12 10 700 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/8a03a03e5a3081cad363fe1671f4d882.pdf 832a9cf0a4a07f2888368f764619c27e PDF Text Text A Seat at the Table: Addressing Artefact Biases in Asian Shipwreck Assemblages Brian M. Fahy Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology University of Oxford United Kingdom Email: brian.fahy@arch.ox.ac.uk Abstract The ceramic trade throughout Medieval Southeast Asia was prolific. Terrestrial sites have yielded massive amounts of ceramic material and the archaeological reports of shipwreck cargoes corroborate the versatile and extensive qualities of trade ceramics in the region. The sheer quantity of ceramic artefacts found in shipwreck assemblages, paired with a well-researched framework of the aesthetic, show that there is no doubt that we rely heavily on ceramic data to date wrecks and establish regional trading patterns. This paper will debate that we are too 'ceramo-centric' in our analyses of shipwrecks. While ceramics typically represent the bulk of the recovered material in these instances, many other types of media are present in the assemblage. Yet, these “lesser” materials suffer from a lack of investigation and therefore play virtually no role in the archaeological and historical assessment. This case study focuses on the nonceramic assemblages for six shipwrecks from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries of Southeast Asia (three Chinese-built and three Southeast Asian-styled junks). The typological study of the metallurgical, organic and geological material from these wrecks can complement much of the work surrounding existing trade models as well as reveal new concepts of crew life, belief systems and culture. These facets come together to offer a more holistic narrative as well as stimulating the need within the region for more study regarding the locations where past peoples mined and manufactured raw metals. Keywords: Southeast Asia, Ceramics, Metals, Shipwrecks, Trade Introduction Shipwreck biographies are primarily described through their ceramic complement. Ceramics make up the bulk of the archaeological material in a shipwreck assemblage, is the material most likely to survive the underwater environment over a long span of time, and, due to the large amount of terrestrial archaeology and historical study of the medium, have become a decent range-dating material as well. These combinations of features contribute very heavily on a shipwreck narrative purely due to its majoritive presence. This angle of research can be misleading since it creates a bias toward ceramic manufacturing and trading centres. Metals and organic material found in such an environment, while more likely to undergo chemical change or even complete 1 �erosion in these circumstances, still have been found in a preserved condition. This paper is an attempt to correct that ceramic bias by highlighting material that not only plays less of a part in the interpretation of the shipwrecks and their cargoes due to its quantified minority; it also plays less of a part due to the objectiveness of the community studying and documenting it. This heavy stress on ceramics in shipwrecks, as it pertains to Southeast and Eastern Asia, lend us to focus our interests on the ceramic centres of these regions, thereby “glossing over” regions that may not have a large ceramic presence, yet assuredly contribute a great deal to the trade both within the region as well as inter-regionally. This case study encompasses the assemblages of six 14th and 15th centuries shipwrecks; three Chinese built junks and three Southeast Asian styled boats to highlight a couple of examples in non-ceramic artefact studies that will hopefully prove the need for increased scholarship on these less fetishized materials. These wrecks have been chosen for specific reasons. Firstly, they are case specific to the appropriate temporal range of the study. This encompasses the formation of the Ming Dynasty; the reign of the Hongwu (洪武) Emperor (13681398CE) through a large portion of the Ming Ban up to and including the reign of Emperor Hongzhi (弘治) (1487-1505 CE). They also reflect the wide stretch of Southeast Asia (See Fig. 1). The Turiang in Peninsular Malaysia, the Bakau in Indonesia, the Fig. 1 Shipwrecks in this case study (shown in circle). (Brown 2009: 16) Ko SI Chang III and Rang Kwien in the Gulf of Thailand. The Lena Shoal along the Palawan coast and the Santa Cruz in the Lingayen Gulf, both found in the Philippines. These wrecks also represent the diversity of surveyed and excavated practices. The Ko Si Chang III, Rang Kwien, Lena Shoal and Santa Cruz were undertaken by academic departments of archaeology throughout Southeast Asia and Australia, or through cultural heritage schemes 2 �with local museums. The Turiang and Rang Kwien were excavations and surveys conducted by private entrepreneurs in conjunction with academics from the region. Some excavations were salvage operations; others were part of an educational programme. Sites like the Rang Kwien were visited over multiple seasons and used