Group 311: This group depicts the navigation scene in a ritual context using a
spiral narrative. The boats are represented in a similar way to the group
although they show four boats instead of two. The third boat holds an animal
8

This group is conformed of six cases.
In this group, one particular case is a bit different than the other, the ceramic jars and
prisoners are close to the bow, and in the priestess boat seems to be on two different levels.
10
This group is made up of twenty-six cases.
11
This group is composed of four cases.
9

5

�warrior in procession with the paddler and the female occupant, a fourth boat
is shown at the beginning of the narration without occupants and apparently
with some kind of object over the deck. The narration starts at the bottom of
the chamber, with animated objects fighting human warriors; a male figure
with a crescent headdress is watching the combat. Following the spiral, a
female stands in front of bundles of weapons and the animated objects
approach her. Further up the spiral, a procession of three reed boats appears
with the paddler, the female occupant, and an animal warrior carrying
containers. The boat arrives at a structure where part of the sacrifice
ceremony is being performed while an anthropomorphized club and shield
holds a goblet.

Discussion
Donnan (Bawden 1996:25) has a very interesting explanation of Moche
iconography using the analogy of Christian artistic symbolism. In Christian art,
the fullest depictions of the crucifixion included the cross and the flanking
counterparts, but specific components can be used separately in religious art
to symbolize aspects of the Christian dogma without losing meaning. The
religious content in Moche iconography is similar, with full narrative
compositions including fully identifiable participants, which can also be
represented alone or in an abbreviated portion of the larger composition.
Therefore, work as "symbolic" referents to the content and meaning were
embodied in the major theme and identified as such by Moche People
(Bawden 1996:25).
Likewise we can interpret reed boats and crescent boats, as part of two
different and new scenes in Moche depictions, the Burial Scene and the Spiral
Navigation Scene Narrative, where boats played an important role
transporting the Priestess who was in charge of the blood goblet. The
relationship between them is based on the Priestess, and they might belong
to a brotherhood therefore appearing as a group represented by the Net
Shirts, figures wearing net shirts and a tiered item of attire extending down his
back, appearing as a group on the burial scene (Cordy-Collins 1999:17-33).
The same type of personage appears again on the reed boats and crescent
boats. Other objects that are similar in boat representations are the jars that
appear on the burial scene and an odd oblong object. Possibly both objects
are brought to the grave by the net shirts (Donnan and McClelland 1979:7).
These changes can also be seen on the reed boats occupants in Group 1,
where the female occupant has the attributes of the Priestess, the feathers
and clothes, and then in the Group 2 where the female occupant holds a
goblet or an open bag.
The perception of the ocean may have changed into a place where
prisoners and cargo are being transported (Hocquenguem 1999:65). Maritime
scenes may illustrate actual rituals just like other rituals in which religious
dignitaries act out the myths of Moche society in order to reaffirm social
foundations and continuity (Bawden 1996:75). If these rituals were actually
performed as demonstrated in the archaeological evidence (Bourget 2005:89109; Castillo 2005:307-332; Verano 2005:111-125), the maritime scenes
might therefore also leave an archaeological record. It does not seem that
reed boats were involved in long distance trade for sumptuary goods.
6

�However they may have been involved in transporting guano12 from the
islands offshore, a valuable resource as a fertilizer, the Chincha Islands being
the largest of these islands groups, located on the southern Peruvian cost and
possibly visited by the Moche (Bawden 1996:41-51; Kubler 1948:29-50); or
perhaps Spondylus Princeps, Strombus Galeatus, important in rituals and
ceremonies and found in archaeological contexts associated with those
activities along the North Coast region (Bawden 1996:42; Shimada 1987:133144). In spite of this, we haven’t found any Moche fine line paintings depicting
boats transporting such goods.
The fall of the Moche society is associated with a catastrophic Niño13
event by 800 A.D. and this might be the reason for the change of Moche
depictions to marine related scenes (Donnan and McClelland 1999:184-185),
and the change in the perception of the sea (Hocquenguem 1999:65), where
propitiatory rituals involving the safe transport of prisoners to offshore islands
and high status individuals required a different and more complex system of
navigation like the reed boat.
Finally, differences between the reed boats, of Group 1 and 2, in the
type of cargo they carry, could be easily explained as a simplification of a
greater scene, as a referent of a greater meaning. Moreover those changes
and the distortion of the representations follow the same path as Phase V
pottery. Therefore the absence of evidence of an actual reed boat and the
argument that only a few representations seem to depict a larger boat
carrying cargo and prisoners (Makowski 2006:10-11) is not a strong argument
against the existence and use of complex boats.

Conclusion
Reed boats and Crescent boats, as two representations of a single specific
type of marine vessel capable of transporting cargo, prisoners and/or liquid
containers, is possible. However the characteristics and activities are quite
distinctive from previous representations. It is also clear that both reed boats
and crescent boats are part of the same context of transporting blood
offerings to/from the islands where they will be engaged in a larger ritual of
sacrifice or burial.
It is also clear that most of the ceremonies, rituals and objects depicted
in Moche iconography have a real counterpart that has been found over the
last two decades, suggesting that reed boats could be found in the
archaeological record. Secondary data (Bawden 1996:75,77,79,101-102)
other sources suggests firstly, that fishing communities were particularly
separate from other groups, keeping their own identity and costums and
secondly, that the reed boat tradition was related to Moche rituals and
12

Guano is the excrement of seabirds and seals found in the offshore islands of the Peruvian
coast. It is an effective fertilizer due to its high levels of phosphorus and nitrogen (Shimada
1994:45-46)
13
El Niño events is a frequent long-term impact event that commence in Christmas season
involving drastic changes in the marine environment of the Andean cost. Is a disruption of the
prevailing currents and associated climatic conditions. This change can devastate the marine
life interrupting the normal flow of nutrients and microorganism that support the prolific
Peruvian coastal food chain. The phenomenon also affects the land by heavy precipitations;
this brings several flooding’s causing widespread destruction (Bawden 1996:58).

7

�replaced by a northern balsa log raft tradition as well. Therefore looking for
reed boats in burials has proved to be the wrong approach to the problem.
Consequently, it would be feasible to find archaeological evidence of reed
boats closer to the shore and islands, either on land or underwater. In that
sense it would be likely to find archaeological evidence close to the main site
where the reed boat depictions come from, and also where Moche presence
has been reported in offshore islands. Moreover, it would be necessary to
cross-reference with information such as sea currents and possible ports to
identify a possible navigational route.

Bibliography
Alva, W.,
2004
Bourget, S.,
2005

Bawden, G.,
1996
Bawden, G.,
2004
Castillo, L.,
2005

Sipán: Descubrimiento e Investigación, Edición del
autor, Lima.
"Rituals of Sacrifice: Its Practice at huaca de la Luna
and Its Representation in Moche Iconography", in (ed.)
J. Pillsbury, Moche Art and Archeology in Ancient Peru,
Yale University Press, New Haven, London.
The Moche, Blackwell, Oxford.

