13 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/3d37a3ecaa1ac7e7d8e56027104c17b1.pdf d1b41cbd2b8ff8ea3c3d8ef748115f48 PDF Text Text Sri Lankan Maritime Trade Relations Towards the East Rasika Muthucumarana1, T.D.C. Pushpakumara2, Thilina Pallethanna3 1 Maritime Archaeology Unit, Central Cultural Fund of Sri Lanka Central Cultural Fund of Sri Lanka 3 Central Cultural Fund of Sri Lanka 2 Corresponding Author: muthurasika@gmail.com ABSTRACT One of the main indicators of the strong cultural, political, and trade relationship between China and Sri Lanka is the significant amount of Chinese pottery found in archaeological sites in Sri Lanka. Mantai, the main port city of the Anuradhapura kingdom, which spanned from the fourth century BCE to the eleventh century CE, served as the hub for ships from the Indian subcontinent, East Asia, and Rome. Blue, white, and green earthenware, as well as storage jars belonging to the Tang Dynasty, are among the earliest archaeological evidence discovered in Sri Lanka. However, historical evidence dates back even further, to the Han Dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE). Excavation projects at old port sites such as Jaffna, Trincomalee, Kirinda, and Godawaya have revealed new evidence of international trade. Although more interactions with Southeast Asia were evident after the twelfth century, newly discovered regions along the east coast suggest further findings. The paper discusses the research conducted by marine archaeologists over the past decade, primarily along the east coast of Sri Lanka. Newly discovered port sites and potential port sites reveal more evidence of stabilised maritime trade and cultural connections to the eastern Indian region. Port and settlement sites such as Nilaweli, Lanka Patuna, Kayankerny, and Sasthrawella contain evidence of international trade. The Kayankerny port site and settlement mound, for instance, dates to the third century BCE. An ancient trade route connected Polonnaruwa, the capital city, to a seaport at Kayankerny via the longest stone bridge found in Sri Lanka. Keywords: East coast of Sri Lanka, Historical port sites, Sea routes, Kayankerny LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS MAU Maritime Archaeology Unit of Sri Lanka CCF Central Cultural Fund PGIAR Postgraduate Institute of Archaeology LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Historical port sites along the east coast of Sri Lanka Figure 2: Stone pillars of an ancient bridge at Kayankerny, Sri Lanka Figure 3: Building remains near the stone bridge at Kayankerny, Sri Lanka Figure 4: Building remains with stone pillars found underwater in Trincomalee, Sri Lanka 1. INTRODUCTION Sri Lanka's cultural and trade relations with South India, the Bay of Bengal, and Southeast Asia have spanned over two millennia. Recent explorations along the eastern coast of Sri Lanka, particularly in the field of maritime archaeology, have unveiled new evidence regarding trade connections with East Asia. These findings have shed light on the existence of two previously unknown port sites and identified two additional potential port sites that may have facilitated land trade routes. This paper reveals the outcomes of these investigations. The information and research data presented in this article, focusing on the Kayankerny area and selected sites in Trincomalee, are based on research undertaken in collaboration with the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) and the Batticaloa project of 1 �the Central Cultural Fund (CCF). A significant amount of research data remains unpublished and exists in the form of internal reports. The island of Sri Lanka's historical connections with the outside world were predominantly established through maritime routes, emphasising the critical role of maritime trade in its history. The exchange of cultures brought forth by sailors, merchants, and monks from diverse regions profoundly influenced the development of Sri Lanka's distinctive cultural heritage. With its natural harbours and monsoon winds, the island served as a significant hub for maritime trade. Extensive historical and archaeological findings indicate that early port sites in Sri Lanka were frequented by seafarers and traders from Rome, the Middle East, China, Southeast Asia, and the South Indian Ocean region. Notably, the writings of Pliny the Elder, Cosmas, and Ptolemy's Map (Gunawardana 2003) provide compelling evidence of Sri Lanka's recognition in the western world during the first century CE. The ports such as Mahatittha, Jambukolapatthana, Uratotta, Gokanna, Lankapatthana, Kirinda, Godawaya, and Galle actively participated in these events throughout history (Map 1). Archaeological research has been conducted on ancient ports that were instrumental in Sri Lanka's relations with foreign countries. However, studies on early port sites in Sri Lanka remain limited (Carswell, Deraniyagala and Graham 2013; Bohingamuwa 2017; Bopearachchi 2013; Thanthilage et al. 2013). Comparatively, studies on ports along the east coast have been less extensive than in other parts of the country (Bopearachchi 2013; Thanthilage et al 2013). However, some researchers have discussed the significance of several ports on the east coast based on historical documents (e.g., Siriweera 2003, 117-126). With new archaeological evidence emerging from recent studies in the region, this paper examines the importance of these ports in maintaining relationships with countries in East and Southeast Asia since the first millennium CE. 2 �Map 1: Historical port sites along the east coast of Sri Lanka 3 �2. RESOURCES 2.1 Recent discoveries along the east coast Following the end of the 30-year separatist war in 2009, access to Sri Lanka's archaeological heritage in the North and East Provinces gradually improved, allowing a significant amount of research projects. The country's growing economy and tourism industry provided more funding for archaeology, leading to more research efforts. The CCF invested in maritime archaeology after 2010, collaborating with local divers and fishing communities to explore previously untouched heritage sites along the coast. The MAU of the CCF initiated collaborations in 2011, gradually extending their research to the north and east coasts. They discovered shipwrecks dating back to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, including those from World War II. Apart from shipwrecks, ancient harbours, settlements, and temples beneath the cliff of Fort Fredrick in Trincomalee have been discovered. Recent archaeological investigations in Trincomalee, Kayankerny, and Godawaya have focused on uncovering evidence of trade connections with East Asia and exploring ancient port sites and shipwrecks. 3. CASE STUDIES 3.1 Kayankerny Kayankerny is a quaint fishing village on the east coast. It is situated to the north of Pasikudha beach, a renowned tourist destination with beautiful shallow and calm waters as well as a long stretch of sandy shorelines. Kayankerny is also a small, protected bay with calm water and long sandy beach. As there are few historical shipwrecks around that area, the MAU conducted an exploration in 2012, taking Kayankerny as their camp site. During the survey, the team conducted underwater explorations and gathered information from the local community. They discovered stone pillars across the lagoon, which were previously unknown to officials. The pillars spanned a 200-metre (m) straight line, suggesting a bridge connecting both sides of the lagoon. It is crossing over the lagoon from its narrowest part of water (Figure 1). Further investigations revealed Buddhist temple complexes, an ancient settlement, and a reservoir along this route. This road was part of an ancient trade route parallel to the east coast, linking the north, south, and the capital of Polonnaruwa. The discovery of these sites led to the establishment of a provincial project office for terrestrial archaeology. The Kayankerny Bridge, extending up to 265m, became the longest historical stone bridge in Sri Lanka. Near each end of the bridge, remnants of two small buildings were also found. 4 �Figure 2: Stone pillars of an ancient bridge at Kayankerny, Sri Lanka In 2018, the excavation of the east end building revealed a small two-story structure measuring 12x12 meters. Constructed with stone pillars, bricks, and clay tiles, the first floor showed more preservation compared to the wooden second floor. In 2022, the west side building, similar in structure at 11x11 meters, was excavated (Figure 2). Figure 2: Building remains near the stone bridge at Kayankerny, Sri Lanka Around 800 m west of the bridge, a large settlement site spanning over 20 acres was discovered. The ongoing investigations unveiled a deep stratigraphic layer of around three metres, containing numerous potsherds and remnants of large storage jars. On the east side of the bridge, extending to the beach, a monastic site and a small settlement, and a reservoir were found. Excavations in 2022 uncovered a cultural layer of approximately two metres. Rather than evidence of the Polonnaruwa Kingdom period, earlier cultural relationships were identified, with pottery dating back to the second century BCE, including local, Indian, Middle Eastern, and East Asian origins. Notably, a piece of Chinese Stoneware pottery was found nearby in 2017. 5 �The neglected small reservoir between the bridge and monastic complex was strategically placed, likely serving the needs of the nearby port and monastic complex. The name ‘Kayankerny’ is derived from the presence of Kayan trees surrounding a pond, possibly referring to the reservoir. Nearby, the village of ‘Mangkerny’ suggests a pond inhabited by spotted deer (Axis axis ceylonensis). Shedding light on this mystery, an inscription on a stone pillar was discovered at the Buddhist monastic site. This type of inscription, ‘AttaniParihara Kanu’ refers to a document granting special privileges and exemptions from state laws to specific individuals or institutions carved onto a stone pillar. The inscription mentions an offering to the monastery (Sangasena Pirivena) and tax collection (Pallethanna 2018) though the exact location remains uncertain. Potential tax collection areas include a market near the bridge and a nearby port connected to trade routes. Further research and investigation are needed to confirm these theories. Kayankerny Bay provides a safe anchorage for maritime activities, offering protection from adverse weather conditions. The bay's connection to the Maduru Oya River and Kayankerny Lagoon enhances its significance. The lagoon, influenced by the river, supports local livelihoods, and serves as a fishing harbour. The MAU has conducted seabed explorations but found no evidence of shipwrecks or a port site. A systematic survey and remote sensing are required. A nearby stone quarry may have provided the stone pillars for the bridge, which could have been transported via the river and lagoon. Research since 2012 suggests the existence of an ancient port site at Kayankerny, with settlements, a stone bridge, inscriptions, buildings, and the bay area. The bridge's end buildings may have served various purposes, while the nearby settlements and the large site at the west end could have been marketplaces. Potsherds indicate foreign connections to the port. Ongoing excavations and expanded maritime archaeological explorations are required to validate these hypotheses. The purpose of the bridge and the source of the tax mentioned in the inscription remain unclear. 3.2 Trincomalee Trincomalee, a historically significant port on Sri Lanka's east coast, offers valuable insights into early trade patterns and the importance of port cities. The Port of Trincomalee, also known as Gokanna Port, was active from the fourth century BCE to the colonial period. Like other ancient port sites, Trincomalee was associated with temples that served the spiritual needs of sailors and fishermen. Swami Rock, located at Fort Fredrick, was the site of an ancient Buddhist temple that later became a Hindu temple. Although the temples were demolished during the colonial era, a new Shiva temple was constructed in the 1960s, preserving the religious significance of Trincomalee. The presence of these temples reflects the enduring cultural and religious heritage of the region. After the civil war ended in 2009, both marine and terrestrial archaeological explorations were facilitated, uncovering shipwreck sites and ancient settlements. The preservation and study of Dutch buildings within Fort Fredrick were also undertaken by CCF and the Department of Archaeology shedding light on the formation and distribution of early settlements and fortifications (Pushpakumara 2017). 3.2.1 The ancient watering point and the remains found from underwater surveys Within Fort Fredrick, a significant watering point used by the Dutch to supply ships with clean drinking water was found. Strategically positioned with direct access to the sea, a small jetty-like structure was built on the beach to facilitate this water source. The well, ingeniously constructed using a natural spring source, provided salt-free water for consumption. Nearby wells also contributed to the 6 �availability of drinking water. The layers of deposited soil surrounding these wells contain archaeological remains from the ancient to mediaeval periods. The jetty-like structure was created using large stones from the beach and remnants of old stone or granite buildings. Stone pillars, basement parts with railings, and repurposed stairs were used to construct and level the platform. Sir Arthur C. Clarke's leisure diving activities in 1960 led to the discovery of intriguing remains near the Thirukonashwaram cliff, including stone pillars, basement stones, and a Shivalinga. In 2017, the MAU uncovered additional stone pillars, stone sculptures, slabs with symbols, and remnants (Figure 3). Figure 3: Building remains with stone pillars found underwater in Trincomalee, Sri Lanka Among the findings was a stone baluster known as Koravakgala, stone balustrades, reused to level the jetty-like structure. Another portion of a baluster was found underwater. The archaeological remains suggest the presence of a stairway leading to the cliff, providing access from the seaside to the watering point, the cliff's summit, and the temple located at the north end. This stairway served as a convenient route for mariners and pilgrims visiting the temple or the cliff's summit, highlighting the strategic location of the site. 3.2.2 The ports of Trincomalee Extensive excavations, explorations, and marine archaeology projects in Trincomalee have unearthed significant historical artefacts and structures, including brick buildings, stone constructions, inscriptions, statues, pottery, glass beads, and coins from the Anuradhapura period. Excavations at the playground outside the fort suggest it was a Buddhist monastic complex rather than a residential settlement mound. The discovery of pottery and objects of Indian origin indicates trade and cultural connections between Trincomalee and India, supported by the coins found at the site. Trincomalee harbour’s natural bay area provided anchorage points for boats throughout history, contributing to its role as a centre of religious activity and its connections to extensive trade networks. The pottery predominantly consists of Longquan celadon and glazed earthenware, similar to the findings in Singapore and the Middle East. Inscriptions at the site highlight Gokanna's importance as a port for the Polonnaruwa Kingdom. 7 �Research and exploration continue to identify actual port sites and ancient settlements along the Trincomalee beaches, yielding valuable archaeological material and shedding light on early trading activities. Ongoing research aims to understand the history of Trincomalee, its significance as a hub for religious and commercial activities, and its maritime history and connections with other regions. 3.3 Revisiting the port sites discovered thirty years ago 3.3.1 Kumburupiddi The discovery of Arab tombstones in the naval dock area of Trincomalee provides evidence of Arab traders being present in the vicinity during the fourteenth century. Additionally, Chinese potshards from the same era were found near Nilaweli, specifically in a rural coastal area known as ‘Kumburupiddi’ located north of Trincomalee. Previous explorations conducted three decades ago reported the abundance of Chinese ceramics along the beach in this area. John Carswell, in his publication ‘Chinese ceramics from Allapiddy in Sri Lanka’ suggested that these ceramics may have been deposited on land from a sunken ship near the site (Carswell 1985). A similar paper by the same author was published in The Oriental Ceramic Society of France in 2000. Recent explorations in the past few years have revisited the area known as ‘Kumburupiddi,’ and researchers have observed scattered ceramic fragments in various locations. This suggests that Kumburupiddi may have functioned as an old port site. Furthermore, numerous local potshards from the Anuradhapura period can still be found in this area, alongside the remains of a Buddhist monastery and an ancient stupa mound. The presence of a significant amount of Chinese pottery strewn across the beach at Kumburupiddi, primarily dating to the fourteenth century, indicates its connection to international trade during that era. Similar evidence has been found at fourteenth century port sites in Egypt, the Middle East, India, Vietnam, Singapore, and Korea. Therefore, if a shipwreck were to be discovered in this vicinity, it is highly likely that it would have a connection to the nearby harbour and the thriving maritime trade of the time. Another similar place assumed to have a shipwreck is ‘Allapiddy’ in North Province. 3.3.2 Lanka Patuna Lanka Patuna has been considered an ancient port since Chinese pottery was first discovered by Deraniyagala in 1972 (Solheim and Deraniyagala 1972). Recently, the Post Graduate Institute of Archaeology (PGIAR), University of Kelaniya reported finding Chinese pottery during their excavations at the site (Thanthilage et al. 2013). Most of the pottery were identified as the Polonnaruwa Kingdom period and later. 4. CONCLUSION Although significant progress has been made in exploring and preserving Sri Lanka's maritime heritage, much work remains to be done. The fieldwork and research conducted have revealed a substantial presence of potential port sites and associated settlements along the eastern coast of Sri Lanka. These sites are intertwined with maritime trade networks as well as inland road networks, reflecting their multifaceted roles in historical interactions. The Kayankerny site presents a complex 8 �combination of sea and land trade routes, a monastic complex, and a settlement site. Studying, excavating, and conserving these remains will be a long-term undertaking, requiring extensive time and resources. Ongoing excavation and research at the shipwreck site in Godawaya, South Sri Lanka, dating back to the second century BCE, are uncovering valuable evidence of maritime trade relations. The shipwreck, identified as a cargo ship, provides insights into trade routes heading east or returning from the east. The newly discovered port sites also require archaeological investigations both at sea and on land, which will take several years to bring forth new evidence for scholarly discussions. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to acknowledge Director General of the Central Cultural Fund, Staff members of the Maritime Archaeology Unit, Trincomalee project and Batticaloa Project. Local communities of Kayankerny, Trincomalee, Lanka Patuna and Nillaveli areas for their assistance in discovering the remains. The assistance of Chat GPT, an AI language model developed by OpenAI, for valuable assistance in correcting English language and editing content for this article. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bohingamuwa, W. Sri Lanka and the Indian Ocean: External Connections and Internal Networks (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, 2017). University of Oxford. The United Kingdom. Bopearachchi, Osmund. “Maritime Trade and Cultural Exchanges in the Indian Ocean: India and Sri Lanka”. Paris: le Centre national de la recherche scientifique, Paris, 2013. Carswell, J., Deraniyagala, S. and Graham, A. Mantai-City by the Sea. Aichwarld: Linden Soft Verlag, 2013. Carswell J. “Chinese ceramics from Allapiddy in Sri Lanka”. In A Legacy of Asia’s maritime trade. 3-49. Kuala Lumpur: Southeast Asian Ceramic Society, West Malaysian Chapter, 1985. Gunawardana, R. A. L. H. 2003. “Seaways to Seilediba: Changing Patterns of Navigation in the Indian Ocean and Their Impact on Precolonial Sri Lanka” In Sri Lanka and the Silk Road of the Sea, edited by Bandaranayake, S. Dewaraja, L., Silva, R. and Wimalaratne, K. D.G., 17–36. Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, 2003. Pallethanna, T. B. “Excavation Report of Batticaloa Project” (Unpublished Annual Project Reports), Colombo: Central Cultural Fund. 2018. Prematilleke, P.L. “Chinese Ceramics Discovered in Sri Lanka - An Overview.” In Sri Lanka and the Silk Road of the Sea. edited by Senake Bandaranayake, Lorna Dewaraja, Roland Silva, Wimalarante, K.D.G., 233-244. Colombo: Sri Lanka National Commission for UNESCO and the Central Cultural Fund, 1990. Prickett-Fernando, Martha. “Durable Goods: The Archaeological Evidence of Sri Lanka’s Role in the Indian Ocean Trade.”In Sri Lanka and the Silk Road of the Sea. edited by Senaka Bandaranayake, Lona Dewaraja, Raja Silva, Wimalarante, K., 233-244. Colombo: Sri Lanka National Commission for UNESCO and the Central Cultural Fund, 1990. Pushpakumara T. D. C. “Project Report of Trincomalee” (Unpublished Annual Project Report), Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, 2017. Siriweera W. I. “Pre-colonial Sri Lanka’s Maritime Commerce with Special Reference to its Ports.” In Sri Lanka and the Silk Road of the Sea. edited by Senaka Bandaranayake, Lorna Dewaraja, Roland Silva and Wimalaratne K. D. G., Colombo: Sri Lanka National Commission for UNESCO and the Central Cultural Fund, 1990. 9 �Solheim, W. G., and S. U. Deraniyagala. Archaeological Survey to Investigate South Asian Prehistoric Presence in Ceylon, Ancient Ceylon Occasional Papers no.1. Colombo: Department of Archaeology Sri Lanka, 1972. Thantilage Arjuna, Vithanage Indika, Pushpakumara T. D. C., Senanayaka Jayampath, and Jayasingha Pathmakumara. Ilankaturai International Port Site. Memoirs of Postgraduate Institute of Archaeology 2013/2. Colombo: PGIAR, 2013. Werake, Mahinda. “A New Date for the Beginning of Sino-Sri Lankan Relations.” The Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities 4, no. 1 &2 (1978): 64-72. Zang, Ran. "An Exploratory Quantitative Archaeological Analysis and the Classification of Chinese Ceramics Trade in the Western Indian Ocean, AD c. 800-1500”. PhD diss., University of Durham, 2006. 10 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Sri Lankan Maritime Trade Relations Towards the East Description An account of the resource One of the main indicators of the strong cultural, political, and trade relationship between China and Sri Lanka is the significant amount of Chinese pottery found in archaeological sites in Sri Lanka. Mantai, the main port city of the Anuradhapura kingdom, which spanned from the fourth century BCE to the eleventh century CE, served as the hub for ships from the Indian subcontinent, East Asia, and Rome. Blue, white, and green earthenware, as well as storage jars belonging to the Tang Dynasty, are among the earliest archaeological evidence discovered in Sri Lanka. However, historical evidence dates back even further, to the Han Dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE). Excavation projects at old port sites such as Jaffna, Trincomalee, Kirinda, and Godawaya have revealed new evidence of international trade. Although more interactions with Southeast Asia were evident after the twelfth century, newly discovered regions along the east coast suggest further findings. The paper discusses the research conducted by marine archaeologists over the past decade, primarily along the east coast of Sri Lanka. Newly discovered port sites and potential port sites reveal more evidence of stabilised maritime trade and cultural connections to the eastern Indian region. Port and settlement sites such as Nilaweli, Lanka Patuna, Kayankerny, and Sasthrawella contain evidence of international trade. The Kayankerny port site and settlement mound, for instance, dates to the third century BCE. An ancient trade route connected Polonnaruwa, the capital city, to a seaport at Kayankerny via the longest stone bridge found in Sri Lanka. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rasika Muthucumarana T.D.C. Pushpakumara Thilina Pallethanna Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Muthucumarana, Rasika , T.D.C. Pushpakumara, Thilina Pallethanna. 2023. “Sri Lankan Maritime Trade Relations Towards the East.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1951 Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/33bcd27c2b5c242fa5efe32e95590868.pdf 95b9a3087a1b1e9a4b977d638c64d72f PDF Text Text Dimensions of Interactions: Bay of Bengal in the Wider Asia-Pacific Region: Archaeological and Historical Records from the Earliest Period till 1500 CE Kaushik Gangopadhyay1 1 Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, India. Corresponding Author- k.gongo@gmail.com ABSTRACT The paper explores the role played by the Northern Bay of Bengal Region in the cultural transmission throughout the Indo-Pacific region. The investigation begins in the protohistoric period and subsequently discusses the early historic and the historical period. In this paper, the author raises issues of mortuary practices, which are similar between South Asia and South-East Asia. Artefacts discussed in this paper include glass and stone beads, portable enough to be carried across long distances and their final deposition as grave goods point to the inherent value attached to these portable artefacts. The third issue is the findspots of these artefacts, particularly beads from the shipwreck sites from the Philippines. It is remarkable how such sites can provide the much needed in-situ data on portable and its dated values. All this evidence compels us to look at a neglected region in the discussion, primarily the Northern Bay of Bengal region. Keywords: NBBR, Mortuary practices, Glass beads, Submerged sites LIST OF ABBRIVIATIONS NBBR Northern Bay of Bengal Region KSK Khao Sam Khaeo LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Map showing sites discussed in the text 1. INTRODUCTION The paper attempts to understand the scales of interaction within the Asia-Pacific region by focusing on the Northern Bay of Bengal Region (NBBR) and its archaeological heritage to be part of interacting network in this vast region. The Bay of Bengal Region played a significant role in the Indian Ocean trade network from the prehistoric to modern periods and is well documented in the archaeological and historical records (Gupta 2005). The archaeological record of this interaction is indicated by common mortuary practices over a wide region of the Asia-Pacific region and also distribution of specific types of small portable objects like ceramics and glass beads known as IndoPacific glass beads (Francis 2002). The term itself is indicative of connectivity between Indian ocean and the Pacific region. Gleaning the available data, one is left with the idea that the geographical ambit of this distribution is largely limited in the southern part of the Bay of Bengal as the data from the NBBR is not easily available. In this paper, the author attempts to include data from the NBBR to understand the connection within the Asia-Pacific region. This is more important because majority of the sites from where these data can be properly gathered is either eroded coastal sites or facing threat due to coastal erosion. 2. PREHISTORIC PERIOD This section deals with research findings from the prehistoric period in the wide Indo-Pacific region. The earliest data on interaction comes from the study of the distribution of jar burials across the 1 �pacific and the Bay of Bengal region (Gupta 2005, 22-30). Jar burials are found in various Chalcolithic and Iron age contexts of South Asia. This included the well-known Deccan chalcolithic burials from western India (Dhavalikar et al. 1998). Jar burials are also known from South India, which was common cultural practice associated with the megalithic burial tradition during the Iron Age. In Northeast India, stone jar burials have been recently investigated, which is like sites in Laos and Vietnam (Thakuria et al. 2016, 44-51). Jar burials are known from the Yayoi period in Japan and from mainland South-East Asian sites, particularly from Thailand and Vietnam. In this context, the infant jar burials from the Samon valley in Myanmar show remarkable similarities to the jar burials of the India particularly the jar burials from Deccan chalcolithic phase. The jar burials have been described as large spherical vases with widened-out necks, staked together and lying flat in pairs, three or four touching each other by their openings. The jars were 25- 80 cm in height and 40 cm to 50 in maximum diameter (Coupey 2013, 84-91). Similar jar burials are found in the northern Thailand, although in an earlier context between 1800 and 600 BCE. One of the major factors in the connectivity between the urban culture of South-East Asia, the ‘Pyu’ culture of Myanmar (second century BCE to ninth Century CE) and South Asia was Buddhist networks. As noted by Stargardt (2005, 407-34), the late Iron age burial tradition of the ‘Pyu’ civilization was characterized by burial stone jars and ceramic urns, similar to the burial urns of South India, particularly Andhra Pradesh and northern Tamil Nadu, which could have also influenced the Buddhist practices in both India and South-East Asia. Another region in East Asia where jar burials became very popular is Korea (Riotto 1995, 40-53). According to Riotto (Riotto 1995, 40-53) the burial tradition of the pre-Buddhist period in Korea may have been adopted by people who were accustomed with the tradition of jar burials elsewhere. Therefore, careful perusal of burial rites from South Asia to the far east could provide a nuanced position with relation to prehistoric connectivity in the prehistoric period involving sites in NBBR, particularly Myanmar. 2.1 Interactions through portable items The above discussions underscore the need for a more sustained investigations into the portable artefacts recovered from terrestrial and underwater archaeological sites and this section is largely devoted to an interpretation of the available data. There are portable artefacts such as pottery and beads recovered from sites nearer to maritime spaces and also from shipwrecks. In this section the author attempts to summarize the importance of portable artefacts such as glass beads circulating in the Bay of Bengal interaction sphere in the examining interactions in the Asia-Pacific region from the earliest times to the medieval. These glass beads are extensively documented from port sites like Arikamedu on the Coromandel coast; eroded coastal sites of Bengal, early urban sites of South and South-east Asia; shipwrecks from Philippines and also from Japan in the Yayoi period graves (Gupta 2005, 22-30). What is the connection between the burials and the small portable artefacts like beads? Gupta would argue that the demand for the second category of artefacts is indicative of socio-cultural practices as these small artefacts could have circulated largely as prestige good because the immediate contexts are graves (Gupta 2005, 22-30). To imagine that an artefact like bead travelled over a wide space to be deposited in funerary contexts also highlights the importance attached to death rituals in wider Asia-Pacific world. 