to teach new students methods of underwater excavation and conservation (Intakosai et al., 1983, 1984). The Bakau (Flecker, 2001) and the Turiang (Brown and Sjostrand, 2000) were excavations undertaken by private individuals in conjunction with local academics. However, their respective cargoes were handled differently and ultimately their final destinations reflect dissimilar filtering processes and circumstances. The Turiang assemblage ended up in a ceramic museum and most of the Bakau’s assemblage went to a hotel resort. These cases offer a glimpse into the various circumstances surrounding underwater archaeological projects in the area and may give insight into the biases that enter the filtering process both during and after each excavation. Metallurgical Examples This lack of existing scholarship on metallurgical material in shipwreck publications in Southeast Asia raise the question of why such artefacts have not been the focus of greater research. The reason may be a matter of aesthetics, corroded metalwork does not have the same intrinsic artistic beauty as ceramics; one of quantitative substance, in that too little metallurgical material survives; one of technological restriction, where scientific methods are not yet sufficiently advanced to glean adequate data; or simply money driven since ceramics are a more, sellable commodity. Metals are difficult to conserve and there is a smaller profit market for it. In the case of each item a combination of explanations exist for the lack of metallurgical research. Early Ming wrecks Turiang (1370 CE- 1400 CE) Large lumps of iron oxide were found strewn about the wreckage. The shape and appearance of these iron lumps imply that this cargo was shipped in a granular form. It is quite common for iron in this form to create a concreted mass when exposed to seawater. In these situations (where iron in powder form was stowed around ceramics and exposed to seawater for a long duration) these concretions occasionally envelop 3 �the ceramics. Similar iron lumps were recovered from the Royal Nanhai wreck, alongside traces of flattened bamboo. The existence of flattened bamboo suggests that the iron granules were stored into bamboo bags (Brown and Sjostrand, 2000). These bags not only made decent ballast for the ship, but probably worked rather well as a securing mechanism for more fragile items. In a subaqueous environment the bamboo degraded, and the loose powder filled the gaps of the ceramic material below, leading to ceramic inclusions within the iron masses. No iron in ingot form was recovered from the site. Rang Kwien (1400 CE - 1430 CE) Dubbed the “coin wreck”, The Rang Kwien’s major metallic cargo was nearly 200 kilograms of Chinese coins. Some of the coins date from as early as the 4th century yet the majority seem to come from the Hongwu reign (1368-1398 CE). The boat also carried eight copper ingots in its hold. Precious metals off the Rang Kwien include two early Ayutthaya-style gold bangles and one gold ring with gems. One bronze gong, one bronze mirror, one bronze bell, three bronze lime pots, as well as fishhooks, bronze harpoons, and hairpins make up part of the assemblage. (Intakosai et al., 1983, 1984). The second training excavation conducted by the Underwater Archaeology Department of Thailand in March of 2013 yielded more metallic cargo; additional copper ingots (totalling eleven) and a miniature bronze tool (E. Vatcharangkul, personal communication, 2013). Bakau (1410-1430 CE) In the initial report of the Bakau assemblage, the terms that Flecker (2001) used to describe the metallurgical assemblage were vague and unscientific; and he used terms such as “small stack” or, “an array”. An inventory for this wreck was given to me by Angie Liow, curator of the Maritime Experiential Museum in Singapore, which revealed dozens of items from this wreck that were never published (2013). Ten bronze guns were recovered, along with over two hundred Chinese coins from the Yong-Lo period of the Ming Dynasty (1403 CE-1424 CE). Ten bronze mirrors along with eight mirror handles were found, all of which were detached from each other. Six pairs of copper alloy tweezers, one bronze bell, and seventeen bronze gongs were a part of the assemblage, as well as two pewter carafes and one metal kendi. Tin ingots were recovered, along with a myriad of personal and professional copper alloy effects as well: 4 �crew use items include scissors, rings and lamps; hunting effects like fish-hooks and spearheads; metal dining wares like bowls, plates and spoons; as well as scale, net and sounding weights (Flecker, 2001). The partial documentation and recovery of this assemblage reflects one of many problems when dealing with a treasure hunted wreck. The motivations of the excavators in the procurement and the sale of this material while not completely understood, still show a prevalence to promote the more ornate and probably more expensive artefacts of the inventory. Middle Ming wrecks Ko Si Chang III (1460 CE – 1487 CE) Metal objects recovered from this wreck comprised over 2000 lead