12 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/6169611b35d3f3059f6d1d65e97d84c3.pdf e2f35c603602e5239aa0501114267fbb PDF Text Text Capacity Building using social networking sites Stevens Titiml Abstract The Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) is a country characterized as having the most dispersed set of islands in the Pacific Region. The RMI Historic Preservation Office (HPO) is responsible for preserving and managing the underwater cultural heritage (UCH) which spans 2 nearly two million square kilometers (km ) of ocean. While the task is daunting, we realize that other Pacific Island nations face similar challenges. At this time, the RMI-HPO office is fully staffed with an Anthropologist and Archaeologist, while some of our affiliated offices in the Micronesian region do not staff one or the other and in some cases do not have either. With our offices spread out across the Pacific Region, and preservation programs characterized by limited funding, short staffing, and reliance on contracted professionals, collaboration on preservation work can be instrumental in protection of the UCH. We are small island offices with limited resources, but a larger community of countries whose interconnectedness can be traced to prehistory. With our invaluable UCH to care for, we propose the utilization of popular social networking tools to build capacity. Building a communication site online where we share resources, information and project ideas would be a first step in tackling some of the issues that compound our work. This paper explores several avenues of technology to build capacity, and is the first step towards the creation of a collaborative network. Introduction The Republic of the Marshall Islands Historic Preservation Office (RMI-HPO) is responsible for all preservation related work in the Republic. The RMI HPO office is responsible for all preservation work in the Marshalls which consist of 29 low coral atolls and five small coral islands spread over nearly 2 million km 2 of ocean, the Marshall Islands are the most dispersed set of islands in the Pacific Region. The RMI-HPO office is fully staffed with an Anthropologist and Archaeologist; however some of our affiliated offices in the Micronesian region do not staff one or the other and in some cases do not have either. With our offices spread out across the pacific: communication and collaboration on preservation work are nonexistent with limited funding and high transportation cost. The Micronesian Endowment for Historic Preservation (MEHP) meets annually to report back to National Parks Service (NPS) what each individual office has accomplished the previous year. It is a prime time for showcasing each office’s achievements and projects that proved to be difficult in both time and resource for numerous reasons and of course the most universal issue that we all have in common is the lack of funding available for all offices. We can all agree that we can all use a little, if not a lot, more funding from NPS or outside grants to be able to contribute quality work on sites that are so far spread and hardly accessed by both our staff and tourist alike. Our affiliated offices throughout Micronesia are wholly funded by the NPS under the Compact of Free Association (COFA). With the limited amount of funding we receive from NPS through The Department of Interior, it continually proves to be the most problematic issue for The Marshall Islands HPO, as stated �earlier, due to the relative size and make-up of the atolls and the funding amount we receive. Generally we are required by law under the Use of Cultural and Historical Properties: to preserve all sites which include both terrestrial and underwater sites in all of the Marshall Islands atolls (RMI 1992.). With so many sites and a limited number of resources, we are spread thin and even more so with little funding set aside for outer island travel to be able to conduct any survey. This is equally more compounded by the fact that inter island travel is reduced to slow moving charters which can drain our offices resources quickly and the unreliable domestic air service. Building a communication site online where we can have a dedicated site to share information and project ideas would be a first step in tackling some of the issues that compound our work. I think basic information sharing on what each office is doing will greatly increase our capacity to help each other, especially in situations where one office has dealt with an issue successfully and can provide guidance to another office undergoing the same issue. Sharing ideas on projects that parallel our work, offering advice, problem solving issues on administrative, field work, and how we involve public participation of local residents and traditional leaders would greatly enhance our ability as an individual office and for our responsibility to the entire Pacific Region. The first question of course is the word capacity building. What is capacity building? The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has defined "capacity" as, "the ability of individuals, institutions and societies to perform functions, solve problems, and set and achieve objectives in a sustainable manner". The terms "capacity building" or "capacity development" describe the task of establishing human and institutional capacity. Capacity building is a very broad term and has many uses. In this term of course, it is used to refer to building the capacity of those many individual HPO’s that compromise the Freely Associated States (FAS) in their efforts of preserving their history and culture. I am a strong believer that social learning and empowerment of learned information from professionals and peers in your field of work rely on each other to fully be successful in any particular field of work. It is especially important when the information used in the process of enhancing capacity of individuals in the historic preservation field, who are on the ground making efforts to improve on the preservation of underwater sites and/or department heads, that they have the tools to make choices regarding site administration and planning, with the ability to transform those choices into desired actions and outcomes. In an area such as Micronesia with its diverse underwater sites and very unique aqua culture, we are able utilize the knowledge of traditional experts of navigation as it is passed on from one generation to the next. Comparing the Marshall Islanders navigation tools and knowledge the sea in accordance with sea and weather �patterns, we can look at both similarities and differences in their approach. All this can be done using a social network site for research purposes. People responsible for activities under historic preservation and planning attended training and workshops but neglected to impose or implement the knowledge learned. This loss led to the misunderstanding that a capacity-building training or workshop does not go beyond the conventional perception of training . The main concerns of this paper are to address the social aspects and impacts of many social-networking tools available online. These are that are essentially easy to set up through the internet for collaboration and information sharing. This could be done on one of the many popular social networking sites that are available to use at a minimal cost to our office, and easily accessed by our affiliated offices throughout Micronesia. It would help to keep our offices connected on a more social basis. Rather than the traditional email exchange, this can be difficult to relay. Through this interaction we may create possible ideas or avenues of exploration and share over a broader network. Social networking sites such as: Facebook, Google Friends, Myspace, Bebo are some of many such sites that have become a popular and easier means of communication with friends, family, or colleagues. It is a tool of which the function of it is based on an internet connection. This only requires the payment of basic high-speed broadband bills but not the oscillating prices of long-distance phone calls. Virtual communities are essentially formed with a click of a button and people are invited to join in a social networking environment that encompass discussion of common issues and interests. These communities are composed of people connected together by work, office, purpose, goal, and overall desire to improve on the overall issues of a region. Our main interest is, of course, focused on the underwater sites that blanket the Pacific area compromised of the FAS, namely Palau, Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), Guam, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI), and American Samoa. The Marshall Islands alone has a plethora of underwater sites that are well beyond the developed capitol atoll of Majuro. Needless to say, we need help in developing a system that inputs our data , we need to clarify how to share that information, and how to gain access to the ideas of others so we deepen collaboration between offices and improve on site planning and restoration projects. In my opinion we have not equally addressed our maritime culture as we have with the terrestrial preservation of historical sites or traditional bwebwenato sites (traditional stories). It is of course not because of lack of interest, one can only assume in my short time I have been here, that such an oversight has to do more with the fact that there is relatively no money available for underwater sites. The realities are the time it takes to travel, train staff properly, acquire and maintain gear, and hire a qualified underwater archeologist, especially considering the amount of area that needs to be covered. There are numerous underwater sites that are already renowned as underwater marvels that were created as a result of World War Two (WWII) (see in this volume works by Ishimura; McKinnon; Arnold) and many more naturally �made eco-systems that are also in need of preservation. One such marvel that man created is Bikini Atoll, of which the popular search engine Wikipedia defines it as : Prior to the explosion of the first atomic bomb on the island, the lagoon at Bikini was designated as a ship graveyard after World War II by the United States Navy. Today the Bikini Lagoon is still home to a large number of vessels from the United States and other countries. The dangers of the radioactivity and limited services in the area led to divers staying away from one of the most remarkable potential scuba diving sites in the Pacific for many years. The dive spot has become popular among divers since 1996. However, oil prices have severely curtailed diving operations to the point of being suspended since August 2008 and through 2009, restricted to fully self-contained vessels by prior arrangement. The lagoon contains a larger amount of sea life than usual due to the lack of fishing, including sharks, increasing the fascination with the spot as a diver's adventure spot. Food including fish is contaminated so tour boats must bring all their own supplies. (Wikipedia 2011) Recently Bikini Atoll was inscribed into United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural, Organization (UNESCO) list of World Heritage Sites (UNESCO 2010) under these two criterions: Criterion (iv): Bikini Atoll is an outstanding example of a nuclear test site. It has many military remains and characteristic terrestrial and underwater landscape elements. It is tangible testimony of the birth of the Cold War and it bears testimony to the race to develop increasingly powerful nuclear weapons. In the wake of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs, the Bikini Atoll site confirmed that mankind was entering a nuclear era. It also bears witness to the terms of population displacement and public-health issues. Criterion (vi): The ideas and beliefs associated with the Bikini nuclear test site, and more generally with the escalation of military power which characterized the Cold War, are of international significance. These events gave rise to a large number of international movements advocating nuclear disarmament; they gave rise to powerful symbols and to many images associated with the “nuclear era”, which characterized the second part of the 20th century. Namdrik Atoll (Figure 1) is another atoll that has a unique aquaculture. It is located approximately 145 kilometres (90 miles) west-southwest of Jaluit, and 117 kilometres (73 miles) northwest of Ebon Atoll. The atoll consists of two large wooded islets. The larger (also called Namorik) wraps around the central lagoon from the southwest to the northeast, while the smaller island closes off the northwest corner of the lagoon. A coral islet stands between them on the reef, with numerous black boulders. The very shallow lagoon is cut off from the sea by the drying coral reef. Boats can cross the reef with difficulty, at high water on the west side of the atoll. Landing near the west side of Namorik Islet can be affected to about 90 meters south of it. There is no shelter during northeast winds, and it is dangerous with strong southwest winds when there is a heavy sea. There is a fringing reef which extends about 135 meters in the vicinity of the landing place. There is �depth of about 1.2 meters and there are rocks in places. Two stranded wrecks lie about 90 meters off the south shore along the reef line. Figure 1. Namdrik lagoon, Republic of the Marshall Islands (Picture taken by Stevens R. Titiml) Conclusion These two types of underwater cultural heritage sites are one example of how we can tackle the collaborative work being done. We have a varied landscape which ranges from flat atolls to mountainous peaks. Of course this would mean that all of the FAS-HPO’s working environments are not quite the same, but we share the similarities of small islands scattered in the Pacific Region and the ability to progress with our work initiative using up-to-date technology. We share the same goals for our islands and we hope that our work will provide future areas of further intellectual stimulation and general enjoyment of available resources. The general colloquial saying goes, “our Ocean is our oyster”. It is often said and it rings so true when talking about our underwater sites. We encompass a big part of history. The seabed of our islands are riddled with material culture of man's stories and exceptions of natures' majesty. The HPO attempts to reveal �what it can of those stories and implement/monitor preservation of the sites so that stores are told and sites visited many times over. It is projected that an online social network website would reach beyond our office and out to communities. It is important that we play a role in fostering the social networks and information exchange needed to educate, not only our affiliates, but also serve as an outreach for our office to empower and educate the public on community building. This would move us forward in our mandate to manage change, to resolve conflict, to manage institutional pluralism, to enhance coordination, to foster communication, and to ensure that data and information are shared (the HPO mandate). All of these action points require a broad and realistic view of capacity development. This definition covers both institutional and community-based capacity-building of what our office needs and the impact of the message we can send to the public. Information sharing is needed from colleagues but also from our peers and the general public. It is not true that our office is only here for preserving WWII and historical sites. Producing a social networking website is going to probably be the speediest and most efficient step towards our goals. The issue that we will have to tackle is the site administration itself and the amount of content that we want, or are willing, to put up for the purpose of sharing and gaining comments. We hope that this site can bring mutual understanding and a concise effort to collaborate on undertakings, in not just the Marshall Islands, but also in other regions in the FAS. To use each office as a resource to make not just one island, but a whole region, in equal standing with underwater archeology as in the rest of the world. Informative public awareness is a something that will expose our online material so that the public and professional institutions are aware that we are not just about land modification permits and preserving historical sites but a whole lot more concerned with preserving the national treasures that lay just below our waters. We should not let the downsides of social networking hinder us from being able to compile a site that is truly ours to view, share, and collaborate on projects. While social networking sites have become places for establishing connections and meeting friends, they have also become likely places for identity theft and fraud. As you have to provide certain information such as your e-mail address, name, and location. Criminal’s steal identification information and pretend to be you, especially when they are into illegal activities. The worries are if someone is pretending to be somebody else that they can make you believe that he or she is up to some business offer (project funding, capacity funding) and ask to meet up with you, at which point they may take your money. It has also become easier for someone to stalk you and harass you online. Like in any social situation people must learn to conduct themselves safely and productively. One should consider the pros and cons of social networking sites and take precautions in the kind of people to trust and share information with. The debate whether you should or should not be part of the social �networking community is never ending. And, at the end of the day, the best weapon that you have is sound judgment. Not only do we need to share information with colleagues, but the fact is the RMI are all privately owned lands leased and subleased, to a great extent, to public and national offices to use. The development aspect of using private property for development purposes whether residential or for commercial us in any area within the capitol of Majuro or outer islands comes under the aegis of the land owners and what they want and need. This is a very sensitive issue because land ownership is considered a highly regarded right in traditional Marshallese Custom; so understanding anthropological studies and their soil impacts on the local to wider communities would open further discussions on how to handle certain issues. We are small island offices with limited resources, I have suggested we have a social networking website in order to exchange information and keep everybody updated and informed. With which we would have a tool to build on our current information and work together on projects so as to build on our capacity as a whole. Abbreviations RMI Republic of Marshall Islands Bibliography RMI 992 UNESCO 2010 Wikipedia 2010 Wikipedia 2011 Historic Preservation Legislation Bikini Atoll Test Site- website- Accessed July 31 2010, http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1339 Namdrik Atoll- website- Accessed July 2010, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Namdrik_Atoll CapacityBuilding-website-Accessed October 2011, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capacity_building � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Capacity Building using social networking sites Subject The topic of the resource Session 8 Pacific Islands region: Building UCH Capacity Description An account of the resource The Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) is a country characterized as having the most dispersed set of islands in the Pacific Region. The RMI Historic Preservation Office (HPO) is responsible for preserving and managing the underwater cultural heritage (UCH) which spans nearly two million square kilometers (km2) of ocean. While the task is daunting, we realize that other Pacific Island nations face similar challenges. At this time, the RMI-HPO office is fully staffed with an Anthropologist and Archaeologist, while some of our affiliated offices in the Micronesian region do not staff one or the other and in some cases do not have either. With our offices spread out across the Pacific Region, and preservation programs characterized by limited funding, short staffing, and reliance on contracted professionals, collaboration on preservation work can be instrumental in protection of the UCH. We are small island offices with limited resources, but a larger community of countries whose interconnectedness can be traced to prehistory. With our invaluable UCH to care for, we propose the utilization of popular social networking tools to build capacity. Building a communication site online where we share resources, information and project ideas would be a first step in tackling some of the issues that compound our work. This paper explores several avenues of technology to build capacity, and is the first step towards the creation of a collaborative network. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Stevens Titiml Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Centering the King of Choson: Aspects of Korean Maritime Diplomacy, 1392-1592 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kenneth R. Robinson Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Feb., 2000 Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Zotero Author Kenneth R. Robinson Item Type Journal Article ISSN 00219118 Access Date 2009-11-28 07:18:52 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Feb., 2000 Extra ArticleType: primary_article / Full publication date: Feb., 2000 / Copyright © 2000 Association for Asian Studies Issue 1 Library Catalog JSTOR Pages 109-125 Publication Title The Journal of Asian Studies Short Title Centering the King of Choson Title A name given to the resource Centering the King of Choson: Aspects of Korean Maritime Diplomacy, 1392-1592 URL http://www.jstor.org.libproxy.usc.edu/stable/2658586 Volume 59 Korea https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/0903b67db7b3a4e41fa739e29228661e.pdf 54c9ba40694fe9bb3a0b5f4d6c2e2fce PDF Text Text Centering the margins: Capitalism and the Pacific World in mid-nineteenth century Arequipa Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros Department of Anthropology, Syracuse University mbozacua@syr.edu Abstract Trade policy and regulation were central to the emergent Peruvian state (ca. 1821-1879). The intersection of trade and geopolitical reconfigurations warranted the transition from “Spanish lake” to Pacific World in the nineteenth century. In this paper I examine the rise of the Pacific World from its margin of the Arequipa coast, emphasizing the effects of capitalism through the lens of maritime cultural landscapes. After independence (1821-1824), new ports were established; operation of certain coves sanctioned; and extractive activities shaped the region. The ports on the Arequipa coast supplied markets across the Andean south and Bolivia, and were a necessary and desired stop for North Atlantic ships sailing the Pacific. The Peruvian and Arequipa governments actively incorporated the coast into the inland urban markets of Cuzco, Moquegua, Puno, and the largest market, the city of Arequipa. Their efforts included the construction of roads and, way stations, and piers, thus providing infrastructural support to the regional trade and efforts against contraband. The economic networks that operated throughout here encompassed a vast portion of the population in different degrees of legitimacy. This region was strategic for the mercantile classes across the Andean south, the national government and foreign dignitaries in charge of the Peruvian trade. Contention among them arose from the regulation of trade, weighing on the power balance between the new Peruvian state, its citizens, and foreign powers. Data collected from archaeological and historical sources are combined to understand how these engagements and the pulses of capitalism impacted the Arequipa maritime cultural landscape from a multiscalar perspective. Close examination of globalizing processes reveals that the expansion of capitalism depended heavily on the transformations and continuities that the former had in small places and marginal areas, and that the imposition of a globalized market was accompanied by its involvement in local economies. Key words: Spain, Peru, globalisation, capitalism �In this paper, I employ a maritime cultural landscape perspective to model the conditions that paved the way for the expansion of the Pacific World and its impact on post-Colonial Peru. Trade was key to states that emerged from former Spanish colonies on the eastern Pacific (18211879). Trade also became an articulation of neocolonial relations North Atlantic powers enforced over the emergent states. Britain was most prominent, but France, Italy, Belgium, the German states, and the United States also developed economic interests in the region (Blaufarb 2007; Condori 2014). Struggles that ensued along the western South American coast shaped the Pacific World, spurred by a new model of empire, one reliant on commercial dependence, free trade, and wage labor, and enforced with a mighty Pacific fleet (Blaufarb 2007, 761; Miller 1993). In Peru, the southern trade created a multiscalar margin on the coast of Arequipa: local, regional, national and global processes intersected to shape early Republican geopolitics. The dynamics of the Pacific world should be examined through a multi-scalar analysis of its margins to understand the ‘local contextualities’ (Giddens 1991, 22) that constituted it. Natural conditions and the vast distance from the coast to the city of Arequipa hampered state efforts to penetrate the region, tilting the power balance away from the national government. Economically, Arequipa channeled most of the merchandise in and out of the Andean south, including commodities of great importance to North Atlantic powers: wool, quinine tree bark, and metals (Condori 2014). Furthermore, this region experienced the fastest economic recovery in the country following independence, and a thriving export economy since the mid 1820s, a phenomenon possible due to the efforts of the southern Andean elites. The ports of the south became loci of contention between different interest �groups, particularly foreign dignitaries and local authorities. By reconstructing the maritime cultural landscape of Arequipa, a multi-scalar perspective of global politics, the expansion of capitalism, and the growing pains of the Peruvian post-Colonial state is gained. Historical background The first decades after independence were riddled with internal strife caused by military strongmen known as caudillos. Caudillos engaged in open warfare from their regional bastions, relying on local support that was elusive to the central Peruvian government, and spread chaos across the country (Aljovín de Losada 2003; Gootenberg 1989; Jacobsen 1993; Larson 2004; Lynch 1992). Between the declaration of independence in 1821 and the early 1850s, the presence of a unified Peruvian state is debatable at best. Ramón Castilla, another military leader, consolidated the rule of Lima, pacified regional caudillos, engaged civil elites and institutions, and inaugurated a period of state building that lasted until the 1860s (Gootenberg 1989a; Lynch 1992). Slowly, liberal economic ideas gained broad acceptance among the ruling classes and guided aspects of the national economy to look outward and reject protectionist measures (Contreras Carranza 2011; Gootenberg 2013, 1989a; Larson 2004). The first export boom cycle of the national era, guano, began to unravel, and with it the rise of a plutocratic liberal state (Contreras Carranza 2011; Gootenberg 2013, 1989a; Cushman 2014). The transition towards a national economy after independence emphasized regional ties. In Arequipa, this meant an expansion of the wool trade, which connected the city of Arequipa to its mountainous hinterland, Puno, and Cusco (Fig. 1); silver, copper, wine, and pisco were also produced and exported (Condori 2010, 2014; Gootenberg 1989; Brown 1986; Rice 2012). Arequipa elites, traditionally a landed and �mercantile aristocracy, supported liberal policies that put them at odds with the politically powerful protectionist merchant guild of Lima (Armas Asín 2011; Mazzeo de Vivó 2006; Gootenberg 1989). The guild repeatedly succeeded in imposing their agenda, creating one of the most protectionist economies in the region. The early Republican period in Arequipa was marked by liberal ideologies championing individual liberties and free trade, and distancing Lima as the center of Peruvian power (Bonilla 1974; Condori 2010, 2014; Contreras and Glave Testino 2002; Gootenberg 1989). The south opposed protectionist measures closing all ports but Callao to international trade (Gootenberg 1999, 30). An increase in regional exports especially to British merchants encouraged a cautious support for liberal causes. Some supported a complete ban of imported (French) wines, (North American) coarse textiles, and other goods that competed with local products. British imports became common in other southern markets, like Cusco, where liberal causes slowly began to gain favor, and contributed to the expansion of the Arequipa sphere (Chambers 1999; Condori 2014; Gootenberg 1989). Generally, the south was more interested in seceding rather than taking over or moving the capital to Arequipa (Gootenberg 1989). Armed revolts sprouted across the region through this period. Arequipa’s maritime cultural landscape, 1821-1879 The mercantile basis of the southern economy during the colonial period continued in the first decades after independence, promoting an early intersectional support for free trade reforms across the Andean south (Gootenberg 1999, 30) (Fig. 2). After independence, efforts for the revitalization of the southern economy arose from the Arequipa social and political elites. Improvements that “neared it [the city of Arequipa] to the coast”1 figured prominently. Natural conditions along the Arequipa coast �make overland travel extremely difficult: deep ravines and narrow valleys crisscross large expanses of deserts (Figs. 1-2). Sea navigation also presented difficulties given the rough tides and unfavorable conditions along the coast, but was cheaper and faster than land traffic. Routes from the city to the sea took at least two or three days, and longer for caravans, making necessary the establishment of way stations. The inauguration of the Arequipa railroad in 1871 fulfilled the dreams of ocean proximity (Fig. 2). Roads and way stations were built by local governments or assigned Peruvians; New York-born capitalist Henry Meiggs built the railroad. Small colonial ports remained in use after independence, and new ones were habilitated by the national government for local trade in coves along the coast (Monsalve 2011). All sites faced the hurdles of a desert location, mainly difficulties procuring water and foodstuffs, which were hauled from afar or imported. Earthquakes, tsunamis and tides caused damages to the ports regularly. Port captainships faced severe constraints for the exercise of their functions, as did offices across the country. Captains often decried the inability of their offices to conduct their functions due to the lack of boats, personnel, money and food for the personnel (numerous examples can be found across AHM Serie Capitanías). Further issues arose from the actions of foreign vice-consuls, particularly the British, who exercised their influence routinely, sanctioning blockades and military action against the local community and its authorities, and otherwise were involved in unstable national politics2. Ships calling on Islay, Arica and Mollendo connected the Andean south to Liverpool, Bordeaux, Le Havre, Rio de Janeiro, Valparaíso, Cobija, Guayaquil and most Peruvian seaports. Arica and Islay were the first Peruvian ports visited by the British Pacific steamer line. �The rest of this section provides a brief overview of the coast from 18211879. This includes ports, coves habilitated for trade, and the formation of a series of networks for the exploitation of guano. The amount of commodities trafficked increased, the number of foreign officers at these ports grew, and foreign military presence became more common. Contemporaneously, habilitated coves served the southern economy for the fast transit of goods from valleys to ports and other coves, and were central to the southern guano economies. Quilca Quilca serviced the city of Arequipa as its main port at the time of independence (Fig. 2). Its location and conditions required ships calling to moor a mile south of the cove (Hidrográfica 1879). All loading and offloading had to be done with boats across rough waters before entering the cove. The cove itself is guarded and with calm waters (Stiglich 1918), but the unpredictable exterior conditions of the sea made the anchorage unsafe, and ships were lost suddenly and quickly3. Quilca also serviced the city of Camaná. During this period, the customs house was located in the city of Arequipa, further complicating regional and local maritime trade in foreign goods. This arrangement delayed the arrival of merchandise to their destination markets, and provided ample opportunity for smuggling. The difficult conditions persuaded the government to move the location of the region’s primary port to the cove of Islay (1826), and the cove of Quilca was mostly abandoned after that4. Islay The trade through Quilca was re-channeled to cove of Islay in 1826 (Fig. 2). A pier, customs house and system to provide the settlement with water were promptly constructed. A priest was deployed here in 1827 to service �the port’s growing population5. While Islay has better sea conditions than Quilca, transportation to the city demanded traversing the ample desert east of the port, and many deep and dry ravines that separate city and sea. New roads and way stations between the port and Arequipa were built several times in the mid-nineteenth century. Islay’s population reached the thousands by the 1830s. The port channeled most of the Arequipa trade, as well as imports and exports to and from Cuzco and Puno. Foreign trading houses and dignitaries established in Arequipa also established branches in Islay starting the 1820s. The port town, located three hundred feet above the sea on a rocky promenade, was protected against seaquakes that regularly hit the region. Furthermore, the cove was already economically important for the region, as it has served as the locus of guano extraction and distribution for communities in the Arequipa and Cuzco hinterlands (Figs. 1-2). Guano extraction took place in the Alvizuri and La Fuente islands, and dealings were moved to nearby Matarani after the establishment of the port. Completion of the Arequipa railroad signaled the end for Islay. Mollendo was given the role of main port in 1871. The customs house, naval offices, and consulates moved soon thereafter, and it was ordered that those who remained there moved to Mollendo that same year. Mollendo Mollendo became the main port of Arequipa in 1871, with the railroad connecting the port with Arequipa, Puno and Cuzco. Its natural capacity for receiving small boats only required early infrastructural efforts at the port (García y García, 45) (Fig. 1). A breakwater connected the shore with Ponce Island. A new system of running water was inaugurated in 1873, which required transporting water from the vicinity of the city of Arequipa, �on what was lauded as a “the greatest work of its kind in the world”.6 A light was raised on the promontory by the beach in the evenings to facilitate nocturnal operations and navigation. The move from Islay was facilitated by its proximity (12 km). Buildings had been erected in wood on the bedrock of Islay, and were disassembled and later reassembled in Mollendo. Some of these buildings, including the customs house that was transported from Islay to Mollendo, remain in place, and Mollendo is still the seat of a Navy office. Arica Arica was the most important southern port at the end of the colonial period (Fig. 1). A pier and customhouse were built in 1827. Upon the establishment of the department of Moquegua in 1857, Arica was separated from Arequipa. Its importance for the southern trade continued. Water was easily accessible from wells and the nearby Azapa valley, where foodstuffs were procured. Arica was connected to the nearby city of Tacna by railroad, inaugurated in 1856. Navigation was comparatively easy, although tides often brought labors to a halt between June and August (García y García 1863). �Fig.1: Peru, according to Mariano Paz Soldan’s 1867 map. Satellite imagery acquired through OpenLayers plugin for QGIS. Arica channeled a significant amount of the imports destined to markets across Cuzco, Puno and Bolivia. A Bolivian port was established at Cobija in 1825, but it failed to challenge the importance of Arica to the Bolivian trade. The difficulty, time and cost of overland transportation from Arica to upland Bolivian cities were significantly lower than from Cobija7 (Fig. 1). Iquique A port was established in Iquique in 1827 to support mineral extraction from the nearby mines8 (Figs. 1-2). Establishing the port proved to be difficult. No fresh water, underground or otherwise, can be found in Iquique. Fresh water was eventually made available through processing seawater in condensation machines. Supply of the port depended exclusively on imported foodstuffs. Extractive activities in the vicinity of the port provided the basis for its growth, and population had reached 5000 by the 1860s (García y García). Iquique also channeled the guano trade from the Guaneras del Sur, a series of islands and cliffs in the far south where guano was extracted. The discovery and exploitation of �saltpeter accelerated the growth of the port and the establishment of more settlements and infrastructure (particularly railroads). Saltpeter, as important for its fertilizing properties as guano, was the main export of the port by the 1860s. Iquique became the capital of the Department of Tarapaca when the latter was separated from Moquegua in 1878. Chala A port captainship was established in Chala in 1850 (Figs. 1-2). Its purpose was to channel products from nearby provinces of Arequipa, and those from neighboring Cuzco and Ayacucho. Conditions at sea prevented this objective from being fully realized. Constant roughness of the sea and unrelenting damages and losses of infrastructure hindered operations9. Much of the regional trade continued to be channeled through Islay and Mollendo. Habilitated coves The rough shores of Arequipa are littered with small coves. These coastal nooks represented important nodes in economic networks that spread throughout the south, and were strategic for military operations during the tumultuous first years of the Republic. Some of the coves were habilitated for trade in local and national commodities, and as a way to speed transportation of agricultural products from different points along the littoral (Fig. 2). Given the difficult natural conditions for overland travel along coastal Arequipa, the use of these coves ameliorated transportation times and costs. �Fig. 2: Southern Peru. Peruvian national border following Paz Soldan (1867). Satellite imagery acquired through OpenLayers plugin for QGIS. Local populations at many of these coves were likely descendants of the ethnic group known in colonial documents as camanchacas. These coastal fishermen are poorly recorded in the ethnohistorical record and unknown archaeologically. What is known is that they were the only group indigenous to the coves and beaches from Arequipa throughout the Atacama Desert; their numbers in colonial grants were the lowest in the region; and that they went out to sea in boats made of sea lion skins. Documentary records show that this kind of boat continued in use along the coast from Chala to Iquique until the beginning of the twentieth century (Stiglich 1918). Interestingly, records from Camaná show that fishermen from Sechura serviced the valley10. These northerners used wooden rafts (balsas de palo), which continue to be used by fishermen in the Tambo valley today (Valdivia Ochoa 2017, personal communication). The spread �and continuity of this northern tradition along the Arequipa coast remains to be elucidated. Highland groups from across Arequipa, Cuzco and Puno were also present at the coast; their engagements with camanchaca groups remain unclear. These highland groups descended onto the coast to put their herds to pasture in lomas (seasonal forests), collect seaweed, and extract guano from the islands for use in cultivation elsewhere. These practices predate the imposition of the Spanish colonial system, and guano remained an important commodity throughout the Andean south during the period under study11. These dynamics created complexes of extraction, collection and distribution of guano. Fertilizer extracted from coastal Arequipa was moved inland across the south, and regional extraction was complemented with imports from Chincha that were brought to Islay and Quilca12. Guano