"The Art of Moche Politics", in (ed) Helaine Silverman,
Andean Archaeology, Blackwell, Malden.
"The Last of the Mochicas: A View from the
Jequetepeque Valley", in (ed.) J. Pillsbury, Moche Art
and Archeology in Ancient Peru,, Yale University Press,
New Haven
Cordy–Collins, A.,
"La sacerdotisa y la Ostra: Queda resuelto el enigma
1999
del Spondylus?", in A. Cordy-Collins, et. al., Spondylus:
ofrenda sagrada y simbolo de paz, Fundación
Telefonica, Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera,
Lima.
Donnan, C.B.,
"Noche Masking Traditions", in (eds) Steve Bourget
2008
and Kimberly L. Jones, The art and archaeology of the
Moche : an ancient Andean society of the Peruvian
North Coast, University of Texas Press, Austin.
Donnan, C.B., and "Finding the tomb of a Moche Priestess", in
Castillo L.J.,
Archaeology 45, 6, pp.38-42
1992
Donnan, C.B., and "Excavaciones de tumbas de sacerdotisas moche en
Castillo L.J.,
San José de Moro, Jequetepeque", in (eds.) Santiago
1994
Uceda, Elías Mujica, Moche : propuestas y
perspectivas : actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la
Cultura Moche, Trujillo, 12 al 16 de abril de 1993 / -Trujillo : Universidad Nacional de la Libertad; Lima :
IFEA : Asociación Peruana para el Fomento de las
Ciencias Sociales.
Donnan, C.B., and The burial theme in Moche iconography, Dumbarton
McClelland, D.,
Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, Washington.
1979

8

�Donnan, C.B., and Moche Fineline Painting: Its evolution and Its Artists,
Los Fowler Museum of Cultural History, UCLA, Angeles.
McClelland, D.,
1999
Hocquenghem,
"En torno al Mullu, Manjar Predilecto de los Poderosos
A.M.,
Inmortales", in A. Cordy-Collins, et. al., Spondylus:
1999
ofrenda sagrada y simbolo de paz, Fundación
Telefonica, Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera,
Lima.
Kubler, G.,
“Towards Absolute Time: Guano Archaeology”, in
1948
American Antiquity, XIII, 4, pp.29-50.
Larco Hoyle, R.,
Cronología arqueológica del norte del Perú, Sociedad
1948
Geográfica Americana, Buenos Aires.
Makowski, K.,
"Orígenes Rituales de la Navegación en el Perú", in
2006
Gaceta Cultural del Perú,no. 22.
McClelland, D.,
"A Maritime passage from Moche to Chimu", in (eds.)
1990
M.E. Moseley, A. Cordy - Collins, (Organizers) M.
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M.E. Moseley, The
Northern dynasties: kingship and statecraft in Chimor: a
symposium at Dumbarton Oaks, 12th and 13th October
1985, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and
Collection, Washington, D.C.
Rowe. J.,
"Absolute Chronology in the Andean Area", in American
1946
Antiquity, Vol 10, pp 265-284
Shimada, I.,
Pampa Grande and the Mochica Culture, University of
1994
Texas Press, Austin.
Shimada, I.,
"Horizontal and Vertical Dimensions of Prehistoric
2005
Status in Northern Peru", in (eds.) J. Hass, S.
Pozorsky, T. Pozorsky, The origins and development of
the Andean state, Cambridge University Press.
Cambridge.
Verano, J.,
"War and Death in the Moche World: Osteological
2005
Evidence and Visual Discourse", in (ed.) J. Pillsbury,
Moche Art and Archeology in Ancient Peru, Yale
University Press, New Haven.

9

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Diversity in approaches to maritime archaeology, underwater cultural heritage and related areas</text>
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                <text>Navigation in pre-Hispanic times in the Andean region has been a topic of discussion among researchers for years. Different sources of information lead us to believe that at least one type of marine craft was in use and involved in long distance trade at the arrival of the Spaniards. However, the debate surrounding earlier periods is stronger due to the lack of evidence in archaeological records. Most evidence consists of iconographic or sculptural depictions on pottery; wall friezes; and, ultimately, references gathered by chroniclers â€“ but not a single remain of any kind of vessel.&#13;
&#13;
This situation has lead researchers to believe that marine crafts like the â€œCaballito de Totoraâ€ (â€œreed horseâ€) were just simpler tools without any further development. However, one particular type of watercraft represented in the Moche iconography apparently contradicts this idea, the â€œreed boatâ€. Moche fine line paintings portray this particular type of vessel, which differs from the traditional â€œreed horseâ€ vessel, and seems to be capable of holding considerable cargo and occupants. Although the use of totora constitutes the oldest tradition for constructing rafts and boats along the coast and in the Titicaca region, unfortunately, as mentioned above, there is no evidence of such rafts or boats in the archaeological record apart from the iconographic depictions.&#13;
&#13;
In spite of this, we suggest that â€œreed boatsâ€ represented a real boat just as other real Moche characters were represented in their iconography, such as the â€œLord of Sipanâ€ or â€œThe Priestesses of San Jose de Moroâ€. Moreover the reed boats were a technological innovation, which filled particular needs to perform rituals in times of ecological distress and to procure certain sumptuary items.&#13;
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                  <text>Navigation was not unknown in the Americas, at the Spaniards arrival different kind of vessel were in use both in the Pacific and the Atlantic shores, as well as in lakes or rivers. Canoe, reed rafts, balsa log raft and others skin based watercraft have been described mainly on historical records and gave us an idea of this technologies. Although it is clear that long and short distance maritime trade routes were in use and watercraft were also involve in war activities and other maritime activities, archaeological evidence related with actual boats has been elusive to find. Still some of these traditions have survived time and in use with some changes and others were incorporated to European navigation traditions.&#13;
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During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent &#13;
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                    <text>Pre-Hispanic Navigation in the Andean Region

Carlos Ausejo
Centro Peruano de Arqueología Marítima y Subacuática (CPAMS)
Lima18
Perú
Email: causejo@cpams.org.pe
Abstract
Offshore and inland waters in the Andean region were crossed by boats of various
types made of different materials. These were related mainly to fishing activities, but
also were involvedin long-distance trade of luxury goods, rituals, passengers and even
war.Construction technologies and development of these vessels varied depending on
available resources and the capacity of societies to solve navigational problems. In that
sense a variety of types and forms of vessels have been identified, and although not all
boats are "complex" as the Europeans, it is clear that they evolve and had changes over
time that perfected them.Despite this plentiful of technologies, the archaeological record
of actual watercraft is almost nonexistent. As a result the approach to these
technologies is through other evidence as the iconography fund on pottery, textiles and
wall friezes, as well as sculptural referencesnot to mentionreferences recorded by
Spanish chroniclers and ultimatelypost- Conquest survivals.The aim of this paper is to
recount these technologies through indirect evidence and elaborate some hypotheses
about the use and success of the same in the pre -Hispanic Andean world and its
survival after the conquest.
Keywords: Prehispanic, Navigation, raft, boat, andean

Introduction
The Peruvian coastal environment consists of two related ecological zones, the Pacific
Ocean with its adjacent shoreline and the river valleys that wind through the coastal
desert creating linear oases. The coast of Peru, due to its complex natural environment
generates a constantly renewed of marine food supply. The source of this large supply
is the Peruvian Coast Current, also known as Humboldt Current, which is the
easternmost segment of the counter clockwise circulation of the Pacific Ocean
(Bawden, 1996). The archaeological evidence for the Middle Archaic (6000-3000 BC1)
in the Andean area allows us to think that sedentary groups develop in the Andean
valleys and the slopes each with their own neolithisation process. These societies