ingots. Descriptions of the ingots are consistent with lead ingots found in the assemblage of the Royal Nanhai (Brown and Sjostrand, 2000) Pattaya, and Ko Si Chang II (Green et al., 1987) wrecks. Plano-convex shaped copper ingots were part of the metallic assemblage of the Ko Si Chang III as well. Metal personal objects collected from the wreck include one lotus-shaped lead piece, a bronze phallus and a series of bronze lime pots (Green et al., 1987). Lena Shoal (1488 CE – 1505 CE) This wreck was found at a depth of ~46 meters and in a less trafficked area, it consequently yielded a diverse and sizeable metallurgical assemblage. Manufactured material such as cast iron bowls, copper repoussé wares and wrought iron needles were part of the cargo situated below deck. Thirty brass spiral bracelets were also part of the trade cargo. Four bronze gongs, Three Hongwu reign (1368-1398) coins were catalogued as well as three bronze cannons which was likely part of the ships armament. Raw material commodities of tin ingots and pig iron are also well represented within the assemblage (Goddio et al., 2002). Santa Cruz (1488 CE – 1505 CE) Another well-preserved wreck, the Santa Cruz yielded even more metallic material than the Lena Shoal. The accession inventory for the wreck noted one hundred and seventeen ingots of tin as well as six sheets of copper. Twenty two cast iron bowls were also present. The Santa Cruz excavation returned ship-use metallurgical artefacts as 5 �well. One cooking cauldron and one plate were recovered, along with thirteen net weights and three weighing scales. Twelve bronze gongs were found in the cargo hold, along with several brass spiral bracelets. The assemblage contained only three coins. Armaments on the Santa Cruz consisted of six bronze cannons. A metal box was catalogued in the assemblage as well. Perhaps most interestingly, the wreck yielded a unique bronze crown (B. Orillaneda, personal communication, 2012). Tables 1 and 2 indicate the presence of matallurgical material in the assemblages throughout this case study. It identifies the specific wreck the material was attributed to, along with the approximate date of each wreck. Object Narratives These metal artefacts can be divided into cargo and domestic assemblage. Cargo material can be further subdivided into raw and processed metals. While the assemblage items could have been broken down strictly by element, (i.e. iron items, copper items), such a material-based typology would not have been as thorough as one that considers the use of the objects themselves. The ship reports and excavation collections in this case study have already been conducted. That level of detail contributes to the body of archaeology, but as Muckelroy (1978) states, “It is necessary to go beyond the individual and specific events enshrined in these entities, and look at the maritime culture in which they were embedded”. Using a traditional, “by-material” classification method to analyse this collection would be slightly deficient, specifically when dealing with metallurgical raw material. Any sort of taxonomic study of metals is complicated by the corrosion and recovery process. It is highly probable that metallurgical material excavated in a seawater environment has taken on concretions and/or undergone degeneration to a point which the artefact looks profoundly different than before it sank. There are also few style and sourcing guides for the metallurgical material, particularly in Southeast Asia, which can be unfavourably compared to the ceramic material, where the level of provenencial detail that archaeologists and historians can attribute to ceramics is phenomenal. Style, form and glazing guides for many of the ceramics present in the assemblages of this case study can pinpoint the exact kiln site, and sometimes date ceramic material to the nearest decade in which it was produced. Terrestrial archaeology has sourced this information for us spectacularly. 6 �Selected examples of metallurgical objects that, when we go into more detail, help contribute to the shipwreck narrative are described below. Bronze Gongs, Mirrors and Tweezers Seventeen gongs were found on the Bakau wreck, four gongs were recovered from the Lena Shoal and twelve from the Santa Cruz. The quantities of bronze gongs on the Bakau and the Santa Cruz lead to the conclusion that these are traded cargo. Though the gongs are fewer in number from the Lena Shoal, the archaeological report notes that the gongs were grouped together, this also tends to suggest a cargo item (Goddio, 2002). Bronze mirrors were found on the Bakau wreck in substantial quantity (~10). In every case, their numbers are not nearly as prolific as traded ceramics, but in that regard they hold a higher place. It is a specialised commodity, possibly given/sold to only the most discerning of consumers. Isolated instances and detailed documentation of where this material was found may raise the issue that some of these Items were not cargo. It is possible that individual bronze gongs on these boats served as part of the ships’ equipment