complexes were located in Islay, Cocotea, Lomas and Arantas (Fig. 2). Cocotea The Cocotea complex is located 30 km southeast of the Tambo valley. The cove was first habilitated for the traffic of guano inland in 182813; it appears in mid-nineteenth century trade laws as a third-tier port or “habilitated cove”. Although closer to Islay, it depended on certain functions from Arica offices (Paz Soldan 1877). The beach at Pacay is very narrow and littered with rocks, conditions that favored Cocotea for use in port operations. Cocotea also presents a better anchorage. Sea traffic scared away the birds in the area, and in 1851 extraction was restricted to the months of November and April in order to allow birds to nest undisturbed (Ortiz 1852). �Archaeological remains and documentary evidence provide insight into the establishment and use of a guano-centered complex at Cocotea (Fig. 3). The population of the complex was small, only a few hundred semipermanently there14, who depended on the nearby Tambo valley for provisioning. Limited water could be found in Cocotea. Extraction was done at the islands of Jesús, La Mansa and Margarita. Once extracted, guano was stored in platforms near the beach at Pacay; platforms near the shore of Cocotea likely served a similar function. The extant architectural features across the complex consist of buildings of roughly cut fieldstones laid without mortar, sometimes constructed on artificial terraces. At present, function for these buildings has been attributed to housing operatives and herds in the Cocotea ravine, as well as the storage of guano and other goods in both Cocotea and Pacay. Surface artifacts in Cocotea include imported manufacture, local low-fired earthenwares, and animal and shell remains. All dateable artifacts are consistent with a mid-19th century occupation. Surface materials were scarce in Pacay. �Fig. 3: Cocotea complex. Satellite imagery acquired through OpenLayers plugin for QGIS. Discussion and conclusion Given the central role of trade commodity in the nineteenth century global economy and the traditional reliance of the Andean southern economy on trade, the coast takes a preeminent role. No regional or international trade could take place without maritime ports. The geopolitical reconfigurations of the nineteenth century across the Pacific basin arose in good measure as a result of the capitalist orientation of North Atlantic powers. Islay and Arica were required stops along the way for steamers and sailboats regularly crossing the Atlantic to the Pacific to Asia, and back. Entanglements between involved interest groups impacted local conditions, national policies and international relations. As the Pacific world spread and established itself across the Peruvian Pacific, private foreign investors provided certain maritime services, �particularly the transport of passengers, mail and cargo. In contrast, local governments and Peruvian citizens provided the construction and maintenance of roads and way stations, respectively. During their visits, foreign ships would also deliver luxury and staple imports, and take with them products indispensable for the reification of the mid-nineteenth century world order, including: wool destined to British looms, quinine tree bark for pharmaceutical products that aided in the expansion of European powers into malaria-ridden areas, and silver and copper to stimulate the world economy. Operations were secured by force, with British and French warships closely navigating the South American shores. Southern ports were not unique for being blockaded; these took place in Callao, the Chincha islands, and other northern ports. In many cases, the reason for these blockades directly involved trade and traders. These military actions disregarded international law and intervened in local conflicts, particularly during revolutions, uprisings and other political conflicts that arose in Peru between 1821 and 1879. A glaring exception to visitors on the Arequipa coast were North American whaling boats: while their presence is noted in port records from Callao and the northern port of Paita, they are conspicuously absent from Islay, Mollendo, Arica and Iquique records. The operation of southern ports raised other international questions as well. The case of Arica highlights both the mutual integration of Bolivia and the Peruvian south, and the issues that arose from the regulation of trade with the neighboring country. The inauguration of the Bolivian port at Cobija in 1825 does not seem to have affected the flow of goods destined for Bolivia through Arica. International conflicts and several treatises emerged from this situation. The Bolivian trade through Arica, and Tacna en route to Bolivia, encouraged the construction of the Arica- �Tacna railroad in addition to the establishment of small customhouses and checkpoints between the port and the border. Small-scale conditions in the southern coast heavily affected the processes of state formation undergone by the emergent Republic of Peru. Struggles between the Lima and Arequipa mercantile elites cannot be explained without considering their entanglements with foreign traders based in Peru. Lima’s merchant guild was directly responsible for overthrowing regimes during the first years of the Republic with the stated purpose of blocking liberal economic policies. Early liberal trends across the south, particularly at the city of Arequipa, encouraged social unrest in the region and promoted improvement projects in the southern ports. Indeed, a force just as mighty as Lima’s merchant guild were the citizens of the city of Arequipa whom, in allegiance with groups in Moquegua and Tacna, defended democratic values and its economic sequitur, liberalism, through newspaper editorials, public demonstrations, and armed action. Peace, the deciding factor for the definitive establishment of the state in the Peruvian Republic, was only possible after the defeat and death of most caudillos. Preliminary analysis of port records suggests a sustained growth of international trade through these ports at times of peace. Inherently tied to the peace process was the trend towards a liberal, globally oriented national trade economy that ultimately consolidated the Peruvian state, an endeavor that escaped nationalist military leaders before the 1850s (Gootenberg 1989). The spread of influence of Arequipa City, particularly in regards to economic dogma, grew consistently during the mid-nineteenth century, and gave rise to the Andean south (Flores Galindo 1977). The political separation of Moquegua did not affect the formation of this regional bastion. The geographical and economic distance of the Guaneras del �Sur from Arequipa, the interest of the national government in the exploitation of guano and saltpeter in the region, and the later loss of the southernmost strip of Peru (including Arica and Iquique) to Chile in the Ancon Treaty of 1883, definitively shaped the south in Arequipa-centric terms. Two interconnected trends can be recognized from the changes in the Arequipa maritime cultural landscape. First, the establishment of ports and habitation of coves for trade in increasing numbers throughout the period of 1821-1879. These “new” ports built on long-standing economic traditions connected the Pacific to places as far as eastern Cuzco and the Titicaca basin. Second, the construction of roads, way stations and railroads that facilitated trade and sought to bring the city of Arequipa closer to the coast. These efforts fall in line with the early outward look of the southern economy and its entanglements, particularly with British traders. Unsurprisingly, investments in infrastructure across Arequipa and the south at large originated from regional governments more often than from Lima. These improvements were the logical answer to the needs of the emerging southern trade at the beginning of the Republic. The founding of Islay, given the inadequacy of the port at Quilca and its later move to Mollendo, the final point of the railroad, highlights this. While Arequipa began to rise early in the Republic as the center of the Andean south, it only did so by facilitating trade across the region through its ports. The traditional and intersectional reliance on trade across the south created the conditions for the economic recovery of the region after the wars of independence, and for part of the political instability in the country at the beginning of the Republic. Importantly, trends in the Arequipa region differed from others in the country during the guano boom years. The use of guano was widespread �across southern agricultural areas from coast to uplands, and consumption of the dung extracted from coastal Arequipa remained in Arequipa. Some guano from Chincha was also being taken to Islay and Quilca. Whether this was due to reduced guano availability because of damage to the birds’ nesting grounds, excessive sea traffic and human presence or because extraction was constrained otherwise remains to be elucidated. At the same time, guano extracted from the islands of Chincha, Guañape and the Guaneras del Sur was being exported in formidable amounts (Figs. 1-2). The lens of maritime cultural landscapes provides a unique perspective of the multiple forces that impacted the Arequipa coast in the mid-nineteenth century. These were affected by broad scale processes, such as the expansion of free trade capitalism across the Pacific basin, the rise of post-Colonial Latin American states, and the formation of a regional bastion in the Andean south. Endnotes 1 El Registro Municipal Num 18 p. 1, 24 Set 1859. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms) 2 Noticias de Islay, in El Rejenerador Num 8 p. 1, 26 nov 1856. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms); Comunicación del Cónsul SMB al General Pardo de Zela, in El Republicano Vol. 5 N. 25 p. 5, 5 jun 1830. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms) 3 El Republicano Num 45 p. 196, 30 Set 1826. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms) 4 Archivo Histórico de Marina, Serie Capitanía Islay 1842, f. 7 En las caletas de Quilca y Cocotea no tienen habitantes 5 Gutiérrez de la Fuenta, Antonio, Comunicación del Ex-Prefecto a la Junta Departamental, in: El Republicano Tomo 4 N. 32 p. 4, 8 ago 1829. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms) �6 The Peruvian Evening Chronicle Vol. 1 N. 12 p. 2, 28 Apr 1873. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms) 7 El Republicano N. 59 p. 250-252, 6 Ene 1827. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms); (Díaz Araya et al. 2012) 8 Decreto del Ministerio de Hacienda, Lima 6 de Setiembre de 1827, in El Republicano N. 97 p. 117 (6 Oct 1827). Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms). 9 Many examples of this can be found in at the Archivo Histórico de Marina, Serie Capitanías, Chala (C25.C1-C7). 10 Archivo Histórico de Marina, Serie Capitanías, Camaná, 1862, f. 4 “Sobre balseros de Sechura” 11 Archivo Histórico Regional de Arequipa, Serie Prefectura, Legajo 19 (1851-1858), Contrata de Barqueros del Huano (25 jul 1851). (Hidrográfica 1879; Stiglich 1918) 12 Entradas y salidas del Puerto de Islay, in La Bolsa Year 1 N. 33 p. 1, 25 Set 1860 13 El Republicano N. 39 p. 1, 27 Set 1828. Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Hemeroteca (Microfilms) 14 Archivo Histórico de Marina, Serie Capitanía Islay 1842, f.7 En las caletas de Quilca y Cocotea no tienen habitantes. References Aljovín de Losada, Cristóbal. 2003. Caudillos y Constituciones: Perú, 1821-1845: Duke University Press. Armas Asín, Fernando. 2011. Tierras, mercados y poder: el sector agrario en la primera centuria republicana. In Compendio de Historia Económica del Perú IV: Economía de la primera centuria independiente, edited by C. Contreras Carranza. Lima: IEP, BCRP. Blaufarb, Rafe. 2007. The Western Question: The Geopolitics of Latin American Independence. The American Historical Review 112 (3):742763. Bonilla, Heraclio. 1974. Guano y burguesía en el Perú. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. �Brown, Kendall W. 1986. Bourbons and brandy: imperial reform in eighteenth-century Arequipa. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Condori, Víctor. 2010. Sociedad, identidad y regionalismo en Arequipa, 1780-1830. Historia 9:47-71. 2014. Economía y empresa en Arequipa a inicios de la República, 18251850. Economía 37 (74):163. Contreras, Carlos, and Manuel Glave Testino. 2002. Estado y mercado en la historia del Perú. Perú: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Fonde Editorial. Chambers, Sarah C. 1999. From subjects to citizens: honor, gender, and politics in Arequipa, Peru, 1780-1854. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press. Díaz Araya, Alberto, Rodrigo Ruz Zagal, Luis Galdames Rosas, and Alejandro Tapia Tosetti. 2012. El Arica Peruano de Ayer. Siglo XIX. Atenea 505:159184. Flores Galindo, Alberto. 1977. Arequipa y el sur andino: ensayo de historia regional (siglos XVIII-XX). Lima Editorial Horizonte. García y García, Aurelio. 1863. Derrotero de la costa del Peru. Peru Giddens, Anthony. 1991. Modernity and Self-Identity. Cambridge: Polity. Gootenberg, Paul. 1989. Between silver and guano: commercial policy and the state in postindependence Peru. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. 1999. Cocaine: global histories. GB: Routledge Ltd. Hidrográfica, Chile Oficina. 1879. Jeografía náutica i derrotero de las costas del Perú. �Jacobsen, Nils. 1993. Mirages of transition: the Peruvian altiplano, 17801930. Berkeley: University of California Press. Larson, Brooke. 2004. Trials of nation making: liberalism, race, and ethnicity in the Andes, 1810-1910. Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press. Lynch, John. 1992. Caudillos in Spanish America, 1800-1850. Oxford; New York: Clarendon Press. Mazzeo de Vivó, Cristina Ana 2006. Los comerciantes, el Consulado, y los préstamos al gobierno republicano (Lima - Perú, 1820 - 1840). Revista Complutense de Historia de América 32:63. Miller, Rory. 1993. Britain and Latin America in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. New York; London: Longman. Monsalve, Martín. 2011. Industria y mercado interno, 1821-1930. In Compendio de Historia Económica del Perú IV: Economía de la primera centuria independiente, edited by C. Contreras Carranza. Lima: IEP/BCRP. Ortiz, José Manuel. 1852. Colección de Leyes, Decretos y Órdenes Publicados en el Perú desde su Independencia. Huaraz: Imprenta de la Colección. Paz Soldan, Mariano Felipe. 1877. Diccionario Geográfico Estadístico del Perú. Lima: Imprenta del Estado. Rice, Prudence M. 2012. Vintage Moquegua: history, wine, and archaeology on a colonial Peruvian periphery. Austin: University of Texas Press. Stiglich, Germán. 1918. Derrotero de la Costa del Perú. Lima: Berrio & Co. S. C. �Biography Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros is a PhD candidate in the Department of Anthropology at Syracuse University, where she specializes in historical archaeology. Her dissertation research focuses on the impact that processes of formation of the Peruvian state and the expansion of capitalism had on the Arequipa coast. She has conducted archaeological and bioarchaeological research across Peru and the United States. Maria Fernanda is also an affiliate researcher at the Peruvian Center for Maritime and Underwater Archaeology (CPAMS). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 2: Maritime and Underwater Archaeology along the South American Pacific Description An account of the resource The Pacific has been a central feature in coastal – as well as continental – South Americans’ social lives since their arrival to the continent. Indeed, from early oceanic migrations to the present, the Pacific has served as the facilitator for human expansion, contact, and long distance trade; the rise of complex societies; a space for myth, ritual and contention; also as an important place for the exploitation of natural resources and fisheries; and the development of the modern world-system. Despite this centrality, the study of human-ocean interactions and coastal ecological histories in Andean South America remains in a nascent phase. New research technologies, theoretical approaches and innovative research projects provide new opportunities to evaluate human-ocean interactions from a long-term perspective. This session addresses the ways in which the ocean has been central to the manifold ways in which migration, social complexity, native sailing, economic activities, culture contact, colonialism, capitalism and modernity have insinuated themselves through the Pacific Maritime Cultural Landscapes of South America. With the presentation of recent researches conducted in the region, the purpose of this session is to have a better understanding of how the different societies and human maritime communities along South America incorporate the marine and maritime spaces of the Pacific Ocean as part of their Cultural Landscape and Seascape. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Carlos Ausejo Castillo, Ma., CPAMS – Peruvian Center of Maritime and Underwater Archaeology, Peru Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Centering the margins: Capitalism and the Pacific World in mid-nineteenth century Arequipa Description An account of the resource Trade policy and regulation were central to the emergent Peruvian state (ca. 1821-1879). The intersection of trade and geopolitical reconfigurations warranted the transition from “Spanish lake” to Pacific World in the nineteenth century. In this paper I examine the rise of the Pacific World from its margin of the Arequipa coast, emphasizing the effects of capitalism through the lens of maritime cultural landscapes. After independence (1821-1824), new ports were established; operation of certain coves sanctioned; and extractive activities shaped the region. The ports on the Arequipa coast supplied markets across the Andean south and Bolivia, and were a necessary and desired stop for North Atlantic ships sailing the Pacific. The Peruvian and Arequipa governments actively incorporated the coast into the inland urban markets of Cuzco, Moquegua, Puno, and the largest market, the city of Arequipa. Their efforts included the construction of roads and, way stations, and piers, thus providing infrastructural support to the regional trade and efforts against contraband. The economic networks that operated throughout here encompassed a vast portion of the population in different degrees of legitimacy. This region was strategic for the mercantile classes across the Andean south, the national government and foreign dignitaries in charge of the Peruvian trade. Contention among them arose from the regulation of trade, weighing on the power balance between the new Peruvian state, its citizens, and foreign powers. Data collected from archaeological and historical sources are combined to understand how these engagements and the pulses of capitalism impacted the Arequipa maritime cultural landscape from a multiscalar perspective. Close examination of globalizing processes reveals that the expansion of capitalism depended heavily on the transformations and continuities that the former had in small places and marginal areas, and that the imposition of a globalized market was accompanied by its involvement in local economies. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Maria Fernanda Boza Cuadros Asia-Pac Session 2 2017 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/2cd943ef082f1229877b88e19f9cf110.pdf 9957b9d23ee07bc872d7a0550423084b PDF Text Text Ceramic collection in Vietnamese museums of the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck Phạm Ngọc Uyên Fine Arts Museum, Ho Chi Minh City [Bảo tàng Mỹ thuật], Deputy Director ABSTRACT The fifteenth and sixteenth century Cù Lao Chàm / Hoi An shipwreck’s cargo consists of several different types of ceramics. This essay introduces three types of blue and white ware, based on their external appearance of glaze, decorations, and designs. In my doctoral research and for the purpose of this paper, the initial phase is a Collection-based Research to identify Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck’s ceramic cargo in Vietnamese museums. In a parallel study, my literature review explores across Asia Pacific Region shipwrecks and kilns with similar ceramics contemporary to the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck. My hypothesis is that the evolution of Vietnamese ceramics during the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries CE are based on indigenous belief aesthetics that set criteria for pottery artistry and kiln production. This work adds data in the current gaps of knowledge about Vietnam’s ancestors’ role in ceramic production and exchange across the Asia Pacific Region during the initial stages of European colonialism. Keywords: ceramics, shipwrecks, kilns, indigenous design criteria INTRODUCTION My working hypothesis is that the evolution of Vietnamese ceramics during the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries CE are based on indigenous market criteria across the Asia-Pacific Region. To explore this hypothesis I first review three types of ceramic Vietnamese museum collections from the Cù Lao Chàm (also referred to as Hoi An) shipwreck, hence why this paper fits best within this Session on Collections-based Research. Specifically, my work is looking across the whole ceramic cargo from one shipwreck, although they are now housed in several collections across multiple museums and personal collections. From this preliminary survey of the glaze, decorations, and designs of three different types of blue and white wares, I have confirmed similar ceramic types exist in other collections from kilns and shipwrecks in Vietnam, as well as others in the region. The paper briefly introduces the Vietnamese ceramic collection of the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck dating to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in the collections of five Vietnamese museums: National Museum of Vietnamese History (VNMH), Museum of Vietnamese Fine Arts (VNFAM), History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City (HM), and provincial museums in Hải Dương (HD) and Quảng Nam (QN). The shipwreck provenience is Chàm Island, off the city of Hội An, in Quảng Nam province, Vietnam. The site was excavated over three years between 1997-2000 CE. The remaining part of the ship’s hull was 29.4 metres long and 7.2 metres wide. A total of 240,000 artefacts were excavated (Pham Quốc Quân, Tống Trung Tín 2000, 94). Excavated artefacts are diverse, including ceramics, fine bronzes, metal kitchen utensils, bowls, Chinese copper coins, mortars, spices, seeds, etc. Chinese copper coins identified were Kaiyuan Tongbao (開元通寶) of the Tang dynasty (618-907) and Hongwu Tongbao (洪武通寶)of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). It is worth noting that scientists have discovered eleven sets of human remains of merchants and crew members on the ship. Among them is a set of human remains identified as that of a woman about twenty years old with Thai ethnic characteristics. Based on the characteristics of hull timber, human remains, some utensils on the ship, ancient documents and Thai commercial history, it can be estimated that it is likely that the Cù Lao Chàm ship was built in Thailand and Chinese workers may have been involved (Guy 2005, 108), dating to the fifteenth century. The ship is also said to have sailed from Ayutthaya (Thailand) to Tokin (Vietnam) after spending the spring and summer months in the Gulf of Tokin (Phạm Quốc Quân, Tống Trung Tín 2000, 94; Guy 2005, 111). The cargo’s ceramic artefacts include Vietnamese, Chinese and Thai, of which the majority is Vietnamese 1 �Figure 1. Images from underwater excavation of the Cù Lao Chàm / Hoi An shipwreck (Butterfields 2000). (Top) Francis Pope, Mensun Bound (Excavation Director, University of Oxford) and Jak in the control room; (bottom) Underwater excavation of a ceramic. In 2000, after verification by the Government of Vietnam (Nguyễn Đình Chiến, Phạm Quốc Quân 2008: 19), 10 percent of the artefacts (including total of 4362 ceramic pieces) from the shipwreck were selected and distributed to the two national Vietnamese museums VNMH and VNFAM, as well as the Ho Chi Minh City HM, while 5,562 pieces went to the two provincial museums HD and QN. These provincial museums were selected due to the likelihood of the original ceramic production in the areas of Hải Dương and Quảng Nam. The remaining 90 per cent of the cargo’s ceramics were consigned to Butterfields for worldwide dispersal (Butterfields 2000). This is important to know because I bring up examples in my discussion from the Vietnamese collections and private collections abroad. Table 1 summarises the number of ceramics in the five museum collections. 2 �Table 1. Summary of ceramics numbers from Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck in Vietnamese museum collections, including preliminary research on known sites with similar ceramics. References Museum Number of Number of Number of Number of Known sites with similar name blue and Double miniatures barbed rim ceramics white phoenix dish pouring vessel QN On-going* 1 2754 2 HD No statistics yet 2 2743 23 VNMH No statistics yet 304 0 2237 25 1** 206 15 4187 1 2205 03 VNFAM Ho Chi Minh City HM Ko Khram Shipwreck, Thailand (1975,1979): Jarlet Ko Si Chang III Shipwreck, Thailand (1986): Jarlet Orillaneda 2012 Orillaneda 2012 Padanan Shipwreck, Philippines (1995): Dish, jar Santa Cruz Shipwreck, Philippines (2001): Covered box, jarlet Thăng Long Citadel site (Hà Nội) (2008-2009): Barbed rim dish Orillaneda 2012 Orillaneda 2012 Bùi Minh Trí 2017 *Currently under review from excavation years 1997-1999 ** Data from artefact in gallery CERAMIC GROUPS Ceramics from the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck make up more than 50-70 percent of the Vietnamese ceramics in the five museums’ inventory and include blue and white ceramics of three types: double phoenix pouring vessel, miniatures, and barbed-rim dishes; all were made in Chu Đậu, Mỹ Xá, Hải Dương province (Phạm Quốc Quân, Tống Trung Tín 2000, 96). We know the production location because traces of the Chu Đậu ceramics kiln production of five-prong spurs (introduced under the Trần dynasty 1226-1400 CE) were recorded on some of these ceramics (Bùi Minh Trí and Kerry Nguyễn Long 2001, 19). Blue-and-white ceramics Double phoenix pouring vessel – Vietnamese version of popular contemporary double mandarin ducks The ‘double mandarin ducks’ were a popular motif in Chinese and Japanese art, symbolising endurance and faithfulness (Snowdon 2016, 15). This suggests such pottery was exported to the markets of north and northeast Asia. But the double mandarin duck motif was not favoured in the Persian market (Du 2020, 3). Philippe Truong (2007, 241) believed that Vietnamese potters may have produced their versions for export (the ‘double phoenix’) without ever seeing prototypes, which is why they were decorated with the phoenix shape instead of the duck design. This also inadvertently created unique and rich variations compared to the originals from China. The great volume of pottery in the provincial museum QN collection indicates that Đại Việt was engaged in the international trade across Asia, in which the glazed ceramics played a significant role during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries (Guy 2015, 107). Truong (2007, 241) proposes that the jar’s shape imitated the brush washer used in oriental calligraphy under the Xuande reign (1425-1435 CE) of the Ming dynasty. However, Sumarah Adhyatman (1989, 6) proposes this jar-type was used for ceremonial wine on special 3 �occasions like weddings. Another regional shipwreck that includes this ceramic type is the fifteenth-sixteenth century Lena Shoal shipwreck in the Philippines (Truong 2007, 241). Pointedly, Figure 1 (left) shows an example of the ‘double mandarin ducks’ from the collection of the Ho Chi Minh City HM. A similar item can also be found in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, gifted from a private collection (Truong 2007, 241: pl.193). It has a compressed spherical shape with an upright neck, and the shoulder is mounted with facing duck heads and tails. It is coloured with an underglaze blue outline forming the feathered bodies and feet separated by water grasses. The slightly concave base is left unglazed. The duck heads and tails were applied to the walls after the compressed body was formed. The Hội An hoard jar had a hole in the beak of one duck head, so that it could function as ewer or water dropper, following Chinese prototypes from the Ming dynasty (Bonhams 2017, 38). The Vietnamese ‘double phoenix’ is rare in the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck ceramic collections of the museums in Vietnam, as each museum has recorded only one or two specimens and sometimes not intact condition. Although the pouring vessel is damaged, it is the only artefact in the HM representing the Vietnamese “double phoenix pouring vessel” type of the Cù Lao Chàm group (Figure 1 left). The VNFAM houses an exquisite example of the ‘double phoenix’ (Figure 1 right). Figure 1. Double phoenix pouring vessel – Vietnamese version of popular contemporary double mandarin ducks. (Left) A pouring vessel with motif ‘double mandarin duck’ shape, an object from the Cù Lao Chàm collection, 15th-16th century. H: 11 cm; D: 15 cm, Ho Chi Minh City HM (BTLS.16894). (Middle) A pouring vessel decorated with the same motif, an object from the Cù Lao Chàm collection, 15th-16th century. H: 13 cm; D: 17.5 cm, HD (BTHD.4988/Gm 3886). (Right) A pouring vessel decorated with the same motif, an object from the Cù Lao Chàm collection, 15th-16th century. H: 10.5 cm; D: 16 cm, VNFAM (5489 G2 1994) . Vietnamese miniatures There are many shapes and patterns of Vietnamese miniatures varying in size from 1.4 to 8.0 centimetres. They are further categorised with an under-glaze cobalt pattern and overglaze enamel colour. Such ceramics account for more than 50 per cent of the total collection from the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck stored at the five museums in Vietnam (Figure 2). 4 �Figure 2. A variety of Chu Đậu miniatures, HM (BTLS.17622, 18075, 18101, 18905, 18954, 19198, 28560) The Ming court banned the export of ceramics to foreign countries in the fifteenth century, encouraging the kilns in Vietnam and Thailand to ramp up exports to Indonesia, South Sulawesi and the Moluccas (Adhyatman 1989, 7). Vietnamese potters thus sought and found new markets. The presence of Vietnamese ceramics with an underglaze cobalt pattern in Southeast Asian collections (i.e. Jakarta National Museum, Pusat Museum in Jakarta; Singapore National Museum; Asian Civilisations Museum in Singapore; The National Museum of the Philippines, etc.) shows this expansion in cultural exchange. The Vietnamese miniatures have not only been found in settlement sites, but also in religious monuments or burial areas on the coast in both mainland and island Southeast Asia; for example in south Sulawesi, east Java, Kalimanta, the Moluccas and other islands (Adhyatman 1989, 6-7; Dupoizat 2013, 106). Near the town of Lobo in the Philippines (Adhyatman 1989: 6; Kerry Nguyen Long 2001, 186), examples of these small wares were found in tombs and temple grounds, where a village or clan treasure was buried, or in burials as grave goods (Beck 1989, 10-12). The correlation of these sacred places with miniatures assemblages indicate they were used in religious rituals, or possibly precious heirlooms, that contained cultural values such as myths or magic (Adhyatman 1989, 6; Guy 1997, 47). Beck (1989, 12) suggests the alternative that miniatures were used for medicine, cosmetics, or water-droppers for calligraphy. In Indonesia some are known as ‘onroang pabora’, meaning medicine container. A specific example is that of the guri guri, with a 17.0 centimetres high lid made of intricately carved wood that is of the Batak culture in northern Sumatra. In their medium of art, Batak wood carving and textile prints are as notorious in fashion as blue and white pottery is in ceramics. I agree with Beck and further suggest the Vietnamese miniatures were a ceramic version of the wood-Batak medicine containers that met the needs of the consumer market in insular Southeast Asia. Miniatures have been recovered from the Philippines mid-fifteenth century Pandanan shipwreck and various Malay land sites such as Baten Girang in west Java, Bukin hasang near Barus (Sumatra) or Kota Batu, capital of the Sultanate of Brunei (Dupoizat 2013, 108). 5 �Barbed rim dishes The large deep dish with the barbed rim is rare, and this style represents only 2.0-3.5 per cent of the Cù Lao Chàm ceramic collection in Vietnamese museums. These dishes have mouth diameters from 30.6 to 43.8 centimetres and are decorated with the most sophisticated and fine patterns. The technique evolved out of an artistic interest in using more colour enamels (emerald green, red) for the overglaze painted decoration and gold enamel, sometimes substituted for yellow, thus enhancing the luxurious feel of the vessels (Phạm Quốc Quân 2011, 222). While the underglazed cobalt blue is still clear, the overglazed decorations are now only visible as ghost lines. Generally, barbed-rim dish features include the interior well finely painted with two styles, an interior well bordered by lotus or peony, and the base is washed chocolate brown (Butterfields 2000, 3-18). The interior well styles are either mythical animals which can either be the kylin, phoenix or dragon fish or nature scenes of birds and landscape. The interior well is bordered by either scalloped double band of lotus or peony petals. The moulded cavetto is defined by a large lappet band with central panels of flowering lotus. These lie beneath a shaped band of cloud scrolls on the wide everted rim with a raised foliate lip. The exterior is painted with jeweled lappets above the high ring foot. Figure 3 includes examples from Vietnam museums and a private collection. Figure 3. Barbed rim dishes. (Upper Left) Dish with crane and cloud 15th-16th century, Hoi An shipwreck, NMVN (24384) (Nguyễn Đình Chiến, Phạm Quốc Quân 2008: 160). (Upper Right) Dish with landscape 15th-16th century, Hoi An shipwreck, QN (BTQN.1982/S.1883) (Phạm Ngọc Uyên 2022). (Bottom) Stem cup with landscape, Hoi An shipwreck, Nguyen Van Dong’s collection (Bùi Minh Trí, 2017, 197: pl. 20) In Figure 3 the plates were painted in underglaze blue, overglaze iron-red and green, with a lavish use of gold. The decoration can only be seen in high-class export products, satisfying the desires of the wealthy in Indonesia and the Philippines (Kerry Nguyen Long 2001, Bùi Minh Trí 2015). It is a fifteenth-sixteenth century Vietnamese decorative technique (Phạm Quốc Quân 2011, 222). A band of scalloped lotus or peony petals surrounding the main motif is a general decorative pattern, the hallmark of Vietnamese potters (Truong 2007, 208). According to William Willetts (1971, 11), this frieze was so popular it was copied at Swatow (Shantou, Guangdong province, China) during the sixteenth century. An example of this is the large Chinese dish in the collection of the National University of Singapore (Bùi Minh Trí and Kerry Nguyen Long 2001, 146). 6 �John Guy (1997, 54-56) indicated that one of the most popular types of trade ceramics in Southeast Asia was the large serving dish. Many of these were intended for the Islamic market, however, while polychrome enamels were intended for Southeast Asia markets. These serving dishes suited communal eating customs. Such 600-year-old stoneware plates tell of a tragic story on the high seas. CONCLUSION This paper has introduced examples of three types of blue-and-white ceramics from the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck now stored in collections of five museums in Vietnam. In a parallel study I have identified multiple ceramics with similar motifs in museums of insular Southeast Asia, and the literature that explains their use. Their use is considered that of indigenous beliefs and burial practices. The next steps of my research are to explore ethnographic data collected in the indigenous communities of insular Southeast Asia. I seek to parallel politico-economic hypotheses narrowed to criteria for analysing consumer shipping segments and the consumption markets, by expanding this research to explore through ethnographic records the question of what indigenous belief aesthetics set criteria for pottery artistry and kiln production. Bibliography “An important and rare large wucai fish jar, Jiajing six-character mark and of the period (1522-1566)”. Christie's Important Chinese Ceramics and Works of Art, 30 May 2012, Hong Kong, HKCEC Grand Hall. LINK: http://www.alaintruong.com/archives/2017/11/19/35879190.html Adhyatman, Sumarah. “Preface”, Vietnamese ceramics miniatures, 5-8. The Collection of Ulrich J. Beck. Switzerland, 1989. Bartholomew, Terese Tse. Hidden Meanings in Chinese Art. San Francisco: Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, 2006. Phạm Quốc Quân and Tống Trung Tín. (Báo cáo khai quật khảo cổ học dưới nước tàu đắm cổ Cù Lao Chàm, Quảng Nam, 1997-1999) [Report on underwater archaeology of the ancient shipwreck of Cu Lao Cham, Quang Nam in 1997-1999]. Hà Nội: Ban khai quật tàu đắm cổ Cù Lao Chàm [Board of the ancient shipwreck of Cu Lao Cham], 2000. Beck, Ulrich J. “Introduction” [the Collection of Ulrich J. Beck], Vietnamese ceramics miniatures, 9-15. Switzerland: 1989. Bonhams. Fine Asian Works of Art. Principal auctioneer: Patrick Meade. Bonhams & Butterfields Auctioneers Corp, 2017. Available at: <https://images2.bonhams.com/original?src=Images/live/2017-12/07/S-24265-0-4.pdf>. Accessed 15/0/2021. Bùi Minh Trí and Kerry Nguyễn Long. Gốm hoa lam Việt Nam [(Vietnamese Blue & White Ceramics]). Hà Nội: KHXH Publications, 2001. Bùi Minh Trí. “Gốm vẽ nhiều màu Việt Nam” [Vietnamese ceramics painted multicolor], Bulletin of Science, 181-221. Hà Nội: KHXH Publications, 2017. Brown, Roxanna M. The Ming gap and shipwreck ceramics in Southeast Asia: towards a chronology of Thai Trade ware. Bangkok, Thailand: Siam Society, 2009. Dupoizat, Marie-France. “Vietnamese Ceramics in the Malay World”. Archipel, Vol. 85: 105-115, 2013. Gotuaco Larry, Tan C. Rita, Diem I. Allison. Chinese and Vietnamese blue and white wares found in the Philippines. The Philippines: Bookmark, Inc., 1997. Guy, J. “Vietnamese Trade Ceramics”. In Vietnamese ceramics, 28-35. Singapore: Southeast Asian Ceramic Society/Oxford University Press, 1982. 7 �Guy, J. “The Hoi An (Cu Lao Cham) Shipwreck Cargo and Asian Ceramic Trade”. Proceedings of the International Conference: Chinese Export Ceramics and Maritime trade 12th-15th centuries (eds. Guo Li and Chui Ki Wan/Peikai Cheng, Editor-in-Chief): 105-125. Xianggang: Zhonghua shu ju, 2005. Harrison, B. “Correlations and types of Vietnamese Trade Wares 13th-19th”. In Vietnamese ceramics, 38-48. Singapore: Southeast Asian Ceramic Society/Oxford University Press, 1982. Laing, Ellen Johnston. “Carp and Goldfish as Auspicious Symbols and their Representation in Chinese Popular Prints” In. Arts Asiatiques, Tome 72: 97-109, 2017. Nguyễn Đình Chiến, Phạm Quốc Quân. Gốm sứ trong năm con tàu cổ ở vùng biển Việt Nam [Ceramics on five shipwrecks off the coast of Viet Nam]. Hà Nội: Bảo tàng Lịch sử Việt Nam [The National Museum of Vietnamese History], 2008. Nguyễn Du Chi. Hoa văn Việt Nam từ thời tiền sử đến nửa đầu thời kỳ phong kiến [Vietnamese patterns from prehistory to the first half of the feudal period]. Hà Nội: Mỹ thuật [Fine Arts Publisher], 2003. Orillaneda, Bobby C. . Unit 13 Asian Ceramics. Bangkok, Thailand: UNESCO Bangkok, 2012. Phạm Quốc Quân. Ngã ba di sản [Crossroad of the Heritages]. Hà Nội: Dân Trí [Dân Trí Publishing House], 2011. Stevenson, John and Guy John. Vietnamese Ceramics: A Separate Tradition. Chicago: Art Media Resources with Avery Press, 1997. Treasures from the Hoi An hoard important Vietnamese Ceramics from a late 15th/early 16th century cargo. San Francisco and Los Angeles: Butterfields, 2000. Truong, Phillippe. The Elephant and the Lotus: Vietnamese ceramics in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Boston: MFA Publication, 2007. Williams C. A. S. Outlines of Chinese Symbolism and Art Motives. New York: Dover Publications, 1960. Williams, Willetts. Ceramic Art of Southeast Asia, Singapore: The Southeast Asian Ceramic Society, 1971. 8 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2023 Session 23: Collections-based Research Subject The topic of the resource Session 23 papers Description An account of the resource Papers presented at Session 23 of the 2023 Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Language A language of the resource English Rights Holder A person or organization owning or managing rights over the resource. Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ceramic collection in Vietnamese museums of the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck Description An account of the resource The fifteenth and sixteenth century Cù Lao Chàm / Hoi An shipwreck’s cargo consists of several different types of ceramics. This essay introduces three types of blue and white ware, based on their external appearance of glaze, decorations, and designs. In my doctoral research and for the purpose of this paper, the initial phase is a Collection-based Research to identify Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck’s ceramic cargo in Vietnamese museums. In a parallel study, my literature review explores across Asia Pacific Region shipwrecks and kilns with similar ceramics contemporary to the Cù Lao Chàm shipwreck. My hypothesis is that the evolution of Vietnamese ceramics during the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries CE are based on indigenous belief aesthetics that set criteria for pottery artistry and kiln production. This work adds data in the current gaps of knowledge about Vietnam’s ancestors’ role in ceramic production and exchange across the Asia Pacific Region during the initial stages of European colonialism. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Phạm Ngọc Uyên Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Uyên, Phạm Ngọc. 2023. “Ceramic collection in Vietnamese museums of the Cu Lao Cham shipwreck.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Michelle Damian. Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL:https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1963 Asia-Pac Session 23 2023 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/a2aa71e25ef45afdfe9fafe8b1111d12.pdf 4afaaea29b06d4c815497cfc407b03c2 PDF Text Text Ceramics and Other Archaeological Finds as Evidence of Ancient Ports Existence and Its Role in Eastern Coast of South Sumatra in Early Centuries Eka Asih Putrina Taim National Research Center of Archaeology University of Indonesia ekaasih_taim@yahoo.com Abstract The East Coast of Sumatra has been often associated with great maritime empire in Southeast Asia, namely Srivijaya. However in this paper does not focus on the presence of that empire, but the traces of settlements and port related maritime activities early centuries AD. Foreign ceramics is one solid indication of their relationship and trade exchange activities between the origin places of ceramics was produced with which it was found on the very site of east coast South Sumatra, the same thing happened to other findings as well. By revealing these sites we might have picture what Southern Sumatra role was in maritime activities of early centuries AD. Key words: Ceramics and Archeological Findings, Southern Sumatra, Ancient Ports Preface The east coast region of Sumatra Island is commonly known for seafaring since ancient times. As a “gate route” to enter the Indonesian Archipelago, its connected or passed by ships with destinations to and from the Yellow Sea in the North. The peak of trade activity in east coast region of Sumatra Island happened during the period of the Maritime Kingdom of Srivijaya. Its vast territory covered almost all of the western part of Indonesian Archipelago and Malay Peninsula (Kedah) up to southern part of Thailand (Ligor). Based on ancient inscriptions and foreign written sources, the period of this enormous kingdom was emerging presumably in 6th until 13th �Centuries. Yet it cannot deny, some of archaeological evidences that found in east coast of Sumatra Island, indicated the contacts activity with foreigner already conducted far before 6th Century. The peak of trading activity in eastern Sumatra through the Malacca Strait at that time appropriated with the period of “silk road” trade routes between East and West from the 8th -11th Centuries (Wolters, 1967). In land route of “silk road”, the traders were assessing the desert land through Central Asia, Eastern Asia to Europe, like wise from Europe to Central Asia. However, the sea routes in “silk routes” were sailing the routes which connected Mesopotamian and Persian Gulf in the West to South of China, through the Melaka strait and the East Coast of Sumatra. Meanwhile the trade network from trade centers in the West also expanded to the South East. The 8th -11th Centuries were expanding period of Muslim trade along coastline of Indian Sea to China. The Ships sailed from Mesopotamia and Persian Gulf or from Egypt and Middle Sea (Mediterranean) to India and Malabar, continued to Srilangka, Indonesia, Indochina, and Southern China territory. They were loaded with commercial goods such as rocks, turtle skin, comb, and metal bars. All of those things were exchanged for elephant trunks, rhinoceros horn, and camphor along the Indian seashore. Whereas in China, the trade goods were exchanged for precious things such as silk and ceramic, all of those were going to sale in Mediterranean markets and the Indian sea became center for the distribution of spices, perfume, aromatic ingredients, and medicines. (Lombard, 1996) The sea trade routes between East and West had went on far before the arrival of the Islamic religion into Indonesian Archipelagos. Traders and seafarers from China, Arabia and Persia had travelled using the advantage of monsoon winds. By assessing the historical records, we �have descriptions of their navigation network and the kind of commodities which were traded. The journey from China to Indonesian Archipelagos and South East Asia, at least had 3 stages period of journeys: The first period was the 5th – 7th Centuries; the journeys were motivated by religious pilgrimages. It is marked by Fa-shien journeying to religious centers in India and Ceylon in 414 AD. In his returned journey to China, he passed and stopped in Yeh Po Tie which located in the East Coast of Sumatra. At this time, the trade commodity was limited only to luxurious or royal goods such as: pearls, turtle skin, and religious effects such as benzoin, perfume and other exceptional things (Wolters, 1967). The second period was in the 7th – 13th Centuries; the sea journeys not only were intended for luxurious and royal goods, but also for spices and medicines. This period was marked by the emerging of maritime kingdoms in Sumatra such as Sriwijaya and Melayu. As we found in ItTsing’s records (677 AD), in his journey to India he stopped in Palembang, he noticed that Palembang had already become an important port. Another record made by another Chinese traveler, Hsu- T’ang –Shu, mentioned that Sriwijaya had at least 14 harbors or ports and Barus were one of its biggest one in the west coast of Sumatra, which produced camphor and had its own administrative rules (Wolters, 1967). The third Period was in the 14th -17th Centuries; it was the summit of Chinese commercial activity in the Ming Dynasty. At that time the Chinese Empire was as its acme in prosperity and leading culture. At the beginning of the 15th century, it was a period where there was an enormous interest from the Chinese Empire to expand its influence to overseas lands, its trade’s become more developed and more diverse, as well as China’s knowledge in geography had became wider and more detailed (Mills, 1969). The famous and legendary trader and envoy at this time was �Admiral Cheng Ho or Ma Huan (1403-1430 AD). Ma Huan or Cheng Ho noted and recorded on his journey in his journal and he wrote a book “ Ying Yai Sheng Lan” ( The Overall Survey of The Ocean’s Shores) (Mills, 1969). Base on its chronology, ports and trade settlements along east coast Sumatra could divide into several periods, 1. Ports which emerged in pre or early Sriwijaya period 4th– 7th C 2. Ports during Sriwijaya Period 7th – 13th C 3. Ports which existed after Sriwijaya period and at the time of emerging of many maritime kingdoms in Sumatra such as Panai, Malayu, and Samudra Pasai, as same period with Majapahit supremacy in East Java in 13th C. 4. Port that was emerged and developed in 18th-19th C From all of the five stages of Chronology, the existing of the ports was the most varied. Some of ports could survive through several periods but there also ports which only existed only in one period and abandoned afterward. Archaeological researches in eastern Sumatra, supported by written sources, is also conducted by field research through either surveys or excavations. The results of this research revealed that most of the sites in this area were dated back to pre- and during the Sriwijaya period in 4th 13th C. The primary indications for the existence of those ports in east coast of Sumatra were an enormous number of ceramics found, mostly along the line of its seashore. As well as the ceramic sherds there’s also traces of ancient settlements remains such as bricks, poles of wooden �house pillars, fragments of ancient ships/vessels, beads, metal and wood relics. Other data that we could use to explain the existence of the ports are the shipwreck cargos, which found in Indonesian Sea, such as shipwreck from Pulau Buaya, Bangka Belitung, and the recent finding from Cirebon Sea. The data from these projects are very important and relevant evidences reveal the ancient trade activity and its commodities for export and import from other places outside of the Indonesia Archipelago. More over with sunken ship sites, which might have same chronological assemblage, contains a high value of large number ceramic data related to other kinds of commodities which were also important. The ceramics we could identified the origin of its dated and place, and from ceramics dating we could confirm the variation of other commodities which came from the same period of the ceramics. This paper tries to decipher which sites have indicated that these activities and how their role in shipping, trade and cultural exchanges of the past by using both written source and artifacts that found in very sites. The Archaeological Findings And Past Ten Years New Reveals In South Sumatra Most of sites that indicated maritime and long distance trade activity in early centuries are located in two provinces in southern part Sumatera, which are South Sumatra province and Jambi province. A. Jambi Province The existence of ancient port in south Sumatra began with toponim of a place called “Muara Sabak”. It’s located in Batanghari estuary. The word Sabak could be refer to Arabian noted in 7th C called Zabag , a place that might be located in Sumatera (L. Damais, 1964). Nowadays Muara Sabak �is in Tanjung Jabung distrik, along with others sites that had reveals later in late 90’s such as Lambur. Nipah Panjang, Siti Hawa, and Koto Kandis. Fig. 1: Tanjung Jabung District in Jambi Province. Tanjung Jabung district lies in a delta at the mouth of the Batang Hari River, the second largest river in southern Sumatra. The lowland region mostly consists of peat swamps. Several rivers flow into this delta, which partly empties into the Berhala Strait, among other rivers; Pemusiran, Lambur Luar, and Simbur Rise. Those sites located in this region are on the banks of the river flow, both of which still exist as well as the flow of an ancient river that has dried up. The most prominent finding on sites in this region is the distribution of foreign ceramics which is quite dense and evenly distributed on every surface of the site. Ceramic findings, especially Chinese ceramics are quite dominant to the sites in the estuary area up to Muara Jambi site in the mid-stream of the River Batanghari. In addition to ceramics, the findings in the estuary of the river, also a variety of other ship findings such as wooden pegs, fiber ropes, ship fragments, metal, pottery, gold, and other findings that show traces of settlement activities and maritime activity of past trade. Mostly �ceramic finds in this area came from the Sung Dynasty era; 11th to 13th Century, and consists of various kinds of white ceramics, caldrons, jars, ewers, which came in quite fine quality. B. South Sumatra Province Other than Batanghari River, the largest river in South Sumatra is Musi River. The maritime site in this province mostly scattered in the bank of this river. South Sumatra province are well-known on its role in trade route either in historical or archeological data. Fig. 2: Air Sugihan Site, South Sumatra Province. The oldest data in this region date came from the early of the 7th century AD, known as the Srivijaya period. The sites located in the estuary of the Musi River facing directly into the Strait of Malacca, among others are the wetlands sites on along the edge of the east coast of South Sumatra, such as the sites in Bayunglincir, Karang Agung to Air Sugihan, and the site of Kota Kapur in Bangka Island. These sites clearly indicate the trace of ancient settlements existence and maritime activities from the beginning of AD (century 3-4 AD). In addition to the findings of ancient settlements, �there are household appliances (grinding), pottery, beads, and metal fragment fragments, as well as Chinese ceramic findings from Tang dynasty by the end of 9th century AD. For the oldest ceramic find in the eastern seaboard South Sumatra is a jug from the 6th Century Sui dynasty found on the site of Air Sugihan. The district of Air Sugihan lies on the south side of the delta of Musi River on an ebb and tide, swamp area. Since 1980 was made for transmigration settlements, canals and bridges were built to reach the villages. Since inhabited, many archaeological findings were reported yet illegal digging occurred around the 1990s. Preliminary surveys were conducted in 1998 and again in 2003 through to 2011, and 2013 by Indonesian National Research Center of Archaeology. The research had identified several sites with surface finds such in Kertamurti, Nusakarta, Banyubiru, and canal 7. Excavations were carried on at 2007 and 2008, 2011 and 2013. Beside the traces of ancient settlement, sites in east coast of South Sumatra also show remains of ancient maritime activities such as; part of the remaining ancient boats, wooden fragments of ships; oars, peg wood, rope fibers, shoe stoves, as well as remnants of an ancient dock. Some others finds in Air Sugihan area which indicated similarity with other sites in South India. China Mainland and South East Asia have various beads made of glass and stone; stamps made of glass/stone; decorated pottery; Chinese ceramics; and metal objects. �Fig. 3 (left):Tthe end of a wooden boat fragment (National Research Center of Archaeology). C. Bangka Island Bangka Island was used to part of South Sumatra Province, now the island namely Bangka and Belitung have became a Province of Bangka Belitung. The Bangka Island it self with its Menumbing hill has been known by sealer in early centuries. The oldest written story written before Sriwijaya about Bangka obtained in India. A Buddhist literature written in century 3 AD (Mahaniddesa) mentions a number of place names in Asia, among others about Swarnnabhūmi, Wangka, and Java. Swarnnabhūmi name can be identified with Sumatra as mentioned also in the book Milindapanca while Wangka may be identified by Bangka. More detailed information about the picture there Bangka Island the Chinese news from the year 1436 AD is Hsing-Ch'a Sheng-lan ( General Reports Journey at Sea) written by Fei Hsin of a place called Ma-yi-tung lying west of Kau-lan (Belitung) in the southern sea (L. . Damais, 1995; Groeneveldt, 1960) Kota kapur, a prominent archaeological site in Bangka island, well known as its inscription about the invasion to Bumijawa. The inscription was originally thought to have come from the 7th century AD, but with the discovery of a statue Vishnu style 4 -5 centuries AD as it is also found in the port of Oc Eo sites in northern Vietnam. With the discovery of these findings, it can be said Kota Kapur site has been going on around the 4th �century AD or the period before the Realm of Srivijaya. The findings from this site not only inscription but also remains of brick temples, with one of it center consist about 20 ceramic bowls dated from North Song Dynasty 10th C arranged in circle row. The island of Bangka has a strait of Bangka that connects with Malacca Strait. In the 7th century AD, the Malacca Strait has become an important shipping lane and crowded with the Indian region. In 2013, National Research Center of Archaeology has revealed remnants of an ancient dock /port on southwest shore of Kota Kapur, facing to the mouth of Musi River, This remnant presumably as an entrance dock to Kota Kapur in early century. In addition to the rest of the pier, around the location are also found the remains of a large wooden boat, pottery shard, and the remains of house poles. Fig. 4 (right): Excavation on ancient dock in Kota Kapur Site of Bangka. (National Research Center of Archaeology) Conclusion Indonesia was presumably greatly involved in the Indian Ocean network trade at very early period. Indonesian products such as camphor, benzoin, cloves, and gold were demand in India and China, moreover to Middle East, Rome and west coast of Africa. Historical evidence however �indicates that the main emporia in western Indonesia were not located near the producing center, but instead were in south east Sumatra (Miksic, 1979) The oldest evidences of long distance trade route, between southern Sumatra’s east coast to elsewhere, are the finding of ceramic jars from the Sui dynasty’s 6t -7th century , the Arikamedu’s pottery shard of 4th 5th century, also some potteries which as the same as found in Oc Eo site (4-5 C). In Air Sugihan site, not only the potteries but also beads, metal works, and also amulet are similar with those found in 4th-5th century site of Oc Eo. From the chronology of ceramic finds, ceramic that found in Tanjung Jabung area of Batanghari estuary are mostly latter than those found South Sumatera east coast. It is indicated that settlements in South Sumatra by the Musi River estuary were older (9th-10th C) than Batanghari’s (11th -13th C). The ceramics and other artifacts such as metal work , glass and others found in Jambi and South Sumatra sites are the same as those found in Pulau Buaya, Intan and Cirebon Shipwreck , which mean all those were came from the same period and the same trade business (Taim, 2016) Some boat fragments found in Air Sugihan or Bangka site shown the use of Southeast Asian tradition of boat making. Southeast Asian boat making techniques that consist of sewn plank technique and lash lug techniques. This technique was flourishing in Southeast Asia so it use to call as Southeast Asian Technique, which starts in early first century (Abas, 2009). The eastern coastal area of southern Sumatra contains several areas that indicate long-distance maritime and trade activities. The region covers �Jambi province, south Sumatra, and Bangka Belitung. Based on the findings of archaeological remains, the Jambi province area relatively younger by archeological findings than the other two regions (southern Sumatra and Bangka). This is in accordance with the chronology of the history of the kingdom of Srivijaya which was mentioned in Sumatra by Coedes (Coedes, Damais, Kulke, & Manguin, 2014). Wolters, an English Historian , also said that Jambi to South Sumatra area are the suitable and strategic location, as enter port while waiting for the best wind that might bring the ship to east (Manguin, Py,. Soeroso MP, 2006) References Abas, N. 2009. Perahu Kuno di Situs Punjulharjo , Rembang. Berita Penelitian Arkeologi, 23, 46–59. Coedes, G., Damais, L.-C., Kulke, H., & Manguin, P.-Y. (2014). Kedatuan Sriwijaya. (A. G. and P. M. Veronique de Groot, Ed.) (2nd ed.). Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu. Damais, L. 1964. "Etudes sino-indonesiennes III. Latrascription chionese, Holloing designation de Java. BEFEO, 52(1), 93–161. Damais, L. . 1995. “Agama Buddha di Indonesia. In Epigrafi dan Sejarah Nusantara: Pilihan karangan Louis-Charles Damais. Jakarta: Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional. Groeneveldt, W. P. 1960. Historical notes on Indonesia and Malaya compiled from Chinese sources. Jakarta: Bhratara. Retrieved from http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/783716 Lombard, D. 1996. Nusa Jawa ; Silang Budaya (3rd ed.). Jakarta: Gramedia. Manguin, Py,. Soeroso MP, M. C. 2006. Daerah Dataran Rendah dan Daerah Pesisir. In Menyelusuri Sungai Merunut Waktu : Penelitian Arkeologi di Sumatera Selatan (pp. 49–62). Jakarta: Enrique Indonesi. �Miksic, J. N. 1979. Archaeology, Trade and Society in Northeast Sumatra. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Cornel University. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/302932664?accountid=13771 Mills, J. 1969. Ying-yai Sheng-lan: “The Overall Survey of the Ocean”s Shores. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Taim, E. A. P. 2016. Keramik Muatan Kapal Karam Cirebon: Sebaran Di Situs-Situs Arkeologi Sumatera Bagian Selatan. Kalpataru, 25 No. 1(Mei 2016),29–44. Retrieved from http://jurnalarkeologi.kemdikbud.go.id/index.php/kalpataru/article/view/81 Wolters, O. W. 1967. Early Indonesian commerce : a study of the origins of ʹSrīvijaya. New York, Ithaca: University Press. About Author Name: Eka Asih Putrina Taim Occupation: Researcher / Doctor Candidate of Indonesian University Affiliation: National Research Center of Archaeology/ University of Indonesia Address: Jln. Raya Condet Pejaten no .4, Jakarta Selatan 12510 Indonesia Email: ekaasih_taim@yahoo.com Specialty in: Ancient Settlement of Hindu Buddha period in Sumatra and Ancient Ceramics � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017 Session 3: Ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world Description An account of the resource Ceramics are the crucial cultural materials for understanding the cross-cultural exchange from Asian-Pacific region to the world. This session will discuss how interdisciplinary approaches such as archaeology, art, history, geophysics, and material science can broaden our horizons on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange. Second, we will discuss the connection of ceramic trade and exchange between the early age of commerce (c.900-1300 C.E.) and the age of commerce (1450-1680 C.E.) in Southeast Asia and other regions. This established some challenges in ceramic trade including the influence for new creativity and production development, such as in Europe where some trademarks were developed under the Chinese influence. Our goal is to deepen our knowledge on the application of interdisciplinary approaches on the study of ceramic trade and cross-cultural exchange across the two historical periods. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sharon Wong Wai-yee Department of Anthropology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T. Hong Kong Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ceramics and Other Archaeological Finds as Evidence of Ancient Ports Existence and Its Role in Eastern Coast of South Sumatra in Early Centuries Description An account of the resource The East Coast of Sumatra has been often associated with great maritime empire in Southeast Asia, namely Srivijaya. However in this paper does not focus on the presence of that empire, but the traces of settlements and port related maritime activities early centuries AD. Foreign ceramics is one solid indication of their relationship and trade exchange activities between the origin places of ceramics was produced with which it was found on the very site of east coast South Sumatra, the same thing happened to other findings as well. By revealing these sites we might have picture what Southern Sumatra role was in maritime activities of early centuries AD. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Eka Asih Putrina Taim Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11/24/2017 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Eka Asih Putrina Taim Asia-Pac Session 3 2017 Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource ChÅ«sei Sanuki to Setouchi sekai Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Ichimura Takao. ChÅ«sei Sanuki to Setouchi sekai. Tokyo: Iwata Shoin, 2009. https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/fed7a1309d45b3096b19236f4fa716d8.pdf 0b2b0c360691820bdaf7c2b1a1af0918 PDF Text Text Challenging the U.S. Nuclear Tests:The Golden Rule Sails Again Ann Wright Veterans for Peace Honolulu, Hawaii 96821 USA Email: microann@yahoo.com Abstract In January 1958, Andrew Bigelow and three other anti-nuclear activists attempted to sail the 30 foot ketch, The Golden Rule, from California into the U.S. nuclear testing zone in the Marshall Islands to try to stop nuclear testing. While on a stopover in Honolulu, a U.S. federal court issued an injunction barring the voyage of the Golden Rule into the nuclear test sites. Despite the injunction, the four crew members attempted to sail twice and were arrested by U.S. federal law enforcement officials, tried, convicted and given sixty-day sentences and imprisoned. 55 years later, The Golden Rule, was found in a small shipyard in Eureka, California and her historical significance recognized. The boat had suffered the ravages of time and was in terrible shape. She is being carefully renovated by members of Veterans for Peace who intend to sail the boat on the West Coast as an educational vessel that personifies opposition to militarism and the use of nuclear weapons. Using documents from the Quaker House in Honolulu, the saga of The Golden Rule is a part of the rich history of maritime Hawaii. Keywords: Pacific Nuclear Testing, Protest Ships, Marshall Islands, AEC, Greenpeace Introduction In 2010, Larry Zerlangs, the owner of a boatyard in Eureka, Northern California, hauled out of a nearby bay a 30 foot double-masted Alpha 30 sailboat that had broken loose of her moorings and sunk during a big storm. Her underside had been punctured in two places and her deck was severely marred. She had been stripped of her engine, mast, cabin, rigging and masts. In searching the name of the boat, Golden Rule, Zerlang came upon a remarkable history of courage of the boat’s crew over sixty years before, who left as their legacy, the founding of the international environmental action organization, Greenpeace. In 1958, four Quaker men opposed to the testing and use of 1 �atomic and nuclear weapons, attempted to sail the boat, the Golden Rule, into the U.S. nuclear bomb test site near Eniwetok in the Marshall Islands. The boat’s captain, Andrew Bigelow, a World War II U.S. Navy Lieutenant Commander, had been horrified by the atomic bombing of Hiroshima. In 1955, he and his wife learned first hand the effects of the atomic bombs when they housed two of the 25 Hiroshima Maidens, who came to the United States for reconstructive surgery for injuries caused by the dropping of an atomic bomb on the city of Hiroshima, Japan. Bigelow wrote, “I looked at the scarred faces, the grotesque deformities of lips and eyes, and the odd skin, and I felt as if I had been kicked in the stomach! I cried, ‘My God, how awful!’ Somehow, seeing those young women, who had been nine and thirteen years old when bombed, for me pulled everything together. Nuclear testing is a crime against mankind,” said Bigelow.(Reynolds,P., 1958). In the late 1950s, the U.S. and the Soviet Union tested large atmospheric nuclear weapons that produced radioactive fallout that turned up in cows’ and mothers’ milk. Public concern around the world grew, particularly in Japan which was receiving fallout from both Russian and American nuclear testing. From 1945-1962 the United States conducted 216 Fig. 1 Golden Rule sailing off Diamond Head. aboveground nuclear tests; from 1949-1962, the Soviet Union conducted 214 aboveground tests; from 1952-1958, the United Kingdom conducted 21 aboveground tests; from 1960-1974, France conducted 46 aboveground nuclear tests; from 19641980, China conducted 23 aboveground nuclear tests and South Africa conducted one 2 �aboveground nuclear test in 1979(Johnston, 2001). Following the lead of anti-nuclear activists in Japan who formed the Japanese Council Against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs (Gensuikyo) and in Great Britain who founded the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), in 1957, activists in the United States formed the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) that became the largest peace and disarmament group in the country. Stating that “All nuclear explosions are monstrous, evil, unworthy of human beings,” in late 1957, Bigelow and other Quakers formed another group, Non-Violent Action Against Nuclear Weapons, to conduct direct actions to stop the testing of nuclear bombs. One of their first decisions was to sail a protest boat into the Pacific nuclear test area—and that boat was the Golden Rule. In January 1958, Bigelow and the Golden Rules’ three other crew members wrote to President Dwight Eisenhower of their plans to sail into the nuclear test site: "For years we have spoken and written of the suicidal military preparations of the Great Powers," they observed, "but our voices have been lost in the massive effort of those responsible for preparing this country for war. We mean now to speak with the weight of our whole lives". They hoped their act would encourage fellow citizens to speak up about their concerns about nuclear weapons (Wittner, 2010). On March 25, 1958, Bigelow, George Willoughby, 43, William Huntington, 50, engineer, and had studied for the ministry; after the voyage, he returned to teaching at a Friends school in New Hampshire (Oliver, 2013). James Peck, although not a Fig. 2 Golden Rule with Coast Guard ship. Quaker, had been a long-time practitioner of nonviolent direct action, a conscientious objector in World War II, and a fierce advocate of racial equality. He fought for civil rights for African Americans while in prison during the war, 3 �and in the U.S. Navy and merchant marine. In 1938, he was a founder of what would later become the National Maritime Union. Peck, who was badly seasick on the first attempt to sail from California, joined the crew in Hawaii. Both Peck and Bigelow later were among the original 13 Freedom Riders who in 1961 risked their lives to desegregate interstate transportation in the public American South. Peck was savagely beaten by a Ku Klux Klan mob, and Bigelow placed his own body between a mob and John Lewis, absorbing some of the blows intended for the man who would later become one of Georgia’s U.S. Congressional representatives. Lewis recounted the story at the Fig. 3 Golden Rule newspaper article from Honolulu Quaker 2012 Democratic National House scrapbook. Convention. In 1961, “Albert Bigelow and I tried to enter a white waiting room, we were met by an angry mob that beat us and left us lying in a pool of blood. Some police officers came up and asked us whether we wanted to press charges. We said, ‘No, we come in peace, love, and nonviolence’” (Slosberg, 2013). As the Golden Rule sailed across the Pacific, the State Department, the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), and U.S. Navy officials discussed how to counter the challenge to nuclear weapons by concerned citizens. The U.S. Commander-in-Chief in the Pacific said that this group of "Communists or misguided humanitarians" wanted to "stop tests by preventing us from firing . . . or if we did fire and killed a few people . . . create additional anti-atomic test support." Secretary of State John Foster Dulles was concerned that sealing off a large area on the high seas surrounding the test site would "have serious international repercussions," while too lenient a policy toward protesters might open the way to participation by Japanese antinuclear groups. U.S. intelligence agencies swapped data on Bigelow, including information on his private telephone conversations and legal plans(Reynolds, P, 1958). 4 �While the Golden Rule was on the high seas, the Eisenhower administration had the AEC issue a ban on entry into the nuclear test zone by Americans and pressured the Japanese government to block entry by its citizens. After arriving in Honolulu, Bigelow received from the port captain a copy of the local notice-to mariners that incorporated the AEC ban. Bigelow responded, “The nuclear weapons tests violate God’s law. I believe a man must obey all laws that do not conflict with those of God. But if a conflict arises he must be prepared to violate the laws of the nation”. At the request of the U.S. government, the U.S. federal court in Honolulu issued an injunction barring continuation of the Golden Rules’ journey to Eniwetok. On April 24, a U.S. marshal served the crew a warrant to appear in federal court on May 1. Despite the legal ramifications of disobeying the injunction, the group decided: "We would sail -- come what may" (Bigelow, 1959). On May 1, after consultation with their Honolulu lawyers and reinforcements from the mainland including A.J. Muste, a renowned anti-nuclear and civil rights activist, the crew sailed the Golden Rule out of the AlaWai harbor in Waikiki for international waters, three miles off Honolulu. But, one and one-half miles short of the international border and 1798 miles short of Eniwetok, a 40 foot Coast Guard patrol boat ordered the Golden Rule crew to stop for inspection. The Coast Guard cited Bigelow with having the boat’s registration numbers on the bow, three eights of an inch too short and not drawn parallel to the water. With warrants already issued, the Coast Guard arrested the crew and took them to the one hundred year old Honolulu jail where they refused bail. The Honolulu evening newspaper, the “Star Bulletin,” wrote that the crewmen were facing “their final test of fortitude. Imprisonment in the Honolulu jail comes under the heading of cruel and unusual punishment. If the quartet can still maintain its composure, the men are made of stern stuff”. After six days in jail, the four appeared in Federal Court. The judge found them guilty of criminal contempt, and sentenced them to sixty days in jail and a year’s probation. The judge suspended the jail time. That evening the newspaper ran an article stating that nuclear testing in the Marshall Islands had begun again (Bigelow, 1959). Actions around the United States against nuclear testing increased due to the news of 5 �the arrest and trial of the crew of the Golden Rule. Picket lines sprang up around federal buildings and AEC offices all across the United States, including those in Boston, Chicago, New York, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Washington. Signs declared: "Stop the tests, not the Golden Rule". In Honolulu, fifty persons led by the local Quaker Friends meeting, picketed the Federal building. Marches and protests took place in front of the Fig. 4 Golden Rule lifted onto blocks for repairs. White House. In Germantown, Maryland, picketing of the AEC offices continued. Five hundred Californians signed a petition asking that they be allowed to share the sentence of the Golden Rule’s crew (Wittner, 2010). In early June, the crew of the Golden Rule announced they would defy the injunction again. Bigelow was arrested and jailed for conspiring to violate a federal injunction. Huntington took over as captain and sailed the Golden Rule out of the AlaWai harbor. The crew managed to sail past the three mile international line before the Coast Guard caught up with them and towed the Golden Rule back to the harbor. The crew was tried again, convicted and imprisoned for sixty-days. Reynolds Family Sail the Phoenix into the Nuclear Test Center Among those who met the crew members of the Golden Rule in Honolulu and attended their trial for contempt of court were Earle and Barbara Reynolds, their two children Jessica and Ted, and NiichiMikami, a Japanese sailor and shipwright from Hiroshima. They had sailed around the world on their hand-built sailboat, the Phoenix, and were returning to Hiroshima, Japan, where Earle Reynolds had coordinated anthropological research for the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission, established by the 6 �U.S. government to gather data on the effects of the atomic bombs dropped on two Japanese cities. The Reynolds were impressed by the goal of the crew members of the Golden Rule, as Reynolds was convinced that the U.S. government had misreported the deadly effects of radioactive fallout in Hiroshima and of subsequent testing of atomic and nuclear bombs. Reynolds also believed that the U.S. government had no right to restrict travel on the high seas. The Reynolds family decided to complete the voyage of the Golden Rule. On June 11, 1958, they quietly set sail from Honolulu for the nuclear test area in the Marshall Islands. On July 1, 1958, Earle Reynolds announced to the world by radio that the Phoenix had entered the U.S. nuclear test zone "as a protest against nuclear testing. Please inform appropriate authorities" (Reynolds, E., 1961). The U.S. Navy boarded the Phoenix the next day, arrested Reynolds, and flew him to Hawaii for trial. His wife, his son and the Japanese sailor, sailed the Phoenix back to Hawaii from the Marshall Islands on a difficult voyage against prevailing winds and currents that took 60 days. Reynolds was convicted in Federal court and sentenced to two years in prison. These dramatic events heightened popular protest against nuclear testing. Reynolds, out on bail before a higher federal court ruled in his favor -- and, implicitly, in favor of his predecessors -- embarked on a speaking tour that included 58 major talks, 20 other meetings, 21 radio programs, and eight television appearances (Reynolds, E., 1961) SANE dispatched telegrams to political leaders declaring that it joined the Golden Rule's crew members "in protesting against [the] unrightful use of [the] Pacific Ocean for nuclear weapons testing, and against [the] Atomic Energy Commission's exercise of authority which it does not rightfully possess". Norman Cousins, SANE's founder and co-chair, helped finance the voyage of the Golden Rule and lauded its activities and those of the Phoenix in his magazine, the Saturday Review. Appearing on CBS television, AEC chair Lewis Strauss implied, as he frequently did when discussing opponents of nuclear weapons, that the opposition was a part of a Communist conspiracy. “At the bottom of the disturbance there is a kernel of very intelligent, deliberate propaganda” (Wittner, 2010).With worldwide public opposition to nuclear testing, the nuclear states slowly changed their policies. In late August 1958, President Eisenhower announced that, as of October 31, the United States would suspend its nuclear tests and would join other nuclear powers in negotiations for a 7 �nuclear test ban treaty. Although these negotiations dragged on for years, the U.S., Soviet, and British governments did eventually halt their nuclear tests. Their testing moratorium collapsed in the fall of 1961, when the Soviet government resumed nuclear tests. But because of continuing popular protest, in the summer of 1963, the three countries signed the Partial Test Ban Treaty that banned nuclear tests in the atmosphere. Even as the nuclear powers began to back away from nuclear testing, the influence of the Golden Rule and the Phoenix persisted. In November 1958, the crews of the Golden Rule and of the Phoenix traveled to Geneva, Switzerland to urge U.S., British, and Soviet negotiators to sign a comprehensive test ban treaty (Wittner, 2010). Actions Against Nuclear Weapons by other Protest Ships In the late 1960s, a group of American and Canadian peace and ecology activists met in Vancouver, British Columbia to discuss how to stop U.S. nuclear explosions being conducted underground on the Aleutian island of Amchitka in Alaska. Inspired by the example of the Golden Rule and the Phoenix, the group decided to “sail a boat up there and park right next to the bomb”. In mid-September 1971, these activists sailed the fishing trawler, the Phyllis Cormack to Amchitka, where they were stopped by the U.S. Coast Guard. They returned to Vancouver where they were met by thousands of supporters who formed an organization they called Greenpeace. Over the next forty years, Greenpeace ships have challenged nuclear weapons in ships named Rainbow Warrior and now challenge pollution of the oceans--most recently against oil drilling in the Arctic in a ship named the Arctic Sunrise that is still held by the Russian government. Its crew was released from Russian jails in late 2013 after 100 days imprisonment. This was not the first time the Russians had dealt with protest ships. As a protest against nuclear testing by the Soviet Union, Reynolds captained two additional voyages, the first by the Phoenix to Russian port of Nakhodka on the Pacific Ocean and the second by the Everyman III to Leningrad, Russia on the Baltic Sea. After nuclear testing resumed in late 1961, the Committee for Nonviolent Action (CNVA, the successor to Non-Violent Action Against Nuclear Weapons) dispatched protest vessels to the test sites. In 1962, the U.S. government arrested the crew of Everyman I only fifteen miles outside San Francisco. But Everyman II, departing from Honolulu, 8 �succeeded in sailing through the U.S. Pacific test zone for days before U.S. authorities, hamstrung for a time in securing a court injunction, hauled its crew members off to prison. Taking on Soviet testing as well, CNVA launched Everyman III from London in September 1962, and the following month the 48-foot ketch, captained by Reynolds, arrived in Leningrad. Refusing to allow antinuclear leafleting, Soviet officials gave the crew the choice of sailing away or being towed out to sea. From the standpoint of the crew, neither was satisfactory. Therefore, to the dismay of the Soviet authorities, some crew members began to sink the vessel in the harbor while others grabbed leaflets and leaped into the near-freezing water in an attempt to swim ashore. Eventually, the vessel was towed away, with Reynolds and the other pacifists were kept on board until their release by Soviet authorities (Wittner, 2010). The Golden Rule Sails Again The journey of the Golden Rule as a protest boat ended in 1958 in Hawaii with her sale to an undisclosed buyer. Where she sailed from 1958 to 2000 is a mystery. In the early 2000s, she was purchased by Eureka, California doctor Laurence Badgley who docked her for six years at Woodley Island Marina before anchoring her on his property off the peninsula south of Fairhaven, California. In 2009, she broke loose and washed up on the beach. Marina owner Leroy Zerlang and his son towed her off the beach, repaired her and re-anchored her off Badgley’s property. In 2010 another storm sank her. Zerlang raised her and brought her to his shipyard where he was going apart. to cut her Local shipwright David Peterson said she could be repaired and Zerlang advertised in the Fig. 5 Golden Rule with crew at AlaWai boat harbor. 