1

�depended on mixed economies however the coastal ones placed greater emphasis on
the extraction of marine products (Shady, 2003b). The particular richness of the
Peruvian coast allows the subsistence of larger groups of people and early complex
coastal societies in pre-ceramic times as suggested by Moseley. Evidences of these
can be found in Caral, Supe, and other sites, from the same period such as Huaynuna,
Las Haldas, Ancon and La Paloma (Bearez and Miranda, 2003).Ever since the large
marine resources could support the development of early complex societies, an
increasing amount and more efficient marine exploitation was critical causing the
development of new technologies to go further into the sea and complement the
shoreline exploitation. Shellfish, Sea Mammals, Fish, and later the guano from off shore
islands and long distance trade of sumptuary items, require a constant evolution and
specialization on, fishing hooks, fishing nets and ultimately marine vessels
(Rostworowski, 1989).
Evidences for navigation
The invention of floating devices in pre-Hispanic times is not a matter of discussion
even though the lack of direct archaeological evidence of such devices. All evidences
related with ancient navigation are based on historic and etnohistorical references,
experimental archaeology and indirectarchaeological evidences such as iconography,
models and artifacts. All of these sources face their own validation problems and
subsequent debate.
From all these sources it is clear that along the Andean region rafts of different
complexity were the principal navigation tool, with the exception of the reed boat for
Moche2times in the northern coast and Titicaca Lake3 (Ausejo, 2011).
Archaeological evidence
Actual rafts or boats have been elusive for archeologists, however the best evidence for
them can be seenin a collection of wooden raft models found in southern Peru and
northern Chile dated to the Late Intermediated Period (1000 – 1350 AD), belonging to
the Chiribaya culture. The models are found on individual burials as burial offerings
among others (Ortiz,2003).

2

�Other evidences are depictions of seafarers on mud friezes and sculpture or painted
pottery. Depictions of seafarers on friezes are very rare, however Huaca Las Balsas,
part of the Tucume complex in La Leche valley, dated prior to the arrival of the Chimu
rule over the area shows a frieze (2.20m x 1.60 m) with two reed boats or rafts, each
with two figures holding oars or paddles(Heyerdahl, 1995).Another wall frieze shows a
similar depiction with four figures, two over a balsa log raft and two divers collecting
spondyllus shell (Vicente Cortez, personal communication). The balsa raft appears to
have sails. Likewise Mochefineline paintings on pottery show navigation depictions with
complex reed boats (Ausejo, 2011). Besides the Moche other societies also
represented navigation related representations such as the Sican, Chimu and Chancay
(Cordy-Collins, 1990).
The final archaeological evidence, which implies navigation, is the presence of
archaeological remains in the off shore islands during the extraction of guano4 on the
second half of the XIX century. The most interesting finds are wooden figures
representing nude seated prisoners associated with Moche pottery (Kubler 1948). For
San Lorenzo Island in the central coast, extensive cemeteries with complex burials have
been reported, as well as hunting and fishing stations (Hudtwalcker and Pinilla, 2006).
Historical Records
The body of these records is composed by the chroniclers’ accounts, administrative and
judicial documents and travellers’ accounts from the XVIII and XIX century. Despite the
variety of information available from them, these records must be used with care and
analysed critically; the chronicles, -texts written by Spanish observers- where written at
a time when the indigenous people were seen as idolaters or sub-humans, therefore the
preconceptions preclude any reasonable understanding of the Andean culture (Bawden,
1996).
The earliest report come from Fray Bartolome de las Casas, around 1512, provided by
the son of a Kuna5 chief telling about people from a rich kingdom, other than the
Spaniards navigating with ships or vessels a little smaller using sails and paddles
(Heyerdahl, 1995). The second and more famous report is from 1527, by Bartolome
Ruiz, Pizarro’s pilot, aboutthe encounter with a little vessel tacking northward against

3

�the Northern current. The vessel was already passing the Ecuador when the Spaniards
following the current southward into unknown waters intercepted it (Heyerdahl, 1995).
Evidently the balsas were still in use and even of importance at the arrival of the
Spaniards and during the rule of the Incas (Heyerdahl, 1995). Therefore some
chroniclers and administrative documents refer to times before and during the Inca’s
rule. An account classified as historical, but without references, is the naval battle fought
by Atahualpa, who allied with the Curaca of Tumbes to declare war against the Puná
Island. Having been defeated and wounded, Atahualpa withdrew to Quito and Tumbes
was conquered and burned by the Curaca of Puná. That is why Pizarro changed the
name of Tumbes to Puerto Quemado (Burned Harbour) (Rostworowski, 1999).Another
account is related with a brief conversation between Pizarro and Atahualpa he asked
the Inca ruler why the Curaca of Chincha was carried on a stretcher, and he responded
that it was a very good friend and great man of the coast, and he had available a
hundred thousand rafts at sea (Hocquenguem, 1999; Rostworowski, 1989)
The most interesting and controversial document is a manuscript file, called “Aviso”,
from the Royal Palace of Madrid; the document mention that before the Inca expansion,
the Chincha lordship had thirty thousand farmers divided in twelve thousand farmers,
ten thousand fishermen and six thousand "traders in the Indian way", each with
reasonable wealth (Rostworowski, 1999). They used two routes, a land to highland,
from Chincha to Cusco and Collao and another maritime, on rafts to Mantas and Puerto
Viejo in Ecuador (Rostworowski, 1989).The controversy is because Rostworowski
interpret the “traders in the Indian way” as merchants engage in maritime long distance
trade and therefore the use of boats capable of long distance travel, such as described
byBartolome Ruiz of the raft and the specificity of the contentssimilar to those referred
in the “Aviso”(Rostworowski, 1989).
Etnohistorical Evidence
The Incas, as well as other previous societies, didn’t have a writing system, so they rely
in oral tradition to keep records of their history. The Spaniards later recorded these
Story’s or legends during the earlier years of the conquest or later. Therefore just like
the historical records, and because they refer to events several years before the arrival

4

�of the Spaniards, legends recorded by the chroniclers must be use with discretion and
critically.
The northern coast of Peru before the Inca rule in the area have two foundations myths
about the Chimu, very similar with each other but with different port of arrival, Naylamp
arrives to Lambayeque and Tacaynamo to Trujillo (Rostworowski 1999). On either case
the myth refers to a group capable of navigation systems and probably long distance
traffic.
Miguel Cabello de Balboa describes Naylamp arrival to the Lambayeque valley
(Ravines, 1980):"The natives of Lambayeque say, that in ancient times who cannot
number them, came from the northern part of this Piru with large fleet of rafts with a
father of campaigns, a man of great value and quality called Naylamp and brought
many concubines, but the principal wife was called Ceterni, brought within his company
many people who as captain and leader were following him, but what was the most
valuable among them were officers who were forty ... " (Cabello Balboa, [1576] 1951:
327-330).
Another myth, in this case referred to the God Viracocha, is of particular interest. The
God after finishing the creation of the world leaves to Ecuador, apparently Manta or
Puerto Viejo, and embarks with his servants into a sea voyage without return
(Hocquenguem, 1999).
In the case of the Inca’s we found only two specific stories specifically related with
Tupac Yupanqui, an Inca ruler several years before the arrival of the Spaniards.The first
story is related with the use of balsa log rafts in the tributaries of the Amazons River
transporting large number of soldiers and people with success. The second, and the
famous, is his journey into the Pacific Ocean to the legendary islands of Auachumbi and
Nina Chumbi. Apparently by the experimental use of balsas it seems that the islands
referring in the Tupac Yupanqui story are Easter Island (for Ninachumbi) and Kava (for
Avachumbi) according with the information of distance and direction provided by
Sarmiento (Heyerdahl 1995). What’s more interesting is the references in Polynesian
manuscripts noted by Sir Peter Buck, about a visitor in Mangareva called Tupa, and
also tells that Tupa before going back to his country told them it was a vast land full of
people and ruled by powerful kings (Heyerdahl, 1995).
5