or crew possessions. Contemporary ethnographic studies documented the playing of these instruments in sets (three to seven gongs) in certain parts of Indonesia (Nicolas, 2009). However, the methods of playing the gong (or gongs) in East and Southeast Asia varied throughout history; therefore it cannot be assumed that they were played in a set (Nicolas, 2009). One single mirror was found in the assemblage of the Rang Kwien (Intakosai et al., 1983). Found attached to the keel of the boat, it has been suggested that this was a common practice by Chinese sailors to prevent disaster (Elisseeff, 2000). Its role (literally) within the boat, most likely makes this personal property of someone on the vessel. Depending upon where it was found in the keel, it is also plausible that the mirror rig could have been used as a signalling device. More study is needed to understand any mystical or practical connotations of its placement on the Rang Kwien. Six sets of bronze tweezers were in the assemblage of the Bakau (Flecker 2001). As they were found together during the excavation, it is assumed that they were a trade commodity (Flecker, 2001). More of these may have been in the cargo, but their small size could have made them both hard to find, and/or hard to survive the oceanic environment. An item like this represents a highly valued object, much like the bronze 7 �mirrors found within the assemblage. These two artefact types pair well together. A mirror would be necessary if a user desired to preen with a pair of tweezers. If we treat these objects (mirrors and tweezers) as a “set” of artefacts, they could promote discussion about concepts of grooming and vanity during this age, as well as debate on the cultural transfers on ideas of beauty and the exotic (Morrison, 2013). Tin Ingots Tin ingots were found on the Bakau (A. Liow, personal communication, 2013), Lena Shoal (Goddio, 2002) and the Santa Cruz (Orillaneda, n.d) wrecks. Two ingots were recovered from the Bakau, while the Lena and the Santa Cruz yielded over a hundred ingots each. They are all in the shape of a truncated pyramid. The tin ingots on the Bakau were not mentioned in Flecker’s (2001) article. Ship Use/Personal Metal Wares Quantification methods were used as the criteria to delineate personal material/ship use material versus material onboard for trading purposes. Isolated items and groups of item tallying less than three were assumed to be individually owned or ship property, while items that comprised of four or more were identified as trade material. Nautical themed artefacts (e.g., net weights and sounding weights, fishhooks, and cannons) are catalogued as ship use material regardless of inventory amounts. Individual high-end artefacts (e.g., jewellery, crown) are treated as either personal use or tribute wares. These criteria are also dependent upon the information gained regarding each ship excavation. If any of the isolated finds can accurately be provenanced in the respective cargo hold, then it shall be noted and deemed a trade good or tribute item. Spearpoint Of the six wrecks cited, only one spearhead was found on the Bakau wreck (Flecker, 2001). This can mean many things. It is possible that close quarter weapons were not perceived as needed on journeys such as these or simply that the spearheads (and the wooden hafts they were attached to) did not survive the long term immersion in seawater. Due to the lack of similar material on other wrecks, this was most likely not commonly used as a tool for fishing. Yet if the possibility of pirate invasion was real and cannons were a viable deterrent for such a scenario, I would beg the question that a 8 �boarding prevention plan would be in place and would facilitate the need for close quarter weapons like swords, knives and spears. Lamps A single metallic lamp was recorded in the assemblage of the Santa Cruz (B. Orillaneda, personal communication, 2012). Little is known about shipboard practices of lighting a boat at night. If lamps were commonly used in this capacity then they would most likely be a part of other shipwreck assemblages. There is, however, a lack of this type of artefact in shipwreck inventories of the same period. This may be another factor of the impact of the environment on the material or simply that other types of lighting implements are used. Conclusion Depending upon the author, the non-ceramic assemblage material in many archaeological reports and catalogues is summed up in a few paragraphs, and in some cases, merely one sentence. Some material found in the assemblages of this study was not even mentioned in the published material. This reflects the degree to which this material is considered when understanding the shipwreck narrative. The manner in which this material is highlighted mimic Brown’s (2009) catalogue on the chronology of Thai trade wares. Her goal was to group fourteenth and fifteenth century shipwrecks and glean their ceramic cargo in order to ascertain the presence (or absence) of cultural ceramic material (i.e. Chinese blue-and-white, Thai celadon, Vietnamese wares) and