9 �area for individuals or groups interested in helping with the restoration. Fredy and Sheri Champagne, members of the Northern California chapter of Veterans for Peace, heard of the salvage of the boat and its history and asked if Veterans for Peace could restore her. Over the past three years, a team of dedicated craftsmen and volunteers have slowly repaired the Golden Rule. Contributions to the restoration have come from around the world. The story of the Golden Rule has sparked a renewed interest in citizen activism for the abolition of nuclear weapons. Jessica Reynolds, the daughter of Earle Reynolds, has located the remains of her family’s boat, the Phoenix, also in the San Francisco Bay area, but there are no plans yet for her restoration (Oliver, 2013). Restoration of the Golden Rule is 90 percent complete. She will set sail again in 2014 as an educational vessel for disarmament of nuclear weapons and for peace. Fig. 6 Golden Rule with new stern and name. 10 �Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge the work of the Northern California Veterans for Peace chapter, and in particular Fredy and Sheri Champagne, for their vision of a restored Golden Rule as an educational vehicle to teach about nuclear issues, restoration coordinator Chuck DeWitt, master shipwright David Peterson, and volunteers Dennis Thompson, Mike Gonzalez and Breckin Van Veldhuizen. Lawrence Wittner and Skip Oliver have conducted excellent research on the ship and written informative articles. Endnotes (1) Reynolds, Peggy, 1958. The Sage of the Golden Rule. The Skipper Magazine, http://www.vfpgoldenruleproject.org/peggy_reynolds_1958.htm (2) Johnston, William Robert, 2001. Chronological Listing of Aboveground Nuclear Detonations. http://www.johnstonsarchive.net/nuclear/atest00.html (3) Reynolds, Peggy, 1958. The Sage of the Golden Rule. The Skipper Magazine, http://www.vfpgoldenruleproject.org/peggy_reynolds_1958.htm (4) Wittner, Lawrence S., 2010. Preserving the Golden Rule. Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/lawrence-wittner/preserving-the-goldenrul_b_453634.html (5) Wittner, Lawrence S., 2010. The Long Voyage: The Golden Rule and Resistance to Nuclear Testing in Asia and the Pacific. The Asia Pacific Journal, http://www.japanfocus.org/-Lawrence_S_-Wittner/3308#sthash.9orpLKGM.dpuf (6) http://vfpgoldenruleproject.org/ References Bigelow, Albert, 1959. The Voyage of the Golden Rule. Doubleday, New York. Friends Journal Staff, 2013.Friends Journal 1958 Coverage of the Golden Rule. Friends Journal, http://www.friendsjournal.org/golden-rule-1958/ Johnston, William Robert, 2001. Chronological Listing of Aboveground Nuclear Detonations. http://www.johnstonsarchive.net/nuclear/atest00.html Oliver, Arnold, 2013. The Golden Rule Shall Sail Again. http://www.friendsjournal.org/the-golden-rule-shall-sail-again/ Friends Journal, Reynolds, Earle, 1961. The Forbidden Voyage. David McKay Company, New York. 11 �Reynolds, Jessica, 1958. Jessica’s Journal. Holt, New York. Reynolds, Peggy, 1958. The Sage of the Golden Rule. The Skipper Magazine, http://www.vfpgoldenruleproject.org/peggy_reynolds_1958.htm Slosberg, Steven, 2013. Albert Bigelow: Brief life of an Ardent Pacifist, Harvard Magazine, http://www.harvardmagazine.com/2013/07/vita-albert-bigelow Veterans for Peace Golden Rule project, http://vfpgoldenruleproject.org/ Walters, Heidi, 2010. Broken Arrow: Humboldt Bay’s Legendary Anti-Nuke Ship Puts in for Repairs. The North Coast Journal, http://www.northcoastjournal.com/humboldt/broken-arrow.htm Wittner, Lawrence S., 2010. The Long Voyage: The Golden Rule and Resistance to Nuclear Testing in Asia and the Pacific. The Asia Pacific Journal, http://www.japanfocus.org/-Lawrence_S_-Wittner/3308#sthash.9orpLKGM.dpuf Biography Ann Wright is a retired U.S. Army Reserve Colonel and a former U.S. diplomat who resigned in 2003 in opposition to the Iraq war. She has been interested in ships used at as vehicles to protest governmental policies since she sailed as a passenger on one of the six ships on the 2010 Gaza Freedom Flotilla and was an organizer of the Audacity of Hope, the U.S. Ship to Gaza, in the 2011 Gaza Flotilla. 12 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 11: World War II and Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Pacific Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 11 chair Dr. Bill Jeffery and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) from World War II is extensive throughout the Asia/Pacific Region. It encompasses numerous warships from many Nations, thousands of merchant ships commissioned to support the war effort, and also many other types of sites and objects such as aircraft, docks, lighthouses. A database of World War II shipwrecks for the Asia/Pacific Region stands at around 3,800 and many of them have not been explored. In 2014, World War I’s underwater cultural heritage will begin to fall under the full scope of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, and although it will be several more years for World War II sites to fulfill the Convention’s 100 year-old provision, sections of the Convention such as the Annex are now applicable in their management. The UCH relating to WW II has a great historical importance. It is a reminder of the existence of the war and its horrible consequences. The majority of the UCH lying on the seabed are also grave sites still containing human remains. One of the goals of preservation and research must therefore be to make the public understand their historic significance and to raise the public awareness of the historical testimony these remains constitute. Many World War II sites are also popular diving sites, lending themselves to cultural tourism, and through effective in situ management and interpretation, they are significant sites in conveying many stories and reaching many people. The UCH of WW II are an important historical source of information. They can represent the peak of technology at that time. They can also contain multi-vocal values—different groups of people perceiving and valuing them differently—particularly in regard to local indigenous communities who were innocent bystanders in the war but their world, their culture and heritage changed forever. The management of UCH relating to World War II contributes to the efforts in undertaking research reminding present and future generations of the importance of peace. The objectives of the session are to: • Advance knowledge of related UCH in the Pacific, • Identify priority actions in terms of research, preservation and education, • Foster partnership for regional and international cooperation. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Bill Jeffery Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Challenging the U.S. Nuclear Tests:The Golden Rule Sails Again Description An account of the resource In January 1958, Andrew Bigelow and three other anti-nuclear activists attempted to sail the 30 foot ketch, The Golden Rule, from California into the U.S. nuclear testing zone in the Marshall Islands to try to stop nuclear testing. While on a stopover in Honolulu, a U.S. federal court issued an injunction barring the voyage of the Golden Rule into the nuclear test sites. Despite the injunction, the four crew members attempted to sail twice and were arrested by U.S. federal law enforcement officials, tried, convicted and given sixty-day sentences and imprisoned. 55 years later, The Golden Rule, was found in a small shipyard in Eureka, California and her historical significance recognized. The boat had suffered the ravages of time and was in terrible shape. She is being carefully renovated by members of Veterans for Peace who intend to sail the boat on the West Coast as an educational vessel that personifies opposition to militarism and the use of nuclear weapons. Using documents from the Quaker House in Honolulu, the saga of The Golden Rule is a part of the rich history of maritime Hawaii. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ann Wright, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 11 2014 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Changing Patterns of Navigation in the Indian Ocean and their Impact on Pre-colonial Sri Lanka Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource R.A.L.H. Gunawardana Satish Chandra Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Sage Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author R.A.L.H. Gunawardana Editor Satish Chandra Item Type Book Section Book Title The Indian Ocean: Explorations in History, Commerce and Politics Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Pages 54-89 Place New Delhi Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Sage Title A name given to the resource Changing Patterns of Navigation in the Indian Ocean and their Impact on Pre-colonial Sri Lanka India Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Changing Patterns of Navigation in the Indian Ocean and their Impact on Pre-colonial Sri Lanka Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource R.A.L.H. Gunawardana Satish Chandra Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Sage Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author R.A.L.H. Gunawardana Editor Satish Chandra Item Type Book Section Book Title The Indian Ocean: Explorations in History, Commerce and Politics Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Pages 54-89 Place New Delhi Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Sage Title A name given to the resource Changing Patterns of Navigation in the Indian Ocean and their Impact on Pre-colonial Sri Lanka India https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/ddce4237df0b89b9a68bdad8c7ff72b1.pdf 74cc0308c8f320fff94591a0f0237d66 PDF Text Text Characterizing Tribal Cultural Landscapes for Resource Preservation and Protection: Documenting culturally important areas - for tribes, by tribes Valerie Grussing National Marine Protected Areas Center, Silver Spring, MD 20910, USA Email: valerie.grussing@noaa.gov David Ball Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, Camarillo, CA 93010, USA Email: David.ball@boem.gov Eirik Thorsgard Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde Community of Oregon, Grand Ronde, OR 97347 USA Email: Eirik.thorsgard@grandronde.org Briece Edwards Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde Community of Oregon74, Grand Ronde OR 97347, USA Email: Briece.edwards@grandronde.org Abstract Understanding locations and types of significant archaeological and cultural resources is essential to their preservation and consideration during ocean and coastal planning processes. The goal of this project is to develop a proactive approach to working with Native American communities to identify such areas of tribal significance. Information from this effort will facilitate decision-making practices that consider the importance of these locales, giving tribal communities a stronger voice during regional planning. This project is a collaborative effort among the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM), National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), Tribal Facilitators, and the Tribal Historic Preservation Offices of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde in Oregon, Yurok Tribe in California, and Makah Tribe in Washington. This project uses a holistic cultural landscape approach that integrates science with historical, archaeological and traditional knowledge. The resulting tool describes methodologies and best practices for tribes to identify and communicate areas of significance; case studies from the three tribes will demonstrate how to use this tool. This effort will provide transferable, transparent and cost-effective methods for tribes to document places and resources, past and present, significant to their communities and outside agencies, thus enhancing their capability for consultation. The project will produce an approach adaptable by other tribal communities to help them record information on areas of tribal importance, and give them a stronger voice during regional planning processes. This project can help agencies and stakeholders engage with tribes prior to the proposal of activities that may impact tribal resources and areas. Key words: Cultural Heritage, Cultural Landscapes, Indigenous Methodologies, Ocean Planning, Integrated Management 1 �Overview Understanding the types and locations of significant archaeological and cultural resources is essential to their preservation and consideration during the planning process for offshore renewable energy development, coastal and marine spatial planning, and marine protected area (MPA) establishment and management. To help address this information need, the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) is working with NOAA’s Office of National Marine Sanctuaries (ONMS), the National Marine Protected Areas Center, the Tribal Historic Preservation Offices of the Yurok Tribe in California, Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde in Oregon, and Makah Tribe in Washington, as well as two Tribal Facilitators and the National Marine Sanctuary Foundation. The project – Characterizing Tribal Cultural Landscapes – is developing a proactive approach to working with Native American communities to identify areas of tribal significance that need to be considered in planning processes. Information from this effort will help facilitate decision-making that takes into consideration the importance of these locales, and give tribal communities a more powerful voice during regional energy planning and other marine planning processes. This project concept grew independently from multiple directions. The MPA Center was seeking to operationalize the recommendations of the 2011 white paper approved by the Marine Protected Areas Federal Advisory Committee (MPA FAC), “Recommendations for Integrated Management Using a Cultural Landscape Approach in the National MPA System” (MPA FAC, 2011). Within ONMS, the Maritime Heritage Program was just beginning to implement its Maritime Cultural Landscapes Initiative, described in further detail by Dr. Brad Barr in his paper, “Developing a Maritime Cultural Landscape Approach to Managing US National Marine Sanctuaries”. The Confederated Tribes of the Grand Ronde Community of Oregon (CTGR) submitted a proposal to BOEM to characterize its own cultural landscapes and develop a transferable methodology. The Makah Tribe had been partnering with the Olympic Coast National Marine Sanctuary for a number of years on an integrated approach to cultural and natural resource management. The Yurok Tribe also previously worked with NOAA on multiple efforts. All three tribes have a Tribal Historic Preservation Officer with an understanding of a cultural landscape approach. This project is funded by the U.S. 2 �Department of the Interior, Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, through an Interagency Agreement with the U.S. Department of Commerce, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Ocean Service. It is contracted through the National Marine Sanctuary Foundation. Cultural Landscape Approach Using a holistic Cultural Landscape Approach (CLA) that integrates science with historical, archaeological, and traditional knowledge, this project will develop a tool describing best practices for tribal communities to identify and communicate areas of significance. Case studies from the three tribes will demonstrate how to use this tool. It will provide a transferable, transparent and cost-effective method for tribes with a connection to the coast to document past and present places and resources significant to their communities, thus enhancing their capacity for consultation in advance of any proposed undertakings. The project’s guiding principles are derived from Tuhiwai-Smith’s "Decolonizing Methodologies" (2012). Many indigenous peoples and their supporters are engaged in the process of decolonizing methodologies, which involves widespread efforts to revitalize indigenous cultures as well as refocus the standard interpretation of history to be more inclusive and less ethnocentric. Some of these guiding principles include indigenous self-determination of a community’s own research needs and priorities, and the ways in which research should proceed. Culturally sympathetic methods and culturally appropriate ethics thus take center stage. Training of indigenous researchers is also a priority, extending the boundaries for indigenous peoples of their fields and disciplines. Importantly, tribes develop and disseminate literature on research and methods, thus providing chances to educate the wider scientific, academic and policy communities. Additionally, this can foster increased collaboration among tribes, and help ensure accountabilities to and outcomes for tribes. A Vision for Cultural Heritage The MPA FAC white paper contains the following vision statement for cultural heritage: “Achieving and maintaining healthy coastal and marine ecosystems requires a fundamental understanding of the relationships between people and the environment. Cultural heritage, which belongs to all people, emphasizes these 3 �connections, whether that heritage takes the material form of, for example, maritime resources (such as shipwrecks), natural resources (such as marine species and habitats), or sacred places. Through the national MPA system, cultural relationships among people and historic, natural, and place-based heritage resources are preserved and perpetuated in ways that recognize and share multiple cultural voices and knowledge systems for the benefit of all” (2011). A Cultural Landscape Approach (CLA) will help managers nationwide to identify and adopt policies and practices that manage cultural and natural resources at the ecosystem and landscape levels, in an integrated and adaptive manner. The protection of cultural heritage resources in marine areas is often separate from that of natural resources, a divide with administrative origins. The ecosystem-based management called for in the National Ocean Policy (Executive Order 13547), and advocated by countless scientists and natural resource management professionals “recognizes that the connections between living things and the physical environment are multifaceted and often inseparable” (MPA FAC, 2011). This ecosystem-based approach requires understanding both cultural and natural elements, and the human dimensions of the environment. In contrast to previous cultural resource management paradigms, which approached resources individually for study and preservation, “CLA uses cultural landscapes as an analytical framework to understand places and their associated resources” (MPA FAC, 2011). Analogous and complementary to ecosystem-based management, CLA examines the relationships among living and non-living resources, and their environment over time. This integrated approach can advance deeper understanding of the human connections to, and influences on, critical marine ecosystems over time. Such comprehensive analysis and management can also identify the past and living cultural voices associated with an ecosystem, helping ensure the fullest possible public engagement in efforts including resource management, marine spatial planning, and ocean exploration. This holistic approach integrates the complexities and power of contemporary science with historical, archaeological, and cultural knowledge and the human values of love of 4 �place. Adopting a Cultural Landscape Approach strengthens our will and enhances our capacities to steward wisely the world we inhabit. Inter-tribal Workshops Three inter-tribal workshops were conducted in the Fall of 2013, bringing together federal and tribal partners to identify best practices and general resources significant to tribal communities. The host tribe of each workshop engaged neighboring tribes with coastal ties, as well as regional staff of federal and state agencies, to identify best practices and general resources significant to tribal communities. An Analysis Guide describing these best practices and processes for identifying tribal cultural landscapes, including common terminology, is being drafted, to be augmented as necessary throughout the duration of the project. Each of the three participating tribes is designing and implementing their respective case studies identifying tribal cultural landscapes, and will create and manage their own databases and record systems. Throughout the project, partners will conduct outreach describing the process, including methodologies, analysis and non-sensitive data. The workshops provided tribes with a connection to the Pacific Ocean an opportunity to contribute to the development of the methodology. We began with constructing a definition of the key concept: Tribal Cultural Landscape. During the first workshop, hosted by CTGR, participating tribes developed a draft definition for consideration by agency representatives. Both groups discussed applicability and opportunities for implementation within current legislation and mandates. During the second workshop, hosted by the Makah Tribe, and the third workshop, hosted by the Yurok Tribe, participants reviewed and refined the definition and discussed existing federal legislation where cultural landscape studies may be most applicable and beneficial to tribes and agencies. Workshop participants also began a glossary of terms for the Analysis Guide, and discussed the role of natural resources in cultural landscapes. The working definition is: “…any place in which a relationship, past or present, exists between a spatial area, resource, and an associated group of indigenous people whose cultural practices, beliefs, or identity connects them to that place. A Tribal Cultural Landscape is determined by and known to a culturally related group of indigenous people with relationship to that place” (Fig. 1). 