2 �2.2 The circulation of glass and stone beads in the Asia-Pacific region: Chronological and cultural scope This section is a summation of glass and stone beads circulating in the Bay of Bengal region from fourth century BCE. The beads were commodified and distributed in the South-East Asian middle range societies (Basa 1992, 91-104). Stone beads, including etched alkaline carnelian and agate beads were thought to have been produced in South Asia (Belina and Glover 2001, 191-215) and made their way into different regions of South-East Asia and some of the techniques were adopted by the Iron Age communities in South-East Asia, where indigenous bead production techniques were locally adopted (Theunissen 2000, 84-105). The increasing role of sites in South-East Asia, particularly in the Thai-Peninsular region (Khao Sam Khaeo) were catalyst in not only interactions between South Asia and South-East Asia but within the trans-Asiatic networks (Bellina et al. 2006, 257-293). The trans-Asiatic networks relayed technological know-hows. For instance, it has been argued that craftsmen at early sites like Khao San Khaeo in the Isthmus of Kra adopted technological traditions of South Asia (Bellina et al. 2006). At Khao Sam Khaeo glass production, particularly the drawn glass beads production technique was adopted. The ceramics also reported Indian style ceramics (Bouvet 2011, 47-82) and Chinese style (Han) ceramics (Bellina et al. 2006, 257-293). Therefore, the site of KSK, located on the east of the Isthmus of Kra connected Bay of Bengal to the East Asia. Glass beads have great significance in pursuing research in the trans-Asiatic networks over long-time ranges. In East Asia Gupta (2005, 22-30) noted the presence of Indian drawn glass beads in Japan and Korea from late first Millennium BCE and continued in the late Yayoi period (300 BCE–300 CE) and Three Kingdoms period (220 to 280 CE). In more recent historical periods (fifteenth to seventeenth centuries) the research conducted by (Craig 2021) assumes importance as it draws on evidence from both terrestrial and underwater (shipwrecks) sites. Craig has listed out two important locales which could be investigated to document production, shipment, and distribution of portable objects like beads. These are sites of beach side communities who were likely the last to handle cargoes, coming in or going out into the sea and also the actual shipwreck sites. It is in this context that addressing underwater archaeological strategies becomes crucial. After having examined the available evidence from the Bay of Bengal region, it becomes clear that it is difficult to obtain shipwreck sites from the Bay of Bengal region, particularly where large rivers like the Ganges debouches and turns underwater excavation strategies a problem and extremely difficult to pursue. Perusal of historical sources and archaeological data makes it clear that the NBBR region witnessed urbanization and participated in the wide trans-Asiatic exchange systems from the end of the first millennium BCE. A wide varieties of objects including glass, stone beads and ceramics were locally produced or acquired from other regions of South Asia and could have been shipped to other regions including the South-East Asian regions like Myanmar. The early urbanized sites of Myanmar like Beikthano reveals existence of red glass beads made from the ‘drawn’ techniques along with decorated (possibly lime) carnelian and stone beads (author’s own observations). These objects have been found at sites in the coastal zone of West Bengal in the western part of the NBBR. Some of the well-known sites are Tamluk and Chandraketugarh, but there are few sites, discussed below, which have yielded glass beads from the archaeological contexts, but are under threat from coastal erosions. In summary, although early shipwreck sites are not available for the Bay of Bengal region, artefacts originating from the region are to be found in shipwreck sites. 3 �The history of production of certain categories of glass beads such as the ‘drawn’ glass beads, could also be reconstructed from these studies. Craig’s (2021) research on the fifteenth century CE shipwreck Pandanan, located in the Palawan region of Philippines, cargo consisted of drawn and wound glass beads. The red opaque drawn glass beads classified as ‘Indo-Pacific’ beads and mineral Soda-Alumina glass were possibly sourced from South Asia (Craig 2021). She emphasizes shipwrecks from Philippines are important to understand the shift in the bead trade in the entire Asia-Pacific region, while I add this research also aids historians in evaluating the relative importance of the different maritime spaces like Bay of Bengal region and its role in transferring technologies and objects towards the east. Further, I suggest the strategy to locate more sites along the eastern coast of India, to sample glass and also stone beads. Arikamedu is the only site at the centre of current discussion but more sites from the NBBR should be included. 2.4 The ports in the NBBR region: Western segment of Ganga-Brahmaputra delta (West Bengal). 2.4.1 Chandraketugarh The site is located on a defunct arm of the palaeo-channel of the Ganges. The site is about two sq km in extent and the most flourishing period of the site was between the third century BCE to the fourth century CE. The major artefactual component of the site consists of large number of terracotta plaques, ceramics, stone and glass beads. The site may correspond to one of the ports mentioned in the Periplus as Gange. Although, a large number of beads have been found from the site the only publication is that of (Chakraborty 1998, 32-54). Chakraborty has documented blue glass beads, green glass beads and Indo-Pacific beads in red, orange and yellow opaque have been documented. 2.4.2 Tamluk The site is identified with the port of Tamralipti. Excavations and explorations at the site (IAR, 195455; 1973-74) produced a large number of ceramics, terracotta plaques and figurines and glass beads. Several glass beads including green glass, blue glass, black oblate and ‘Indo-Pacific” beads have been documented from the site although from surface context. The chronology of the beads is between third century BCE to even ninth-twelfth centuries CE based on comparison of beads with sites in South India and also with sites in South-East Asia, such as Takua Pa (Gangopadhyay 2010, 171-181). The beads demonstrate wide geographical zone from North-West India, Northern India, Southern India and South-East Asia. The temporal zone is between third centuries BCE to twelfth centuries CE. 2.4.3. Harinarayanpur and Deulpota The other sites from coastal West Bengal are these two very interesting sites which has produced several coloured and opaque glass beads (Chakraborty 1998, 32-54), including the ‘Indo-Pacific’ types. These sites will be dealt with in our discussion on underwater archaeological heritage. 4 �Figure 1: Map showing sites discussed in the text (Courtesy: Snehadip Saha) 2.5 Glass beads and trade: coastal West Bengal Several sites in coastal zone West Bengal have evidence of glass beads from the early historic to the medieval period. However, these sites have not been studied in detail. It is unclear as to whether communities at these sites produced glass beads or acted as transportation nodes from Indian glass beads production centre or southern glass production centres. Also, one can raise the issue and debate if all the drawn red glass beads collected from the surface context from the sites mentioned above should be chronologically placed in the early historic period. The connection with South-East Asia is indicated by the blue ‘eye’ bead of glass, similar to the one from Takua Pa, referred above, although such beads have a long chronology in India going back to the third century BCE. The data of these small portable items belonging to the early medieval and medieval period is unsubstantial for any cogent argument. 5 �3. DISCUSSION The following points emerge out of the above discussion: a. The Bay of Bengal region connecting South and South-East Asia from the prehistoric times till the medieval period. The connectivity stretched towards east Asia and the Far east for which archaeological evidence of Jar burials can be put forward. b. The more tangible evidence of ceramics within the Bay of Bengal region and beads in the wider Asia-Pacific region appears at disparate localities within the region stretching from the Coromandel coast to Korea and Japan. c. Our data on Indo-Pacific glass beads from coastal West Bengal in NBBR, shows that littoral sites are presently being eroded and the archaeological layers lie below the high tidal mark therefore, it is important to survey the inter-tidal zone. Other coastal regions along in the NBBR, such as Myanmar, should also be surveyed. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I acknowledge APCONF 2023 and the chairperson of the session for accepting this paper and for providing senior travel award to enable travelling to Korea. Some of the data used in the article was observed while the author travelled the Myanmar in 2019. The UGC-UPE-II (India Looking East) is acknowledged and also the University of Calcutta for facilitating the funding. BIBLIOGRAPHY Basa. K. K. “Early Glass Beads in India”, South Asian Studies 8 (1992): 91- 104. Belina Berinice, Ian Glover 2001. Alkaline Etched Beads East of India in the Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Periods, Bulletin De L Ecole Francoise D Extreme-Orient 88, 1 (2001): 191-215. Bellina Berince, Robert Pryce and Praon Silapanth. “Weaving cultural identities on trans-oceanic networks: Upper ThaiMalay Peninsula – an early socio-political landscape”, Bulletin De L Ecole Francoise D Extreme-Orient 93, (2006): 257293. Bouvet Phaedra 2011. “Preliminary Study of Indian and Indian Style wares from Khao Sam Kaeo (Chumphon, Peninsular Thailand) Fourth-Second Centuries BCE. In Early Interactions between South and Southeast Asia, Reflections on CrossCultural Exchange, edited by In Pierre Yves Manguin, A. Mani and Geoff Wade, 47-82. Manohar, Singapore, Institute of South-East Asian Studies, New Delhi, 2011. Craig Jennifer. “Shipwrecks and Glass beads: Indian Ocean World connectivity across the historic maritime cultural landscape”. PhD diss., McGill University Canada, 2021. Coupey Anne-Sophie. “Infant Jar Burials in Upper Burma. Unearthing Southeast Asia” Selected Papers from the Twelfth International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists 1, (2013): 84- 90. Chakraborty, Sharmi. “Beads from Chandraketugarh”, Pratna Samiksha, 4-5 (1995-96): 32- 54. Dhavalikar, M.K, H.D. Sankalia and Z.D. Ansari, Excavations at Inamgaon, Vol 1. Part I, Pune: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute, 1989. 6 �Francis, Peter. Asia’s Maritime Bead Trade, 300 BC to the Present. Hawai: University of Hawai Press, 2002. Gangopadhyay K. Early Historic Archaeology of Coastal West Bengal with Special Reference to Medinipur District (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, 2013). Utkal University, 2013. 171-181. Gupta, Sunil. “Bay of Bengal Interactions Sphere (1000 BCE-AD 500)”, Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Bulletin, 25 (2005): 22 -30. Glover, Ian and Berenice Bellina. “Alkaline Etched Beads East of India in the late Prehistoric and Early Historic period”, Bulletin De L Ecole Francoise D Extreme-Orient, 88 (2001): 191- 215. Indian Archaeology-A Review, 1954-55, 19 and 1973-74, 32. Riotto, M. “Jar-Burials in Korea and their possible social implications”, Korea Journal 35, 3 (1995): 40- 53. Stargardt, Janice. “Death Rituals of the late Iron age and Early Buddhism in Central Burma and South-East India- whose norms, whose practices?” In Im Dickicht der Gebote, 2005. 407- 434. Thakuria Tilok, T. Jamir and M.K. Chauley. “Stone jar Burials in North Cachar, Assam”, Man and Environment XLI, no. I (2016): 44-51. Theunissen, Robert, Peter Grave and Grahame Bailey. “Doubts on Diffusion: Challenging the Assumed Indian Origin of Iron Age Agate and Carnelian Beads in Southeast Asia”, World Archaeology - Archaeology in Southeast Asia, 32 (2000): 84-105. 7 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dimensions of Interactions: Bay of Bengal in the Wider Asia-Pacific Region: Archaeological and Historical Records from the Earliest Period till 1500 CE Description An account of the resource The paper explores the role played by the Northern Bay of Bengal Region in the cultural transmission throughout the Indo-Pacific region. The investigation begins in the protohistoric period and subsequently discusses the early historic and the historical period. In this paper, the author raises issues of mortuary practices, which are similar between South Asia and South-East Asia. Artefacts discussed in this paper include glass and stone beads, portable enough to be carried across long distances and their final deposition as grave goods point to the inherent value attached to these portable artefacts. The third issue is the findspots of these artefacts, particularly beads from the shipwreck sites from the Philippines. It is remarkable how such sites can provide the much needed in-situ data on portable and its dated values. All this evidence compels us to look at a neglected region in the discussion, primarily the Northern Bay of Bengal region. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kaushik Gangopadhyay Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Gangopadhyay, Kaushik . 2023. “Dimensions of interactions: Bay of Bengal in the wider Asia-Pacific region: Archaeological and historical records from the earliest period till 1500 CE.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, V. Selvakumar, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1950 Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/151c82231d03bb812aeb95289567df98.pdf f53b4f6f6671ca385c851881daf42a89 PDF Text Text Gandara, A Newly Discovered Ancient Port Site on the Southern Coast of Sri Lanka Mahinda Karunarathna1 Palitha Weerasinghe1 Kasun Weerasekara1 W.M. Chandrarathne1 Rukshan Priyandana 2 Lakmal Samarasinghe 2 Ruwan Jayantha1 1 2 Department of Archaeology, Colombo 7, Sri Lanka. Central Cultural Fund, Colombo, Sri Lanka. Corresponding author Email: mahindaarchaeology@gmail.com ABSTRACT This paper deals with Gandara Sea Port, located on the southern coast of Sri Lanka. In March and April 2022, an underwater archaeological impact assessment (UAIA) was undertaken by the Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) of the Department of Archaeology and the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Central Cultural Fund as the Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka proposed to begin the Gandara Fisheries Harbor Development Project (GFHDP) for developing this natural port site at Gandara. The antiquity laws in the country require such AIAs. During the UAIA, the survey team prepared a virtual grid (50m x 50m) for the port area by using Arc GIS and Google Earth and established buoys at the main points on the grid for identifying the survey area. All grids in the port site have been surveyed using line, secular, and underwater searching methods. Six circular and square stone anchors that contain inner circular or square holes and one cannon were uncovered through the surveys in the inner and outer areas of the port. Similar stone anchors have been found at ancient Godavaya and Galle ports on the southern coast of Sri Lanka and in the Andhra, Odisha, and West Bengal areas of the Indian subcontinent. These stone anchors and metal artifacts discovered from the port site indicate Gandara as an ancient seaport that had connections with the external world during the historical period of Sri Lanka. Keywords: Sri Lanka, Gandara, Stone anchors, International trade LIST OF ABBRIVIATIONS UAIA Underwater Archaeology Impact Assessment UAU Underwater Archaeology Unit CCF Central Cultural Fund MAU Maritime Archaeology Unit GFHDP Gandara Fisheries Harbor Development Project GND Grama Niladhari Division (Smallest Rural Administration Divisions in Sri Lanka) LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLE Figure 1: Location of the Gandara Fisheries Harbor in a natural bay at the most southern tip of Sri Lanka Figure 2: Proposed Gandara port, Surveyed Area and artifacts found from Gandara port (based on the map of Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka) Figure 3: Pictures and plans of the Artifacts found from Gandara Port Table 1: Description of the Artifacts found from the Gandara Harbour 1. INTRODUCTION Gandara is a small, local fisheries harbor located in Gandara Eastern, Gandra Southern and Gandara Central Grama Niladari divisions (GND), Devinuwara Divisional Secretariat, Matara District, and Southern Province of the Island of Sri Lanka (Figure 1). 1 �Figure 1: Location of the Gandara Fisheries Harbor in a natural bay at the southernmost tip of Sri Lanka (based on Google earth and Arc GIS) 2. OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH This paper deals with Gandara Sea Port, located on the southern coast of Sri Lanka. In March and April 2022, an Underwater Archaeological Impact Assessment (UAIA) was undertaken by the Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) of the Department of Archaeology and the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Central Cultural Fund. This was undertaken as the Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka proposed to begin the Gandara Fisheries Harbor Development Project (GFHDP) for developing this natural port site at Gandara. The antiquity laws in the country require such UAIAs. According to the Antiquities (Amendment) Act. No 24 of 1998 (Annex 02), the authorized body concerned with archaeological evidence on the land and under the terrestrial sea of the country is the Department of Archaeology. Since there is a vast array of archaeological data scattered all over the country, whenever any development, industrial scheme, or project is proposed by the government, or any other institution or person, such scheme or project shall not be approved or permitted until a report is submitted by the Director General of Archaeology in Sri Lanka as to the effects the implementation of such scheme or project may have upon such land or any antiquities within it. Finally, every development project on the island should be subjected to an Archaeological Impact Assessment (AIA) or Underwater Archaeological Impact Assessment (UAIA). The project proponent must allocate a sum not exceeding one per cent of the total cost of the project to the AIA. These regulations are proclaimed in terms of provisions in the Antiquities (Amendment) Act, No. 24 of 1998 (Annex 02) and the Antiquity Ordinance 2000 (Annex 03). The basic aim of this UAIA is to get a preliminary idea of the underwater archaeological potential of the proposed area of GFHDP as quickly and efficiently as possible. The survey of the area was conducted using diver search methods and remote sensing methods to identify endangered underwater archaeological sites 2 �within the development area of GFHDP. This survey is aimed at submitting some conditions and alterations to the Director General of the Department of Archaeology to recommend, object to, or to recommend subjecting such conditions and alterations to the proposed GFHDP. 3. METHODOLOGY 3.1 Literacy survey Almost all accessible relevant literature was referred to before to the field work in the proposed area to obtain an idea of the history of the Gandara port and surrounding area. Previews of research and public works that were done within and in the suburbs of the current survey area in different aspects were studied. Our team referred to ancient maps, paintings, and photographs of the Gandara port. And also, topographical maps and nautical charts also were studied. Local fisherman, villagers, and scholars of the area were interviewed to obtain information on submerged shipwrecks and other archaeological remains in the area. Weather reports for the particular area were obtained from the Department of Meteorology to select the proper time period for the survey. 3.2 Survey design The area of GFHDP to be developed was divided into sub-squares of 50m x 50m by laying out a virtual grid using Google Earth and ArcView software (Figure 1). It was made to gently handle the field survey and the observed data in the field. Possible sub-squares were observed by using diver search methods. 3.3 Divers search methods The towed diver search method and the circular search method have been used as diver search methods for surveying the seabed in GFHDP. In the towed diver search method, the diver holds a five-meter-long, heavy GI pipe that has a direct connection with the boat through a rope. The speed of the moving boat was kept below five km/h to enhance the effectiveness of the towed diver search. Divers used rope signals to control the speed and even stop the forward movement to observe the potential remains in the seabed. The circular search method was occasionally used to determine the extension of a site and understand its context. The findings were recorded by drawings, videos, and photographs, and the GPS locations of the underwater archaeological remains that were found while carrying out the above diver search methods. 4. FIELD RESULTS Over 4.8 ha. of the sea basin of Gandara port have been observed by using diver search methods. Approximately 150 square grids were surveyed by the team. We unearthed a total of six stone anchors and one cannon during the survey in the inner and outer areas of the Gandra port (Figure 2 and 4, Table 1). 3 �Figure 2: Proposed Gandara port, Surveyed Area and artifacts found from Gandara port (based on the map of Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka) 4 �[site ID] Stone anchor Table 1: Description of the Artifacts found from the Gandara port Artifact Name Shape Circumference/ Diameter Diameter of length (CM) Inner Hole (M) (CM) Thickness (CM) 001 002 Rings stone Anchor Single Hole Stone Anchor Circular Circular/ Pentagon 2.2 2.06 60 50 18 13x13 12 17 003 004 Single Hole Stone Anchor Rings stone Anchor 1.68 2.5 73 48.20 12x12 20 13 20 005 006 Rings stone Anchor Single Hole Stone Anchor Circular Circular/ Hemisphere Circular Square 2.22 - 70 57 x 63 16 16x16 19 20 007 Cannon Normal 1 15,42, 62,85,90 - - 5 �Stone Anchor 1 Stone Anchor 4 Stone Anchor 2 Stone Anchor 3 Stone Anchor 5 Stone Anchor 6 Figure 3: Pictures and plans of the Artifacts found from the Gandara Port 6 �4.1 Rings stone and single-hole stone anchors found at the Gandara port An anchor is a heavy object attached to a cable or chain and used to moor a ship or boat to the sea bottom. They are considered symbols of the maritime world (Bowens 2009, 198), and they are one of the main implements used in navigation (Gaur et al. 2002, 390). Stone anchors are classified according to character, shape, and region. In general, stone anchors have been classified as composite, Indo-Arabian, Rings stone, and single-hole stone anchors (Tripati 2014, 980). Six stone anchors were unearthed from the Gandara port at five to 12 m in depth (See Figure 2). Three of them are Rings stone anchors, and the other three are single-hole stone anchors. Circular-shaped anchors are known as Rings stone anchors or mushroom anchors (Tripati 2014, 973–986). The distinctive feature of the ring stone type of anchor is that they are circular in shape, have a flat base, taper upward to a certain height, and have a wide hole. In shape, they appear like mushrooms. Single-hole stone anchors are made of thick, flat blocks of different sizes. The hole is found either in the center or upper portion of the block. The size of the hole used to be smaller than that of the stone block (Tripati 2014, 980). One "rounded stone" (No. GHP 76) anchor has been found near the Black Fort area (Kamba Bandina Gala) in Galle Harbour, Sri Lanka, in 1996 (Souter 1998, 331). Another triangular-shaped single-hole anchor was found in the sea near the Godavaya fishing village in 2003 (Muthucumarana 2010; 2009, 24–25). One hole in a rectangular stone anchor was found by the MAU team around 2015, in front of the ancient jetty in Galle Harbour. During the underwater survey in Godavaya area, the team of MAU of CCF unearthed a similar ring stone anchor from Ibbagala area of Godavaya ancent port in 2017. Two similar single-hole stone anchors (with sirccircular square-shaped holes) were found in front of Ussangoda Sea, about two km from Ussangoda National Park, located near the ancient Godavaya Sea Port (about two km from the ancient Godavaya Port), during the underwater exploration in March 2023 that was conducted by the Underwater Archaeology Unit of the Department of Archaeology and MAU of CCF, Sri Lanka. Rings stone anchors and single-hole stone anchors have been unearthed from various seas and coastal areas of the Indian subcontinent. Ring stone anchors from the Gujarat and Goa coasts and single-hole anchors from both the east and west coasts of India have been discovered (Tripati 2014, 973–974). Rings stone anchors have been found from Bet Dwarka (1), Dwarka (24), Miyani (4), Visawada (1), Ghumli (1), and Somnath (35) in the Gujarat coastal area, and Sunchi Reef (1) in Goa (Tripati 2014, 986). Single-hole stone anchors were unearthed from Dwarka (1), Visawada (1), Harinarayanpur (1), Chilika Lake (1), Kottapatnam (1), Andhra Pradesh; Manapad (5), and Periapattinam (1) in Tamil Nadu, in the East and West of India (Gaur and et al. 2002, 390–404; Tripati 2014, 986). 35 Rings stone anchors have been found from Somnath in Gujarat, West India. According to their appearance, they are similar to the Rings stone anchor 4 found from Gandara port in Sri Lanka, and Rings stone anchors 1 and 5 are similar to the Rings stone anchor found from Sunchi reef in Goa, Maharashtra, West India. Five single-hole stone anchors were found off Manapad, Tamil Nadu coast. The appearance of single-hole stone anchors 2, 3, and 6 found from Gandara port is similar to theirs. According to Sila Tripathi, all these Manapad anchors serve as moorings for small fishing boats. These anchors are made of sandstone, and chisel marks were visible on some anchors (Tripati 2014, 978). But size is different; the Gandhara anchor is larger than theirs, and this Gandara anchor cannot be used for small fishing boats because it is very heavy. 7 �The stone anchors of Gandara were discovered without any archaeological context, and it is difficult to date them. According to the study of Rings stone found from Dwarka and Somnath, Gujarat, on the west coast of India, A.S. Gaur, Sundaresh, S. Tripathi, and S.N. Bandodkar of the National Institute of Ocenography have given a probable date for the Rings stone anchors as the eighth century to the seventeenth century CE (Gaur et al. 2002, 403). Rings stone anchor 4 found from Gandara is more similar to the Dwarka and Somnath anchors; rings stone anchor numbers 10, 13, and 14 found from Somnath waters (Gaur et al. 2002, 400) are more similar (shape and size) to the rings stone number 4 found from Gandara port. According to this reason, probably the Gandara Rigstone 4 anchor can also be dated to the above period. The Rings stone anchor (Artifact No. Qal 18/19) found from Qalhat, Oman (Vosmer et al. 1998, 34-52) is more similar (in shape and size) to the Rings stone anchor 4 discovered from Gandara port. The largest number of ring stones have been reported from Somnath and Dwarka in India, and a few from Oman and the Maldives. There have never been any records of ringtone anchors in Sri Lankan waters before. Carioli Souter recorded one stone anchor from near Blackford, Galle, Sri Lanka; he named that anchor rounded stone (No. GHP 76) (Souter, 1998). Gaur and his team identified it as a ringtone anchor with a square axial hole (Gaur et al. 2002, 402). But this anchor can be identified as a single-hole stone anchor with a square axial hole. Today, this single-hole stone anchor is displayed in the Maritime Archaeology Museum, Galle, Sri Lanka. 4.2 Cannon found at the Gandara port The cannon, 1m in length, found at the Gandara port (Figure 2), dates to the colonial period of Sri Lanka (1505–1945 CE). This small cannon has been highly corroded and is unable to be identified by its surface or inner characteristics; most probably, it belongs to the British period of Sri Lanka (1796–1948 CE). Like this common cannon, it is found in all coastal areas of Sri Lanka. 4.3 Folk lore According to the chronicles of Sri Lanka, King Dappula I (AD 659) established his kingdom in Devinuwara, which is located about four km from the Gandara port. Gandara was one of the main sea entrances for this kingdom. The following information was gathered by the first author of this paper through interviews with the local community: Traders from the Maldives came to Sri Lanka through the Gandara port until 1960; they used this port to anchor their small vessels. They sell one of the foods called Bonda haluwa or boda haluwa, umbalakada or Maldives fish, and diyahakuru (a reddish drink, some people say fish blood) for the local people of Gandara and around. These traders speak Malei bhasha (Maldivian), and most of the terms that they use can be understood by the local community. Local people were very friendly with the traders; some people played jokes with them; they asked, ‘tamange hodiyayata kalu ballan dakkanai’, Can I send blackish dogs for your hut? Because Maldivian traders were more afraid of the dogs. They also use broken Sinhala to communicate with the local community. Some traders came to the Puliyadiya Jumma Mosque at Gandara town for praying, and especially Islam Maldives teachers also came to this mosque. ‘One of the small Indian ships came to the Gandara harbor around 1940; this ship is very beautiful. It is very colorful, and light filled. I reached this ship with my father by a small boat; we rowed our boat around this beautiful ship; it was a very happy day’ (by Wijesiri Manage, Villager of Gandara). 8 �There is a Muslim village in the Gandara area with 60–70 families; the ancestors of this village came from Morocco through this Gandara port. 5. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION According to the terrestrial and maritime archaeological exploration from Ambalangoda to the Hambanthota coastal line, Ambalangoda, Galle, Weligma, Matara, Devinuwra, and Godavaya ports confirmed their important role in the history of maritime activities in the southern coastal area of Sri Lanka. This maritime archaeological exploration in Gandara port brought to light for the first time the remains of ancient periods dating back to the eighth century CE to the seventeenth century CE. The first discovery of the stone anchors in the Gandara port signifies the importance of Gandara as an active sub-centre of maritime activities in the past. Rings stone anchor 4 is a remarcable artifact that illustrates the international trade network between Sri Lanka, Medetaraniyan, and the Indian subcontinent; reporting similar Rings stone anchors from the Indian subcontinent and Oman is a better example of it; 67 Rings stone anchors from India, six from Oman, and one from the Maldives have been discovered (Vosmer et al. 1998, 32- 37; Gaur et al. 2002, 402; Tripati 2014, 986). A small cannon from the port depicts the maritime relationship in the colonial period of Sri Lanka. According to the above information, Gandara was a remarkable small port site on the southern coast of Sri Lanka. Under the supervision of the Director General of the Department of Archaeology, Sri Lanka Six stone anchors and the cannon found from Gandra port have been lifted by air bag and kept in the MAU of the CCF in Galle for conservation. After the conservation activities, selected anchors will be displayed in a suitable museum. Further investigations on artifacts that were found at Gandara Port will provide valuable information for rebuilding the maritime history of the port site. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bowens, A. Underwtater Archaeology - The NAS Guid to Principles and Practice. Portsmouth: Nautical Archaeology Society, 2009. Gaur, A.S, Sundaresh, Tripati, S., and S.N Bandodkar. "Rings stone anchors from Gujarat West coast of India." The Mariner's Mirror, (2002): 390-404. Muthucumarana, R. archaeology.lk. 2010. www.archaeology.lk (accessed May 19, 2023). Muthucumarana, R. "Godawaya: An Ancient Port City and the recent discovery of the unknown wooden wreck." AIMA Newsletter, 03 (2009): 28-33. Souter, C. "Stone anchors near Black fort Galle, Sri Lanka." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, (1998): 331-342. Tripati, S. "Stone anchors of India: findings, classifications and significance." Proceeding of the 2nd Aisa Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage. Hawai (2014): 973-986. Vosmer, T., Agius, D., Baker, P.E., Carpenter, J., and S. Cave, Oman Martime Heritage Project Field Report 1998. 1998. 9 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gandara, A Newly Discovered Ancient Port Site on the Southern Coast of Sri Lanka Description An account of the resource This paper deals with Gandara Sea Port, located on the southern coast of Sri Lanka. In March and April 2022, an underwater archaeological impact assessment (UAIA) was undertaken by the Underwater Archaeology Unit (UAU) of the Department of Archaeology and the Maritime Archaeology Unit (MAU) of the Central Cultural Fund as the Ministry of Fisheries of Sri Lanka proposed to begin the Gandara Fisheries Harbor Development Project (GFHDP) for developing this natural port site at Gandara. The antiquity laws in the country require such AIAs. During the UAIA, the survey team prepared a virtual grid (50m x 50m) for the port area by using Arc GIS and Google Earth and established buoys at the main points on the grid for identifying the survey area. All grids in the port site have been surveyed using line, secular, and underwater searching methods. Six circular and square stone anchors that contain inner circular or square holes and one cannon were uncovered through the surveys in the inner and outer areas of the port. Similar stone anchors have been found at ancient Godavaya and Galle ports on the southern coast of Sri Lanka and in the Andhra, Odisha, and West Bengal areas of the Indian subcontinent. These stone anchors and metal artifacts discovered from the port site indicate Gandara as an ancient seaport that had connections with the external world during the historical period of Sri Lanka. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mahinda Karunarathna Palitha Weerasinghe Kasun Weerasekara W.M. Chandrarathne Rukshan Priyandana Lakmal Samarasinghe Ruwan Jayantha Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Karunarathna, Mahinda. 2023. “Gandara, a newly discovered ancient port site on the Southern Coast of Sri Lanka.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1949 Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/94cefaecbad65af9fc71484a4b47ac61.pdf 6b56ce2661e149e2e9ec51d0d0fe1c36 PDF Text Text Textile Manufacture and Trade on the Coromandel Coast S.B. Darsana1 V. Selvakumar2 S. Gowrisankar2 1 2 Holy Cross College, Tiruchirappalli. Tamil University, Thanjavur. Corresponding Author: darsanasio@gmail.com ABSTRACT Textile is an important commodity produced from the early historic period in Southern India. In the early historic period, different types of textiles were produced in Southern India as revealed by the textual sources. In the archaeological context, a few excavated brick structures at Arikamedu have been identified as dyeing vats and evidence of spindle whorls have been recovered from the early historic context. In the medieval period, literature, paintings, and inscriptions offer valuable information on textile production. The communities of weavers known as Kaikkolars, Pattasalins, and Saurashtrians are referred to the medieval inscriptions. In the later medieval period, weavers from Saurashtra in Gujarat and other parts of India moved towards the Coromandel Coast. The colonial period documents the long-distance textile trade of the Coromandel Coast. The weaver communities thrive in certain parts of South India even today indicating historical continuity. The paper presents the research problem related to the history of textile manufacture and the craft groups, long-distance trade in textiles in the Indian Ocean Region, in the context of the Coromandel Coast using diverse sources. Keywords: Textile, Coromandel Coast, Sangam literature, Weaving communities. LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Map of the Coromandel Coast with important sites Figure 2: Spindle-whorls from Pattanam 1. INTRODUCTION Textile is an important cultural material fabricated and used by humans as part of their cultural adaptation and creative and innovative solution, at least from the Iron Age-Early Historic period in south India. While a section of the population used clothes made of various fibres, some of the people were using leaf-dresses, as evidenced by the literature and ethnographic accounts. References to varieties of textiles are found in the early Tamil texts datable to the early centuries of the Common Era. Material vestiges for textile production also occur at a few archaeological sites. Among the many commodities that gave importance to the trade activities of the Coromandel Coast, textile occupies a prominent place. The Coromandel Coast along with its hinterland has been one of the major centres of textile production in India and trade for more than two millennia. The Coromandel Coast extends from southern part of Andhra Pradesh to northern part of Tamil Nadu. This paper presents the importance of textile production and trade on the southern Coromandel Coast in the context of the Indian Ocean till the medieval period. 2. PREVIOUS WORK The textile of Tamil Nadu, including the Coromandel region, has been the focus of investigations from the twentieth century. Vijaya Ramasamy undertook studies on textile production and trade during the medieval 1 �period (Ramaswamy 1985, 294–325; Ramasamy 2006, 1-10; 2014, 91-121). Craft production in the early historical context has been studied by Kelly (2009, 1-14). The textile industry of the early historic- Sangam Age has been investigated based on literary references by Athiyaman and Athithan (2018, 41-50). Several studies are on textile production and trade during the colonial period (Georgia 1990, 332–37; Stephen 2014, 1-10), which is not the focus of the current paper. The nature of textile production in the early historic and medieval periods remains obscure due to the lack of detailed narrative accounts. The research problem concerning the ancient textile industry needs to focus on the diverse sources of fibres, plant domestication, technological processes, and social and economic contexts of production, trade, and consumption. 3. TEXTILE PRODUCTION ON THE COROMANDEL COAST Coromandel Coast has been a centre of textile production at least from the early historic period, ca.500 BCE (Figure 1). Diverse sources attest to the importance of the Coromandel Coast in textile manufacture in the ancient and medieval periods, and the major resources are discussed below. 3.1. Textile Evidence from Archaeology Archaeological evidence for textile production in Tamil Nadu has been mainly in the form of spindlewhorls, traces of drapery in terracotta images, sculptures, and paintings, rare occurrences of textile, fibres and seeds, and architectural features of dyeing-vat and the living traditions. Terracotta spindle-whorls are the most abundantly occurring artefacts from the archaeological sites datable from the early historic to the medieval periods (ca.500 BCE to 1500 CE). Spindle-whorls were used for making thread out of cotton fibre. Spindle-whorls inserted with iron rods have been found intact at Kodumanal (Rajan 1996, 72-86), and at Arikamedu (Begley and Sidebotham 2004, 59), and at several other sites, they are found without any iron rods. They are identified as areca-nut beads sometimes. At Arikamedu report, they are mentioned as terracotta objects (Wheeler et al 1946, 101). The evidence from Kodumanal mentioned above and from Pattanam, where about 60 terracotta spindle-whorls have been reported (Cherian 2015, 46), clearly prove the function of spindle-whorls in textile production (Figure 2). 2 �Figure 1: Map of the Coromandel Coast with important sites (Source: Selvakumar) 3 �Figure 2: Spindle-whorls from Pattanam (Source: Kerala Council of Historical Research) For the actual textile fabric, very limited evidence has been identified from the archaeological context. A piece of woven cotton has been identified at Kodumanal near Erode in Tamil Nadu in an Early Historic context (Rajan 1996, 72-86). A cotton thread preserved in clay has been found at Pattanam in Kerala (Chandran 2015, 29). Textile fabric is reportedly found at Adichanallur (Badhreenath 2021, 6), although full details are not available. Interestingly, textile or fabric impression has been found on the appliqué ceramic decorations from Arikamedu (Begley 2004, 211). A thin thread of gold (zari used in textiles) has been found at Pattanam in Kerala in an Early Historic context (Cherian and Jaya Menon 2015, 108). This evidence attests to the textile legacy of ancient Tamizhagam. Arikamedu has produced evidence for textile production in the form of dyeing vats built of bricks and drainages indicating water usage (Wheeler et al. 1946, 30-34), besides spindle-whorls (Begley and Sidebotham 2004, 59). At Uraiyur near Tiruchirappalli, identified as the capital city of the Sangam Cholas, the excavators have identified a structure as a dyeing vat, based on the similarity with that of a structure found in Arikamedu by Mortimer Wheeler. The dyeing vat was found at a depth of about 235 cm (seven feet and ten inches). A square chamber and a rectangular chamber were found. Both chambers had seven courses of bricks. Bricks measure 43 cm x 22 cm x 7.5 cm (17” x 9” x 3”). The square chamber had a pavedflooring, while the rectangular chamber’s floor was covered with earth. The city of Uraiyur is famous for textile production in the Sangam Age as well as in the modern period (Raman 1988, 21-22). Many of the hero-stones and sculptures reveal the clothes of various classes of people of the medieval period. Evidence of textiles is also found in the form of terracotta images from archaeological sites. An image of a woman found on a pottery sherd as appliqué design from the Adichanallur excavation suggests that the woman is depicted as wearing a dress (Badhreenath 2021, 65). The paintings from Pallavas and Cholas of Thanjavur and those of Vijayanagar illustrate textiles worn by humans as well as deities. Archaeological evidence of Cotton is reported from the Southern Neolithic Culture, dated between 3,000 BCE and 1200 CE. Gossypium cf. arboreum L. has been identified from Hallur (Fuller et al. 2004, 123). Since the crops of the Southern Neolithic culture continued to be cultivated in the Iron Age, it is safe to 4 �assume that Gossypium was cultivated in Tamizhagam in the Iron Age. Furthermore, cotton seeds have been found at the site of Kodumanal, Perur, and Mangudi in the Early Historic contexts (Fuller 2004, 5-6). 3.2. Textiles in Early Tamil Literature Tamil Sangam literature dated between 300 BCE and 300 CE have references to the textiles used by the ancient Tamil people along with the trade activities. The main raw material for textiles was cotton in ancient Tamizhagam (Sasivalli 1989, 77). Cotton derives from the cotton plant, and also from the silk cotton tree. The Purananuru 299 mentions the settlements with cotton plants or cotton trees (Bombax malabaricum) as boundaries (‘parutti veli seerur’). Purananuru 326 describes the process of removing the seed and the dust from the raw cotton. To remove the cotton from its seed, the ancient Tamils used a type of bow as known from Akananuru 133 and Narrinai 247. Interestingly, it was usually the women who spin the cotton into a thread as revealed by the textual references. There are also references that the widowed women performed this task. They are called Parutti Pendir (Cotton Women). Purananuru 125 refers to the untangled cotton thread made by the Parutti Pendir. Narrinai 353 refers to the parutti pendir, as women who work for textile production at night with the help of a lamp. Perhaps men used the threads spun by women to weave intricate cloth. Purananuru (383) describes the cloth as fine as the thin inner layer of the bamboo plant. The Porunaarrupadai (80-84) describes the torn cloth of the poor bard who was given a new cloth as fine as the skin of a snake, with floral designs. The fine cloth was called tukil in Tamil. A Purananuru poem (145) refers to pataam, a type of cloth given by the chief Pegan to a peacock. It was perhaps a silk shawl. Cirupanarrupatai 85 mentions kalingam, as a type of cloth given by a king Pegan to a peacock. Kalingam could be a thick material probably like a modern-day shawl or upper garment. This incident indicates the extreme kindness of the chief. Poetess Auvaiyar in Purananuru 392 compares the old, torn dress of the bard with that of the root of the duckweed spread in a well. The Purananuru poem 398 graphically describes the cloth as fine as smoke worn by the king. Purananuru 400 refers to the old and torn clothes worn by the poor bards who sought gift of fine and soft clothes decorated with floral motifs. Perumpanarrupadai 468 to 470 refers to the extremely thin cloth (tukil) which was as fine as milky-coloured smoke being given as a gift to the bards by the king. Akananuru song 11 describes the fine sand as a cloth spread out indicating the fineness. The Sangam literature refers to clothes made of tree leaves (Akananuru 7). It is not implausible to suggest that leaf dresses are used by people who could not afford cotton dresses. 5 �Narrinai 21 talks about the lower garments (kachchai) worn on the waist by soldiers. Apart from these clothes, the people would have worn stitched dresses as known from the reference in Perumpanarrupatai 69-71. The word puttagam mentioned in Narrinai 12:17 probably indicates a saree-like clothe. Nedunalvadai, describes a bed as adorned with: ‘… pearls on fine threads strung That look like lattice work…. On this, a mattress made of pure white down Of mated swan is placed and pillows too Above all this a sheet washed white and starched’ (Chelliah 1946, 132). In Purananuru 393, a bard compared his old and torn dress with that of a tongue of a snake that laid new eggs and asked the king to give him a new garment that folds like the petals of pakandrai (Crotalaria verrucosa) flowers. In the same poem, poet Nalliraiyinar describes the pleated dress which looked like the petals of a flower. The white cotton clothes were dyed with colours as known from the Sangam poems. Kalitokai (72.1) describes a blue-coloured cloth, while Narrinai 33 talks about red-coloured cloth. The colouring of the garments is further attested by the presence of dyeing-vats in excavations at Arikamedu and Uraiyur. These poetic references suggest that by the early historic and early medieval periods, textile production became common in south India. However, it appears that only from the Late Medieval period, i.e., from the thirteenth century CE, textile use became more common. 3.3. Textiles in Foreign Literature The Periplus of Erythrean Sea, while describing the important port cities in India, talks about ports on the western coast and it describes cotton and silk clothes as important exports along with spices. It refers to an inland town called Argaru which is known for muslin, called Argaritic (Schoff 1912, 46). Italian traveller Marco Polo talks about the fine clothes produced on the Coromandel Coast (Eraly 2011, 208). These accounts do suggest the prosperous textile traditions of the Coromandel Coast. 3.4. Communities of Textile Manufacture from Medieval Inscriptions While the early texts do not refer to any specialised communities involved in textile production, medieval inscriptions clearly refer to textile-weaving communities. Several communities specialised in textiles are discussed in the inscriptions and a few of the groups still survive as caste groups in Tamil Nadu. They are Kaikkolars, Pattasalins, Padmasalins and Devangars. The inscriptions refer to the tax on textiles as tari irai (tax on looms) from the Pallava times (Hall 1983, 113; SII 22, 166). 3.4.1. Kaikkolars Kaikkolar is a caste group of weavers with the title Mudaliyar living in many parts of Tamil Nadu and more particularly on the Coromandel Coast. They are also known as Sengunthar (Frasca 1975, 1119-1123). They 6 �seem to have been associated with the Chola army and the Chola inscriptions refer to Terinja Kaikkolar (Heitzman 1997, 118), which was an army wing. An inscription from Tiruppazahanam refers to one Karrali Battalakan, a member of the regiment Arumolideva-terinja Kaikkolar, who offered a donation to feed the Brahmanas, the priestly class (SII 19, 29). Another Chola inscription refers to Sankayan Orri, who was a member of the regiment Adityapanma-terinda-Kaikkolar (SII 19, 25). A Chola inscription refers to Karikala-Chola-terinja Kaikkolar regiment (SII 19, 27). An inscription from Valikandapuram dated 1227 CE refers to Kaikkolar as part of the Pathinen Vishayam merchant guild (Karashima 2012, 15). It appears that the Kaikkolars were employed in the army of the Cholas and were also weavers. They were very active textile manufacturers till the early twentieth century CE. The Kaikkolar weavers seem to have attained social mobility and received a number of privileges during the time of the Vijayanagar, which reveals the growing importance of craft production in the economy (Sinopoli 2003, 278). Although it has been often reported that Kaikkolar occurs in medieval Tamil inscriptions, a rare Tamil-Brahmi inscription datable to the early historic context from Arikamedu, reads ‘Kaikkolar’ (Wheeler et al. 1946, 114) indicating their presence in the early historic period. 3.4.2. Saurashtra / Pattunulkarars Saurashtra weavers are originally from the Saurashtra region of Gujarat in western India, and they migrated to south India from the time of the Vijayanagara period (Sapovadia 2014, 6-7). A major concentration of this community is found in the Madurai and Kumbakonam regions of Tamil Nadu. It appears that the Indian Ocean interactions and the development of mercantile activities on the Coromandel Coast have induced the migrations of Saurashtra craft groups (Ramasamy 2014, 102-103; Selvakumar and Hauser 2023, in press). 3.4.3. Devanga Chettiyars Devanga Chettiyars are Kannada-speaking weavers found in various parts of India (Haridarshan 2021, 2). They seem to have migrated to the Tamil region during the Vijayanagara period (Palat 1986, 137). They were associated with silk weaving and continue to be involved in the production of textiles even to this day to a limited degree. 3.4.4. Pattasalins and Padmasalins Pattusali or Pattasalins are silk-weaving communities of south India, and they are from the Andhra region and spoke Telugu (Swarnalatha 2005, 30-31). Padmasalins were also weavers of Andhra region specialised in cotton weaving (Swarnalatha 2005, 30-31). The weaving communities are referred to in the Madras Museum Copper plates of the Chola king Uttama Chola. It records the presence of Pattasalins in Kanchipuram, referred to as Kachipedu. The Sanskrit part of the inscriptions refers to these Pattasalins living in the areas of Kanchipuram such as Karuvulan-pati, Kamasahappati, Atimanappati, and Erruvalichcheri. This suggests that the Pattasalins were active as early as the tenth century in the Chola regions (SII 3, 128). 7 �4. COROMANDEL COAST AND THE INDIAN OCEAN TRADE The active participation of the Tamil region in the Indian Ocean trade seems to have begun in the early historic period. The Periplus reports the export of silk from the port of Muziris and the Sangam Tamil texts report different kinds of clothes including very fine fabrics. It is reasonable to assume that certain varieties of clothes were exported from the Coromandel Coast in the early historic period. The contextual evidence of pepper found in Berenike and the Tamil Brahmi inscriptions from Egypt and Oman indirectly point towards such a possibility. Berenike has procured cotton textiles possibly from Gujarat (Wild, 2014, 91). The reference to Argartic as a type of cloth exported from the east coast mentioned in the Periplus Marei Erythrea along with the spindle whorls and the dyeing vat from Uraiyur and Arikamedu may indicate the export of textile from the Coromandel Coast to the Indian Ocean regions. In the early medieval context, under the Pallavas, weaving gained importance and some of the Pallava sculptural images and paintings reveal the clothes. Kanchipuram which is famous for silk became an important centre of weaving (Hall 1983, 189). The Pallavas had strong connections with Southeast Asia and China where textile export could have taken place. The South Indian merchant guilds were very active in East and Southeast Asia (Dale 2009, 86) and there is a possibility that textiles of the Coromandel region reached East and Southeast Asia through merchant guilds dealing in clothes. The Chola period was well known for the export of cotton textiles (Devare 2009, 179). The textile trade seems to have reached its zenith during the Vijayanagara times. 5. CONCLUSIONS The survey of the evidence indicates the importance of Tamizhagam and the southern Coromandel coast in textile production. Based on archaeological evidence, it is certain that the textile tradition of this region can be dated to late first millennium BCE. However, the antiquity of tradition could go back further in the Iron Age or even earlier. The region witnessed migration of craftspeople from the early period. The crafts groups of Kaikkolkars were the earliest local crafts groups. Silk textile manufacture probably started in the medieval period during the time of the Pallavas. We need more evidence of silk fabric being produced on the Coromandel Coast in the Early Historic period, although the Periplus reports the export of silk from southern India. The mid-late Medieval period witnessed monetization and the movement of various groups of textile weavers into the Coromandel Coast. The development of the Indian Ocean markets and long-distance trade coupled with the higher intensity of state formation and the associated developments in the late medieval period induced such migration of craft persons, more particularly, Pattasalins, Padmasalins, Suarashtra/Pattunulkarars and Devanga Chettiyars. Thus, Coromandel coast became one of important hubs of commodity production in the Indian Ocean thanks to the long durée of historical process. Further research including excavation and scientific analysis could throw more light on the dynamics of textile production and consumption on the Coromandel Coast. 8 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Athiyaman, N. and T, Athithan. “Tamizhagattil Varalaarrut thodakkaala Nesavuththozhil: Oru kur Nokku Ayvu.” Ungal Nulakam 10, no. 2 (2018): 41-50. (in Tamil) Badhreenath, S. Excavation at Adichanalllur. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India, 2021. Begley, Vimala, and Steven Sidebotham, “Trenches of the Northern Sector, 1989-92”. In The Ancient Port of Arikamedu New Excavations and Researches, edited by Vimala Begley et al. 41-66. Pondicherry: Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, 2004. Begley, Vimala. “Pottery from the 1989-92 Excavations in the Northern Sector”. In The Ancient Port of Arikamedu New Excavations and Researches. edited by Vimala Begley et al., 115-286, Pondicherry: Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, 2004. Chandran, Jishnu. “Image of Antiquities”. 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Kesavapany and Vijay Sakhuja, 178-192. Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2009. https://doi.org/10.1355/9789812309389-016 Eraly, Abraham. The First Spring: The Golden Age of India. New Delhi: Penguin Books Limited, 2011. Frasca, Richard A. “Weavers in Pre-Modern South India.” Economic and Political Weekly 10, no. 30 (1975): 1119–23. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4537283. Fuller, D. Q. "The spread of textile production and textile crops in India beyond the Harappan zone: an aspect of the emergence of craft specialization and systematic trade" Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past Occasional Paper 3, edited by T. Osada and A. Uesugi, 1-26. Kyoto: Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature. Fuller, Dorian, Ravi Korisettar, P. C. Venkatasubbaiah, and Martin K. Jones. “Early Plant Domestications in Southern India: Some Preliminary Archaeobotanical Results.” Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 13, no. 2 (2004): 115–29. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23419609. 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Ghosh, and Krishnadeva “Arikamedu: an Indo-Roman trading-station on the East Coast of India, Ancient India 2, (1946): 17-124. 10 �Wild, John-Peter “Berenike and textile trade on the Indian Ocean” Textile Trade and Distribution in Antiquity Textilhandel und distribution in der Antike, edited by in K.Dross-Kruepe, 91-109. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2014. 11 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Textile Manufacture and Trade on the Coromandel Coast Description An account of the resource Textile is an important commodity produced from the early historic period in Southern India. In the early historic period, different types of textiles were produced in Southern India as revealed by the textual sources. In the archaeological context, a few excavated brick structures at Arikamedu have been identified as dyeing vats and evidence of spindle whorls have been recovered from the early historic context. In the medieval period, literature, paintings, and inscriptions offer valuable information on textile production. The communities of weavers known as Kaikkolars, Pattasalins, and Saurashtrians are referred to the medieval inscriptions. In the later medieval period, weavers from Saurashtra in Gujarat and other parts of India moved towards the Coromandel Coast. The colonial period documents the long-distance textile trade of the Coromandel Coast. The weaver communities thrive in certain parts of South India even today indicating historical continuity. The paper presents the research problem related to the history of textile manufacture and the craft groups, long-distance trade in textiles in the Indian Ocean Region, in the context of the Coromandel Coast using diverse sources. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource S.B. Darsana V. Selvakumar S. Gowrisankar Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Darsana, S.B., V. Selvakumar, S. Gowrisankar. 2023. “Textile manufacture and Trade on the Coromandel Coast.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Kaushik Gangopadhyay, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1948 Zotero Author S.B. Darsana V. Selvakumar S. Gowrisankar Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/4c7aa2c4667a55c47db6716188f8cade.pdf bc33b71c7117dee40f67e652799dd0c8 PDF Text Text Uncovering the Luso-Asian Sandalwood Trade Conducted by the Larantuqueiros of Flores Island 1500-1860 CE Clifford J Pereira1 1 African Studies Department, The University of Hong Kong Corresponding Author: cliffjpereira@hotmail.com ABSTRACT The elongated island of Flores in Indonesia stands at geological, zoological, cultural, and ethnic boundaries. But the area is also predominately Christian in the most populous Muslim country in the world, reflecting that this part of Indonesia was officially part of the Portuguese Empire until 1859 CE. This presentation attempts to explore the connection between the Luso-Portuguese Larantuqueiro community and the sandalwood trade between 1500 and 1860 CE. The trade essentially between the island of Timor and China has shaped the political geography of the region during the colonial period, resulting in the present curious exclave of Oecusse and the minor islands that are part of Timor-Leste. Keywords: Flores, Larantuqueiro, Portuguese, Sandalwood. LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS Figure 1: Map of changes in The Portuguese Sandalwood Trade to Macau (Source: Clifford Pereira) Figure 2: Mount Ille Mandrini, Flores Island, seen from the hot springs at Obyek Wisata Wiaplatin (Source: Clifford Pereira). 1. INTRODUCTION Since 1975 CE and the end of fascist rule in Portugal, there has been a movement among academics in Portugal and its former colonies in Africa and Asia to investigate the Portuguese Empire. This postcolonial movement accepts that Portuguese imperialism existed and impacted vast areas of the world and that its basis was initially maritime in nature. Unlike the studies of the colonial past, studies now include the role of subalterns who were marginalised or even excluded from the prescribed colonial narrative. As a case study, this presentation attempts to explore the connection between the LusoPortuguese Larantuqueiro community and the Sandalwood trade between 1500 and 1860 CE. Archival-based secondary sources and maps and images from the Royal Geographical Society (with IBG) have been used alongside first-hand observations in the region as the major resources for this study. The author accepts that further data is available in archives in Portugal, the Macau SAR, and possibly in the Netherlands that have yet to be investigated. The group of islands that the Portuguese referred to as ‘Flores’ are called the Lesser Sunda Islands. The largest of these islands is the Island of Flores, which is to the east of Komodo Island. Flores Island was originally called Pulau Nipa, or Snake Island, referring to its serpent-like shape, while Timor Island was said by locals to be the back of a crocodile. Long before the arrival of the Europeans in the sixteenth century, Southeast Asians had been trading among themselves. By the fifteenth century a system of local trade routes had developed that connected 1 �the region with China and Japan to the north, Malacca and on to India in the east and probably southwards beyond Timor to Northern Australia. The most precious exports of the region were cloves from the Islands of Ternate and Tidore, and nutmeg from the Banda Islands. But there were other valuable trading items, including Bird of Paradise feathers from the Aru Islands and New Guinea, Batik from Java, and Ikat textiles from Flores and Sumba. Rice and sago were extensively traded foods. But it is the trade in wood products that concerns us. 2. HISTORICAL INVESTIGATION Within a year of their capture of Malacca in 1511 CE, the Portuguese realized that most sandalwood prized by the Chinese came from islands somewhere to the southeast of Malacca and perhaps southwest of the ‘Spice Islands’ (Aritonang and Steenbrink 2008, 74). In 1512 CE, they arrived at Ternate, Tidore, and Banda. But did not initially establish either a factory or a castle. Over the next ten years, the Portuguese explored the region, giving the name Cabo das Flores (Cape of Flowers) to the eastern end of a long island. East of Flores Island was a narrow passage, the Strait of Flores, that allowed vessels to sail in an “S”- shaped route between the Flores Sea in the north to the Savu Sea in the south. To the east of Adonara Island the Portuguese became aware of the Island of Lembata. However, they initially merged the islands of Pantar and Alor into one island that they called Ombai. The name survives today as the Ombai Strait. The indigenous Kingdom of Larantuka, in the shadow of the volcano Ille Mandrini at the eastern tip of Flores, controlled the adjacent islands, including Solor. (Figure 1) Initially, around 1512 CE, the Portuguese were drawn to Lamakera, at the north-eastern end of Solor Island (Durand 2002, 50). Without doubt, the draw for the Portuguese was that this location was strategically located on an established trade route from Timor through the Lesser Sunda Islands to Makassar, the Malukus, and on to China. The hinterland of Solor was of little agricultural value, but the sea was rich in marine life, and the settlement was a producer of turtle shell, bêche de mer, and ambergris (Borschberg 2004, 12-13). The Island of Sumba to the west and the large island of Timor beyond the Savu Sea were particularly rich in sandalwood (Santalum album) and sappanwood (Caesalpinia sappan), which was used in dying in China (Souza 2004, 47). Between 1512 and 1558 CE, some Portuguese men and converted women from various Malay and Papuan ethnic groups settled at Lamakera on the eastern tip of Solor Island (Jarnagin 2011, 11). To this community were drawn people (often converts and slaves) from other Portuguese possessions, including Ambon, Malacca, Macau, India, and Mozambique Island. A form of creole Portuguese called simply ‘Portugis’ had developed in Malacca over the sixteenth century and became the lingua franca of this mixed population. At the time, this mixed Luso-Asian community was known by the Portuguese exonym ‘mestiço’ (Asian-European mixed) or ‘topaz’. The latter was a term from Portuguese India and suggested a community that was bilingual in Portuguese and another Asian language. But it also suggested some genetic mixture and Portuguese acculturation (Subrahmanyam 2 �2009, 25-26). The first arrival of Portuguese traders at Lifau in Timor in search of sandalwood was probably before 1550 CE. Figure 1: Changes in The Portuguese Sandalwood Trade to Macau (Source: Clifford Pereira) Figure 2: Mount Ille Mandrini, Flores Island, seen from the hot springs at Obyek Wisata Wiaplatin (Source: Clifford Pereira). 