�Type of Vessels
In this section we’d like to discuss and define the type of navigation vessels use at the
time and before the arrival of the Spaniards. The main problem we face typifying and
defining marine, as well as lake or river, vessels is that some writers, weather is a reed
or balsa log boat, use the term “Balsa” “Boat” or “Raft” indifferently to any kind of marine
or

water

vessel

they

encountered

and

reported

(Cordy-Collins

personal

communication). So to keep clear the terms we will use the definition of raft as a nonwatertight made of individual floating elements (McGrail, 1985). Although all pre –
Hispanic vessels can be describe into this definition, we’ll make one exemption with a
specific reed craft, called Tule Boat (Cordy Collins, 1972), or Reed Boat (Donnan and
McClelland, 1979), found only in iconography depictions. The differences between a raft
and a boat are base in comparisons with similar complex reed crafts use nowadays in
the Titicaca Lake. After reviewing the available resources of information we can identify
at least five types of vessels define by their building materials.
Gourd Rafts
The simplest vessel is made of gourds tied to each other, although it isn’t mentioned it
should have some kind of simple deck; apparently it was used to cross rivers in flood
seasons or particular coastal rivers with a constant and high flow the whole year
(Rostworowski, 1981). Such is the case of the Santa River, south of Chao, the longest
and mightiest of coastal rivers. Since the sixteenth century, is mentioned as “the
greatest river, the toughest of these valleys and plains, it is cross using ugly rafts of
gourds called mates ... " (JudioPortugués, 1958: 27 in Ravines, 1980)
Skin Raft
Another simply vessel is made with sea lions skins inflated as floating devices, they are
reported between Ica, in Peru, and San Antonio, Chile (Paez 1986). This practice has
been lost in the whole area, however in 1958 Hans Niemeyer reported one last man
who remembered the construction technique of these vessels. The construction was
simple, made of two inflated sea lion skins tied together with leather straps. A set of
beams connected the skins, and over them wooden planks formed a simple deck
(Rostworowski, 1981). A single person seated or kneeing with a double bladed paddle

6

�manned it. These raft were use for fishing, carrying goods and passengers, as well as
Niter Paez, 1986).
Balsa Log Raft
The balsa logs vessels are the most common type of deep - sea vessel found by the
Spaniards (Fig. 1 - 4). These traditions cover an area that includes Ecuador, Peru and
northern Chile (Valdivia 1974). They are made of thick long logs of balsa wood (Genus
Ochroma) tie together with ropes.

Figure 1:Wall frieze of balsa log raft at Huaca Las Figure 2: Wall frieze of balsa log raft with sail and
Balsas, northern coast of Perú. (Photo by: Vicente divers at Huaca Las Balsas, northern coast of Perú.
Cortez)
(Photo by: Vicente Cortez)

Figure 3: Modern balsa log raft at mancora, Figure 4: Modern balsa log raft at mancora,
northern coast of Perú. (Photo by: Ericka Cicchini)
northern coast of Perú. (Photo by: Carlos Ausejo)

The logs are always in odd numbers, being the middle log the longest, and over them
other logs as crosspieces to tight the construction. Over the logs a framework of canes
was laid and provisions and cargo were kept in an elevated cabin to protect it from the
7

�sea washouts (Heyerdahl, 1995).The balsa logs vessels size seem to be variable, but
most accounts reveal that could carry a considerable cargo in men and horses and also
carried stone anchors resembling millstones on the deck (Heyerdahl, 1995).

Two different kinds of sails were
use with the balsa log vessel:
First, the lateen or triangular
sail, as reported by Fernandez
de Oviedo; and second, the
square sail on a double mast,
both types survived until modern
times. The square sail on a
bipod mast is also found in reed
vessels on the Titicaca Lake
(Heyerdahl, 1995).
One last technology to note on
the balsa logs vessels, and
perhaps the more interesting is
described first by the Dutch
admiral Spilbergen about the
use of broad boards inserted
vertically in the cracks of the
logs.

The

“Guaras”

was

system
use

called
by

the

Figure 5:Totora Raft known as “Caballito de Totota” o “Totora indigenous people for deep Reed Horse”. (Photo by: Vicente Cortez)
sea navigation. But it was in

1736 when two Spanish naval officers, G. Juan and A de Ulloa, describe in a better way
the guara system and their advantages (Heyerdahl, 1995):
“Hitherto we have only mentioned the construction and the uses they are applied;
but the greatest singularity if this floating vehicle is that it sails, tacks, and works
as well in contrary wind as ships with keel, and makes very little leeway. This
8

�advantages derives from another method of steering than by a rudder; namely,
by some boards, three or four yards in length, and half a yard in breadth, called
guaras, which are placed vertically, both at the head and stern between the main
beams, and by thrusting some of them deep in the water, and raising others, they
bear away, lift up, tack, lay to, and perform all the other motions of a regular
ship.”
Reed Raft
The raft is a single or double manned vessel made of a reed fiber called Totora
(ScirpusCalifornicus), it grew in abundance in marshes and lakes, natural or artificial,
along the coast (Rostworowski, 1981) and It is also known in modern days as “Caballito
de Totora” or Reed Horse (Fig. 5). They seem to had different characteristics according
to the area, for example Huanchaco, north coast, have only the bow pointed upward
and turn up; in Lurin, central coast, three bundles were made with the central bundle
being slightly longer than the others. In the case of Moche and Chimu ceramics
representation they seem to have both pointed ends upwards (Rostworowski, 1981).
Strong continuities of this tradition exist, as shown by the survival of the “Caballito de
Totora” in the north coast, and have been convincingly shown through ethnographic
research into modern and recent societies of the north coast region (Bawden, 1996).
Reed Boat
This type of boat can only be seen at the Titicaca Lake nowadays (Fig. 6). This
particular reed craft, although by definition might be considered as a raft, will be
considered a boat in this paper. It consists of massive bundles of Totora forming a high
floating hull (although it’s not empty and not watertight), over the “hull” the surface is dry
and protected contrary to the washed surfaces of rafts. Depending on the size it could
carry several people as mentioned by Cobo which described that major balsas were
made over gathering reeds bundles on which they could sail up to twelve people and
when they were joined two it was able to carrying cattle and beasts (Rostworowski,
1981). Larger boats can be made by sewing two of these and have a second deck
made of lighter cane as well as sails. This is the type of craft being represented in
Moche pottery as double deck reed boats capable of transporting cargo and in some
cases passengers (Cordy-Collins, 1999; Ausejo 2011). This boat building tradition didn’t
9

�survive in the coast like it did in the Titicaca Lake probably replaced by the balsa log
vessel tradition (Ortiz, 2006) However, it is unclear yet the origin of this construction
technique in the Titicaca lake. Nevertheless complex reed crafts have proven to be
worthless for long distance sea travels during the voyage made by Gene Savoy in 1969
from the Salaverry port in Peru to (Rostworowski, 1981).
Figure 6:Totora read boat in Lake
Titicaca, southern highlands, between
Perú and Bolivia. (Photo by: Vicente
Cortez)

Conclusion
As we can see societies in the Andean region successfully developed different types of
watercraft using available resources for construction and adapted for different activities.
Although archaeological evidence has been hard to find or identify most of these
traditions are still alive as proof of their efficiency and success. This paper is a summary
of most watercraft known for the Andean region and as such it’s an invitation for further
research in the topic. We still have the great question of where can we find these
vessels in the archaeological record, and then for every type of vessel we still have
unanswered questions like when and where the sail appeared. Or why the reed boats
disappeared in the northern coast, etc. The topic is broad and we haven’t even looked
at the watercraft traditions in the Amazon basin.