5 �Fig. 1 TCL Project team conducts a panel discussion during the Inter-tribal Workshop hosted by Yurok Tribe in Klamath, CA. (V. Grussing) Fig. 2 Memorial Post at the mouth of the Salmon River, to honor the Neschesne people and the village that stood there, Carved by Grand Ronde artist, Travis Stewart. (T. Stewart) Beyond Traditional Cultural Properties Tribal Cultural Landscapes (TCLs) as defined in this way are areas of cultural importance to communities that have multi-generational ties to geographic regions. This definition is broader and more open than that of Traditional Cultural Properties (TCPs), as defined in National Register Bulletin 38, in several ways (Parker and King, 1998). Most importantly, TCPs are locations with distinctly defined extents. The National Register definition does not allow for indigenous groups to show the interconnection of places that are integrally related but not within sight of each other. This broader definition of TCLs can encompass how TCPs and other cultural sites are related to a group’s worldview and its geographic expanse. Second, TCLs enable the consideration of a community’s worldview and identity. The primary focus of identity for a given society or cultural group is how its members understand their world and interact with it. Their stories, places of cultural practice, villages, places of creation, and religious locations define not just usage and worldview, but also an intimate relationship between space and identity. By expounding the worldview of an indigenous group, we can more 6 �clearly understand a people’s concept of identity and how it is transferred between generations. Third, for most indigenous cultures, the practice of culture is not something rooted in the past. It is a living, breathing, interactive part of modern identity. TCPs and many standard archaeological methods situate the practice of indigenous culture in the past. By looking at contemporary indigenous groups’ cultural practices, we can more clearly understand past and future use of a given place, and the value it has to a community. Importantly, TCLs are determined by indigenous people with a relationship to that place. As summarized by McKinnon (et al., In press), community archaeology is based on indigenous people exercising agency in their cultural heritage, and “collaborating in the decision making about research topics, sites, data, curation, and the production of materials that are culturally appropriate and useful”. The concept of Tribal Cultural Landscapes has broad applicability for tribes and agencies. Workshop participants noted its general applicability under NEPA, and parts of Section 101 and 106 of NHPA. This would allow TCL studies to be used in planning processes by agencies with land management responsibilities, and for regulatory and compliance requirements for most federal agencies and other designated parties. Implementation of the proposed process was identified by both tribal and agency representatives as being most meaningful and relevant during the pre-planning phase of project development commonly referred to as scoping. Workshop participants unanimously acknowledged the importance of information originating with tribes and being vetted through tribal process (Fig. 2). Case studies and Analysis guide In the case studies, cultural resource types to be identified may include traditional cultural properties, traditional subsistence and commerce activities, residential and occupational activities, spiritual and ceremonial sites and activities. Case study activities may include archival research, field investigations and site visits, community outreach, oral histories and transcriptions. Each participating tribe will determine its own research goals and priorities, in collaboration with BOEM and NOAA to ensure that they are contributing to overall project goals and outcomes. The project team will incorporate information and processes from the workshops and case studies into an Analysis Guide, which will include common terminology and provide a methodology for identifying tribal 7 �cultural landscapes. The purpose is to devise a semi-replicable system that would be held internally by Tribes and specifically structured for recording information relevant to culturally-sensitive areas. In tandem with the data structure created and maintained by each tribe, there will be a working guide for the holder of the database as well as a counterpart document for use by federal agencies so they can ask questions appropriate to the data held and maintained by Tribes. This will allow for the collection and control of information by groups with the cultural understanding of the information, but also ensures that agencies have sufficient understanding of the information being held in order to ask appropriate questions as they relate to any proposed undertakings. The development of the Analysis Guide will:  Address the cultural understanding and context of cultural resources from an indigenous perspective;  Address and suggest mechanisms for maneuvering through the sensitivity concerns of tribes;  Develop a list of topics that should be consistently asked for by project proponents; and  Develop a suggested template or guide for tribes to collect and hold information that can be queried internally with the ability to provide summary results to external parties. The objective is to ensure that information is protected and retained by respective tribal communities, while ensuring that the information can be sufficiently synthesized and made available for review by federal agencies for any proposed undertakings. The case studies will record information related to tribal cultural landscapes, and the Analysis Guide will address pertinent querying and application of the data, emphasizing synthesis of the information without dishonoring the significance or sacredness of sites. Benefits The project will be completed by December 2014, and will result in an approach that can be adapted by other tribes and tribal communities to help record geospatial information and attributes on areas of tribal importance. As more tribal communities engage in the confidential identification of their own significant resources and areas of use, this approach can be beneficial to three overarching processes. It can give tribal 8 �communities a more powerful voice during regional energy planning, coastal and marine spatial planning, and MPA establishment and management. This project is intended to help agencies such as BOEM and stakeholders engage with tribal and indigenous communities prior to the proposal of activities that may impact tribal resources and areas. In so doing, regional energy planning and siting decisions, and related impact assessments, can be made more soundly and efficiently, thus minimizing potential conflicts, controversies, legal challenges and delays. This approach can also help fill a critical data gap in ocean planning and management, and be applied to coastal and marine spatial planning efforts through the National Ocean Council and Regional Planning Bodies. Although this project is not directly related to these specific efforts, the approach can be valuable in helping agencies such as NOAA and stakeholders communicate more effectively and appropriately with tribes, and involve them in the process. It can also facilitate communication among tribes, as well as clarify and promote tribal interests in specific planning areas. The approach has the potential to be useful in the management of existing MPAs, as well as for tribal and indigenous communities interested in establishing their own MPAs. Many, if not all, existing MPAs are within the traditional territory of tribal and indigenous peoples. In some regions where tribes were dislocated from their territory early in the colonial era, tribal cultural resources may be seen to consist primarily of archaeological sites, historic landscapes, and archival resources. In these cases, where managers may have insufficient capacity to document and inventory these resources, the analysis guide and case studies created by this project could help researchers to conduct a more comprehensive landscape-level analysis while maximizing limited funds. In regions where tribes have extant reservations, treaty or ceded territory, or usual and accustomed use areas (off-reservation areas of treaty-reserved fishing, hunting, and gathering rights), tribal cultural resources can also include natural resources and areas significant for current use by tribes. Increasingly, federal, state and local management agencies are incorporating tribal and indigenous interests, perspectives, and knowledge into agency management policies and practices. In order for these interests to be appropriately considered, indigenous peoples must be integrally involved in management processes. The approach created during this project can illuminate tribal 9 �interests within MPAs and facilitate communication among management agencies, stakeholders, and tribes, ultimately giving tribal communities a stronger voice in both the protection of an MPA’s cultural resources, as well as appropriate management of its natural resources. Furthermore, tribal communities who apply this approach to characterize their own significant resources and places may subsequently be able to leverage the products into the establishment of indigenous MPAs under indigenous authority and management. Acknowledgements Valerie would like to thank her co-authors for their vital roles in bringing this concept and project to fruition, as well as Brian Jordan, James Delgado, Robert Steelquist, Roberta Cordero, Jon Townsend, Janine Ledford, Rebekah Monette, Robert McConnell, Rosie Clayburn, Jennifer Ewald, and Roy Watters. Our esprit de corps as we conduct this meaningful work is invaluable. References Executive Order 13547, July 22, 2010, 75 FR 43023. McKinnon, J., Mushynsky, J., and Cabrera, G., In Press. A Fluid Sea in the Mariana Islands: Mapping the Seascape of Saipan. Journal of Maritime Archaeology. MPA FAC., 2011. Recommendations for Integrated Management Using a Cultural Landscape Approach in the National MPA System, retrieval 27 Dec 2012 from http://marineprotectedareas.noaa.gov/pdf/helpfulresources/mpafac_rec_cultural_landscape_12_11.pdf Parker, P. L., and King, T. F., 1998. (rev.), National Register Bulletin 38: Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional Cultural Properties, retrieval 27 Dec 2012 from http://www.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/nrb38/ Tuhiwai-Smith, L., 2012. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. 2nd Ed. Zed Books, London. Biographies Valerie Grussing is the Cultural Resources Coordinator for the National Marine Protected Areas Center. She works with federal, state, academic and NGO underwater archaeologists, coastal tribes, and other marine resource managers to foster partnerships and create information and tools to help protect and preserve the nation’s 10 �coastal and marine cultural resources. She obtained her BA in History from North Carolina State University in 2000, and her MA in Anthropology from the University of Iowa in 2002, and her PhD in Coastal Resources Management from East Carolina University in 2009, specializing in the Maritime Studies track. Dave Ball is the Pacific Region Historic Preservation Officer and Diving Safety Officer for the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM). Before joining BOEM he worked for several archaeological firms in the Pacific Northwest. He received his BA in anthropology from Sonoma State University in 1992 and MA in anthropology from Florida State University in 1998. Dave has over 20 years’ experience in archaeology and has directed field research on both terrestrial and underwater archaeological sites across the country, including inundated prehistoric sites, World War II shipwrecks, and deepwater shipwrecks in the Gulf of Mexico. He is currently serving on the Board of Directors for the Advisory Council on Underwater Archaeology. Eirik Thorsgard is a tribal member of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde Community of Oregon. He is the Tribe’s appointed Historic Preservation Officer and coordinator of the Cultural Protection Program. He received his MA in Archaeology from Oregon State University and is completing his PhD in the same discipline. He regularly participates in cultural events and practices sponsored by his Tribe. He is actively engaged in research relevant to the identification and protection of TCPs in his ancestral lands and beyond. He has been appointed to numerous professional councils and committees focused on cultural heritage protection and identification. Briece Edwards is Archaeologist for the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde Community of Oregon, based in the Tribal Historic Preservation Office. He coordinates cultural resource actions on Tribal Lands and develops and maintains the Tribe’s Site Inventory. He serves as the Tribe’s Cultural Resources compliance review contact, and coordinates interns and special projects within the THPO/Cultural Resources Protection Program. He developed the Program’s GIS system to record, track, and monitor tribally important cultural resources. Briece received his BA in Anthropology from the University of Maryland, MA from North Carolina State University and MPhil from the University of Bradford. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 2: New Approaches in UCH Management in the US Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 2 chair Dr. Hans Van Tilburg and links to the papers included in the session. Description An account of the resource In 2009, responding to the effort to protect the significant natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, the U.S. National Marine Protected Areas Center formed a Cultural Heritage Resources Working Group to provide expert advice on improving the conservation and management of maritime heritage resources. The resulting White Paper provided a series of recommendations to both the U.S. Department of Commerce and the Department of the Interior, including new definitions for cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes. Central to these recommendations was a strong endorsement for the Cultural Landscape Approach in the understanding and management of maritime heritage resources (or UCH). Subsequently, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s (NOAA) Maritime Heritage Program has adopted the recommendations of this paper and is implementing a “maritime cultural landscape” approach to the management of cultural resources within the National Marine Sanctuary System. Also as a part of this initiative, NOAA and the Bureau of Ocean Energy and Management (BOEM) have teamed up to support maritime cultural landscape studies of heritage resources by Native American Tribes and Native Hawaiian communities in the Pacific region. These projects on the U.S. West Coast and in the Hawaiian Islands demonstrate the necessity of adapting a broader range of recognized cultural resources and a more inclusive and participatory management and preservation process. Charismatic resources like historic shipwrecks will always provide unique information for archaeologists and historians, but we do ourselves a disservice if we focus solely on these types of properties, and neglect other perspectives and the broader nature of all types and traces of human existence that lie underwater. Participants in this session will focus on the status of these ongoing ground-breaking projects, the advantages of a broader and more inclusive approach compared to the previous cultural heritage management paradigm in the U.S., and the challenges that this creates. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Hans Van Tilburg Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Characterizing Tribal Cultural Landscapes for Resource Preservation and Protection: Documenting culturally important areas - for tribes, by tribes Description An account of the resource Understanding locations and types of significant archaeological and cultural resources is essential to their preservation and consideration during ocean and coastal planning processes. The goal of this project is to develop a proactive approach to working with Native American communities to identify such areas of tribal significance. Information from this effort will facilitate decision-making practices that consider the importance of these locales, giving tribal communities a stronger voice during regional planning. This project is a collaborative effort among the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM), National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), Tribal Facilitators, and the Tribal Historic Preservation Offices of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde in Oregon, Yurok Tribe in California, and Makah Tribe in Washington. This project uses a holistic cultural landscape approach that integrates science with historical, archaeological and traditional knowledge. The resulting tool describes methodologies and best practices for tribes to identify and communicate areas of significance; case studies from the three tribes will demonstrate how to use this tool. This effort will provide transferable, transparent and cost-effective methods for tribes to document places and resources, past and present, significant to their communities and outside agencies, thus enhancing their capability for consultation. The project will produce an approach adaptable by other tribal communities to help them record information on areas of tribal importance, and give them a stronger voice during regional planning processes. This project can help agencies and stakeholders engage with tribes prior to the proposal of activities that may impact tribal resources and areas. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Valerie Grussing David Ball Eirik Thorsgard Briece Edwards, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 2 2014