3 �In 1561 CE, four Dominican missionaries under the order of Brother António DaCruz left Malacca and arrived at Solor (Klamer 2010, 14). The Dominicans initially built a wooden fort at Lohayong on the north shore of the island facing Adonara in 1562 CE. The fort was burned down by a Javanese raid in 1563 CE. But the Dominicans continued their mission and reconstructed it in stone in 1566 CE. This became known as the O Forte de Solor. Within the fort, they built a dormitory, a seminary, and the church of Nossa Senhora de Piedade. Soon more Portuguese men with their Malay women arrived, and Lohayong became the primary Portuguese port for the sandalwood trade from Timor. By 1590 CE, the Christian population of Solor numbered 25,000. The Dominicans built the church of São João Evangelista (Saint John the Evangelist) at Lamakera, but it was destroyed in 1598 CE. In 1541 CE, a fleet from Makassar attacked and captured Larantuka on Flores Island, thereby extending the Buginese control over the valuable sandalwood trade from Timor to Makassar. Some Portuguese traders and their ‘mestiço’ agents from Solor decided to relocate to Larantuka, away from the control of the Portuguese state and the Dominican missionaries. But they were quickly followed by the Dominicans, and in 1596 CE, a seminary with an intake of 50 students was built at Larantuka (Andaya 2010, 403). The refugees and traders at Larantuka began to call themselves Larantuqueiros in the ‘Portugis’ creole that was now a lingua franca in the region, and the cosmopolitan settlement became increasingly influenced by the Portuguese. The Iberian Union between 1580 and 1640 CE brought all Portuguese settlements across the globe under Dutch attack, ousting the Portuguese from the spice trade (Van Zanden 1999, 8). Larantuka became the Portuguese trading centre for the region in 1613 CE (Boxer 1991, 143). Meanwhile, the fort on Solor was wrested back and forth between the Dutch and Portuguese from 1613 to 1648 CE. Each attack produces refugees at Larantuka, bringing with them their trading networks. Even the powerful Dutch merchant De Hornay relocated. The Dutch called the Luso-Asians ‘Zwarte Portugeesen’, or Black Portuguese. The Dutch conquest of Malacca in 1641 CE produced Portuguese refugees, some of whom arrived with their servants and slaves at Larantuka (Byrne 2011, 134). The demise of Solor increased Larantuqueiro sandalwood trading activities in Timor and resulted in clashes with the Timorese Kingdoms (Lewis 2012, 187). The Dominicans followed the Larantuqueiro traders and also concentrated their activities in Timor, especially at Lifau. By 1640 CE, Larantuka had become the centre of Portuguese influence in the entire region, including Kupang and Lifau on the island of Timor and this helped to consolidate the sandalwood trade to Macau. The Dominicans had followed the sandalwood traders to Lifau and converted the royal family of Ambeno in 1641 CE. Portuguese refugees from the Dutch attack on Makassar in 1660 CE added to Larantuka’s population (Byrne 2011, 134). The Luso-Dutch Treaty of 1661 CE formally consolidated Dutch rule over the bay at Kupang in Western Timor (Durand 2002, 50). In the following year, the Portuguese decided to make Lifau the capital of their interests in the region instead of Larantuka, which had held that position since 1613 CE (Boxer 1991, 1430). But it was not until 1681 CE that the Portuguese formally listed Timor and the Solor Archipelago as part of their Estado or Eastern Empire (Andaya 2010, 393). Theoretically, the Larantuqueiros were under the Portuguese crown, but in fact they were autonomous with the support of the Dominican clergy and did not pay tribute or taxes to Portugal. Letters sent to Lisbon by their kings were ignored. Locally, a power struggle between the da Costa and de Hornay clans ensued for many years until they agreed to share power. The Larantuqueiros established Portuguese as their official language. Though the languages of commerce remained Portugis Creole and Malay. 4 �Throughout the seventeenth century, a series of Catholic kings ruled over Larantuka, backed by the Dominicans, who provided instruction in Portuguese as well as literacy for the elite. In 1701 CE, King João V of Portugal decided to separate the roles of the state and the church. He legitimized Portugal’s role in the region by appointing a governor of the “Province of Solor and Timor” who would report to the Viceroy of the Indies in Goa. But with only about a hundred men at his disposal, the governor could only maintain indirect control, which allowed the Dom of Larantuka and the chiefs of Timor to manage their own affairs during his four-year term. The weakness of the Portuguese crown allowed the Larantuqueiros freedom to seek any markets of profit, and while the eighteenth century, the Larantuqueiros at Lifau began trading with the Dutch based at Batavia, who found new global markets for Sappanwood (Souza 2004, 54). When the Portuguese government tried to wrest control of the trade, it was resisted by the Larantuqueiros. In response, the Portuguese moved their capital in 1769 CE to Dili (Aritonang and Steenbrink 2008, 93-95). The Larantuqueiros continued to control the sandalwood trade into the nineteenth century, and when Portuguese tried to regain control of the sources at Timor, the Larantuqueios contested their presence even at Dili (Durand 2002, 50). When the Lucy Cleveland visited Dili in 1829, the town was a distant Portuguese colony. Lucy Cleveland had joined her husband William, an American trader who was looking to purchase sandalwood as part of the ‘China Trade’. Interestingly, they were unable to procure sandalwood in Kupang, but with the help of a Portuguese merchant, they did gain a cargo of sandalwood at Dili and sailed to Macau (Puga 2007, 3-33). This would suggest that the sandalwood trade in western Timor had already been oriented westward towards Batavia and Dutch control. While Portuguese Dili remained the source for direct trade with Macau (Figure 1). In 1844 CE, the Portuguese stopped administering the East Asian empire from Goa and shifted the administration of Larantuka and Timor to Macau. This reflected the strengthening of trading links in the region and attracted Cantonese traders. In 1851 CE, the Portuguese in Timor were in debt and sought any means to provide an income for their two remaining possessions in Southeast Asia, Timor and the Lesser Sundas. In 1854 CE, the year that naturalist Alfred Wallace sailed out to Southeast Asia, the Portuguese offered the Dutch the sovereign rights to the Lesser Sundas and the remaining half of western Timor, with the exception of Oecussi and the settlement of Lifau for 200,000 florins. The treaty also allowed the Dutch and Portuguese to swap some territory on Timor (Durand 2002, 51). The total area of the Portuguese territory that passed to the Netherlands was around 20,897 sq. kms which is about the same area as Wales. The Luso-Dutch Treaty of April 20, 1859, ratified the frontiers suggested in 1854, but there were still border issues in Timor to be resolved (Durand 2002, 52). By the time Albert Wallace left Southeast Asia in 1862, the Larantuqueios were no longer Portuguese nationals. During the course of the eighteenth century, some Larantuqueiros relocated to Kupang where, they married European sandalwood traders, combining the Larantuqueiro regional networks with international networks. Women played an important part in this process, and perhaps this is how we should view the wife of Captain Drysdale, painted by Thomas Baines in 1856 CE at Kupang. Albert Wallace describes Mrs. Drysdale as a person of “European and Chinese parentage”. 3. CONCLUSION The Portuguese did not create new trade routes but entrenched themselves in pre-existing profitable systems. Portuguese men certainly played a part. However, most political and religious decisions were 5 �made in Goa and later Macau, and the majority of the Dominican clergy that came to the region were of Luso-Asian or Christian Indian origins. Portuguese religious and political control followed the sandalwood traders. In the case of the sandalwood trade the Portuguese relied heavily on local brokers and their networks. Three distinct levels of ethnic interaction played their part in the sandalwood trade: On a macro level, Portuguese weaponry and maritime technology were applied against local competitors such as the Buginese and Javanese or against rival Europeans such as the Dutch, but always with the contribution of mixed-ethnic crewmen and soldiers. On a median level, Portuguese trade eventually relied on supportive networks established by cosmopolitan settlements like Solor, Laurantaka, Kupang, Lifau, and Dili, which were semiautonomous and often beyond the reach of either Lisbon or Goa and where the creole Portuguese language served as the trading lingua franca. On a micro level, individual Portuguese men entered mutually beneficial marital and extramarital relationships with local or migrant women resulting in competing clans of mixed-heritage Luso-Asian traders who, in many cases, represented the ‘Portuguese presence’ in the region. From the seventeenth century on, the Luso-Asian Larantuqueiros became the leading brokers in the sandalwood trade in the Lesser Sunda Islands and Timor. They held agency over the local Timorese kingdoms and chieftains who supplied the sandalwood. There needs to be a rewriting of history that takes into account local and subaltern brokerage and the roles of such people as the Larantuqueiros in the so-called Portuguese Empire. As the sandalwood source shifted to Timor and the Larantuqueiros sought to trade westward to the Dutch at Batavia. The Portuguese authorities moved eastward to Dili for their trade to Macau, and Larantuka itself was bypassed by the new trade route. The legacy of the sandalwood trade is that the island of Flores is predominately Christian in the most populous Muslim country in the world and that a curious TimorLeste exclave of Oeccusi exists on the northern coast of Indonesian West Timor. Acknowledgements Carvallo, Maria. Larantuka, Flores, Indonesia. Club Lusitano. Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China. Foster, Christopher (late). Larantuka, Flores, Indonesia. Kerry Stokes Foundation, Western Australia, Australia. Neil Williams, Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China. Royal Geographical Society (with IBG), London, England. UK. Sabah State Museum, Kota Kinabalu, Malaysia. Bibliography Andaya, Leonard Y. “The ‘Informal Portuguese Empire’ and the Topasses in the Solor archipelago and Timor in the Seventeenth and eighteenth centuries”. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 41, 3 (2010): 390-420. Aritonang, Jan Sihar and Steenbrink, Karel. “The Solor-Timor Mission of the Dominicans, 1562-1800,” In A history of Christianity in Indonesia, edited by Jan Sihar Aritonang and Karel Steenbrink, 73-94. Leiden: BRILL. 2008. Borschberg, Peter. “O Commércio de âmbar cinzento asiático na época moderna (séculos XV a XVIII).” In Oriente No.8, edited by Carla Alferes Pinto. 3-25. Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 2004. Boxer, Charles R. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415-1825. Lisbon: Carcanet, 1991. 6 �Byrne, John. “The Luso-Asians and other Eurasians: Their Domestic and Diasporic Identities.” In The Making of the LusoAsian World: Intricacies of Engagement, edited by Laura Jarnagin. 131-154. Singapore: ISEAS. 2011. Durand, Frédéric. East Timor: A Country at the Crossroads of Asia and the Pacific. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2002. Jarnagin, Laura. “Introduction: Towards Clarity Through Complexity.” In The Making of the Luso-Asian World: Intricacies of Engagement, edited by Laura Jarnagin. 1-19. Singapore: ISEAS. 2011. Klamer, Marian. The Grammar of the Teiwa. New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2010. Lewis, Douglas. The Stranger Kings of Sikka. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2010. Puga, Rogério M. “Macau e Timor em 1829: O diário e os desenhos inédiis de Lucy Cleveland.” In Orient. No 18, 40-58. Lisbon: Fundação Oriente. 2007. Souza, Bryan. “Tingindo de Vermelho: O sapão do Sudeste Asiático nos séculos XVII e XVIII.” In Oriente. No 8, edited by Carla Alferes Pinto. 40-58. Lisbon: Fundação Oriente. 2004. Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. “Pulverized in Aceh: On Luís Monteiro Coutinho and his ‘Martyrdom’”. Archipel 78. (2009): 16-40. Van Zanden, Henry. 1606 Discovery of Australia. Perth: Rio Bay Enterprises, 1999. 7 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Uncovering the Luso-Asian Sandalwood Trade Conducted by the Larantuqueiros of Flores Island 1500-1860 CE Description An account of the resource The elongated island of Flores in Indonesia stands at geological, zoological, cultural, and ethnic boundaries. But the area is also predominately Christian in the most populous Muslim country in the world, reflecting that this part of Indonesia was officially part of the Portuguese Empire until 1859 CE. This presentation attempts to explore the connection between the Luso-Portuguese Larantuqueiro community and the sandalwood trade between 1500 and 1860 CE. The trade essentially between the island of Timor and China has shaped the political geography of the region during the colonial period, resulting in the present curious exclave of Oecusse and the minor islands that are part of Timor-Leste. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Clifford J Pereira Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Pereira, Clifford J.. 2023. “Uncovering the Luso-Asian Sandalwood trade conducted by the Larantuqueiros of Flores Island 1500-1860.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1947 Zotero Author Clifford J Pereira Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/cd553bad50371babe6ce4a369476b7ee.pdf acf71196f702b6febb8c2a805b406fb4 PDF Text Text Goods and Texts: Creating an Archaeological and Historical Narrative of Sri Lanka’s Connectivity with Southeast Asia, China, and Beyond Wijerathne Bohingamuwa1 1 Department of History and Archaeology, University of Ruhuna, Matara, Sri Lanka Corresponding Author: wbohingamuwa@yahoo.com ABSTRACT This paper deals with Sri Lanka’s interactions with Southeast Asia, China, and regions beyond from the beginning to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. Several factors, including its central location in the Indian Ocean, have contributed to connecting the island with these regions. Ceramics, epigraphic, and textual data provide the best evidence for reconstructing such interactions. This paper is primarily based on the analysis of ceramics unearthed from the coastal port-urban centres of Mantai, Kantharodai, and Kirinda. This data is compared with the ceramic data from other sites such as Anuradhapura and Thissamaharama, as well as sites from the Indian Ocean Rim, for comparison. Material analysis results are compared against and supplemented by epigraphic and textual data. The key research question addressed here is: What different patterns of Sri Lanka’s connectivity with the eastern segment of the Indian Ocean might emerge through the analysis of material and textual evidence? Research reveals that the material evidence not only predates textual evidence for the beginning of Sri Lanka’s interactions with the region under study but also clearly indicates their continuity up to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. Material evidence, including beads and the transfer of iron technology, dates the earliest relationships to the middle of the first millennium BCE. These cultural-commercial connections were regularized and intensified after the fifth and seventh centuries CE, respectively. Sri Lanka’s culture- historical developments, in general, have always been influenced by the changing dynamics of the Indian Ocean. Keywords: Sri Lanka’s external connectivity, Southeast Asia, China, Ceramics LIST OF ABBRIVIATIONS SEA Southeast Asia SCC1 Southern Chinese Celadon 1 WWS Southern White Wares SEAW Southeast Asian Ware PIOW Paddle Impressed Orange Ware BGW Black Glazed Ware MTIW Mica Tempered Impressed Ware PLOW Pale Light Orange Ware LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Map of site locations mentioned in the text. 1. INTRODUCTION Several factors appear to have favorably contributed to connecting Sri Lanka with the regions across the Bay of Bengal: its location at a critical point in the Indian Ocean; the annual cycle of monsoon winds; the availability of numerous safe seaports; high-demand trade goods; and its reputation as a centre of Theravada Buddhism. The importance of Sri Lankan ports to Indian Ocean trade and naval power prompted several foreign powers to control the island. According to the texts, the religious networks appear to have been the forerunner that linked the island across the Bay of Bengal and were subsequently expanded to include political and economic interactions. Material evidence for trade and exchange, however, appears to predate these historical relations recorded in the texts. Culture-historical developments on the island, therefore, have always been influenced by those in the Indian Ocean. 1 �2. RESEARCH QUESTION, OBJECTIVE AND METHODS The key research question addressed here is: What different patterns of Sri Lanka’s connectivity with Southeast Asia (SEA), and China might emerge through the analysis of material and textual evidence? Accordingly, the objective here is to understand the nature of Sri Lanka’s interactions with the said region from about the middle of the first millennium BCE to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. For this purpose, ceramics unearthed from the Mantai, Kantharodai, and Kirinda (Map 1) were typologically and statistically analyzed. The origin and provenance of ceramics were determined through comparison with published material from the Indian Ocean region. The material and sequences wherein they were found were dated through radiocarbon dates and typological and inter-site comparisons. When the occurrence of identified material across sites is placed in a chronological framework, the pattern of interactions with various regions and how they change over time is visible, although the form of interactions is not necessarily obvious from artifacts alone, for which reason the textual and epigraphic data were integrated. Figure 1: Map of site locations mentioned in the text (Drawing credit: Wasantha Senadeera). 2 �3. SITES, ASSEMBLAGES AND THEIR CHRONOLOGIES Mantai, the key site discussed here, was the main seaport of the capital, Anuradhapura, for more than 1500 years. Its excavated cultural sequence dates from the second century BCE to the twelfth /thirteenth century CE (Bohingamuwa 2017, 65–71). Kantharodai was the urban/ religious centre attached to Jambukolapattana seaport. The excavated sequence here dates from ca. 500 BCE to the early or mid-first century BCE (Bohingamuwa 2017, 475–480). Kirinda is located close to Tissamaharama, the ancient capital of the southern kingdom. Based on radiocarbon dates and diagnostic ceramics, Bohingamuwa (2017, 499–505) dated this sequence from ca. the late third–fourth to the early ninth centuries CE. Kantharodai has the oldest sequence, but the site declined before the start of the Common Era. Although historical sources link Jambukolapattana to various ports in India and the SEA at least since the third century BCE (Mv. 19, 23–43), Kantharodai contains 99.58 per cent local and Indian material. Similarly, Kirinda too contains only a limited number of SEA or Chinese artifacts. Both sites, however, have a large number of sherds identified as "Imported.Unknown" of which the majority are considered to be Southeast Asian based on surface treatment (Bohingamuwa 2017, 194-202). Therefore, Mantai, the longest surviving site with its diverse assemblage, is discussed, while material from the other three sites is used as supplementary evidence. 4. CHINESE CONNECTIONS Of the three sites studied, only the Mantai and Kirinda assemblages contained clearly identifiable Chinese ceramics, amounting to 452 sherds. Kirinda's had only two Dusun ware (Dusun) sherds datable to the late seventh to early/ mid-eighth centuries. Since Chinese ceramics, representing 18 wares, were recovered from Mantai1 (Bohingamuwa 2017, 341; Catalogue Table: C3.9.28), Sino-Sri Lanka connections traceable from ceramics are discussed based on selected key wares (94 per cent of total Chinese sherds) while comparing with other assemblages from the island and overseas. Disregarding intrusive sherds in early phases, the regular Chinese wares occur from around the late seventh/ early eighth century CE (Bohingamuwa 2017, 177). The assemblage includes both storage and tableware. The profusion of Chinese ceramics is noted in Phase VII, dated to between the early/mid-eighth and late ninth centuries. In this phase, Chinese ceramics rapidly increased and diversified in terms of sherd counts (88), number of wares (13), and their types. They included 41 sherds of Dusun storage/transport jars and 12 tableware, such as Yue Celadon Ware (Yue), Changsha Ware (Changsha) and Southern Chinese Celadon 1 (SCC1). The deposit above Phase VII (a disturbed phase) contained 84 sherds, indicating continuity of cultural-commercial interactions with China. The surface at Mantai has extensive Chinese sherd scatters, and 260 sherds were sampled. Both Phase ‘D’ and the Surface have 16 wares, which include Ding Kiln White Ware (Ding) and Southern White Wares (WWS) datable to eleventh/ twelfth centuries. A Chinese ceramic dump recovered from Allaipiddy contained Southern Song dynasty period ceramics (Carswell 1 Our excavation was confined to 3m X 3m. Carsewell et al. (2015) excavated extensively at Mantai, and their ceramic assemblage was strikingly similar to ours. 3 �1985). Similarly, a Chinese sherd dating to the thirteenth/ fourteenth century is housed at the Yapahuwa Museum, indicating the continuity of relations. 4.1 Selected key Chinese wares Of the 18 Chinese wares, only Dusun (265) and Changsha (55) and Yue (22) wares have considerable sherd counts. Since they are widely distributed in the Indian Ocean and securely dated, they are discussed here to illustrate Sino-Sri Lankan connections. 4.1.1 Dusun ware Dusun is considered to have been made either in Hunan Province (Flecker 2001, 335) or Guangzhou (Guy 2008, 11) and is generally dated to the eighth /ninth centuries CE in the western Indian Ocean region (Whitehouse and Williamson 1973; Tampoe 1989; Kennet 2004, 65). Dusun recovered from Mantai, Allaipiddy, and Anuradhapura has been dated by Carswell (2013, 246) to the ninth–twelfth centuries and by Prickett-Fernando (2003, 74) between the seventh and tenth centuries. Dusun in our assemblage dates from the late seventh/ early eighth century to the late ninth/ tenth century. The majority of Dusun finds in Sri Lanka are from the ancient seaports, indicating their transport role, as suggested earlier (Guy 2008; Flecker 2001). 4.1.2. Changsha ware This tableware produced in Hunan province (Hughes-Stangton; Kerr 1981, 57–59) is traded across South Asia to the Persian/Arabian Gulf and to Eastern Africa (Whitehouse and Williamson 1973; Kennet 2004) in the west to Japan and Korea in the east (Carswell et al. 2013, 256). In Sri Lanka, Changsha is found in sites such as Anuradhapura and Mantai, which are dated to the eighth to the tenth centuries (Carswell et al. 2013, 256–266; Prickett-Fernando 2003, 56). Regular occurrences of Changsha in our assemblage date from the early/ mid-eighth to late ninth/ tenth centuries CE (Bohingamuwa 2017, Figure 3.55), which tally with 760–900 CE dates from Shanga (Horton 1996, 303). Whitehouse and Williamson (1973) considered Changsha to represent the earliest phase of Chinese ceramic trade with the West. Sri Lanka was an integral part of this maritime trade network. 4.1.3 Yue Celadon ware The occurrence of Yue ware at Mantai is similar to Changsha and hence dates to the same period, with a possible upper date extension up to the eleventh century. Yue ware is widely reported from Sri Lanka, including Anuradhapura, Yapahuwa, and Polonnaruwa (Coningham 2006; Prematilleke 1982), and is generally dated to the ninth and tenth centuries (Prickett-Fernando 2003, 75); however, our Mantai Yue wares date from the eighth to the eleventh centuries. Horton (1996, 307) also reported the continuity of this ware to the thirteenth century at Shanga. Yue ware is also traded up to the Persian and Arab Gulfs and Eastern Africa (Kennet 2004; Horton 1996, 307). The Sino-Sri Lanka relations apparent in ceramics seem to date between the T’ang (618–907 CE) and Song (960–1279 CE) dynasties. 4 �4.2 Sri Lanka- Southeast Asia (SEA) relations Ceramics identified as Southeast Asian Ware (SEAW) are tentative and are based on their paddle impressions (e.g., Karashima 2004, 3–10; Sasaki 2004, 16–20, 48–50). Lertrit (2004) was certain that such marks were of SEA origin. Similarly, Solheim and Deraniyagala (1972) identified Paddle-impressed sherds recovered from Kudumbigala, as being Southeast Asian. Our SEA assemblage contains both glazed and unglazed tableware and storage / transport wares. 4.2.1 Southeast Asian Wares (SEAW) The SEA assemblage contains 87 sherds, of which only eight are from Kirinda and the rest are from Mantai. The former had only one ware, Paddle Impressed Orange Ware (PIOW), which appears to date from the early sixth/ mid-seventh century to the early eighth century. Therefore, the Mantai assemblage is important to illustrate interactions with that region. It had 79 sherds representing nine wares, of which only Black glazed Ware (BLAG) is glazed (Bohingamuwa 2017, 337, Table C3.10.32). Their occurrence before Phase VII is numerically insignificant, but they may indicate the arrival of SEAW from around the late first/ second century, increasing them from the early seventh to eighth/ninth centuries. Their occurrence matches the dates (100–500 CE, with the majority being after 600 CE) assigned by Solheim and Deraniyagala (1972, 31–32). At Mantai, they continued to arrive until about the twelfth/ thirteenth century. Of the non-glazed wares, Paddle Impressed Orange Ware (PIOW) and Mica Tempered Impressed Ware (MTIW) are more certain as being SEAWs for their decorations. 4.2.2 ‘Imported.Unknown’ (Imp. Unk) ceramics and Southeast Asian connections At Mantai, Katharodai, and Kirinda, there are 1772 sherds (4 per cent) that were identified as non-local for their firing and fabric. Since their origin could not be determined, they were termed ‘Imported. Unknown’. This assemblage contains both tableware and storage/ transport ware. Of the SEA origin ‘Imp.Unk’ sherds, Pale light Orange Ware (PLOW) and PIOW (SEAW) ware resemble a sherd identified by Schenk (2014, 96) as SEAW from Tissamaharama. This identification is based on similar finds in Angkor Borei. Tissamahararama sherd is dated to the fourth/ fifth century CE. However, our SEAWs date from the late first century, and then increased rapidly after the seventh century, making them the earliest SEAWs in Sri Lanka. SEAWs identified by Solheim and Deraniyagala (1972, 31-38) date them from 100–500 CE, while most of them postdate 600 CE. This evidence supports my identification of some ‘Imp.Unk" wares as SEA. The ‘Imp.Unk’ assemblage collectively dates from ca. mid-fourth/ late third century CE and peaks in the early/mid-eighth century. 