Acknowledgements

10

�I’d like to thank the organizing committee of the 2014 APCONF, especially to Hans Van
Tilburg and Veronica Walker, and the session presenters, for making possible this
session.
Endnotes
1.

Georgian Calendar designation that starts at year one, from the birth of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, with every
year since added by one.

2.

Between 400 B.C. and 600 A.C. (Rowe, 1945)

3.

The Titicaca Lake is located in the border of Peru and Bolivia in the Altiplanic region.

4.

Guano is the excrement of seabirds and seals found in the offshore islands of the Peruvian coast. It is an
effective fertilizer due to its high levels of phosphorus and nitrogen (Shimada, 1994)

5.

The Kuna lived in northern Colombia and the Darien region of Panama at the arrival of the Spaniards
(Bartolomé and Barabas,2004).

References
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(Eds.),La Ciudad Sagrada de Caral – Supe: Los orígenes y la formación del Estado
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Cabello de Balboa, Miguel. 1951 [1576] MisceláneaAntártica: unahistoria del
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�Cordy – Collins, A. 1990.FongaSigde, Shell Purveyor to the Chimu Kings. In: Moseley,
ME, Cordy - Collins, A. (eds)., Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M, Moseley, ME.
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Donnan, CB., McClelland, D., 1979. The burial theme in Moche iconography.
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Casas, B. de las.1956 [1512].Historia de lasIndias/ Fray Bartolome de las
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Biography
Carlos Ausejo is an archaeologist specialized in underwater archaeology, since 2006
he has taken part on several underwater Archaeology Projects in Peru. In 2009 he
finished his degree in Maritime Archaeology at University College London, and in 2010,
with other colleagues he founded the “Centro Peruano de ArqueologíaMarítima y
Subacuática” (CPAMS). He is currently working as general manager at Hatunqucha, a
CRM company that specializes in underwater and public archaeology, and also as
Director at the (CPAMS), and part time professor in archaeology at the Pontificia
Universidad Católica del Perú.

14

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                  <text>Navigation was not unknown in the Americas, at the Spaniards arrival different kind of vessel were in use both in the Pacific and the Atlantic shores, as well as in lakes or rivers. Canoe, reed rafts, balsa log raft and others skin based watercraft have been described mainly on historical records and gave us an idea of this technologies. Although it is clear that long and short distance maritime trade routes were in use and watercraft were also involve in war activities and other maritime activities, archaeological evidence related with actual boats has been elusive to find. Still some of these traditions have survived time and in use with some changes and others were incorporated to European navigation traditions.&#13;
During the last decades an increasing interest among researchers in addition to new and different approaches from a broad spectrum of perspectives, including archaeology, history, ethnohistory and ethnography, has brought new and better understanding about these technologies. In spite of this, venues of dialogue to present and discuss about these traditions has been practically inexistent.&#13;
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                <text>Offshore and inland waters in the Andean region were crossed by boats of various types made of different materials. These were related mainly to fishing activities, but also were involvedin long-distance trade of luxury goods, rituals, passengers and even war.Construction technologies and development of these vessels varied depending on available resources and the capacity of societies to solve navigational problems. In that sense a variety of types and forms of vessels have been identified, and although not all boats are "complex" as the Europeans, it is clear that they evolve and had changes over time that perfected them.Despite this plentiful of technologies, the archaeological record of actual watercraft is almost nonexistent. As a result the approach to these technologies is through other evidence as the iconography fund on pottery, textiles and wall friezes, as well as sculptural referencesnot to mentionreferences recorded by Spanish chroniclers and ultimatelypost- Conquest survivals.The aim of this paper is to recount these technologies through indirect evidence and elaborate some hypotheses about the use and success of the same in the pre -Hispanic Andean world and its survival after the conquest.</text>
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                    <text>The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project – interim progress report
Debra Shefi, Peter Veth, Cassandra Philippou
School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts,
The University of Western Australia
35 Stirling Hwy, Crawley
Western Australia 6009
E-mail: debra.shefi@uwa.edu.au
Jennifer Rodrigues, Vicki Richards and
Western Australian Museum, Shipwreck Galleries, 47 Cliff St, Fremantle, Western
Australia 6160
Peter Harvey
Maritime Heritage Unit,
Heritage Victoria,
Department of Transport, Planning, Local and Infrastructure
1 Spring Street, Melbourne, Victoria 3000
Australia
Abstract
In early 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) was
formally awarded a large Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Grant, enabling
ten Partner Organisations to join with four Australian Universities in one of the largest
multi-organisational maritime archaeology projects to be undertaken in Australia. The
project involved a month-long excavation on the historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in
April/May 2012 and a complex reburial program in November 2012. Further in-situ
preservation work is also being conducted on James Matthews (1841) in Western
Australia to test experimental reburial approaches in an alternative marine environment.
The work on Clarence is now in its research, analysis, monitoring and reporting phase,
with artefact, sediment and chemical analyses being undertaken. This paper will provide
an interim report on AHSPP since its launch at the 1 st Asia-Pacific Regional Conference
on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila in 2011. It will provide analysis of some of
the more significant artefacts and features revealed during excavation and approaches
to long-term in-situ preservation and management of shipwreck sites.

Key words: In-situ preservation, in-situ management, historic shipwreck, artefacts, site
management

1

�Introduction
In early 2012 AHSPP was formally awarded an ARC grant of $500,000 AUD to
investigate the excavation, recording and in-situ reburial of wooden shipwrecks. The
historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in Victoria’s Port Phillip Bay was selected as the first
case study to test the excavation and reburial methodology. The proposed research
plan from the ARC application was presented at the 1st Asia-Pacific Regional
Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage held in Manila in November 2011 (Veth et
al., 2011).
The project commenced in February 2012 with the appointment of a project manager to
organise fieldwork logistics alongside the commercial dive operators, Melbourne based
company - Professional Diving Services, and the host organisation, Heritage Victoria. It
was decided to commence diving operations in mid-April 2012 to take advantage of
autumn tides and weather. In less than two months, a diverse multi-national team of 65
professional

and

volunteer

archaeologists,

divers,

conservation

scientists,

photographers, artefact specialists and marine ecologists converged on Portarlington,
Victoria to commence the survey, excavation, artefact cataloguing and in-situ reburial of
Clarence.
The excavation took place from a 12 m x 18 m jack up barge, which was towed by
tugboat out to the site on the 12th of April, and placed alongside Clarence, off Edwards
Point near the township of St Leonards. The barge was equipped with three shipping
containers that held the artefact photography and x-ray systems, conservation and other
general equipment and diving communication and safety equipment. Survey operations
began on the 16th of April and continued for 29 days. During this time, diving,
conservation and support teams were transported daily to the site using Heritage
Victoria’s 8 m commercial Kevlacat Trim, with both underwater and topside support
teams changing over throughout the day.
Dive teams were tasked with placing sandbags along the exterior of the shipwrecked
hull to provide structural support prior to reburial, completing a pre-disturbance marine
ecology survey, obtaining sediment cores for baseline conservation data, excavating the
2