whether or not it corroborates with a ban on overseas trade during that time. Using this system of dated shipwrecks, an attempt was made to glean the metallurgical objects from the assemblages and reflect on any overlapping features of this material; both in terms of trading patterns and in terms of what possible cultural significances these objects signify. This contribution is valuable to the larger archaeological community because it is a start to a higher level of interpretation on material that has been largely neglected. The ships in this study yielded a wide variety of metallurgical artefacts. Metals, whether as raw materials or a finished trade good, were clearly a regular complementary part of the cargoes of trading vessels in fifteenth century Southeast Asia. In Table 2, we see a 9 �widespread increase in the trade of metallurgical raw materials. The iron granules carried by the Turiang were an isolated instance in this study. The copper ingots on the Rang Kwien and the Ko Si Chang III show an increased trade in the material but little could be ascertained as to its intended market. Since the Ko Si Chang III is the smallest boat in the study, it was most likely a local trading vessel. It could suggest a regional popularity for the material on the boat, or a boat bound for a larger emporia. The tin ingots from the Bakau, the Lena Shoal and the Santa Cruz clearly show the increased trading practice of this material. The few ingots found on the Bakau could reflect a sample of a new product while the nearly one hundred ingots found on each of the Lena Shoal and the Santa Cruz wrecks represent a stark increase in the trade of this raw material. This study of this type of material highlights some of the problems researchers encounter with modern maritime archaeology. Even in perfect conditions, archaeologists cannot assume to recover all of the material. Most of the metals undergo a physical transformation in seawater to some degree; it ranges from mild tarnish to complete disintegration. Due to this natural transformation, artefact inventories of this type of material will be lower. The corrosion of this type of material will result in the removal of some objects from the archaeological record. However we also need to understand the academic, economic and corporate environments and the motivations that surround these wrecks as well. Not all wrecks are excavated in the same manner, and the collection, selection and relation strategies will result in different kinds of shipwreck assemblages. Without being able to properly observe and document each excavation from beginning to end, we can only question the motivations behind each excavator pertaining to what material may have been purposefully overlooked or recovered. We have five shipwrecks excavated by different entities. Material that was possibly left in situ on the Bakau wreck might have been due to aesthetic reasons or monetary ones. An academic entity may have handled the excavation and material differently. Reciprocally, the excavations of the Santa Cruz and Lena Shoal, managed by the Frank Goddio and the HILTI Foundation, would have been different if managed by a firm like Seabed Explorations. The point here is that underwater archaeologists may use similar methods of extraction and conservation to bring an assemblage to the 10 �surface, but because of the different motivations and ambitions of the excavator involved on each wreck, we can only compare the assemblages with each wreck with a small degree of certainly and for commodities such as pottery rather than for metals. While these examples highlighted in this paper are all metallurgical in nature, they are not the only artefacts that suffer from this bias. This case study has also revealed various examples of organic material and stone-carved utility objects that experience the same representational deficiency in the underwater archaeological narrative. A similar presence/absence model of organic material found in ceramic containers in shipwreck assemblages can reflect trading patterns of material that otherwise has simply been cited in written sources. Table 1. Manufactured Metals in shipwrecks. Table 2. Raw Materials on Shipwrecks. Acknowledgements I wish to thank the APCONF committee for the opportunity to present my work. Thank you to the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology and my supervisor, Dr. Damian Robinson for your support and critique. I wish to thank the National Museum of Manila, the Underwater Archaeology Division and Museum in Chanthaburi, Thailand, and Angie Liow and her staff at the National Experiential Museum in Singapore for access to their 11 �collections. Thank you to fellow students Bobby Orillaneda, Veronica Walker-Vadillo and Peter Fiske for all the review and input on the paper. References Brown, R. M., and Sten Sjostrand., 2000. Turiang: A Fourteenth – Century Shipwreck in Southeast Asian Waters. Pacific Asia Museum, California. Brown, R. M., 2009. The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast Asia: Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware. Siam Society, Bangkok. Elisseeff, V., (Ed.), 2000. The Silk Roads: Highways of Culture and Commerce. Berghahn Books, Oxford. Flecker, Michael., 2001. The Bakau Wreck: An Early Example of Chinese Shipping in Southeast Asia. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 30 (2): 221–30. Goddio, F., Monique, C., Peter, L., Stacey, P., and Rosemary, S., 2002. Lost at Sea: The Strange Route of the Lena Shoal Junk. Periplus Publishing, London. Green, J., Harper, R., and Intakosi, V., 1987. The Ko Si Chang III shipwreck excavation 1986. In The Maritime Archaeology of Shipwrecks and Ceramics in Southeast Asia. Special Publication No. 4, Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, Fremantle: 3979. Intakosai, V., 1983. Rang Kwien and Samed Ngam Shipwrecks. SPAFA Digest: Journal of SEAMEO Project in Archaeology and Fine Arts, Vol. 4 (2): 30–34. Intakosai, V., 1984. The Excavations of wreck sites in the Gulf of Thailand. In Final Report Consultative Workshop on Research on Maritime Shipping and Trade Networks in Southeast Asia, I-W7, Cisarua, West Java, Indonesia, November 20-27, 1984. SPAFA Co-ordinating Unit, Bangkok: 133-143. Morrison, W. A., 2013. A Fresh Eye on Familiar Objects: Rethinking Toiletry Sets in Roman Britain. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 32 (2): 221–30. Muckelroy, K., 1978. Maritime Archaeology. New Studies in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Nicolas, A., 2009. Gongs, Bells, and Cymbals: The Archaeological Record in Maritime Asia from the Ninth to the Seventeenth Centuries. Yearbook for Traditional Music, Vol. 41: 62-93. 12 �Biography Brian Fahy is currently a D. Phil Candidate at the University of Oxford, with the Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology. His D. Phil thesis, “Holistic Shipwreck Narratives in 14th and 15th Century Southeast Asia”, will be completed at the end of 2014. He was previously awarded a Masters Degree in Chinese Archaeology through the Institute of Archaeology at the University of Oxford under Jessica Rawson. 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 6: Iberian Global Interactions: the Manila Galleon and the Roteiro Subject The topic of the resource Interview with Session 6 co-chair Veronica Walker Vadillo and links to the papers presented in the session. Description An account of the resource The arrival of Spain and Portugal in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s marked a turning point in the history of the region. New foreign actors came into play: priests, merchants and mercenaries looking to save souls and profit from trade in exotic Asian goods. Far from their Iberian homeland, their deeds and actions, violent or not, resulted in a myriad of interactions that altered the life of the people who lived around their areas of influence, including that of the newcomers. This flow of people and goods circumnavigated the world by well established maritime routes. In 1565, the Spanish established the Manila galleon trade route, which linked Asia with the Americas, and from there to Europe. From the early 1500s, the Portuguese dominated the route that linked Asia with Africa, Brazil and Europe in what is known as the Roteiro. The most visible archaeological evidence of these trade routes is the ships in which the goods were transported around the globe, and also the interaction with different cultures that were located in trading posts along these routes. But through contact also came knowledge exchange and other subtle changes including the migration of people, flora, and fauna. In this session we want to discuss archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence that remains of this global enterprise that connected Europe to Asia through maritime trade, and all the entrepôts that stood along the way. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Veronica Walker Vadillo Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Seat at the Table: Addressing Artefact Biases in Asian Shipwreck Assemblages Description An account of the resource The ceramic trade throughout Medieval Southeast Asia was prolific. Terrestrial sites have yielded massive amounts of ceramic material and the archaeological reports of shipwreck cargoes corroborate the versatile and extensive qualities of trade ceramics in the region. The sheer quantity of ceramic artefacts found in shipwreck assemblages, paired with a well-researched framework of the aesthetic, show that there is no doubt that we rely heavily on ceramic data to date wrecks and establish regional trading patterns. This paper will debate that we are too 'ceramo-centric' in our analyses of shipwrecks. While ceramics typically represent the bulk of the recovered material in these instances, many other types of media are present in the assemblage. Yet, these “lesser” materials suffer from a lack of investigation and therefore play virtually no role in the archaeological and historical assessment. This case study focuses on the non- ceramic assemblages for six shipwrecks from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries of Southeast Asia (three Chinese-built and three Southeast Asian-styled junks). The typological study of the metallurgical, organic and geological material from these wrecks can complement much of the work surrounding existing trade models as well as reveal new concepts of crew life, belief systems and culture. These facets come together to offer a more holistic narrative as well as stimulating the need within the region for more study regarding the locations where past peoples mined and manufactured raw metals. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Brian M. Fahy, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/15/2014 Asia-Pac Session 6 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/ddce4237df0b89b9a68bdad8c7ff72b1.pdf 74cc0308c8f320fff94591a0f0237d66 PDF Text Text Characterizing Tribal Cultural Landscapes for Resource Preservation and Protection: Documenting culturally important areas - for tribes, by tribes Valerie Grussing National Marine Protected Areas Center, Silver Spring, MD 20910, USA Email: valerie.grussing@noaa.gov David Ball Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, Camarillo, CA 93010, USA Email: David.ball@boem.gov Eirik Thorsgard Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde Community of Oregon, Grand Ronde, OR 97347 USA Email: Eirik.thorsgard@grandronde.org Briece Edwards Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde Community of Oregon74, Grand Ronde OR 97347, USA Email: Briece.edwards@grandronde.org Abstract Understanding locations and types of significant archaeological and cultural resources is essential to their preservation and consideration during ocean and coastal planning processes. The goal of this project is to develop a proactive approach to working with Native American communities to identify such areas of tribal significance. Information from this effort will facilitate decision-making practices that consider the importance of these locales, giving tribal communities a stronger voice during regional planning. This project is a collaborative effort among the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM), National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), Tribal Facilitators, and the Tribal Historic Preservation Offices of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde in Oregon, Yurok Tribe in California, and Makah Tribe in Washington. This project uses a holistic cultural landscape approach that integrates science with historical, archaeological and traditional knowledge. The resulting tool describes methodologies and best practices for tribes to identify and communicate areas of significance; case studies from the three tribes will demonstrate how to use this tool. This effort will provide transferable, transparent and cost-effective methods for tribes to document places and resources, past and present, significant to their communities and outside agencies, thus enhancing their capability for consultation. The project will produce an approach adaptable by other tribal communities to help them record information on areas of tribal importance, and give them a stronger voice during regional planning processes. This project can help agencies and stakeholders engage with tribes prior to the proposal of activities that may impact tribal resources and areas. Key words: Cultural Heritage, Cultural Landscapes, Indigenous Methodologies, Ocean Planning, Integrated Management 1 �Overview Understanding the types and locations of significant archaeological and cultural resources is essential to their preservation and consideration during the planning process for offshore renewable energy development, coastal and marine spatial planning, and marine protected area (MPA) establishment and management. To help address this information need, the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) is working with NOAA’s Office of National Marine Sanctuaries (ONMS), the National Marine Protected Areas Center, the Tribal Historic Preservation Offices of the Yurok Tribe in California, Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde in Oregon, and Makah Tribe in Washington, as well as two Tribal Facilitators and the National Marine Sanctuary Foundation. The project – Characterizing Tribal Cultural Landscapes – is developing a proactive approach to working with Native American communities to identify areas of tribal significance that need to be considered in planning processes. Information from this effort will help facilitate decision-making that takes into consideration the importance of these locales, and give tribal communities a more powerful voice during regional energy planning and other marine planning processes. This project concept grew independently from multiple directions. The MPA Center was seeking to operationalize the recommendations of the 2011 white paper approved by the Marine Protected Areas Federal Advisory Committee (MPA FAC), “Recommendations for Integrated Management Using a Cultural Landscape Approach in the National MPA System” (MPA FAC, 2011). Within ONMS, the Maritime Heritage