5. TEXTUAL AND EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE Mahavamsa’s earliest reference to Sri Lanka-SEA relations is the arrival of Suriguttha of Kelasa monastery (Burma) with other monks for a religious event at Anuradhapura in the second century BCE (Mv. 29, 13). Inscriptions datable to the third or second century BCE refer to seafaring, some of which also mention regions to which they sailed. The first century Periyaminikulam inscription mentions a sailor named Naga, who worked for Aji Saka of the Javanese tradition (Paranavitana 1970, cxxvii). Somadeva (2006, 57) 5 �identified a ‘Javaka naya’ (Nayaka), a leader of Javakas, in the Mottayakallu inscription. They were all Malay Peninsula traders who traded with Sri Lanka. The earliest textual evidence for Sino-Sri Lanka are the emissaries sent by the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE) (Werake 1978, 64–73). Such early China-Sri Lanka relations are clear from Pliny’s record of Rachia, the chief Sri Lankan envoy to Claudius court, who described his father’s visit to Seres (China). This visit is recorded in Vamsattappakasini and an inscription at Sasseruwa in Anuradhapura (Abeydheera 2009, 145–165). By the first/ second century CE, Mahaniddesa indicates that Sri Lankan ports acted as transit points in sea voyages between India and the SEA. Therefore, the Satavahanas of Deccan, India (230 BCE– 220 CE) sent their trading ships to Suvannabhumi via Sri Lanka (Gunawardana 2003, 19–20). It is roughly when our SEA wares appear at Mantai. These interactions appear to have intensified after the arrival of Fa-Xian in the fifth century, as is clear from the 11 religious missions exchanged in the next two centuries (Werake 1978, 64–73). Nandi, who transported Sri Lankan Buddhist nuns to establish the order of nunneries in China in 426 and 429, was a highly experienced sailor on long-distance sea voyages (Grimes 1941, 76–79). Buddhist monks played a significant role in strengthening cultural and commercial relations between the two regions. Buddhist pilgrims such as Gunawarman and Vajrabodhi stopped in Sri Lanka in their long journeys (Gunawardana 2003, 24–65) because the island was a Theravada Buddhist centre where there were many sacred places/ objects of worship. They sailed on merchant ships that were linked to trade routes and trading ports. Cosmas (XI. 15–16) reports that ‘Seeladiba’ (Sri Lanka) acted as the ‘mediaex’ in east-west maritime trade, and its ports were linked to trading centres all over the world. The rise of Islam in Arabia and the Tang dynasty in China brought a new dynamic to the Indian Ocean maritime trade by shifting the Arabian sea-centered trade to the Bay of Bengal. Consequently, the southeastern and eastern ports of Sri Lanka gained significance, and an increase in interaction with the SEA is visible in the archaeological record. The influence of Sri Lankan Buddhist statues in the SEA (Dupont 1959, 631–636), as well as Mahayana influence on Bodhisatva statues in Southeastern Sri Lanka, is clearly noticeable (Ghosh 1937). Interaction between the Mahayana sects in Sri Lanka and those in SEA seems to have further strengthened, as is clear from the eighth century Ratubuka inscription in central Indonesia (Casparis 1961, 241–243), which mentions an Anuradhapura Abhayagiri Vihara-affiliated monastery. The continuity of interactions with SEA is also clear from Vijayabahu I’s (1055–1110) political and cultural relations with Burma, as well as Parakrambahu I’s invasion and subsequent peace negotiations by Buddhist monks (Wickramasinghe 1960, 38–58). In the texts, Sino-Sri Lankan relations appear to have largely collapsed after the decline of the Tang dynasty and Buddhism in China. However, the continuity of trade relations is clearly visible in the ceramic record up to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 6. CONCLUSIONS The foregoing analysis of material, epigraphic and textual evidence dates the island’s earliest interactions with SEA and China to the middle of the first millennium BCE. Although not discussed here, the 6 �identification of the transfer of iron smelting furnace technology from Sri Lanka to SEA and up to Japan from around the fourth century BCE (Juleff 2009, 557–77) and the trade of Sri Lankan-made Indo-Pacific glass beads, dated to 400 BCE at Anuradhapura (Conningham 2006, 357), to SEA support this claim. However, such early interactions are not reflected in texts. By about the third/ second centuries BCE, these interactions seemed to have intensified and expanded up to China. Many early Brahmi inscriptions dated to this period refer to seafaring and trading communities, including those from the Malay peninsula. Interestingly, the earliest reference in the Mahavamsa to the arrival of Buddhist monks in Burma dates to the third century BCE. The visit of Han dynasty emissaries to the island this time indicates the trading interests of China. By the beginning of the Common Era, Sri Lanka’s cultural-commercial exchanges had extended from Rome to China, as is clear from the statements of the Sri Lankan envoy to the Claudius court. These interactions increased by the late first/ second century CE, as is clear from the appearance of Paddle-impressed wares and the finding of a piece of Chinese silk at the Kotavehera Buddhist stupa (ColomboPage 2011). By this time, texts are explicit that Sri Lankan ports were linked to ports in India and the SEA. The fifth century marked the expansion of these interactions from China to the Mediterranean, as clear from Procopius (Procopius I.20, 9–13) and the arrival of Buddhist pilgrims such as Faxian in the Island and the 11 religious missions exchanged between China and Sri Lanka. In the next century, Sri Lanka became the center of Indian Ocean trade, and its ports will be linked to ports around the world (Cosmas XI, 15–16). The late seventh/ eighth century witnessed the arrival of Chinese ceramics and then a profusion of Chinese and Southeast Asian wares up to the twelfth/ thirteenth centuries CE. In response to the change of maritime trade from the Arabian Sea to the Bay of Bengal in the seventh century, southern and eastern ports gained significance, and close cultural relations with the SEA are clear from the archaeological record, texts, inscriptions, religion, and art. While it is difficult, archaeologically, to distinguish between trade and other forms of exchange, most of the commodities discussed here appear to be traded. Textual data makes it clear that religious networks were not only the forerunners of these interactions, but they also facilitated political and commercial relations. Acknowledgement This paper is primarily based on my PhD field research. I acknowledge the University of Oxford-based SEALINKS Project of Dr. Nicole Boivin and Prof. Dorian Fuller’s NERC Early Rice Project for funding my fieldwork and dating. I thank my supervisors, Dr. Nicole Boivin, Dr. Derek Kennet, Dr. Damian Robinson, and Ms. Kalangi Rodrigo for proofreading. 7 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Abeydeera, A. “Raki’s Mission to Romanukharatha: New Evidence in Favor of Pliny’s Account of Taprobanê, “N. H.” 6.84-91”. Habis 40 (2009): 145–65. Bohingamuwa, W. Sri Lanka and the Indian Ocean: External Connections and Internal Networks (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, 2017). University of Oxford. The United Kingdom. Carswell, J. “Chinese ceramics from Allapiddy in Sri Lanka”. In A Legacy of Asia’s maritime trade. 3-49. Kuala Lumpur (Southeast Asian Ceramic Society), West Malaysian Chapter, 1985. Carswell, J., Deraniyagala, S. and Graham, A. Mantai-City by the Sea. Aichwarld: Linden Soft Verlag, 2013. Casparis, J. G. de. “New Evidence on Cultural Relations between Java and Ceylon in Ancient Times.” Artibus Asiae (1961):241– 48. ColomboPage, 2011. ColomboPage: Sri Lanka Internet Newspaper. [Online] http://www.colombopage.com/archive_11/Mar14_1300117391KA.php [Accessed 25. 08. 2014]. Available at: Coningham, R. A. E. Anuradhapura: The British-Sri Lankan Excavations at Anuradhapura Salagha Watta, 2 Volume 2 – the Artefacts. BAR S1508. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2006. Cosmas Indicopleustes: Topographia Christiana. II-XI Dupont, P. “Les Buddha Dits d’Amaravati En Asie Du Sud-Est.” Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 49, no 2 (1959): 631–36. Flecker, M. "A Ninth-Century AD Arab or Indian Shipwreck in Indonesia: First Evidence for Direct Trade with China.” World Archaeology 32, no. 3 (2001): 335–54. Ghosh, D. “Two Bodhisattva images from Ceylon and Srivijaya.” Journal of the Greater India Society 4, (1937): 125–127. Grimes, A. 1941. “The Journey of Fa-Hsien from Ceylon to Cantan.” The Journal of the Malayan Branch of Royal Asiatic Society XIX, no 1 (1941): 76–92. Gunawardana, R. A. L. H. 2003. “Seaways to Seilediba: Changing Patterns of Navigation in the Indian Ocean and Their Impact on Precolonial Sri Lanka” In Sri Lanka and the Silk Road of the Sea, edited by Bandaranayake, S. Dewaraja, L., Silva, R. and Wimalaratne, K. D.G., 17–36. Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, 2003. Guy, J. “Early Nineth-Century Chinese Export Ceramics and the Persian Gulf Connection: The Belitung Shipwreck Evidence.” The Oriental Ceramic Society of the Philippines Newsletter, no. February (2008): 7–12. Horton, M. Shanga, Archaeology of a Muslim Trading Community on the Coast of East Africa. The British Institute of the Eastern Africa Memoir 14. London: The British Institute of the Eastern Africa, 1996. Hughes-Stanton, Penelope. and Kerr, Rose. Kiln sites of ancient China an exhibition lent by the People’s Republic of China. London: British Museum, Oriental Ceramic Society, 1981. Juleff, G. “Technology and Evolution: A Root and Branch View of Asian Iron from First Millennium BC Sri Lanka to Japanese Steel.” World Archaeology 41, no 4 (2009): 557–77. 8 �Karashima, N. In Search of Chinese-Sherds in South India and Sri Lanka. Tokyo: Taisho University, 2004. Kennet, D. Sassanian and Islamic Pottery from Ras Al-Khaimah. BAR S1248. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2004. Lertrit, S. “Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Ceramic Chronology for Central Thailand.” Silpakorn University International Journal 4, no 1-2 (2004): 5–37. Mahavamsa. Colombo: National Museum, 1912. Paranavitana, S. Inscription of Ceylon: Early Brahmi Inscriptions, Vol. I (Part1). Colombo: Department of Archaeological Survey of Sri Lanka. 1970. Prematilleke, P. L. Alahana Pirivena, Polonnaruwa Archaeological Excavation Report (April – September 1981). Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, 1982. Prickett-Fernando, M. “Durable Goods: The Archaeological Evidence of Sri Lanka’s Role in the Indian Ocean Trade.” In Sri Lanka and the Silk Road of the Sea, edited by Bandaranayake, S. Dewaraja, L., Silva, R. and Wimalaratne, K. D.G., 53–76. Colombo: Central Cultural Fund, 2003. Procopius, History of the wars Vol I. London: The Loeb Classical Library, 1961. Sasaki, H. “Chinese and Thai Ceramics in Kottapatnam” In In Search of Ceramic-Sherds in South India and Sri Lanka, edited by Karashima, N., 16–21. Tokyo: Taisho University Press, 2004. Schenk, H. “Pottery of so-Called “Kaolin Fabric” at Tissamaharama-Citadel (Sri Lanka) in the 4th and 5th Century AD” In South Asian Archaeology, edited by Franke-Vogt, U. and Weisshaar, H. J., 357–64. Linden Soft Verlag, 2005. Solheim, W. G., and S. U. Deraniyagala. Archaeological Survey to Investigate South Asian Prehistoric Presence in Ceylon, Ancient Ceylon Occasional Papers no.1. Colombo: Department of Archaeology Sri Lanka, 1972. Somadeva, R. Urban Origins in Southern Sri Lanka, Colombo: Postgraduate Institute of Archaeology, 2006. Tampoe, M. Maritime Trade between China and the West. An Archaeological Study of the Ceramics from Siraf (Persian Gulf), 8th to 15th Centuries A.D. BAR S555. Oxford: Archaeopress, 1989. Werake, K. M. M. “A New Date for the Beginning of Sino- Lankan Relations” The Sri Lankan Journal of the Humanities iv, no 12 (1978): 64–73. Whitehouse, D., and Williamson, A. “Sassanian Maritime Trade” Iran XI (1973): 29–49. Wickramasinghe, S. “Ceylon’s Relations with South-East Asia with Special Relations to Burma” Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies III, no1 (1960): 38–58. 9 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Goods and Texts: Creating an Archaeological and Historical Narrative of Sri Lanka’s Connectivity with Southeast Asia, China, and Beyond Description An account of the resource This paper deals with Sri Lanka’s interactions with Southeast Asia, China, and regions beyond from the beginning to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. Several factors, including its central location in the Indian Ocean, have contributed to connecting the island with these regions. Ceramics, epigraphic, and textual data provide the best evidence for reconstructing such interactions. This paper is primarily based on the analysis of ceramics unearthed from the coastal port-urban centres of Mantai, Kantharodai, and Kirinda. This data is compared with the ceramic data from other sites such as Anuradhapura and Thissamaharama, as well as sites from the Indian Ocean Rim, for comparison. Material analysis results are compared against and supplemented by epigraphic and textual data. The key research question addressed here is: What different patterns of Sri Lanka’s connectivity with the eastern segment of the Indian Ocean might emerge through the analysis of material and textual evidence? Research reveals that the material evidence not only predates textual evidence for the beginning of Sri Lanka’s interactions with the region under study but also clearly indicates their continuity up to the middle of the thirteenth century CE. Material evidence, including beads and the transfer of iron technology, dates the earliest relationships to the middle of the first millennium BCE. These cultural-commercial connections were regularized and intensified after the fifth and seventh centuries CE, respectively. Sri Lanka’s culture- historical developments, in general, have always been influenced by the changing dynamics of the Indian Ocean. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Wijerathne Bohingamuwa Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Bohingamuwa, Wijerathne. 2023. “Goods and Texts: Creating an archaeological and historical narrative of Sri Lanka's connectivity with Southeast Asia, China, and beyond.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology.URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1946 Zotero Author Wijerathne Bohingamuwa Asia-Pac Session 8 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/99fa28cddc8bac103ef9f04b52d265c8.pdf ae2468f942b018da26c628be8e87d652 PDF Text Text The experimental reconstructions of the Punjulharjo boat from Indonesia: New insights for understanding the lashed-lug boatbuilding techniques. Chiara Zazzaro (Università di Napoli L’Orientale, Italy) Agni Mochtar (Università di Napoli L’Orientale, Italy; National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), Indonesia) Luigi Ombrato (Università di Napoli Federico II, Italy) ABSTRACT The article presents the methodology applied for the re-investigation and for the experimental reconstruction of the Punjulharjo boat, the most complete Southeast Asian lashed-lug boat found to date. This work, based on archaeological data, ethnographic, and iconographic sources, brought better understanding of the boat and of the lashed-lug system. Archaeological data were gathered through direct observation of the Punjulharjo boat remains displayed on the original finding location and examination of photos taken during the excavation. The reconstruction approach was engineering and experimental, it consisted in producing hypothetical representations of the Punjulharjo boat, in digital, virtual and 3D print form. As a result, the team identified different lashing systems, hypothesized diverse uses of the lugs within the planking joinery and vertical structures, illustrated the complexity of the planking pattern and hypothesized the aspect and location (or relocation) of the beams, rudders, mast, and other superstructures. Keywords: photogrammetry, 3D modelling, hypothetical restitution, and land shipwreck List of figures Figure 1. Map showing the distribution of boat remains with lashed-lug joints, found in Southeast Asia. (Photo Agni Mochtar). Figure 2. Photo showing the location of the Punjulharjo boat exhibit hall. (Photo: Ahmad Ginanjar Purnawibawa). Figure 3. Adze mark (a). Saw mark (b). (Photo: Chiara Zazzaro). Figure 4. Agni Mochtar taking wood samples from the Punjulharjo boat. (Photo: Chiara Zazzaro). Figure 5. Ahmad Ginanjar Purnawibawa doing the photogrammetry of the Punjulharjo boat. (Photo: Chiara Zazzaro). INTRODUCTION The Punjulharjo boat belongs to the shell-first, lashed-lug construction, one of the boat building traditions in Southeast Asia. To date, over twenty sites with boat remains showing lashed-lug construction have been found in Southeast Asia, unfortunately, unless the Punjulharjo boat, most of them are fragmentary (Figure 1) (Manguin 2019; Shinatria 2018). The most prominent feature of this tradition is the protruding lugs carved out on the edge-joined hull planks, where the frames were placed on to and were lashed with ropes (usually Arenga pinnata, sugar palm). Plank fastening consists of ligatures, dowels, or a combination of both. Another characteristic of this type of construction is the use of a keel plank and wing ends, two or more overlapped wooden blocks on each extremity. The shell-first wooden construction and the use of the edge-joint dowels is still employed today in some boatyards in Indonesia, while the lashed-lug construction is more rarely attested (see Lamalera, East Nusa Tenggara, Barnes 1996). Comparable quarter rudders fittings, wing ends, and further construction 1 �Figure 1. Map showing the distribution of boat remains with lashed-lug joints, found in Southeast Asia. (Photo Agni Mochtar). features are attested in contemporary Indonesian boats, therefore the ethnographic method has been largely applied together with archaeological and iconographic comparisons for the reconstruction of the possible original aspect of the boat. After presenting the previous and current state of our knowledge on the Punjulharjo boat, the authors will discuss the methodology applied for the study of the environmental context and of the boat architecture, as well as methods and procedures employed for the analysis of the hull (distortions and species analysis), to understand the use and function of the boat and to achieve a preliminary hypothetical reconstructions of the original aspect of the boat. The final results will be presented in a comprehensive forthcoming publication. CASE STUDY The Punjulharjo boat is the most ancient complete wooden vessel known to date in Southeast Asia, found in the village of Punjulharjo, District of Rembang in 2008. The boat was buried below ca. 2 meters of intertidal soil, 500 meters from the actual shoreline, in an area today occupied by salters. Today, the boat is displayed in a semi-open building in its original finding location (Figure 2). After the initial finding, an excavation was conducted by Balai Arkeologi Yogyakarta in 2009. The excavation team found that the hull was still intact from the bow to the stern with only a few upper strakes missing, many internal strengthening components were also still intact. The team reported that 2 �Figure 2. Photo showing the location of the Punjulharjo boat exhibit hall. (Photo: Ahmad Ginanjar Purnawibawa). the boat was 15.6m in length, 4.6m in width amidship. The planks were fastened by dowels and lashings, while frames, stringers, and stanchions were fastened exclusively by lashings. The reports from the 2009 excavation provided us with remarkable information about the boat (Siswanto 2010). However, at that time the boat was not analyzed using nautical archaeological approach and thus, many technological aspects of the boat were overlooked. One example is that the drawing of the plan view is missing important information about the plank fastening, resulting in inconsistency. After the excavation, the boat was handed over to the heritage preservation office and later was subjected to a lengthy conservation treatment using Polyethylene Glycol 400/4000. For conservation purposes, the hull was dismantled. Upon the completion of the treatment, the timbers were re-assembled, and the final result is what we can see now in the exhibition hall. Unfortunately, aside from a few floor timbers, all the internal strengthening components were broken down into small pieces and could not be reassembled. During the last phase of the conservation, Agni Mochtar visited the site and re-examined the boat remains with a new perspective, using nautical archaeological approach for her master degree thesis (Mochtar 2018). The re-examination of the boat provided a better understanding of the building technique of the boat. Correction and addition were made to the previous drawings to offer a better representation of the actual boat. Mochtar has added all the ligature holes on the planks to show how the hull was fastened, she also notices that there is a pattern in the dowel and ligature holes on the seam of the planks: one set consists of a pair of ligature holes flanked by one dowel hole on each side, and in between two sets there is an additional dowel hole. From this analysis, it was concluded that even though the boat was rather medium in size, the hull was robust with sufficient fastenings and internal strengthening. The thickness of the plank and the rigid bow and stern assembly also contributed to this. Ligatures were the primary fastening, supported by dowels in the planks seam, and with an addition of mortise and tenon on the extremities. The ligatures provided strong fastening, but at the same time gave enough flexibility to make the hull more durable. 3 �Mochtar’s master thesis also recorded a different measurement of the boat from the survey and excavation reports, especially the width of the beam. However, a closer investigation of the reason behind this was beyond the scope of her thesis, other than merely suspecting an incorrect postconservation reconstruction process (Mochtar 2018). In February and December 2020, a team of the Università di Napoli “L’Orientale” and Universitas Indonesia including Ginanjar Purnawibawa, visited the site of Punjulharjo with the aim to integrate the current state of knowledge of the boat with new observations and surveys. This team conducted a close inspection of the hull and a photogrammetry survey to provide a permanent record of the current state of conservation of the boat and for further study aimed at the analysis and reconstruction of the original aspect of the boat. The team also took over 300 detail photographs of the boat, aimed at detecting/showing tool marks, details of the joinery, plank distortions etc., and photographed the materials associated with the shipwreck kept in the site storage, including jars and bowl fragments, and bones. In January 2022 a team of Puslit Arkenas, Balai Arkeologi D.I. Yogyakarta, now BRIN, Università di Napoli “L’Orientale” and Universitas Indonesia visited the site, once again, to take systematic sampling of the wood species and to sample the sediments associated to the context of finding of the boat for geoarchaeological analysis. METHODS AND PROCEDURES OF THE 2020 AND 2022 FIELD SEASONS The study of the environmental context Boats found in land context usually share similar issues related to their study and interpretative process, so as similar approaches to survey methods; they are either been intentionally buried, or stranded / beached, or have been buried for environmental changing (Delgado 2013). For the Punjulharjo boat the first case can be excluded, as there is no evidence of rituals or related findings, therefore the second two options can be considered. Preliminary geomorphological and geoarchaeological investigations about the area were conducted by Carlo Donadio and Andri Purnomo with assistance of the team on the field. Considering that the boat was moved from its original context and that the boat’s exhibit hall has been built exactly in the same place where the boat was found, the team had to examine the environment in the area around and select a suitable spot where to sample the sediments for sedimentary analysis. The area selected for stratigraphic sampling was 47 meters south of the boat’s current position, this was estimated not to be contaminated or disturbed by modern activities. Soil samples were taken from sediment layers which were estimated to have come from the same stratigraphy of the site at the time of the discovery of the Punjulharjo boat, based on photographic documentation of excavation activities carried out by Balai Arkeologi D.I. Yogyakarta in 2009. The position of the sampling area was recorded by GPS and a stratigraphic section was excavated using simple tools (trowel, meter). Three soil samples were then taken from three different layers, each sample contained ± 500 g of soil. The sediments were then analyzed in the laboratories of the University of Napoli Federico II. The results of the analyses, together with a comprehensive interpretation, will be presented later in the final report of this project. Further observation on construction features Main observations on the construction features of the Punjulharjo boats were already conducted by Agni Mochtar for her master degree thesis (Mochtar 2018). Further observations conducted on the site in 4 �2020 included an inventory of tool marks, and systematic dowels and lugs distance measurements. Despite almost all the original dowels were substituted with new one during the restoration process, it was still possible to measure their original location either on the site using a meter or on the digital 3D model in areas that were not physically reachable. The patterns of the dowels distribution is confirmed as described by Mochtar (2018), the distance of the dowels from center to center is ca. 9-11cm in average with larger gaps in proximity of the stitches. As for the lugs, the lugs size is slightly variable, distances among lugs are pretty regular: ca. 83-88 cm from center to center and wider, up to 1 m in between the VII and the VIII frame from the stern, therefore in the aft part of the boat (see also Mochtar 2018). A portion of the planking with the lugs was 3D print in scale in order to experiment the lashing and stitching system manually. As for the tool marks: it was not always easy to detect them, considering the conservation treatment which may have affected the aspect of the wood surface or marks that may have been due to postexcavation manipulations. Despite that, adze marks were detected on the planking outer surface and on the rudder beam. Some are deep and almost perpendicular to the wood surface, others are tangent to the surface, both belonging to a tool bearing a blade ca. 4cm wide. Saw marks were detected in correspondence of all the lugs on the sides facing stern and the stem (Figure 3a). Possible chisel marks were also observed to finish the fittings of the rudder beam (Figure 3b). Wood sampling The 2009 report on the excavation of the Punjulharjo boat reported the identification of wood species only from three different parts of the boat, namely from a hull plank, a dowel, and a frame. The aim of the new research was to obtain a comprehensive information on the boat’s construction materials based on a greater number of samples and a more controlled collection and analysis process (Figure 4a). Wood samples were taken from all hull planks, the beam, stanchions, and frames. They were carefully taken using a knife and/or drill in non-visible areas. For each sampled area of the boat, photographic documentation of the conditions before and after the sampling was carried out. The sampling position was then recorded and mapped on the orthophoto extrapolated from the three-dimensional survey of the boat. The following samples were collected: 26 samples from the hull planks, 7 samples from the frames, 1 sample of the rudder beam, 3 samples from the dowels. Wood samples are in course of analyses by the Anatomy and Quality of Lignocellulose Materials laboratory (http://xylarium.pustekolah.org), at the Forest Products Research and Development Center of the Ministry of Environment and Forestry, Indonesia (http://hasilhutan.litbang.menlhk.go.id/). The photogrammetry survey and further analysis Previous survey methods on the Punjulharjo boat were conducted for the first time during the excavation in 2009, before the boat was dismantled for conservative purpose. The result was a series of drawings including a plan view, a longitudinal section and 17 cross sections corresponding to each lug alignment (Siswanto 2010). Plans and sections were drawn entirely by hand, an automatic level was used to determine the z coordinates of a number of points noted on the plan. These drawings lack descriptive details about the aspect of the wood, actual shape and size of the different elements, and dowels pattern. This may have been partially due to the high number of difficult areas to reach, to the intrinsic complexity of the boat construction, the high number of corners, and the in situ condition. The difficulties to represent the details in the previous drawings, due to the high number of corners for the presence of the lugs, and the difficult areas to reach, brought the team to choose a detailed photogrammetry as the best survey method. 5 �Figure 3. Adze mark (a, left). Saw mark (b, right). (Photo: Chiara Zazzaro). For the photogrammetry the team used two types of cameras, a Canon M100, taking up to 712 photos and a Sony RX100 II, taking up to 1021 photos, and a Drone DJI Mavic 2 Pro, taking up to 72 photographs. This latter was used to survey both the site around the museum and to obtain orthophotos of the plan view of the boat, to have more details of the inner hull, otherwise difficult to reach (Figure 4b). A close-range photogrammetry of a beam element was also conducted. The beam was found near the stern of the ship and was interpreted as a beam for positioning the rudders. Photographs were then processed using the software PhotoScan Pro, to produce point cloud, mesh, a 3D model of the boat and orthophotos. The 3D model was used as a basis to understand and correct the distortion and to integrate the missing parts of the hull. Observations made on the site were combined and completed with those made on the digital model. By reflecting and overlapping a series of sections, the team could better estimate the level of asymmetry, distortions and anomalies among port and starboard side of the hull which is too much for being proper of the boat: it could be due to the wreckage or to the depositional process, or to the reconstruction process after the restoration. Sheer fractures and sheer stress, due to rotation, were also noticed. In this case, the team tried to estimate the flexions of the sheer and mediate the asymmetry among the two sides. The corrected sections were used to extrapolate naval lines, the hypothetical original shape of the boat. As an example, the team suggested a correction of the width at amidship from 3.50m, as measured on the site, to ca. 3.37m, after correction. From the 3D model the team could also extrapolate a shell expansion plan, in this, length and width of the planks are respected, and their original shape is reconstructed mediating among the gaps and worn parts. These parts were carefully observed and measured on the field in 2020, in order to distinguish traces of decay and/or distortions and to integrate them in the most accurate way. Rotation inboard or outboard and angles of distortion in the planks seams were also recorded. The planking pattern shows that the central planks are much longer than those at fore and aft. Here, planks have joggled edges and hook scarfs: an intricate system to fit planks together preventing longitudinal slippage. Boatbuilders were forced to use shorter planks at fore and aft, but at the same time they had to prevent longitudinal slippage, considering that all the fastening elements, ligatures/stitches, dowels and lashings run transversally and there is nothing else to ensure longitudinal strength/compactness. Concerning the beam, originally found near the stern, this was interpreted as possible rudder beam and it was relocated on the stern, although it was difficult to decide at which height of the hull it should be relocated. At this scope the team had to try different fittings manipulating the beam digitally and rotating 6 �Figure 4. Agni Mochtar taking wood samples from the Punjulharjo boat (a, left). Ahmad Ginanjar Purnawibawa doing the photogrammetry of the Punjulharjo boat (b, right). (Photos: Chiara Zazzaro). it according to the visible features, such as grooves, holes and cavities, until it could fit in the hypothetical right place on the hull. The reconstruction process The reconstruction process consisted in integrating data collected from the in-depth study of the boat and from the 3D photogrammetric model with the evidence from other archaeological remains and from iconographic and ethnographic evidence. The internal strengthening, the lashing and stitching system were modeled based on previous excavation photos, ethnographic comparisons, such as the lashed-lug system employed in contemporary boats from Lamalera (Barnes 1996; Dwyer and Akerman 1996), and using an experimental approach. This consisted in printing three 3D digital models of hull portions to experiment the characteristics of the internal construction and the various options and combinations of the lashing and stitching systems recorded. The last step of the reconstruction process consisted in integrating not attested parts of the boat, such the mast, the sail and the rudder. These parts were reconstructed using ethnographic data from Lamalera and from ethnographic accounts, but also using iconographic comparisons, e.g. the representations of ships in the Borbudur temple. The result is a hypothetic 3D virtual reconstruction of the Punjulharjo boat. Acknowledgements Tri Subekso (Dinas Kebudayaan, Kepemudaan, dan Olahraga Kabupaten Semarang) and Retna Dyah Radityawati (Dinas Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Rembang) accompanied during the visit. The fieldwork was conducted under the auspicious of the Indonesian Ministry of Research and Technology and of the Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional (Arkenas), and it was conducted in the context of a long-term joint research project of the Università di Napoli “L’Orientale”, Universitas Indonesia and Arkenas titled: Indonesian Endangered Boatbuilding Knowledge, started in 2019. This interdisciplinary project aims at investigating Indonesian ancient and contemporary boatbuilding practices documenting the archaeological, ethnographic and linguistic evidence in selected areas of the country. 