�starboard side of the wreck from the stern towards the bow (from 0 – 9 m along the
baseline), recording the artefacts and exposed timbers in-situ, documenting all
recovered artefacts ex-situ and reburying them on site (or in the nearby underwater
repository), placing sacrificial wooden and metal samples on site and in the repository
and backfilling the excavation trench. This was all achieved in 181 hours of diving over
17 diving days. Non-diving personnel were tasked with topside and off site duties
including data input, purchasing, organisation of equipment and housekeeping.
Clarence – Artefact and Site Features
The artefacts recovered during the 2012 excavation included 109 individual artefact
pieces, consisting of 102 database entries. All recorded artefacts were subsequently
reburied; organic artefacts were placed in an underwater repository less than 10 m from
the stern of the shipwreck, and ferrous and non-ferrous objects were reburied in the
excavated trench.
The range of materials found consisted of timber thought to be dunnage, a large
number of cask components (staves and headpieces), concretions (including a
concreted bolt), lead hull-sheathing, fragile pieces of leather, rope related to rigging,
clear and olive-green glass pieces, a ceramic fragment, and an animal bone which
appeared to be burnt. A leather bag or satchel was also identified in situ, however, this
artefact was not raised. To date, analysis of the excavated artefacts continues and here
a few selected items will be profiled. A more comprehensive report on the artefacts will
be submitted later in 2014.
Tierce casks
The wooden cask components represented the majority of artefacts raised. The sizes of
the staves and headpieces fit closest to the category of tierce casks. A tierce is an old
measure of capacity equivalent to one third of a pipe, 42 wine gallons, half a puncheon
or approximately 158 to 160 litres. The
imperial tierce was 35 imperial gallons
(~159 L)  the US tierce was 42 US gallons
(~160 L). English stave lengths for tierce

3

Fig. 1: Branding mark on cask. (AHSPP).

�casks were usually given at 31.5 inches (~800 mm) (Kilby, 1971: 52). The complete
lengths for the Clarence staves averaged between 876 mm and 890 mm for the interior
and 911 mm to 930 mm for the exterior. These measurements identify the excavated
staves as slightly larger tierce casks than those traditionally described by the English.
This variation in size could be because some tierce casks were made to store dry
goods, in which case, they could be more rudimentarily manufactured as opposed to
wet casks, which required a higher level of skill and precision for storing liquids and
preventing leakages.
The casks from Clarence have similar features found on casks from other shipwreck
sites. These include branding marks, incised lines and circles (made by a scribe tool) for
ease of reassembly (Fig. 1) and branded names (either complete or partial due to
deterioration or breakage) on headpieces for identification purposes or indication of their
contents. Hoop marks are also visible on the exterior of some staves where they are
assumed to have been hammered in. Some limited evidence of concreted iron hoops
has also been found.
The branding names on the headpieces
recovered

from

Clarence,

however,

suggest that either these casks contained
ale or they are reused components. The
average diameter of headpieces raised
was 55 cm (21.7 inches), which closely
coincides with tierce cask head diameters
of 20.5 inches (52.1 cm) (Kilby, 1971: 52).
The slight difference is understandable
considering that the Clarence casks are Fig. 2: Headpiece inscribed with “J &amp; R TENNENT”.
slightly larger than the standard English (AHSPP).
dimensions of tierce casks. The pitch
(widest mid section) of the cask would be approximately 25¼ inches (64.1 cm) in
diameter.
The headpieces are attached to each other via wooden dowels along the joining flat
edges or straight flush joints. Dowels and dowel holes were visible along the joining
4

�edges. The outer circumference is bevelled in order to fit into the bite or croze groove of
the staves upon assembly of the cask. The tool marks and striations observed suggest
that the staves and headpieces were machine made rather than handmade, which was
more common in earlier centuries. In England, for example, the first patent for a
coopering machine was taken out by Plasket and Brown in 1811 (Kilby, 1971: 65). At
this time, however, most of these machines were crude and inefficient and were mainly
used for cutting headpieces. Certainly by the 1870s, a number of cooperages were
making tierces and cheap dry casks by machinery (Kilby, 1971: 65).
Some sets of headpieces, consisting of the cant and middle pieces, are branded on the
topside with the words, either partial or complete, “J &amp; R TENNENT” (Fig. 2). To date, at
least one identity of J. &amp; R. TENNENT has been traced to Wellpark Brewery in Glasgow,
Scotland, which was in operation in the 1840s. If some of the casks originated from an
overseas brewery, it is possible that the casks and similar contents were continuing to
be transported elsewhere or the casks or some components were being reused, as was

Fig. 3: Headpieces inscribed with “SAMUEL” and “BURTON”. (AHSPP).

common practice.
Another name branded on other cask heads, again, either partial or complete, is
“SAMUEL” and “BURTON” (Fig. 3). Preliminary research identifies a Brewer named
5

�Samuel Allsopp as well as The Burton Brewery Company, both based at Burton upon
Trent in Staffordshire, England. Samuel Allsopp entered business in 1807 and during
the 1840s, Allsopp’s brewery had an overwhelming superior reputation for their pale ale
(Perkins, 2012). Contemporarily, the Burton Brewery Company, founded in 1842, was
one of the largest brewers in Burton upon Trent in the nineteenth century and supplied
ships in the early 1850s with ale. However, it still may have been too late to be
contemporary with casks that were later transported via Clarence.
Further research into the connection between the Clarence casks and the abovementioned brewing companies is warranted. Although a few leads for the branded
names on the cask’s heads have been obtained, the possibility that some components
or entire casks had been re-used has not yet been ruled out.
Leather Bag or Satchel
A leather bag or satchel was also found
on the site partially buried under a
semi-circular timber artefact. Based on
discussions

amongst

divers

who

excavated the area and upon close
examination of underwater images, this
leather bag, left in situ (Fig. 4), is
thought to be a bosun’s bag. The size
and thickness of the satchel suggest it
may have been used to carry tools (i.e.
if one was repairing masts or rigging),
as it could be slung over the shoulder
via a strap on the side. Interestingly, an
image in Kilby (1971: 164) on coopers
and their craft shows a nineteenthcentury travelling cooper carrying a Fig. 4: Leather bag or satchel left in-situ. (AHSPP).
possible leather bag or basket over the
shoulder containing tools.
6

�Clarence – Management
Monitoring and Management
In June 2012, shortly after the completion of the April/May Clarence excavation, a small
team of researchers and volunteers returned to the site to finish backfilling the trench
and artefact reburial depot to a minimum of 50 cm sediment coverage, as outlined in the
research methodology. Final fieldwork took place in November when the site was
covered with shade cloth and PVC tarpaulins to encourage anaerobic conditions and
protect the site from anthropogenic and natural impacts (Fig. 5). Sediment core samples
were collected for physico-chemical analysis and a marine biological survey was
completed.
In both March and September
2013, visual inspections were
conducted

and

the

site

appears to have stabilised. A
small team returned to the site
in November 2013 to extract
sediment core samples and
sacrificial

wood

and

metal

samples.
Management of the site has
not ceased with the reburial of
Clarence.
monitoring,