7 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Barnes, R. H. Sea Hunters of Indonesia: Fishers and Weavers of Lamalera. Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1996. Burningham, Nick. “Indonesian quarter-rudder mountings.” IJNA 29, no 1 (1996): 100–119. https://doi.org/10.1006/ijna.2000. 0271. Delgado, J. P. “Ships on Land.” In The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology, edited by Ben Ford, Donny L. Hamilton, and Alexis Catsambis, 182–191. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. Dwyer, D., and K. Akerman. “The Pelédang: The lashed-lug whaling craft of Lamalera, Lomblen (Lembata), Nusa Tenggara Timur, Indonesia.” The Beagle: Records of the Museum and Art Gallery of the Northern Territory 14 (1996): 123–147. Horridge, G. A. “The Lashed‐lug Boat of the Eastern Archipelagoes, the Alcina MS and the Lomblen Whaling Boats.” Maritime Monographs and Reports 54. London: National Maritime Museum, 1982. Lacsina, L. “Examining Pre-colonial Southeast Asian boatbuilding: An archaeological study of the Butuan boats and the Use of edge-joined planking in local and regional construction techniques.” Phd diss., Flinders University, 2016. https://www.academia.edu/download/54-800536/ThesisLacsina2016.pdf Manguin, P.-Y. The Boat Remains of Punjulharjo: A preliminary report. EFEO, 2009. Manguin, P.‐Y. “Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: The stitched‐plank and lashed‐lug tradition.” IJNA 48 (2019): 400–415. Mochtar, A. S. “The Seventh-century Punjulharjo Boat from Indonesia: A study of the early Southeast Asian lashed-lug boatbuilding tradition.” Master diss., Flinders University, 2018. https://flex.flinders.edu.au/file/5b8a6d45-1c8d-4a109647e24526ef1714/1/ThesisMochtar2018.pdf Nishino, N., T. Aoyama, J. Kimura, T. Nogami, and T. L. Le. “Nishimura Masanari’s Study of the Earliest Known Shipwreck Found in Vietnam.” Asian Review of World Histories 5 (2017): 106–122. Priyanto, Waluyo Agus. “Conservation Research and Treatment Programs: Case Study of Ancient Boat Site in Rembang Regency.” The MUA Collection, 2020. Accessed September 23, 2020. http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1263. Purnawibowo, S., and A. Restiyadi. Identifikasi Tinggalan Arkeologi Maritim di Situs Bukit Bongal, Tapanuli Tengah, Sumatera Utara. Balai Arkeologi Provinsi Sumatera Utara, 2020. Siswanto, and N. Abbas. “Ringkasan Hasil Penelitian Situs Perahu Punjulharjo, Kabupaten Rembang.” Varuna Jurnal Arkeologi Bawah Air, 2010. Suranto, Y. “Sumbangan Pemikiran Bagi Penanganan Perahu Kuna Punjulharjo Rembang.” Varuna Jurnal Arkeologi Bawah Air, 2010. 8 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 6: Lashed-lug boats: Emerging research from Southeast Asia and the Pacific Subject The topic of the resource Session 6 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 6 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Experimental Reconstructions of the Punjulharjo Boat from Indonesia: New Insights for Understanding the Lashed-lug Boatbuilding Techniques. Description An account of the resource The article presents the methodology applied for the re-investigation and for the experimental reconstruction of the Punjulharjo boat, the most complete Southeast Asian lashed-lug boat found to date. This work, based on archaeological data, ethnographic, and iconographic sources, brought better understanding of the boat and of the lashed-lug system. Archaeological data were gathered through direct observation of the Punjulharjo boat remains displayed on the original finding location and examination of photos taken during the excavation. The reconstruction approach was engineering and experimental, it consisted in producing hypothetical representations of the Punjulharjo boat, in digital, virtual and 3D print form. As a result, the team identified different lashing systems, hypothesized diverse uses of the lugs within the planking joinery and vertical structures, illustrated the complexity of the planking pattern and hypothesized the aspect and location (or relocation) of the beams, rudders, mast, and other superstructures. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Chiara Zazzaro Agni Mochtar Luigi Ombrato Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Zazzaro, Chiara. 2023. “The experimental reconstructions of the Punjulharjo boat: New insights for understanding the lashed-lug boatbuilding techniques.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Ligaya Lacsina, Agni Mochtar, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1945 Asia-Pac Session 6 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/114ebf151676569cb80a84ff884b7f44.pdf 1a72028a879ec98ebb971ae731962644 PDF Text Text The Early Ninth-Century ‘Ban Khlong Yuan’ Lashed-Lug Boat of Chaiya, Peninsular Thailand: comparisons, contrasts and capabilities Wongsakorn Rahothan (Underwater Archaeology Division, Fine Arts Department, Ministry of Culture, Thailand) Dr Tom Vosmer (University of Western Australia, and Department of Maritime Archaeology, Western Australian Museum) ABSTRACT The Underwater Archaeology Division of Thailand conducted an archaeological expedition in 2019 to trace the wreck sites in the southern peninsula. As a result, the Ban Khlong Yuan boat (BKY) was found in Surat Thani Province, southern Thailand. The area supported an urban town and seaport of the Srivijaya Kingdom between the seventh and twelfth centuries. The remains of the BKY boat were recently re-articulated. The focus of this paper is to present a brief overview of the reconstruction process, highlight analytical materials found in the wreck, and make comparisons of the BKY boat with other lashed-lug vessels of the region. A lines plan will be derived from the reconstruction of the BKY boat and the basic naval architectural data presented. AMS dating and identification of shipbuilding materials demonstrate that the BKY boat is an early ninth-century lashed-lug boat built of genus Hopea timber, with boatbuilding techniques comparable to the Punjulharjo boat (Central Java, Indonesia), the Chau Tân boat (Quang Ngai Province, Central Vietnam), and the Butuan boats (Northern Mindanao, Philippines). Comparisons of lashedlug designs and boatbuilding techniques among these vessels will be explored. The sophisticated boat represents a boatwright’s intellect of indigenous people in Peninsular Thailand during the ninth century. The widespread lashedlug boats found across Southeast Asian waters reflect skilled local boat-builders, mariners and middlemen who effectively engaged in transoceanic trade between the east and west at the ports of the dominant polity. Keywords: lashed-lug boat, maritime archaeology, Chaiya List of figures and table Figure 1. (a) Location of BKY boat and archaeological and ethnographic lashed-lug sites (after Manguin 2019). (b) BKY planks re-aligned. (c & d) BKY planks re-articulated. (e) Preliminary outline of BKY hull. Figure 2. (a) The native ranges of timbers used in the construction of Butuan 1 and 5. P. quadrialatus (Philippine rosewood) is confined to the southern Philippines. (b) The native ranges of timbers used in the construction of the Intan and Cirebon ships. (c) The native ranges of timbers used in the construction of the Punjulharjo boat. (d) The Ban Khlong Yuan boat was discovered near the centre of the ranges of its timbers. Figure 3. (a) Boats with continuous plank ridges. (b) Lug configurations of four Butuan boats (after Lacsina 2016). (c) Scan of Ban Khlong Yuan keel plank showing dowel and lashing holes. Figure 4. (a) Remains of a composite anchor on the Belitung shipwreck site. Courtesy Michael Flecker. (b) Two of the Binh Chau anchors from Vietnam. Courtesy Ian McCann. (c) Reconstruction of a Binh Chau composite anchor. (d) Edge-drilled timber on the Phanom-Surin site in Thailand. (e) Close-up of an edge-drilled timber from the Phanom Surin vessel. (f) Process of converting a lashed-lug plank into timbers suitable for use as stringers, such as on the Phanom-Surin ship. Table 1. AMS radiocarbon dating results of BKY boat samples INTRODUCTION Southeast Asian maritime and underwater archaeology is still developing and in-depth watercraft studies have until recently been somewhat neglected, research criteria not always rigorously applied. For a relatively new area of enquiry an emphasis on data collection and classification is crucial (Bass 1983, 97). 1 �Boats which feature a ‘lashed-lug’ construction technique are firmly considered to be an archetype of Southeast Asia (Miksic 2017, 566, Manguin 2019, 408; 2021, 137; Staples and Blue 2019, 275). Even though the form of the lugs among the boat remains vary, the lugs of the eponymous ‘lashed-lug’ boats are their primary defining feature. Structural features of lashed-lug boats follow an easily recognizable paradigm, but there are features that differ among vessels. This may be due to their date, region of construction, religious, spiritual or cultural traditions, regional sea and weather conditions, their intended purpose, the specific species of timbers or bindings used or even the personal preference of builders. The Ban Khlong Yuan boat conforms to the general model of lashed-lug vessels: double-ended (i.e. pointed at each end in plan view), a keel plank rather than a standard keel, carved planks with lugs spaced at regular intervals, left proud on the inside surface, to which frames are lashed, planks edge-joined with blind dowels and (sometimes) individual discrete lashings binding planks together, no stem or stern posts but the ends of strakes connecting to carved V-shaped ‘wings’ at bow and stern, and longitudinal stringers lashed to the inside of frames. The lugs are spaced at regular intervals except in about amidships, where the keel and two planks on either side are lacking lugs. Ethnographic examples and the remains of the seventh century Punjulharjo ship (Mochtar 2018) suggest that beams or thwarts were fitted to which temporary decking could be lashed. Manguin has done an admirable job of decerning and describing the evolutionary path of lashed-lug boats over a period of centuries from those stitched together without the use of dowels through a gradual transition to a few dowels, to more dowels and less stitching, and finally to dowels only, the discrete stitching having completely disappeared (Manguin 2019, 2021). The Ban Khlong Yuan boat lies in the middle of this evolution, displaying a pair of L-shaped holes for individual lashings on either side of the lugs and four dowels in way of the lugs and four dowels in the space between the lugs. DISCOVERY OF THE BAN KHLONG YUAN BOAT The Ban Khlong Yuan (BKY) boat was first discovered in 2002 in Khlong Yuan village, Chaiya District, Surat Thani Province, located on the east coast of Peninsular Thailand. The unexpected find occurred when the owner of a plantation was excavating a reservoir and stumbled upon the boat's timbers. This significant discovery was later mentioned in a field survey report included in Plengmetha Khawnuna's Master's thesis (Khawnuna 2014, 183-4). In March 2019, the Underwater Archaeology Division, Fine Arts Department, Thailand, visited the boat timbers kept by villagers in a palm plantation. The wood-crafting techniques demonstrated by the preserved wood remains showed that the archaeological remains were from an ancient lashed-lug boat.These planks represent part of a group of about forty lashed-lug boat and ship remains in Southeast Asia dating from the 1st millennium through the first half of the 2nd millennium CE (Figure 1). Relatively few of these regional lashed-lug boat remains were found underwater—most were in waterlogged terrestrial sites, which in some cases led to relatively well-preserved remains. Unfortunately, much of the information on some of these remains is incomplete and a few of the sites have been destroyed or are inaccessible. The Punjulharjo boat from Indonesia is the most well-preserved and accessible and a classic example. Protected by mud, at least two of the Butuan boats in the Philippines are also fairly well preserved. The Ban Khlong Yuan boat tends toward the other end of the spectrum. After the planks were 2 �Table 1. AMS radiocarbon dating results of BKY boat samples. Conventional Calibrated Age Radiocarbon Age (IntCal 13 datasheet using OxCal 4.4) 86.75 ± 0.32 1260 ± 30 BP 668 – 779 CE 724 CE dowel 86.45 ± 0.32 1170 ± 30 BP 771 – 918 CE 845 CE shell plank 86.12 ± 0.26 1200 ± 24 BP 768 – 890 CE 829 CE Site Sample Type Submitter ID Percentage Modern Carbon BKY Organic cord BKY Wood BKY Wood Median Age recovered by villagers they were not conserved, but stored outside and allowed to dry, leading to some shrinkage, deterioration and possible distortion. Three samples were sent for AMS radiocarbon dating, the results demonstrating manufacture during the eight to ninth century CE (Table 1). One plank was identified as (Hopea sp), a dowel as Terminalia mucronata. BKY PLANKS The BKY remains comprise the lower portions of both wing-ends and nine planks—the keel plank, with five planks on one side of the keel plank and three on the other—extending from one of the preserved wingends over a distance of about 8.5 metres. Additionally, smaller plank fragments were collected, making a total of eighty-four disarticulated timbers. CHALLENGES IN RECONSTRUCTING THE BAN KHLONG YUAN BOAT The process of reconstructing the Ban Khlong Yuan boat presented significant challenges due to the degraded and disarticulated state of the timbers. For clues, the lugs on the adjacent strakes must align transversely across the planks. Secondly, dowel and stitching, holes in adjacent planks must match holes. Thirdly, the keel plank and two planks each side were missing lugs in one place. A gap without lugs, or a wider spacing of lugs at one point is a common feature of lashed-lug construction, designating midships, they would need to be aligned. Following this process, we successfully aligned all the planks and one of the wing-ends (Figure 1). The next step involved assembling the timbers into the appropriate shape, using sandbags to support the structure. After the reconstruction, a recording of the boat was taken, revealing that nearly half of the original remains were missing, making it challenging to determine the boat's full length. With the planks reassembled sections spaced at one-metre intervals were derived from direct measurement to the inside of the planking and refined to smooth anomalies. 3 �LINES PLAN Part of our investigation was aimed at creating a Lines Plan from the existing remains, then running the resulting hull form through a number of naval architectural analyses to determine basic hydrostatics. The lines plan requires a number of assumptions to be made and reference to other extant lashed-lug boats. Figure 1. (a) Location of BKY boat and archaeological and ethnographic lashed-lug sites (after Manguin 2019). (b) BKY planks re-aligned. (c & d) BKY planks re-articulated. (e) Preliminary outline of BKY hull. Lashed-lug boats are double-ended and roughly symmetrical in plan, so if the form of the existing hull remains could be determined, a mirror image could be created, paired with the existing hull form and integrated to the shape of the remaining isolated wing-end, which had a sharply-raked profile. The greatest height of the extant planking was estimated to be at about the presumed waterline. With upper planking missing, the topside sectional form, the height and shape of the sheerline, as well as the maximum length and beam could only be estimated, based on boats of similar size and shape. The wings-ends provided reliable information on the form of each end. As remarked earlier, a gap in the lug spacing near amidships is typical. The midline of this gap was about 6.87 metres from the preserved end, which suggested a keel length of about 13.74 metres. However, Lacsina states “The boatbuilders also fashioned one end of the boat on either side of the midships gap to be longer than the other side.” (Lacsina 2016, 224). Midships on Butuan 2 is 53 percent of its length from the bow, on the ship 54 percent from the bow end of the keel (Liebner 2014), on the Punjulharjo boat 55 percent of the overall length from the bow. We therefore assumed that the likely distance from amidships to the bow 4 �end of the keel on BKY was approximately 54 percent of the overall length. Since the distance from stern end of the keel to the ‘midships’ point was 6.87, the length ahead of that point on the keel would be: 6.87 46% = X 54% X = 8.06m ∴ keel length = 6.87 +8.06 = 14.93m Knowing the angle of the isolated wing-end which attaches to keel, we can then estimate the overall length of the boat. Here we have to take some guidance from ethnographic and archaeological examples as well as naval architecture. Work toward a final hypothetical hull form is ongoing but a number of general observations can be made. BKY has a relatively flat bottom, with little deadrise and a gently curving bilge, not unlike Butuan Boat 2 in the Philippines. The ends are fine and hollow. The keel profile is relatively flat through much of its length, with bow end slightly higher. Integrating the angled wing end into the form of the Ban Khlong Yuan hull produced a vessel about 17 metres long. The overall length of the BKY boat is nearly the same as Punjulharjo but given that about two metres of the length of BKY is in the raked bow, and the ends of Punjulharjo are essentially vertical, BKY could be proportionally a 15-metre vessel, 94 per cent of the length of Punjulharjo. Our preliminary reconstruction produced a maximum beam of 3.34, waterline beam of 2.93 metres, depth from gunwale of 1.4 metres and waterline length of 15.46 metres on an estimated draft of .77 metres. These dimensions are very preliminary but refinement of the Lines Plan will enable hydrostatic calculations to be done with naval architecture software. However, a rough estimate of the displacement can be made on the basis of the hull form we have so far. The rule of thumb for vessels with moderately fine ends is: displacement equals waterline length times waterline beam times draft times 0.5 (Flecker 2002, 138). Applying this formula to our dimensions: Displacement = 15.46 X 2.93 X 0.77 X 0.5 = 17.44 tonnes These dimensions and calculations are very preliminary but refinement of the Lines Plan is continuing and will enable hydrostatic calculations to be done with naval architecture software. RELATIONSHIPS TO OTHER ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE Our research has attempted to draw relationships among the many lashed-lug boat remains in the region and how they may relate to the BKY boat, based on specific structural features or materials used but faced a lack of detailed information as most sites have not been examined or reported in detail, their materials not identified; nor structure accurately reported, dating information lacking. That most of the timber and fibre species are widespread in Southeast Asia and were widely traded in antiquity colours the analysis. A comprehensive project to revisit sites and record data on a granular level is needed. However, there are some species whose range is more limited, which could perhaps narrow regions of origin of some craft. Butuan 1 and 5 used timbers that, among other species, grow exclusively in the Philippines (Lacsina 2016, 196) (Figure 2). The native range of Durio species, identified in the Intan shipwreck, was native to Malaysia, Sumatra and Borneo, as were Punjulharjo timbers Palaquium gutta 5 �and Scorodocarpus borneensis. The Ban Khlong Yuan boat used a Hopea species ranging over Southeast Asia, but a dowel was identified as Terminalia mucronata. STRUCTURAL ANALYSES Specific features such as dowel and lug spacing, presence or absence of plank lashings, configuration of lugs, or a ridge connecting lugs might provide clues to origin, technological transfer or developmental paths. Figure 2. (a) The native ranges of timbers used in the construction of Butuan 1 and 5. P. quadrialatus (Philippine rosewood) is confined to the southern Philippines. (b) The native ranges of timbers used in the construction of the Intan and Cirebon ships. (c) The native ranges of timbers used in the construction of the Punjulharjo boat. (d) The Ban Khlong Yuan boat was discovered near the centre of the ranges of its timbers. The keel plank of the BKY boat possesses rectangular carved lugs with a continuous raised ridge running through the centre of the plank, a feature shared with other lashed-lug vessels such as Butuan 4 & 5 (Lacsina 2016), Chau Tân (McCann 2019, 52), the San Isidro wreck (Goddio et al. 1996, Lacsina 2016, 140), the Kolam Pinisi boat (Manguin 2019, 407), the Flying Fish wreck (Flecker and Tai 2020) and the Sungai Limau Manis boat remains (Yahya 2005, 8). The large Cirebon wreck had two planks on each side at the turn of the bilge displaying the continuous ridge (Liebner 2014, 383). Strakes above that have individual lugs, while all of the strakes below the turn of the bilge had a continuous wide ridge. 6 �It is speculated that boatbuilders may have incorporated the ridge to increase resistance to bending. Lacsina (2016, 213) suggests that the ridge could provide structure for lashing holes drilled all the way through its width, evident on Butuan 4 and 5, and some Cirebon planks. The keel ridge could also serve as a convenient baseline from which to measure the distance from side to side as building progressed, thereby maintaining symmetry. Lamalera boatbuilders explained that the ridge protected the hull from being worn thin when bailing water (Barnes 1985, 347; 1996, 206) but does not explain the ridge over the entire length of planks. All these keel and plank ridges appear in widespread geographical locations and bear widely separated dates (Figure 3), lending little to illuminating any direct relationship. LUG CONFIGURATION The shape and spacing of lugs may reveal some relationships among boats. The rectangular lug, such as on the BKY boat is the most common. That four Butuan boats display four different keel plank lug patterns (Lacsina 2016, 211) (see Figure 3) is unexpected, especially in watercraft of the same technical tradition, built at approximately the same time, and discovered in the same area. Boats 1 and 2 have multiple narrow lugs at each lug position, while Boats 4 and 5 (and possibly Boat 3) utilised a continuous raised ridge. The earliest lashed-lug boat discovered, the Pontian boat in Malaysia, had rounded and conical-section lugs. Pairs of discrete lashings held planks together, with a single dowel fitted between them (Manguin 2019, 402, 409). Pontian shares this style of lug with the Kuan Luk Pad and Khok Yang boat remains in Thailand. FRAME LASHING Ethnographic examples show frames lashings on individual lugs but the Punjulharjo and Flying Fish show frame lashings crossing from one plank to another (Flecker and Tai 2020, 9; Mochtar 2018). Structurally, this would make sense, as such a lashing would bind the planks more tightly together. Unfortunately, lashing of frames on the BKY boat have not survived so there is no basis for comparison. DOWEL SPACING AND NUMBER Dowel spacing or number could offer clues to origin, dating and cross-cultural exchange. Maguin has documented an evolutionary path over centuries from the use of lashing only, to the sparse use of dowels coupled with plank lashings, to increasing use of dowels and the eventual disappearance of plank lashings (Manguin 2019, 402; 2021, 138). The fifth to sixth century Kuan Luk Pad timbers and Khok Yang timbers in Thailand (undated) show no evidence of dowels, while the Pontian boat (third to fifth centuries) displays only a single dowel between lashings. The seventh to eighth century Sambirejo and Punjulharjo boats show dowel numbers increasing. The BKY boat dos not have locking pins but boasts a huge number of dowels, generally four in way of each lug and four between lugs. This number of dowels seems to be a relatively late development linked with the gradual disappearance of lashings fastening the planks. The BKY boat demonstrates perhaps the height of dowel fastening prior to the abandonment of plank lashing (see Figure 3). 7 �COUNTER-PEGGING In the 9-10th c. Butuan boats plank lashings have disappeared, replaced with dowels only, sometimes secured with locking pins. Locking pins are evident on Butuan 1 and 5, a plank from Sambirejo, the Cirebon ship, Paya Pasi. The practice exists today, such as with the Lamalera whaling boats of Indonesia. All are widely spaced geographically and temporally. MARITIME CULTURAL EXCHANGE Examples of interaction can be highlighted which unexpectedly involve lashed-lug vessels and rare sewnplank ‘Indian Ocean style’ vessels in Southeast Asia: the 9th-century Belitung shipwreck and the 8-9thcentury Phanom-Surin shipwreck (Komoot 2021). Both show design and construction features associated with western Indian Ocean tradition. The two raise questions about the development of boat-building in Southeast Asia as well as the patterns and intensity of Indian Ocean trade and cultural exchange. Figure 3. (a) Boats with continuous plank ridges. (b) Lug configurations of four Butuan boats (after Lacsina 2016). (c) Scan of Ban Khlong Yuan keel plank showing dowel and lashing holes. On board the Belitung ship was a peculiar composite anchor, a type never before seen (Flecker 2001, 344) comprising a long wooden shank, iron arms and an iron or lead collar sandwiched between them (Figure 8 �4a-c). More recently, remains of anchors of this type, the Binh Chau and Chau Tân anchors, apparently associated with 1st millennium lashed-lug vessels were recovered in Vietnam. McCann states that there is enough evidence to conclude that these anchors and the Belitung anchor are of the same type (McCann 2019: 53). Materials used in the Phanom-Surin sewn-plank ship are indigenous to Southeast Asia (Jumprom 2019, 243). Intriguingly, there appears to be a direct connection between the Phanom-Surin ship and lashed-lug vessels. Rectangular-section timbers have been noted on Phanom-Surin, drilled with blind and diagonal holes (Figure 4d-f) resembling lashed-lug planks. Cutting out the centre where the lugs are, one is left with long rectangular-section timbers suitable for use as stringers, pre-drilled for lashing to frames or for securing cargo. That Phanom-Surin shipwrights were aware of the lashed-lug tradition is clear. What is puzzling is that, while edge dowels were such a significant feature of lashed-lug construction, dowels are totally absent in Phanom-Surin and Belitung. Figure 4. (a) Remains of a composite anchor on the Belitung shipwreck site. Courtesy Michael Flecker. (b) Two of the Binh Chau anchors from Vietnam. Courtesy Ian McCann. (c) Reconstruction of a Binh Chau composite anchor. (d) Edge-drilled timber on the Phanom Surin vessel. (f) Process of converting a lashed-lug plank into timbers suitable for use as stringers, such as on the Phanom-Surin ship. CONCLUSION Despite there now being many lashed-lug remains in the region, we still do not have the detailed information required to discern meaningful technological interactions or local developments. Despite detailed reports by scholars such as Horridge (1978, 1981, 1982) Liebner (2014), Lacsina (2011, 2015, 2016, 2019, 2022) Manguin (1985, 2009, 2012, 2019, 2021), Mochtar (2018) and Purnawibowo and Mochtar (2021) which 9 �have greatly advanced our understanding, until we amass a body of more detailed data it is difficult to define relationships or pinpoint the BKY boat’s place in the milieu. The BKY boat represents a regional trading vessel that thrived during the prosperous maritime activity of Southeast Asia in the eighth to ninth centuries and is a key illustration of the structural features marking the transition from lashed and doweled construction to boats with dowels-only near the end of the first millennium CE. The sophisticated boatbuilding techniques observed on the BKY boat are comparable to those found in other lashed-lug boats across the region, indicating the intellectual prowess of in Southeast Asian boatwrights, reflecting keen interest in experimentation and in developing technical solutions to the challenges of producing viable sea-going watercraft. These techniques represent a shared knowledge among the ancient peoples of Southeast Asia. Lashed-lug boats are thus not solely the cultural heritage of one nation but a shared cultural heritage of Southeast Asia. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We wish to acknowledge the Underwater Archaeology Division of the Fine Arts Department, Ministry of Culture in Thailand for their support, cooperation and encouragement in the Ban Khlong Yuan boat reconstruction project. We also thank the Archaeology Department of the University of Western Australia and the Department of Maritime Archaeology of the Western Australian Museum. BIBLIOGRAPHY Barnes, Robert H. “Whaling vessels of Indonesia.” In Sewn Plank Boats, edited by Sean McGrail and Eric Kentley, 345-366. Greenwich: British Archaeological Reports International Series 276, National Maritime Museum, 1985. Barnes, Robert H. “Sea hunters of Indonesia: Fishers and weavers of Lamalera.” Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Bass, George F. “A plea for historical particularism.” In Shipwreck anthropology, edited by Richard A. Gould, 91–104. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983. Flecker, Michael. “A Ninth-Century AD Arab or Indian Shipwreck in Indonesia: First Evidence for Direct Trade with China.” World Archaeology 32 no. 3, (2001): 335- 354. Flecker, Michael and Yew Seng Tai, “The Flying Fish Wreck: An Early 12th Century Southeast Asian Ship with a Chinese Cargo.” Sabah Museum Journal 3, (2019): 1-42. Goddio, Franck, Monique Crick and Patrice Sandin. San Isidro wreck '96: Excavation's preliminary report and ceramic cargo's study. Manila: National Museum, 1996. Horridge, Adrian. The design of planked boats of the Moluccas. Greenwich: National Maritime Museum, 1978. Horridge, Adrian. “The ancient planked boats of the islands east of Asia.” In Five hundred years of nautical science 1500-1900, Proceedings of the Third International Reunion for the History of Nautical Science and Hydrography, edited by Derek Howse. Greenwich: National Maritime Museum, (1981): 241-258. Horridge, Adrian. “The lashed-lug boat of the eastern archipelagoes, the Alcina MS and the Lomblen whaling boats.” Greenwich: Maritime Monographs and Reports. Trustees of the National Maritime Museum, 1982. Jumprom, Preeyanuch. “Recovery of a lost Arab-styled ship at Phanom-Surin the wetland excavation site in central Thailand.” In Ancient maritime cross-cultural exchanges: archaeological research in Thailand, edited by Amara Srisuchat and Wilfried Giessler. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, Ministry of Culture, (2019): 226-247. 10 �Khawnuna, Plengmetha. The Cultural Development of the Ancient Communities in Chaiya District, Surat Thani Province. Master's Thesis, Department of Archaeology, Graduate School, Silpakorn University, 2014. Komoot, Abhirada. “Maritime connections in the Indian Ocean world during the late first Millennium CE through an archaeological study of Phanom-Surin ship in Thailand.” PhD thesis, University of Western Australia, 2021. Lacsina, Ligaya. “Traditional island Southeast Asian watercraft in Philippine archaeological sites.” (2011). https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:216561888 Lacsina, Ligaya. “The Butuan Boats of the Philippines: Southeast Asian edge-joined and lashed-lug watercraft.” Bulletin of the Australian Institute of Maritime Archaeology 39, (2015): 126–132. Lacsina, Ligaya. “Examining pre-colonial Southeast Asian boatbuilding: An archaeological study of the Butuan Boats and the use of edge-joined planking in local and regional construction techniques.” PhD thesis, Flinders University, 2016. Lacsina, Ligaya. “The same-same boatbuilding tradition? Looking at different examples of lashed-lug boats from the Southeast Asian region.” Proceedings of the International Symposium (15th–16th June 2017). (2019): 38-53. Lacsina, Ligaya. “From the Site to the Museum: archaeologically excavated Butuan boat remains displayed in the National Museum of the Philippines.” Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 47 no. 1 (2022): 63-85. Liebner, Horst Hubertus. “The Siren of Cirebon, a tenth-century trading vessel lost in the Java Sea.” PhD thesis, The University of Leeds, 2014. Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “Sewn-plank craft of South-East Asia.” In Sewn Plank Boats, edited by Sean McGrail and Eric Kentley, 319-343. BAR International Series 276, Greenwich: National Maritime Museum, 1985. Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “The boat remains of Punjulharjo: A preliminary report.” Paris: École française d'Extrême-Orient, 3-4, 2009. Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “Asian ship-building traditions in the Indian Ocean at the dawn of European expansion.” In: The Trading World of the Indian Ocean, 1500-1800, edited by Om Prakash, in History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Volume Ill, Part 7, edited by Debi Prasad Chattopadhyaya, 597-629. Delhi: Pearson, 2012. Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: the stitched-plank and lashed-lug tradition.” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 48 no. 2, 2019: 400–415. Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “The assembly of hulls in Southeast Asian shipbuilding traditions: from lashings to treenails,” Archaeonautica 21 (2021): 137–140. Available at: https://doi.org/10.4000/archaeonautica.2397 McCann, Ian. “The Binh Chau anchors: a 7th-8th CE Composite Conundrum: Master’s thesis, University of New England, 2019. Miksic, John. “Ships, Sailors and Kingdoms of Ancient Southeast Asia.” In The Sea in History – The Ancient World, edited by Christian Buchet, Pascal Arnaud, and Philip de Souza, 560–572 Martlesham: Boydell & Brewer, 2017. Mochtar, Agni Sesaria. “The Seventh-Century Punjulharjo Boat from Indonesia: A study of the early Southeast Asian lashed-lug boatbuilding tradition.” Master’s thesis, Flinders University, Adelaide, (2018). Purnawibowo, Stanov. and Mochtar, Agni Sesaria. “Analisis teknologi pembuatan perahu pada temuan sisa perahu kuno dari abad VII M situs Bongal, pantai barat Sumatera Utara.” (“Boatbuilding Technology Analysis of the Seventh Century Boat Remains from Bongal Site on the West Coast of North Sumatera”), Majalah Arkeologi 30 no. 2 (2021): 99-112. Staples, Eric. and Blue, Lucy. “Archaeological, historical and ethnographic approaches to the study of sewn boats-past, present and future.” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 48, no. 2, (2019): 269–285. Yahya, Matzin bin Haji) The Boats of Brunei Darussalam, Brunei: Brunei Museums Department, 2005. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 6: Lashed-lug boats: Emerging research from Southeast Asia and the Pacific Subject The topic of the resource Session 6 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 6 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Early Ninth-Century ‘Ban Khlong Yuan’ Lashed-Lug Boat of Chaiya, Peninsular Thailand: comparisons, contrasts and capabilities Description An account of the resource The Underwater Archaeology Division of Thailand conducted an archaeological expedition in 2019 to trace the wreck sites in the southern peninsula. As a result, the Ban Khlong Yuan boat (BKY) was found in Surat Thani Province, southern Thailand. The area supported an urban town and seaport of the Srivijaya Kingdom between the seventh and twelfth centuries. The remains of the BKY boat were recently re-articulated. The focus of this paper is to present a brief overview of the reconstruction process, highlight analytical materials found in the wreck, and make comparisons of the BKY boat with other lashed-lug vessels of the region. A lines plan will be derived from the reconstruction of the BKY boat and the basic naval architectural data presented. AMS dating and identification of shipbuilding materials demonstrate that the BKY boat is an early ninth-century lashed-lug boat built of genus Hopea timber, with boatbuilding techniques comparable to the Punjulharjo boat (Central Java, Indonesia), the Chau Tân boat (Quang Ngai Province, Central Vietnam), and the Butuan boats (Northern Mindanao, Philippines). Comparisons of lashedlug designs and boatbuilding techniques among these vessels will be explored. The sophisticated boat represents a boatwright’s intellect of indigenous people in Peninsular Thailand during the ninth century. The widespread lashedlug boats found across Southeast Asian waters reflect skilled local boat-builders, mariners and middlemen who effectively engaged in transoceanic trade between the east and west at the ports of the dominant polity. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Wongsakorn Rahothan Dr Tom Vosmer Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Rahothan, Wongsakorn and Tom Vosmer. 2023. “The Early Ninth-Century ‘Ban Khlong Yuan’ Lashed-Lug Boat of Chaiya, Peninsular Thailand: comparisons, contrasts and capabilities.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Ligaya Lacsina, Agni Mochtar, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1944 Asia-Pac Session 6 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/b7d2bcb398eb8f1e870c846e7d27df50.pdf 4e8852abbc53cfdaedca4650a3f964d9 PDF Text Text Discussion on the Traces of an Early Phase Lashed-Lug Boats of Southeast Asia Mr. Napat Piromrak (Underwater Archaeology Division, Thailand) ABSTRACT Lashed-lug boat-building techniques played a significant role in Southeast Asian trading networks. The previous studies reported that approximately 20 boats in this category have been found. Indeed, an archaeological survey in Thailand during the 1990s had reported the existence of several boats of this type, but the information was scarce and no excavation had been conducted. Not until 2019, a team of Thai underwater archaeologists carried out a survey along the Andaman Coast, the resources available to conduct the work including the discovery of boat remnants which were assumed to be lashed-lug type. The first was a boat plank found at Khlong Thom, the early port site in Krabi province, likely dating back to c. 1st – 5th century CE. The second was a boat plank found at Pak-Klong Kluai beach, Ranong province, located in the area of Phukao-Thong archaeological site. Therefore, research on the boat planks is needed in order to find out the technique of the boat-building and its age. The main purpose of the research is to present an insightful analysis of the boat remnants. The analysis of boat-building techniques, a sample collection for AMS dating, and a comparative studmanguiny were carried on. The result of the study reveals a significant aspect of an early phase lashed-lug boats: planks were carved into protruding lugs with hollowed holes, the hull was secured using a palm rope and wooden wedge, and no trace of a dowel hole are found. The AMS dating of a wooden sample from both sites provided a date of 1,856 ±25 BP and 2,303 ±29 BP. Comparatively, the boat structure is similar to the lashed-lug boat of Pontian (3rd – 5th century CE). However, the hull of these boats bears a different technique of making from other boats (e.g. Butuan and Ban Khlong Yuan boats, 9 th century CE). The discovery of the boat remnants in Thailand has shed new light on the early technique of constructing lashed-lug boats in Southeast Asia, confirmed by the AMS dating. Furthermore, information on boat-building development is provided. Keywords: Lashed-lug Boat, Mortise and Tenon Boat, Shell-based Boat, Sewn Plank Boat List of figures Figure 1. Map showing the shipwreck remains of Pak Khlong Kluai site between 2016-2019 : Courtesy of Decha Pornthai. Figure 2. Evidence of lashed lug plank no. 20 from Test Pit three. Figure 3. Lashed lug plank no. 4 (on top) and no. 5 (long piece) with ropes residue attached to each lug. Figure 4. Lashed lug plank with a frame piece attached to it by ligature. INTRODUCTION “Lashed lug” is specifically used to describe a traditional boat-building technique that spread and was used throughout Southeast Asia’s region. The technique consisted of a shell-based construction, in which the hull planking is constructed first to create an outer shell by edge joining method using wooden dowels and lacing ligatures to the pre-drill holes on the plank, sometimes only dowels are used. After the hull is assembled, frames are added to strengthen the overall construction by lashing to the lugs carved on the interior of the hull. Undoubtedly, the name “lashed lug” comes from the last procedure. Recent studies showed over 20 vessels that were identified as lashed lug boats (Manguin 2019; McGrail 2001), all of them were discovered both underwater and inland near the waterway of Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, Vietnam, and also Thailand. As a result, all have been dated between the fifth to the sixteenth centuries CE (Lacsina 2019, 40). Previous studies by several scholars have suggested a similar theory that early Southeast Asian boats might have been joined exclusively by lacing (Horridge 1982, 1, 32–33, 56-58), or at least lacing as a primary fastening and supplement with doweling (Manguin 1993, 260; McGrail 2001, 297). As Horridge (1982) asserted the need for metal technology in order to drill the dowel holes on the plank edge, which the lacing holes on the lug did not. Furthermore, Manguin (2019, 5) suggested the chronology of the development of plank fastening vessels, he stated that lashed lug boats in the early first millennium relied more on lacing than doweling. Then, during the second half of the first millennium, boatbuilders began to rely on dowelling than lacing, and toward the end of the millennium lacing were completely disappear. However, it is uncertain to conclude whether lashed lug plank fastening is evolving from exclusive lacing to exclusive doweling, without additional evidence on a much earlier plank-built boat (Lacsina 2016, 38). 1 �The earliest well-known evidence of watercraft assembled with lashed lug is the remains of Pontian boat found in Peninsular Malaysia, dating between 260 – 430 CE (Manguin 1993, 256). Traces on the plank show sign of lacing with a small number of doweling. Moreover, in 1985, Pierre-Yves Manguin (1993, 257) investigated a similar boat’s plank construction to the one at Pontian, which had been recovered and displayed at Wat Khlong Thom Museum, Krabi, Thailand. The planks are badly damaged and had no radiocarbon dating, however, relative dating suggested the age of the planks is between the fifth to the seventh centuries CE. Interestingly, the plank showed an identical lug design to its relative, the Pontian boat. Although, there is no sign of supplementing dowels, as the planks are badly degraded and were found in such a small length. The discovery of the Pontian boat and its relative, Khlong Thom plank could represent, what assume to be an early-stage lashed lug boat. However, the available evidence is scarce and incomplete. Nonetheless, a recent survey along the coastal port sites of Khlong Thom, Krabi and Phukao Thong, Ranong, located in the Southwestern coast of Thailand had discovered a few boat remnants that can reveal a new example of an early-stage lashed lug boat. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES OF LASHED-LUG BOATS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Archaeological evidence of vessels that were built using lashed lug technique number more than 20 throughout the region (Manguin 2019; McGrail 2001; Lacsina 2019). Despite the main concept of lashed lug construction, there is a distinctive difference in each construction. The major difference is the way planks are fastened, lashed lug vessels in the early period showed that plank stitching or lacing was a primary fastening method and supplemented with a dowel, this included the archaeological evidence of the Pontian Boat(3rd-5th CE), the Kolam Pinisi Boat (5th-7th CE), the Sambirejo Boat (7th-8th CE), the Punjulharjo Boat (7th-8th CE), and Ban Khlong Yuan Boat(early 9th CE). Later period vessels such as the five Butuan Boats (8th-10th CE), the Chau Tan shipwreck(9th CE), the Cirebon shipwreck(10th CE), the Paya Pasir timbers (12th-14th CE), the Sha Tsui Boat (13th-15th CE), the Gujangang shipwreck (15th-16th CE), and the San Isidro shipwreck (16th CE), only show evidence of doweling, discarded the practice of lacing (Manguin 1993; McGrail 2001; Liebner 2014; Lacsina 2016, 2019; Mochtar 2020). Archaeological finds supported that lashed lug technique evolved from primary plank lacing and gradually adapted to doweling (Manguin 2019; McGrail 2001). HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS There are very few historical accounts describing boats in Southeast Asia. As Southeast Asian most likely pass their knowledge through oral tradition (Lacsina 2016: 23). Most of the accounts are written by nonSoutheast Asian. Indeed, only a few describe insight detail of ship construction. A fourth-century Chinese book on Southeast Asian floral describes that sugar palm bark (Arenga pinnata) can be made into rope, which is used by Southeast Asian boatbuilders to bind timber together (Manguin 1993, 261). Another Chinese record from an eighth-century source describes the large ship of kunlun people (people beyond the barrier which refer to Southeast Asians) which they called “bo”. The source stated that this ship can reach 60 meters and can transport up to 1,000 passengers. The ship is bound together using the bark of coconut trees with no use of iron nails or clamps. There are several planks and sails (Manguin 1993, 262). A smaller size vessel was recorded by Wang Ta Yuan, a Chinese traveler that visit Madura during the fourteenth century. He stated that the boat was made using split rattan and plug the seam with cotton wadding (Scott 1982, 340, as cited in Lacsina 2016). 2 �More detailed accounts were produced during the arrival of the Europeans in the region beginning in the sixteenth century CE. The first Portuguese source described the Sumatra trading ship as junco, the word is derived from the Malay and Javanese word jong (Manguin 1993, 266), which appeared in Javanese inscription as early as the eleventh century (Manguin 1993, 266; Brandes 1889). The jong is large ship comparable in size to the Portuguese, which can carry between 350-500 tons deadweight (Manguin 1993, 266). The plank and frame were exclusively fastened with dowels and assembled multiple layers of planking. The jong used at least two masts and used two lateral rudders (Manguin 1993, 266–267). Another Portuguese account written by Gabriel Rebello described a boat building in Moluccas Sea in 1569. He described that the planks are drilled at the seam and were assembled using a mallet. The construction is so tight that the seam is barely visible. Then, the boatbuilders tied the interior (component) to the lug or cleat with ropes made from root (Manguin 2019). Indeed, the first-hand account of lashed-lug boat building is the record by Francisco Alcina, a Spanish priest who recorded step-by-step boat-building techniques in the Philippines during the seventeenth century CE. He wrote that after the keel was attached to the stem and stern post, the suitable length of wood was chosen for the planks. Only two planks can be produced from a single tree, the boat-builders reduces the thickness of the plank using adzes and left a series of lug or tambuku (Alcina 2005 [1668], 169, as cited in Lacsina 2016; 2019). STUDY OF EARLY LASHED LUG BOATS IN THAILAND Pak Khlong Kluai Shipwreck Site In 2016, a local fisherman discovered a large scale of wood remnants and pottery on the beach of Pak Khlong Kluai, Ranong province (Figure 1). The site is exposed during low tide, fortunately after the found he contact the authorities, which finally led to the Thai Fine Art Department conducting a slow process of unearthing and conserving the remains. The Fine Arts Department including the 15th Regional Archaeology Office (Phuket) and the Underwater Archaeology Division (UAD) conducted several archaeological surveys and site mappings from August to November of 2016. The remnant was identified as a shipwreck, due to a large amount of what was assumed to be wooden planks with a mortise and tenon fastening technique, the evidence also showed many scarf joints. The individual plank has an estimated dimension of 500 centimeters in length, 30-40 centimeters in width, and 10 cm in thickness. The overall structure was 20 meters long and eight meters wide. The plank analysis from the laboratory reveals that it is Terminalia nigrovenulosa Pierre which is commonly found in Sri Lanka, Burma, and Thailand. The tenon was made of Dialium cochinchinese Pierre and the dowel was made of Cassia sp. AMS dating of the plank sample came out between BC 170-180 (Cal BP 2120±30, BP 2140±30) (The FAD 2017) The site location is near Bang Kluai Canal which is linked to an early coastal archaeological site of Phukao Thong, a site that play an important role as a port, stone, and glass ornament production dating around 2,000 years ago. Unfortunately, the wooden structure was in poor condition, and an attempt to reduce the deterioration using Geotextiles and sandbags did not work. As a re-examination show the structures couldn’t withstand the wave. So, the recovery excavation was planned in order to recover the main part of the wreck. 3 �Figure 1. Map showing the shipwreck remains of Pak Khlong Kluai site between 2016-2019: Courtesy of Decha Pornthai. The excavation was conducted in 2019, and the GPR (ground penetrating radar) was used in order to detect underground anomalies across 800 m². Test pits and trenches were planned based on this information to cover the study area. Due to the condition of the site as the wreck is exposed during low tide, the excavation process needs to be finished in one day. So, the trenches were divided into 17 long, narrow trenches and five test pits. As a result, the main wooden structure of 60m² (the volume of the structure reduced significantly based on the 2016 report) is identified as a ship plank, the length varies, the width is between 30-40 cm, and has 10 cm thickness. It was joined edge to edge and used mortise and tenon fastening techniques and supplemented with dowels to lock the joint. Wood identification was carried out for the second time, planks were made from Terminalia nigrovenulosa Pierre, tenons were made of Dialium cochinchinese Pierre and dowels were made of Tectona grandis L.f. (the fifteenth Regional Office of Archaeology 2016) Traces on the plank show at least six scarf joints and two rectangular shape holes. During the recovery process, various sizes of logs are found under the structure, some showed signs of rough-cut marks and were assumed not relevant to the ship’s parts, which could suggest the wrecks were likely abandoned. 80 percent of the pottery excavated from the site are orange-brown jar-shaped earthenware, decorated with cord marks. The rest of the potteries are bowl-shaped and has a variety of decoration such as impressing and polishing inside with black ash. All of them have a similar style to pottery found in Phukao Thong early historic site nearby. The AMS dating of the plank came out to be 200-140 BCE (Ploymukda 2020, 54), which is relative to artifacts found at Phukao Thong site. The remnant of mortise and tenon planks found at Pak Khlong Kluai site represent a few of these techniques that are found in Southeast Asia. However, it still remains unclear if it is part of a hull or other part, since, no further evidence of a keel or frame is found. Surprisingly, the excavation on test pit three (including the adjoined area of trench one, and trench three) revealed different ship construction to the main wreck. The test pit is 10 meters Southwest of the wreck. Timbers lying on test pit three show clear evidence of lashed lug construction, in addition, the lug design is relatively similar to the Khlong Thom boat plank and Pontian Boat which will be discussed more in detail. A total of three distinctive timbers were found in test pit three. They were all identified as a hull plank of a lashed lug-type vessel, as the timber is carved to create a protruding lug (Figure 2). Even though they were 4 �Figure 2. Evidence of lashed-lug plank no. 20 from Test Pit thee. found in the same area, planks were lying separated from one another. It was hard to consider if they were an adjacent plank or even came from the same vessel. The most complete one is plank number 20, which is 230 cm in length, and 40 cm in width, it has six cm of plank thickness and the same lug thickness. The lug shape is relative to Pontian and Khlong Thom Boat as it shows favorable use of a rectangular design, in which lugs are almost wide as a plank and are aligned to one side, leaving an edge protruding out about three cm, hence overlapping with the adjacent plank, overlapped part is made slightly slope down to the edge. However, there are some distinctive features that appear on this broken plank, there seems to be no sign of doweling or lacing hole on the seam as appeared on other plank-lacing vessels and the lug pattern is also quite different, the evidence on this plank shows only one rectangle-shaped hole on each lug and a combination of wide and narrow lugs with a continuous ridge connected between them, though, there are some holes on the seam of this ridge, but it seems not enough. AMS dating of this plank (D-AMS 034770) was dated to 2,303 BP ±29 or 408-357 cal BCE (Piromrak 2020, 41). This is considered the oldest lashed lug-type vessel in Thailand and probably in Southeast Asia. The longest piece is plank number 19, which is 320 cm in length, and 60 cm in width, the thickness of the plank is four cm, the same as the lug. The condition of this piece was badly degraded; however, the evidence showed the favorable design of a rectangular lug with a single hole. On the other hand, wide lugs (dimension of 60 cm) only appear with a spacing of 60 cm, and no traces of continuous ridge, doweling holes, or plank lacing holes were found. The last piece is plank number 17, which is the smallest 120 cm in length, 25 cm in width, and eight cm in thickness. The plank showed evidence of a center ridge lug with two holes bored through the width, however, one end has a slightly protruded lug roughly the width of the plank with six holes bored to the 5 �surface of the lug, these holes were not drilled through the plank but bored one and a half cm deep. There was also no sign of plank-fastening methods. This timber part was unidentified which part of the vessel it was, as no evidence of this kind has ever been found before. Evidence found at Pak Khlong Kluai site is rare and significant. The wreck’s identification suggested that at least two vessels were found, one favored a mortise and tenon technique, and another favored a lashed lug technique. The dating of both wrecks suggests that both boat-building techniques existed in the same period and also related to Phukao Thong site, which played a major role as an early port site, artifacts found at this site were Indo-Roman merchandise such as granulated gold beads, precious stone carved to a lionshape, ring carved into Roman figure and rouletted wares. The wood identification also indicated the use of Southeast Asia region woods, both vessels could be built in the region. Furthermore, sediment analysis from test pits one and four indicates that the geology of the site might be a shore instead of a sea bed (Ploymukda and Piromrak 2019, 197). Khlong Thom Archaeological Site In 1985, Pierre Manguin investigated boat planks displayed at Wat Khlong Thom Museum, the planks were found by a local and had been given to the museum. It was identified as lashed lug type, and features on the plank are relatively similar to Pontian boat, though no traces of dowel holes are found. The planks were relatively dated between the fifth to the seventh century CE as it is associated with the early port and beads production site of Khlong Thom (Manguin 1993, 257). Although Khlong Thom’s timbers are remarkably rare, they have been overlooked for decades. In 2019, Thai UAD conducted a survey along the canal where the plank was found in order to find more evidence about this vessel. The area along the canal is known as Khlong Thom Site (Kuan Luk-pad), an early port site on the Andaman coast that indicates an intensive overseas connection. The survey focused mainly on the canal where they were reported. As a result, the survey team found 12 damaged planks slightly buried under the sediment, the alignment was scattered and presumed not in situ. However, several planks were also found intact on the canal bank, they were assumed to have more archaeological context, however, no excavation had been conducted, but it is highly recommended in the future. Timbers recovered from the site are identified as lashed lug type. As it was submerged in a water-logged condition, which helps preserve the organic material very well, all still have ropes residue intact (Figures 3 and 4). All of the planks were classified into two main parts, hull plank, and keel plank (Piromrak 2020, 35–41). The hull plank The longest piece that was recovered is 150 centimeters in length, the width is around 25 centimeters, and ten centimeters in thickness (including the plank body and the lug). Features on the plank consist of rectangle lugs measured around 40x20 centimeters, each lug has two sets of trapezoid holes (five centimeters wide) bore through the edge. These holes are lashing points for the frame as one sample of plank still has what assume to be a broken piece of frame intact and several pieces still have rope residues loosely bonded. Each lug is 40 centimeters apart, though, one sample has a ridge connected to the others. The design of the lugs shows the intention for plank overlapping as one edge of the lug protrudes out from the plank body. In addition, the cross-section view of the lug also indicates inclination from the overlapped section to the other, which is assumed to follow the curvature of the hull. Furthermore, each corner of the lug appears to have two sets of L-shaped holes drilled through the seam of the plank, these holes acted as a plank fastening 6 �Figure 3. Lashed lug plank no. 4 (on top) and no. 5 (long piece) with ropes residue attached to each lug. point with ligatures, as ligature is passed through each hole on the adjacent plank to create a tensioned knot, and then supplemented with a wooden wedge bored into the knot space to create a tighter fit. However, no traces of plank doweling are found, which puts into question the strength of this vessel. The keel planks Two planks were identified as keel planks, as the design of the lug is distinct from the others. Lugs are placed in a fairly central position as opposed to hull planks that are adjacent to one edge. Evidence on plank #004 indicates a center ridge lug with large two holes bored through, on one end of the lug also showed Lshape lacing holes. The dimension of the fragment is 53 cm long, 28 cm wide, and 10 cm thick. This design is similar to Pontian’s keel plank (Gibson-Hill 1952, 114) and Butuan 5 keel plank which were referred as carinate or ridged keel (Green et al. 1995, 185–186; Lacsina 2016, 116–117). Another one is plank #003, the fragment piece is 49 cm long, 27 cm wide, and nine cm thick. The feature on this plank has a rectangle lug with a continued ridge. Unlike other planks, this one has L-shaped holes drilled through one side of the lug and a large hole bored through the ridge. Though the piece is very small in dimension and wasn’t showed continuous evidence, the lug pattern is relatively similar to Ban Khlong Yuan Boat and Butuan Boat 4 (Lacsina 2016, 190). Unlike the Pontian Boat, an investigation showed that the Khlong Thom plank has no evidence of doweling, the only method used for plank fastening is lacing the plank through L-shaped holes along the edge and supplementing with a wooden wedge. The use of wooden wedges is common in this vessel, as it is found in all spots that consisted of knot tightening, the relatively similar evidence of wedges was also found at Punjulharjo Boat, Indonesia. 7 �Figure 4. Lashed-lug plank with a frame piece attached to it by ligature. AMS dating by Direct AMS, USA, was conducted not long after the recovery of the plank. A sample of the wooden wedge (D-AMS 034772) was dated to 1,856 BP or 85-229 cal CE (calibrated with Oxcal 4.3) (Piromrak 2020, 41). Timbers used in building Khlong Thom boat were identified into three species. The hull plank is made from Hopea species, the frame and wedge are made from Mesua ferrea L., and the seam wadding was identified as Payena acuminate (Blume) Pierre. Moreover, ropes used for frame lashing and plank lacing were identified as Arenga Pinnata. As a result, all identified timbers are commonly grown in a wet tropical area and are of Southeast Asia origin. Other sites Previous reports between the 1990s-2000s recorded the discovery of several lashed lug vessels found in the Southern and up to the Central part of Thailand, unfortunately, most of them were brief and lost their archaeological context due to the unwitting recovery of the locals. The first one is remnants of boat timbers discovered at Ban Kok Yang, Trang province. The evidence showed a well-preserved early lashed lug boat recovered from an alluvial deposit. The report noted the existence of planks with integrated rectangle lugs, frames, and bulkheads, with the practice of plank lacing by ropes. No dating was ever conducted, the examination from photographs shows the relation to the Pontian boat and Khlong Thom timbers. Unfortunately, the remnants were demolished (Vatcharangkul 2001, 47). The second one is lashed lug planks found in Khlong Ta-Noo canal, Ban Koh-Takien, Chanthaburi. The report by Thai UAD in 1997 recorded that two planks were found buried under the canal bed, and being covered by bamboo branches. Due to the bad visibility, the diver found only two planks with no associated artifacts (Parnfuk 1997, 3-5). No radiocarbon dating or wood identification was conducted, however, planks are relatively similar to the Panjulharjo and Ban Khlong Yuan Boat, with evidence of laced holes and dowel 8 �holes. The plank is 250 cm in length, 30 cm in width, and 10 cm in thickness. It was identified as a hull plank of a lashed lug boat and shows the uses of a scarf joint. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Recent studies of early watercraft in Thailand have revealed interesting evidence of lashed lug vessels with their planks exclusively laced together and with no traces of dowel holes. They support the theory which suggested that lashed lug boats in the early period are primarily laced together. These features are associated with the absolute dating of the plank which came out to be earlier than the Pontian Boat, lashed lug watercraft which represent a transitional phase between exclusively lacing to a combination of both methods. Indeed, the site of Pak Khlong Kluai indicated an association between mortise and tenon ship construction and lashed lug vessels, a more intensive study should address this relation. Therefore, the discovery of exclusive plank-laced vessels has inspired more curiosity about their appearance and construction, whether they are raft-type vessels or hull-plank vessels. BIBLIOGRAPHY Evan, Ivor Hugh Norman. “Notes on the Remains of an Old Boat Found at Pontian.” Journal of the Federated Malay States Museum 12, (1927): 93-96. Fine Arts Department. Rai Ngan Kan Samruat Ruea Boran Hat Pak Khlong Kluai Mu 4 Ban Phukao Thong Tambon Kumpuan Amphoe Suk Samran Changwat Ranong. Samnak Silppakorn thi Sipsong, Nakorn Si Thammarat, (The Archaeological Survey of Pak Khlong Kluai Shipwreck Site Ranong Province), In Thai, 2017. Gibson-Hill, Carl Alexander. “Further Notes on the Old Boat from Pontian.” Journal of the Malayan Branch, Royal Asiatic Society 25, no. 1, (1952): 111-133. Green, Jeremy, Tom Vosmer, Paul Clark, Ray A. Santiago and Mauro Alvarez. “Interim Report on the Joint Australian -Philippines Butuan Boat Project, October 1992. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24, no. 3 (1995): 177-188. Green, Jeremy, Tom Vosmer, Paul Clark, Ray A. Santiago and Mauro Alvarez. “Interim Report on the Joint Australian -Philippines Butuan Boat Project, October 1992.” Western Australian Musuem. Horridge, Adrian. The lashed-lug boat of the Eastern Archipelagoes, the Alcina MS and the Lomblen Whaling Boat. Maritime Monographs and Reports. Trustees of the National Maritime Museum, 1982. Lacsina, Ligaya. “The Butuan Boats of the Philippines: Southeast Asian Edge-Joined and Lashed-Lug the Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology 39, (2015): 126-132. Watercraft.” Bulletin of Lacsina, Ligaya. “The Same-Same Boatbuilding Tradition? Looking at the Different Examples of Lashed-lug Boats from the Southeast Asian Region.” In Past Present and Future of ASEAN Maritime Heritage, Proceeding of International Symposium 15 th16th June 2017, 38-53. The Underwater Archaeology Division, Fine Arts Department, Ministry of Culture, 2019. Lacsina, Ligaya. Examining Pre-Colonial Southeast Asian Boatbuilding: An Archaeological Study of the Butuan Boats and the Use of Edge-Joined Planking in Local and Regional Construction Techniques, Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, Adelaide, 2016. Liebner, Horst. The Siren of Cirebon, University of Leeds, 2014. 9 �Manguin Y. Pierre. “Asian Ship-Building Tradition in the Indian Ocean at the Dawn of European Expansion.” In The Trading World of the Indian Ocean 1500-1800, Volume 3 Part 7, edited by Om Prakash, 597-629. Delhi: Pearson India, 2001. Manguin, Y. Pierre. “The Southeast Asian Ship: An Historical Approach.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 5, no. 2 (1980): 266276. Manguin, Y. Pierre. “Trading Ship of the South China Sea. Shipbuilding Techniques and Their Role in the History of the Development of the Trade Networks.” Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient 36, no. 3 (1993): 253-280. Manguin, P.‐Y. “Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: The stitched‐plank and lashed‐lug tradition.” International Journal of Nautical Aarchaeology 48 (2019): 400–415. McGrail, Sean. Boats of the World From the Stone Age to the Medieval Time. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. Mochtar, S. Agni. “Recommendations on Cultural Heritage Site Management Plan for the Punjulharjo Boat in Rembang, Central Java.” Berkala Arkeologi, Volume 40, no. 2, (2020):243-266. Parnfuk, Veera. Rai Ngan Kan Samruat Bueang Ton Ruea Koh Khwang, Klum Ngan Boranna Khadi Tai Nam, Prachinburi, (The Archaeological Survey of Koh Khwang Wreck Site), Prachinburi, The Underwater Archaeology Office, 1997, In Thai. Piromrak, Napat. “Sak Ruea Jom Khlong Thom: Lak Than Ruea Phuk Yuk Raek Roem Thi Phop Nai Prathet Thai.” (Khlong Thom Wreck: Evidence of Early Lashed-Lug Boat Found in Thailand). Silpakorn Journal 63, no. 5 (2020): 30-41, In Thai. Ploymukda, Sira and Piromrak Napat. Rai Ngan Kan Kud Khon Tang Boranna Khadi Laeng Ruea Jom Pak Khlong Kluai Amphoe Suk Samran Jangwad Ranong, (The Excavation of Pak Khlong Kluai Shipwreck Site), The Underwater Archaeology Office, 2019, In Thai. Ploymukda, Sira. “Laeng Ruea Jom Pak Khlong Kluai Lak Than Choeng Prachak Dan Theknoloyi Kan To Ruea Lae Patisamphan Thang Thale Chai Fang Samai Raek Roem Prawat Sat. ” (Pak Khlong Kluai Shipwreck Site: Evidence-Based Shipbuilding Technology and Marine Interaction Across the Andaman Coast in Early History Period). Silpakorn Journal 63, no. 5 (2020): 4257, In Thai. Vatcharangkul, Erbprem. Prawat Sat Kan Panitnavy Thai Samnak Boranna Khadi Lae Phiphittaphantha Sathan Haeng Chat, Krom Silpakorn, (History of Thai Maritime Trading), The Fine Arts Department, 2001, In Thai. 10 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 6: Lashed-lug boats: Emerging research from Southeast Asia and the Pacific Subject The topic of the resource Session 6 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 6 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Discussion on the Traces of an Early Phase Lashed-Lug Boats of Southeast Asia Description An account of the resource Lashed-lug boat-building techniques played a significant role in Southeast Asian trading networks. The previous studies reported that approximately 20 boats in this category have been found. Indeed, an archaeological survey in Thailand during the 1990s had reported the existence of several boats of this type, but the information was scarce and no excavation had been conducted. Not until 2019, a team of Thai underwater archaeologists carried out a survey along the Andaman Coast, the resources available to conduct the work including the discovery of boat remnants which were assumed to be lashed-lug type. The first was a boat plank found at Khlong Thom, the early port site in Krabi province, likely dating back to c. 1st – 5 th century CE. The second was a boat plank found at Pak-Klong Kluai beach, Ranong province, located in the area of Phukao-Thong archaeological site. Therefore, research on the boat planks is needed in order to find out the technique of the boat-building and its age. The main purpose of the research is to present an insightful analysis of the boat remnants. The analysis of boat-building techniques, a sample collection for AMS dating, and a comparative studmanguiny were carried on. The result of the study reveals a significant aspect of an early phase lashed-lug boats: planks were carved into protruding lugs with hollowed holes, the hull was secured using a palm rope and wooden wedge, and no trace of a dowel hole are found. The AMS dating of a wooden sample from both sites provided a date of 1,856 ±25 BP and 2,303 ±29 BP. Comparatively, the boat structure is similar to the lashed-lug boat of Pontian (3rd – 5 th century CE). However, the hull of these boats bears a different technique of making from other boats (e.g. Butuan and Ban Khlong Yuan boats, 9th century CE). The discovery of the boat remnants in Thailand has shed new light on the early technique of constructing lashed Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Napat Piromrak Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Piromrak, Napat . 2023. “Discussion on the Traces of an Early Phase Lashed-Lug Boats of Southeast Asia.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Ligaya Lacsina, Agni Mochtar, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1943 Asia-Pac Session 6 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/d6d06c5cd308ee2d0b0d10a3e719bced.pdf 9a6bbf05e603344fc0dff7ad07f302e2 PDF Text Text Lashing the loose planks: Making sense of the understudied “new” lashed-lug sites in Sumatra, Indonesia Agni Mochtar (Università di Napoli “L’Orientale”, Italy; National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), Indonesia) ABSTRACT The topic of this abstract fits best within this Session 6 Lashed-lug boats: Emerging research from Southeast Asia and the Pacific because it presents new information about the understudied and/or unpublished lashed-lug boats/ships found within the last decade in the island of Sumatra, Indonesia. The case studies under consideration are the lashed-lug boat remains from sites in the provinces of North Sumatra, South Sumatra, and Jambi. The resources available to conduct the work include boat/ship timbers consisted of hull planks, wing ends, and other hull component, as well as rudders, kept in the artefact storages and museums. The research questions of this project are what new information can be obtained from a close examination of the boat/ship planks and other timbers, and how such information would contribute to the advancement of the knowledge about the lashed-lug boatbuilding. The result of the detailed documentation of the boat/ship remains is a comprehensive dataset which covers many variables including ones overlooked in previous research. This project is a part of the author’s doctoral research which expected result is the insights of variations within this particular boatbuilding and the factors causing the variations. Keywords: shipwreck analysis, hull catalogues, boat remains, and environmental context List of figures and tables Figure 1. Distribution map of the sites studied in the project. Figure 2. Plank fastening on a hull plank from Bongal site, North Sumatra Figure 3. Rudder from Cengal site, South Sumatra Table 1. Recapitulation of timbers documented in 2022–2023. Table 2. Preliminary grouping of hull timbers from Bongal site. INTRODUCTION The study of archaeological remains of the Southeast Asian lashed-lug boatbuilding tradition was initiated in the 1980s (Manguin 1989) and developed rather slowly in the following three decades. Fortunately, the last decade witnessed a more promising progress of this topic with new findings and more sites were being investigated closely. In Indonesia, archaeological missions to shipwreck or boat remains sites had been fluctuating throughout decades, with most missions conducted in response to accidental findings by local communities. Other times, the ship/boat timbers were discovered during excavation in areas not intended to investigate nautical archaeology, which resulted in preliminary documentation without further analysis. After the initial studies of general characteristics of the lashed-lug ship/boatbuilding, close examinations of artefactual data had provided essential information about the details of the construction and other related aspects such as raw materials and associated cargo. In the last decade, many findings were reported in Indonesia, especially in Sumatra (Akbar 2019; Indradjaja 2012; Intan 2017; Purnawibowo and Restiyadi 2020), but only limited detailed recording and in-depth analysis was performed. Sumatra had been one of the most important places in the history of maritime network within Indonesia, in Southeast Asia, as well as the Indian Ocean. However, it was unfortunate that ship/boatbuilding study was many times overlooked in the archaeological investigation of the region. This project attempts to closely examine the new findings of lashed-lug boat remains in Sumatra as well as to re-examine previous findings not analysed. The aim is to learn about how they can contribute to 1 �the discussion of the study of lashed-lug tradition. Emphasis is on the variations in the construction, to further the knowledge about the past seafaring in the region. CASE STUDIES The project presented in this paper investigated archaeological remains of lashed-lug watercrafts in three provinces in Sumatra, namely North Sumatra, South Sumatra, and Jambi (Figure 1). South Sumatra and Jambi were on the east coast of Sumatra and famous for their rich archaeological remains, especially the Buddhist artefacts and monuments, many associated to Sriwijaya Kingdoms, one of the largest kingdoms of pre-modern Indonesia (Degroot, Griffiths, and Manguin 2014; Utomo 2010). Major rivers, Musi and Batanghari, run as the vein of people’s activities since early times. Unsurprisingly, many lashed-lug sites were found along the riverbank of the two rivers and their tributaries (Sadzali 2019), also near the coastal lines (Rangkuti 2017). There are also sites located underwater, such as Tanjung Renggung (Adhityatama and Sulistyarto 2018) and Lingga (Flecker 2019), proof that the lashed-lug watercrafts were used in both inland and marine waters. The case study site in North Sumatra is located on the west coast, in Central Tapanuli Regency. In terms of archaeological remains, the regency was considered as one of the most important places in the history of Islam in Indonesia. The Barus site is the first point where Muslims came to Nusantara (modern Indonesia) in the ninth century CE (Guillot et al. 2008). However, the evidence of the initial landing, old harbour, or coastal settlement was almost non-existent. That was until the report in 2019 of archaeological findings from Bongal site, around 95km south of Barus. Surveys and excavations in the Bongal site reveal a likely harbour and settlement close to the Lumut river estuary. Artefacts from this site include ship and boat components, ceramics, beads, coins, and inscriptions. Radiocarbon dating results of one sample of timber and one sample of rope indicate the site was in use as early as the seventh century CE. Two centuries earlier than Barus (Purnawibowo and Mochtar 2021). Since the first report, the locals found more ship/boat timbers but, unfortunately, they were taken from the location without any documentation. RESOURCES Documentation for this project up to early 2023, included ship and boat timbers kept in different types of storage in three provinces. The storage varied from semi-permanent shed built near the site, a local government office, museum display rooms, museum storages, and an artefact storage building. Boat timbers in North Sumatra came from Bongal site, located in the western coast of Sumatra, on the rim of the Indian Ocean. Meanwhile, those in both South Sumatra and Jambi came from several sites in the province. South Sumatra East coast 2 �Bongal Tulung Selapan Cengal Lambur Margomulyo Air Sugihan Figure 1. Distribution map of the sites studied in the project. In the last decade the national archaeological research centre in Indonesia, Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional (Puslit Arkenas) and the regional agency for archaeological research in South Sumatra, Balai Arkeologi Sumatera Selatan (Balar Sumsel) conducted surveys and excavations on the east coast of South Sumatra to study the wetland settlements in the area. During the missions the teams found components of lashed-lugs vessels which varied from keel planks, hull planks, rudders, to oars. According to the project reports and personal communication with the team members, larger timbers were left close to the site locations while some small to medium timbers were collected and kept in the offices for further analysis. During the author’s data collection in 2023, site visits were not possible due to the weather constraint thus the documentation of the ship/boat timbers from the east coast was conducted on those kept in the artefact storage in Balar Sumsel office. The recorded timbers include fragments of a keel plank, hull planks, a wing end, a rudder, and some paddles from Tulung Selapan site, Cengal site, and Margomulyo site. Inland Other boat timbers recorded during the data collection were found on the riverbank of Lematang River, a tributary of the Musi River, far inland around 200km from the coast. The locals who accidentally found the boat dismantled one of the extremities due to curiosity. The authorities then came and brought 3 �the timbers, which consisted of hull planks and a frame, to the artefact storage/display building of the Bumiayu temple complex. Jambi The timbers recorded during the data collection early this year were kept in Museum Siginjei, the regional museum of Jambi. Two fragments of hull planks, a wing end, and some rig components were displayed for the public. The museum storage housed one small vessel, possibly a canoe, with apparent lugs on the keel plank. According to the information from the museum employees, the canoe was found in Lambur Village, probably close to the recently excavated intact lashed-lug boat. Unlike the canoe, the provenance of the boat timbers being displayed was, unfortunately, unknown. North Sumatra The lashed-lug boat timbers from the Bongal site were kept in three locations namely, the semipermanent artefact storage building near the site, the local government office, and the Museum Abad 1 Hijriah in Surakarta, Central Java. The timbers in the storage and the office were documented in the 2023 data collection while those in the museum were documented last year. The timbers in the office were from the initial survey after the first report from the locals, they are generally small to medium fragments. Meanwhile, the timbers in the storage were mostly hull planks, the longest at over two meters and some planks were heavy with almost eight centimetres total thickness. FRAMEWORK The project presented in this paper was part of the author’s ongoing doctoral research project. It started last year and is expected to be finished by the end of 2024, titled ‘A technological study of lashedlugged, plank-built boats and vernacular boat building practices in Indonesia’. The project aims to investigate variations within the lashed-lug boatbuilding tradition through a close examination of archaeological remains found in Indonesia, with the aid of other data including ethnography and iconography. Variations within the lashed-lug boatbuilding were addressed previously (Manguin 2019; Lacsina 2019; Lacsina and Mochtar 2020) but with minimal investigation of possible influences. This project used a nautical archaeology approach to understand the correlation of attributes within one artefact, of one artefact to others, and of artefacts to other data. From such correlations the author synthesises aspects of the boatbuilding technology. Emphasis is on technique variations used in, among others, fastening systems, plank-shaping, bow and stern assembly, as well as to identify the possible variation influences. Due to the current non-intact stage, of the majority of the ship/boat timbers, the analysis was conducted by identification of the artefact attributes and their function and recorded in a database. RESULTS Documentation of timbers During data collection in 2022–2023 the author recorded 50 lashed-lug ship/boat components in various sizes and conditions (see Table 1). All the recorded timbers were first grouped into six types of components, namely keel plank, hull plank, bow/stern assembly, rudder, rig, and unidentified. The last category was to accommodate the timbers, which until this article was written, were still unidentified in 4 �terms of their position or function. The hull planks were, by far, the most oft recorded component. This was expected because in a complete boat or ship the number of hull planks are highest, compared to other components. Besides the verbal description, the author made manual drawings and/or photogrammetry of the timbers. The combination of recording methods was chosen to handle the different conditions of the data. Some timbers were waterlogged, and due to the time constraints, it was difficult to obtain detailed data. For example, the photogrammetry failed to record minor details such as the depth of the holes and the connections between lashing holes. In addition, close-up pictures were taken to record details, such as a fragment of rope inside a lashing hole. The author also recorded before and after photographs of all samples taken for radiocarbon dating and species identification. Table 1. Recapitulation of timbers documented in 2022–2023. No Ship/boat component 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Total Keel plank Hull plank Bow/stern assembly Rudder Rig Unidentified Qty 2 31 6 5 1 3 50 Keel plank and hull planks, preliminary analysis The initial stage of analysis was conducted on hull planks because they held many attributes related to the construction of the vessel. Macroscopic observation was performed on surfaces and the seams of planks to identify the dowel holes, lashing holes, and/or peg holes. Observation was also performed to see variables such as degree of degradation, shape of lugs, type of plank fastening, and type of joinery. Whenever possible, tool marks and other technological traces were observed and analysed. Every attribute on each plank was recorded in a database, which was further elaboration on the extensive database published by Manguin (2019). Whilst his database included both lashed-lug and non-lashedlug vessels found in Southeast Asia, the author’s database only covered lashed-lug vessels in Indonesia, with emphasis on the new and/or unrecorded findings. The database helped the author to identify the similarities and dissimilarities in the construction of the lashed-lug vessels represented by the hull planks. Plank fastenings The hull planks showed variations of the plank fastening. The majority was the combination of dowels and plank lashings. A particular case was found in the planks from Bongal site (Figure 2) where four types of fastening holes were identified: dowel holes, lashing holes, peg holes, and go-through holes. The last type of hole was possibly drilled for a long dowel that went through three parallel planks. A keel plank showed the use of only lashings for plank fastening, even though they were rather thick and heavy. 5 �Figure 2. Plank fastening on a hull plank from Bongal site, North Sumatra. Lugs In general, the lugs are rectangular with two pairs of lashing holes. Some variations were noted on some planks with ridges, but the number of lashing holes was always the same. Apparent distinction is found on the canoe from Lambur, which had smaller lugs with one large hole through the width of the lug. Correlation between attributes The Bongal site had further in-depth analysis to understand the assemblage of hull planks, which attributes were varied and without information of the provenience. The grouping of the planks based on their attributes revealed a possibility of multiple vessels in one site. At this stage, the author put the planks into four groups based on the difference between the plank fastening system, the dimension of the plank, and the character of the wood such as the weight and the level of degradation (see Table 2). The last two variables might indicate different species, which were a weak evidence to support a possibility of different vessels, like those examples in the Butuan boat that used several different types of wood (Lacsina 2016) or in case of a repairment. However, combined with a significant difference in the plank thickness and the use of different plank fastening, it was difficult to imagine them to be from the same vessel. Table 2. Preliminary grouping of hull timbers from Bongal site. GROUP DESCRIPTION A Plank with scarf joints, 3cm thick Heavily degraded, 5cm thick Flat, heavy plank, rectangular cut joints, 3cm thick Thick plank, 7cm thick B C D LUGS DOWELS PLANK LASHINGS PEGS QTY Rectangle, 2 pairs of lashing holes Rectangle, 2 pairs of lashing holes Rectangle, 2 pairs of lashing holes yes no yes 2 yes yes no 2 yes yes no 4 Rectangle, 2 pairs of lashing holes yes yes yes 1 TOTAL 9 6 �Rudder The rudders documented during the data collection were found by local people without clear information of their finding process. Although they were different in dimension, all rudders due to their similar features could be easily identified as belonging to same tradition. The whole rudder, the stock and the blade, made from one solid wood. The stock was cylindrical and gradually flattens towards the mid part to form the blade. The interpretation of this type of rudder as one used in lashed-lug vessels was based on the rudders found in Bongal site and from the Cengal site. Despite the missing information about the actual location, the rudder from Bongal site was found in the same area with the hull planks and other ship/boat timbers and, to date, all the ship/boat timbers unearthed from the site belong to the lashed-lug tradition. Similarly, the rudder from Cengal site (Figure 3) was found during a survey where local people report the rudder with other lashed-lug hull planks. Further, during the excavation in Air Sugihan area in South Sumatra, the team unearthed some lashed-lug planks and a rudder in one context (Indradjaja 2012; Intan 2017). Further analysis During the data collection, wood samples were taken from selected timbers for radiocarbon dating and species identification. The author proposes the results from the analysis will correlate the variation within the construction with different periods and/or with different raw materials. Secondary sources about lashed-lug ship/boats from other places in the region would also be consulted to investigate whether the variations were due to the production of vessels in different workshops. CONCLUSION After the success of a previous study in synthesizing the general characters of the lashed-lug ship/boatbuilding traditions (see Session 6_Lacsina and Mochtar in this APConf 5 Proceedings), we now need the investigation of archaeological remains in detail, and to update the record of new findings throughout Southeast Asia. Indonesia played a significant role in the early days of this study because many lashed-lug archaeological remains were found. This became the primary data to understand the tradition, which previously was only in historic ethnographic research. However, the work of the author’s project was conducted to further the knowledge of the ship/boatbuilding tradition by closely examining details in the more recently discovered and/or understudied ship/boat timbers. The result from the preliminary analysis of the timbers highlights the variations of techniques used in the lashed-lug construction, even on the planks from one site. Such variations were noted in previous research but further study to understand them and the influencing factor behind such variations were scarcely done. As it progressed with the analysis on more timbers, as the radiocarbon dating and species identification results return, hopefully this project would provide more detailed insight. Meanwhile, from observations during data collection and preliminary post-fieldwork analysis, this project has documented new information regarding the lashed-lug ship/boatbuilding, such as propulsion of the vessels and the identification of a harbour site on the eastern rim of the Indian Ocean. 7 �Figure 3. Rudder from Cengal site, South Sumatra. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to express gratitude to the institutions, who authorise all the data documented in this project, for the permit to access their collection: BRIN Sumatera Selatan, BRIN Sumatera Utara, BPK Wilayah V Jambi, BPK Wilayah VI Sumatera Selatan, Dinas Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Tapanuli Tengah, Museum Abad 1 Hijriah Surakarta, Museum Siginjei Jambi, as well as Museum Balaputeradewa and Museum Sriwijaya Palembang. The author would also like to thank Prof Chiara Zazzaro at Università di Napoli “L’Orientale” as the author’s tutor for this research for all the supports and supervisions. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adhityatama, Shinatria, and Priyatno Hadi Sulistyarto. ‘Bukti Langsung Interaksi Perdagangan di Kepulauan Riau: Studi Pada Situs Arkeologi Bawah Air di Pulau Natuna dan Pulau Bintan’. Jurnal Segara 14, no. 3 (6 December 2018): 127–35. https://doi.org/10.15578/SEGARA.V14I3.7348. Akbar, Ali. ‘Laporan Akhir Pelaksanaan Kegiatan Penelitian Situs Perahu Kuno di Desa Lambur, Kecamatan Muara Sabak Timur’, 2019. Degroot, Véronique, Arlo Griffiths, and P.-Y. Manguin, eds. Kedatuan Sriwijaya: Kajian Sumber Prasasti dan Arkeologi. 2nd ed. Depok, Indonesia: Komunitas Bambu, 2014. Flecker, Michael. ‘Sister Ships: Three Early 12th Century CE Shipwrecks in Southeast Asia’. Current Science 10 (2019): 1654–63. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27138527. Guillot, Claude, M. -F. Dupoizat, U Sumaryo, D Perret, and H Surachman. Barus Seribu Tahun Yang Lalu. Jakarta: KPG & Ecole française d’Extrême‐Orient, 2008. Indradjaja, Agustijanto. ‘The Pre-Srivijaya Period on the Eastern Coast of Sumatra: Preliminary Research at the Air Sugihan Site’. In Connecting Empires and States: Selected Papers from the 13th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists, 32–42, 2012. Intan, M. Fadlan S. Air Sugihan: Jejak Sungai Lama di Lahan Basah. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Ombak, 2017. Lacsina, Ligaya. ‘Examining Pre-Colonial Southeast Asian Boatbuilding: An Archaeological Study of the Butuan Boats and the Use of Edge-Joined Planking in Local and Regional Construction Techniques’. Flinders University, 2016. https://www.academia.edu/download/54800536/ThesisLacsina2016.pdf. ———. ‘The Same-Same Boatbuilding Tradition? Looking at Different Examples of Lashed-Lug Boats from the Southeast Asia Region’. In Past, Present, and Future of ASEAN Maritime Heritage, 38–53, 2019. Lacsina, Ligaya, and Agni Sesaria Mochtar. ‘The Lashed-Lug Tradition Beyond the Commonalities: A Closer Examination of Variations in Keel Design within Southeast Asian Shipbuilding Tradition’. In Advancing Southeast Asian Archaeology 2019: Selected Papers from the Second SEAMEO SPAFA International Conference on Southeast Asian Archaeology, Bangkok, Thailand 2019, edited by Noel Hidalgo Tan. Seameo-Spafa, 2020. https://www.spafajournal.org/index.php/spafapub/issue/view/136. 8 �Manguin, P.-Y. ‘Sewn Boats of Southeast Asia: The Stitched-Plank and Lashed-Lug Tradition’. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 48, no. 2 (2019): 400–415. https://doi.org/10.1111/1095-9270.12367. ———. ‘The Trading Ships of Insular Southeast Asia: New Evidence from Indonesian Archaeological Sites.’ In Proceedings of Pertemuan Ilmiah Arkeologi in Yogyakarta, 4 – 7 Juli 1989. Ikatan Ahli Arkeologi Indonesia, 1989. Purnawibowo, Stanov, and Agni Sesaria Mochtar. ‘Boatbuilding Technology Analysis of the Seventh Century Boat Remains from Bongal Site on the West Coast of North Sumatera’. KALPATARU 30, no. 2 (30 November 2021): 99–112. https://doi.org/10.24832/kpt.v30i2.821. Purnawibowo, Stanov, and Andri Restiyadi. ‘Identifikasi Tinggalan Arkeologi Maritim di Situs Bukit Bongal, Tapanuli Tengah, Sumatera Utara’. Medan, 2020. Rangkuti, Nurhadi. ‘Teluk Cengal: Lokasi Pelabuhan Sriwijaya?’ Berkala Arkeologi 37, no. 2 (11 December 2017): 125–40. https://doi.org/10.30883/jba.v37i2.206. Sadzali, Asyhadi Mufsi. ‘Hulu ke Hilir: Jaringan dan Sistem Perniagaan Sungai Kerajaan Srivijaya’. Paradigma, Jurnal Kajian Budaya 9, no. 1 (2019): 61. https://doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v9i1.276. Utomo, Bambang Budi, ed. Ekspedisi Sriwijaya: Mencari Jalur yang Hilang. Palembang: Balai Arkeologi Palembang, 2010. 9 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 6: Lashed-lug boats: Emerging research from Southeast Asia and the Pacific Subject The topic of the resource Session 6 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 6 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lashing the loose planks: Making sense of the understudied “new” lashed-lug sites in Sumatra, Indonesia Description An account of the resource The topic of this abstract fits best within this Session 6 Lashed-lug boats: Emerging research from Southeast Asia and the Pacific because it presents new information about the understudied and/or unpublished lashed-lug boats/ships found within the last decade in the island of Sumatra, Indonesia. The case studies under consideration are the lashed-lug boat remains from sites in the provinces of North Sumatra, South Sumatra, and Jambi. The resources available to conduct the work include boat/ship timbers consisted of hull planks, wing ends, and other hull component, as well as rudders, kept in the artefact storages and museums. The research questions of this project are what new information can be obtained from a close examination of the boat/ship planks and other timbers, and how such information would contribute to the advancement of the knowledge about the lashed-lug boatbuilding. The result of the detailed documentation of the boat/ship remains is a comprehensive dataset which covers many variables including ones overlooked in previous research. This project is a part of the author’s doctoral research which expected result is the insights of variations within this particular boatbuilding and the factors causing the variations. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Agni Mochtar Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Mochtar, Agni. 2023. “Lashing the loose planks: Making sense of the understudied “new” lashed-lug sites in Sumatra, Indonesia.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Ligaya Lacsina, Agni Mochtar, and Pierre-Yves Manguin. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1942 Asia-Pac Session 6 2023