Long-term
including

Fig. 5: PVC tarpaulins on Clarence (J. Carpenter).

visual

site inspections and a program of regular compliance patrols, has been established.
These site visits are conducted during periods of calm weather and on weekends and
public holidays, when recreational boating activities peak. Individuals found within the
100 m protected zone surrounding the site are issued with either official warnings or
infringement notices. Regular patrols by Heritage Victoria at Clarence have resulted in a

7

�high level of compliance by recreational anglers, with boats clustering around the
boundaries of the site but complying with the exclusion zone itself.
Although increased enforcement activities seem the likely driver for the improvement in
compliance, consideration should also be given to the fact that stabilisation works on
the site have substantially altered the seabed terrain and associated biology. Biological
surveys indicate the variation in species on-site has not been greatly impacted, but this
could have reduced the numbers of desirable fish catch, possibly also helping to explain
the decreased fishing activity over the site.
Digital Outreach
In addition to on-site visitation and management of Clarence, AHSPP has focused on
disseminating information beyond the academic and scientific communities to the wider
public. This includes providing Project Updates for meetings of the Commonwealth
Historic Shipwreck Act delegates, the AIMA quarterly newsletter and the AHSPP
website
(www.ahspp.org.au). Public
lectures and professional
papers

have

also

been

presented nationally and
internationally with a major
paper

on

the

project

published in the 2013 AIMA
Bulletin (Veth et al., 2013).
Moreover, in lieu of tangible
displays,
upon

AHSPP

digital

dissemination

relies

media

for Fig. 6: Shade cloth cover over the top of the cofferdam surrounding
of James Matthews (J. Carpenter).

information. This includes
the project website and two public-focussed outreach projects. The first project is a
triptych display banner that tells the story of the AHSPP Clarence case study using
8

�simple text and images. The pop-up banners are easily transportable and throughout
2013 and 2014 will be used as a travelling exhibition to Partner Organisations and
collaborating institutions around Australia. They are also available for further use at
presentations and conferences.
The second outreach project was a curated digital database entitled ‘Preserving the
Colonial Trader Clarence (1850)’ (the Clarence Anthology), which is publically
accessible through library database subscriptions to BiblioBoard. This contains both
web-based access and applications for mobile devices and Apple iPad and android
tablets (http://www.biblioboard.com/libraries.html).
The Clarence Anthology was the first Australian project created for BiblioBoard and also
the company’s first archaeological and shipwreck database. The concept was to curate
a collection of images, documents and multi-media items (including video and audio via
web streaming) into an ‘anthology’ as part of BiblioBoard’s new ‘Artifact of History’
module. The module is made up of a wide range of historical sources that are focused
on historical artefacts and archaeological discoveries.
The Clarence Anthology consists of more than 270 files, primarily underwater site and
artefact photographs, topside images and underwater and topside video. It also includes
presentations, previous site research, historical research, media interviews and an
edited oral history interview with a descendant of the captain of Clarence. This digital
resource thus allows for enriched, well-curated content to be accessible to a broader,
technologically-progressive audience and also facilitates access to associated grey
literature.
The Clarence Anthology is currently being utilised as a test case for future online
curation of archaeological projects. As such, this method of community outreach may be
recognized as an appropriate platform for future presentation of archaeological sites, in
particular in-situ preservation projects where artefacts are returned to the seabed with
no plan for future conservation and long-term museum curation.
James Matthews

9

�Since the inception of AHSPP it was duly noted that to be a truly national research
project, other sites around Australia should be included in the longitudinal in-situ
preservation study for comparative analysis. Following the reburial success of Clarence
in November 2012, and due to prudent project management, it became clear that the
AHSPP could expand to a second case study. Partner Investigator Vicki Richards and
colleagues at the Western Australian Museum (WAM) subsequently recommended the
reburial of James Matthews (1841) in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia using a
preferred cofferdam solution. Under the aegis of the AHSPP, WAM began organising
this innovative reburial project in April 2013.
Background
James Matthews, originally known as Voltigeur, was a French-built wooden brig
(approximately 24 m length x 6 m breadth x 3 m depth). In 1836 the vessel was sold to
a Brazilian slave dealer and registered as Don Francisco under the Portuguese flag. For
the following year, the vessel operated in the illegal slave trade between Africa and the
West Indies until its capture by the British in 1837.
Contemporarily, in 1836, British Parliament passed a Bill establishing an end to slavery.
At this time, ships were seized and destroyed, often resulting in the vessel being
dismantled and sold for scrap or burnt to the waterline and sunk (Henderson, 1977).
This was obviously not the case with Don Francisco, which was sold and re-registered
as the trading vessel James Matthews (Henderson, 1980).
In July 1841 the ship sailed for the Swan River colony in Fremantle, Western Australia,
but shortly after its arrival a violent storm struck the port and the vessel sank. Local
divers came across the site in 1973, 12 km south of Fremantle, approximately 100 m off
shore in 2-3 m of water (Henderson, 1977).
Four seasons of excavation were carried out by WAM between 1974 and 1977. All
loose artefacts were recovered and stabilised by standard conservation treatments
appropriate for each material type and the excavation trenches were backfilled with the
original overburden. The site remained buried for many years and was still relatively
stable in the 1990s. However, in early 2000 it was observed that the edges of the
10

�wooden vessel and timbers at the stern and bow were exposed and severely degraded
by marine borers and the extent of exposure was increasing every year. Therefore,
devising an appropriate in-situ management plan to mitigate continuing deterioration
was of paramount importance.
Experimental Remediation Strategies and Monitoring
Over the next ten years, a number of surveys and experiments were expedited to
assess the most significant physical, chemical and biological deterioration processes
impacting the site and determine an appropriate long-term in-situ preservation strategy
to stabilise James Matthews. This included trialling different in-situ preservation
strategies on-site, for example: sand bags; sediment trapping experiments using
artificial seagrass, shade cloth mats and a cofferdam consisting of four environmentallyinert, interlocking medium density polyethylene ‘crash barrier’ units filled with
surrounding sediment. More importantly, a long-term monitoring programme was also
introduced that consisted of measuring sediment and seabed response and any
changes in the sediment micro-environment via microbiological and physico-chemical
analyses. Based on these results, the crash barrier cofferdam technique appeared to be
the best solution for the in-situ preservation of James Matthews (Richards et al., 2009;
Richards, 2012).
However, due to the significant cost of this mitigation strategy (~$25,000 AUD for 40
crash barriers, geotextile and polymeric sandbags) and the local economic environment,
the cofferdam solution could not be funded through WAM’s budget. Therefore, in 2010,
the more exposed sections of the site were covered with shade cloth, which was
economically more viable but resulted in undesirable toe scouring around the edges of
the mats. The site continued to be monitored at regular intervals over the next two years
(Richards, 2012).
The AHSPP and the Cofferdam Solution
Preparations for the reburial of James Matthews commenced in April 2013, with
fieldwork occurring from 18-22 November 2013. A total of 22 people, including the
AHSPP Chief Investigator and Acting Project Manager, WAM staff from the Materials
11

�Conservation and Maritime Archaeology Departments, practitioners from other Partner
Organisations and volunteers, were involved during an intensive five-day fieldwork
period. During this time, 36 road crash barriers were deployed on-site in a semi-elliptical
arrangement, anchored in place with a minimum of 120 kg of blue metal per barrier and
20 m3 of clean, washed proprietary sand dumped within the confines of the cofferdam
via a manufactured sand barge, which provided a sterile sand layer of approximately 515 cm over the entire site. A more comprehensive account of the fieldwork logistics and
deployment procedures are outlined in Richards et al. (2014) published in this volume.
The amount of sand required to fill the cofferdam to an optimum level of 0.8 m is
approximately 165 m3, which was impossible to achieve in the five-day fieldwork interval.
With a considerable reduction in personnel after the fieldwork had concluded, it was
decided to cover the top of the cofferdam with 70% UV stabilised shade cloth (Fig. 6).
The suspended shade cloth aims to a) preclude the ingress of dead seagrass and other
organic material and b) encourage deposition of fine sand particles suspended in the
water column, through the shade cloth and onto the site. In early 2014, the cofferdam
will continue to be filled to the required depth (0.8 m) by dredging local surrounding
sediment onto the site ensuring that minimal organic matter is incorporated within the
backfilled sediment.
On-site monitoring of sediment characteristics and analysis of sacrificial samples will
then proceed, replicating the monitoring strategy used on the Clarence site. This should
allow for meaningful comparative analyses of these reburial interventions in different
contexts. The efficacy of different reburial and stabilisation techniques can thus be
systematically tested providing an evaluation of optimal protocols for the in-situ
preservation and management of historic shipwrecks determined to be ‘at risk’ in both
Australian and other waters.
Conclusion
The primary aim of the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project is the
development of an optimal in-situ preservation protocol for historic shipwrecks at risk.
Longitudinal recording, reburial and ongoing monitoring at both Clarence and James
12

�Matthews, occurring in different geomorphic and energetic contexts, will provide an
invaluable comparative study towards this end, and will continue throughout 2014. As
outlined in this paper, data collection, analysis and interpretation are continuing. The
results from the archaeological, conservation, sedimentary and biological studies will be
published in a major excavation and fieldwork report due for completion in 2015.
Analyses of the artefacts, geochemistry of the sediments, pre- and post-disturbance
biological surveys, and condition of the sacrificial tabs, will also be published over the
next several years.
Bibliography

Henderson, G., 1977. Four seasons of excavation on the James Matthews wreck. The
First Southern Hemisphere Conference on Maritime Archaeology, Perth, Western
Australia.
Henderson G., 1980. Unfinished Voyages. Western Australian Shipwrecks 1622-1850.
University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands.
Kilby, K., 1971. The Cooper and His Trade. Linden Publishing, Fresno.
Perkins, B., 2012. Tennent’s India Pale Ale. Retrieval December 20, 2013. From
http://barclayperkins.blogspot.com.au/2012/02/tennents-india-pale-ale.html
Richards, V., 2012. In-situ preservation and monitoring of the James Matthews
shipwreck site. Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, Vol. 14 (1-4):
169-181.
Richards, V., Godfrey, I., Blanchette, R., Held, B., Gregory, D. and Reed, E., 2009. Insitu monitoring and stabilisation of the James Matthews site. In K. Straetkvern and D.J.
Huisman (Eds.), Proceedings of the 10th ICOM Group on Wet Organic Archaeological
Materials

Conference,

Amsterdam,

10-15

September

2007,

Rijksdienst

voor

Archeologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten (RACM), Amersfoot: 113-60.
Richards, V., MacLeod, I. and Veth, P., 2014. The Australian Historic Shipwreck
Preservation Project – In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence
(1850) and James Matthews (1841) shipwreck sites. In S. Tripati and V. Walker (Eds.),
13

�Proceedings of the 2nd Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural
Heritage, 12-16 May 2014, Honolulu, Hawaii, Hawaii.
Veth, P., Philippopu, C., Richards, V., Staniforth, M., Rodrigues, J., Khan, A., Creagh,
D., Viduka, A., Barham, A., and MacLeod, I., 2013. The Australian Historic Shipwreck
Preservation Project 2012: First Report on the background, reburial and in situ
preservation at the Clarence (1841-50). Bulletin of the Australasian Institute for Maritime
Archaeology, Vol. 37: 1-19.
Veth, P., Viduka, A., Staniforth, M., MacLeod, I., Richards, V. and Barham, A., 2011.
The Australian historic shipwreck protection project. In M. Staniforth, J. Craig, S.C.
Jago-on, B. Orillaneda and L. Lacsina (Eds.), Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Regional
Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage, 8-12 November 2011, Manila, Philippines,
Jericopim Publishing House, Manila: 753-762.

Biography
Debra Shefi is a Research Assistant Professor in the Department of Archaeology at the
University of Western Australia and is the Acting Project Manager for the Australian
Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP). She joined AHSPP after obtaining
her PhD from Flinders University, where her thesis investigated the relationship
between the in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage in law and practice.

14

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                  <text>Session 7: Preservation and Conservation of Wet Archaeological Materials and Site Management </text>
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                  <text>Interview with Session 7 chairs Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter and links to the papers presented in the session.</text>
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                  <text>This session will focus on in-situ preservation and conservation management issues, conservation analyses and treatments, and applied conservation research of archaeological materials from freshwater, marine and wet terrestrial sites. The main purposes of this session are to encourage the exchange of ideas and practices as well as the development of conservation networks throughout the region. Presentations, posters and workshops are invited that address any of the following areas:&#13;
â€¢ In situ preservation of marine archaeological materials, including reburial practices&#13;
â€¢ Conservation management of shipwreck sites, including on-site monitoring&#13;
â€¢ Conservation treatment case studies&#13;
â€¢ Research into the analysis and treatment of wet archaeological materials&#13;
â€¢ Review of the status of wet archaeological conservation programs in the Asia Pacific region&#13;
â€¢ Development of collaborative conservation research and treatment programs Suggestions for additional topics are welcomed by the session organizers. </text>
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                  <text>Vicki Richards and Jon Carpenter</text>
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                <text>The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project: interim progress report </text>
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                <text>In early 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) was formally awarded a large Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Grant, enabling ten Partner Organisations to join with four Australian Universities in one of the largest multi-organisational maritime archaeology projects to be undertaken in Australia. The project involved a month-long excavation on the historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in April/May 2012 and a complex reburial program in November 2012. Further in-situ preservation work is also being conducted on James Matthews (1841) in Western Australia to test experimental reburial approaches in an alternative marine environment. The work on Clarence is now in its research, analysis, monitoring and reporting phase, with artefact, sediment and chemical analyses being undertaken. This paper will provide an interim report on AHSPP since its launch at the 1st Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila in 2011. It will provide analysis of some of the more significant artefacts and features revealed during excavation and approaches to long-term in-situ preservation and management of shipwreck sites. </text>
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                <text>Debra Shefi  </text>
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                <text>Peter Veth</text>
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                <text>Cassandra Philippou</text>
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                <text>Jennifer Rodrigues</text>
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                <text>Vicki Richards</text>
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                <text>Peter Harvey, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) </text>
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                <text>5/15/2014</text>
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