Program was just beginning to implement its Maritime Cultural Landscapes Initiative, described in further detail by Dr. Brad Barr in his paper, “Developing a Maritime Cultural Landscape Approach to Managing US National Marine Sanctuaries”. The Confederated Tribes of the Grand Ronde Community of Oregon (CTGR) submitted a proposal to BOEM to characterize its own cultural landscapes and develop a transferable methodology. The Makah Tribe had been partnering with the Olympic Coast National Marine Sanctuary for a number of years on an integrated approach to cultural and natural resource management. The Yurok Tribe also previously worked with NOAA on multiple efforts. All three tribes have a Tribal Historic Preservation Officer with an understanding of a cultural landscape approach. This project is funded by the U.S. 2 �Department of the Interior, Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, through an Interagency Agreement with the U.S. Department of Commerce, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, National Ocean Service. It is contracted through the National Marine Sanctuary Foundation. Cultural Landscape Approach Using a holistic Cultural Landscape Approach (CLA) that integrates science with historical, archaeological, and traditional knowledge, this project will develop a tool describing best practices for tribal communities to identify and communicate areas of significance. Case studies from the three tribes will demonstrate how to use this tool. It will provide a transferable, transparent and cost-effective method for tribes with a connection to the coast to document past and present places and resources significant to their communities, thus enhancing their capacity for consultation in advance of any proposed undertakings. The project’s guiding principles are derived from Tuhiwai-Smith’s "Decolonizing Methodologies" (2012). Many indigenous peoples and their supporters are engaged in the process of decolonizing methodologies, which involves widespread efforts to revitalize indigenous cultures as well as refocus the standard interpretation of history to be more inclusive and less ethnocentric. Some of these guiding principles include indigenous self-determination of a community’s own research needs and priorities, and the ways in which research should proceed. Culturally sympathetic methods and culturally appropriate ethics thus take center stage. Training of indigenous researchers is also a priority, extending the boundaries for indigenous peoples of their fields and disciplines. Importantly, tribes develop and disseminate literature on research and methods, thus providing chances to educate the wider scientific, academic and policy communities. Additionally, this can foster increased collaboration among tribes, and help ensure accountabilities to and outcomes for tribes. A Vision for Cultural Heritage The MPA FAC white paper contains the following vision statement for cultural heritage: “Achieving and maintaining healthy coastal and marine ecosystems requires a fundamental understanding of the relationships between people and the environment. Cultural heritage, which belongs to all people, emphasizes these 3 �connections, whether that heritage takes the material form of, for example, maritime resources (such as shipwrecks), natural resources (such as marine species and habitats), or sacred places. Through the national MPA system, cultural relationships among people and historic, natural, and place-based heritage resources are preserved and perpetuated in ways that recognize and share multiple cultural voices and knowledge systems for the benefit of all” (2011). A Cultural Landscape Approach (CLA) will help managers nationwide to identify and adopt policies and practices that manage cultural and natural resources at the ecosystem and landscape levels, in an integrated and adaptive manner. The protection of cultural heritage resources in marine areas is often separate from that of natural resources, a divide with administrative origins. The ecosystem-based management called for in the National Ocean Policy (Executive Order 13547), and advocated by countless scientists and natural resource management professionals “recognizes that the connections between living things and the physical environment are multifaceted and often inseparable” (MPA FAC, 2011). This ecosystem-based approach requires understanding both cultural and natural elements, and the human dimensions of the environment. In contrast to previous cultural resource management paradigms, which approached resources individually for study and preservation, “CLA uses cultural landscapes as an analytical framework to understand places and their associated resources” (MPA FAC, 2011). Analogous and complementary to ecosystem-based management, CLA examines the relationships among living and non-living resources, and their environment over time. This integrated approach can advance deeper understanding of the human connections to, and influences on, critical marine ecosystems over time. Such comprehensive analysis and management can also identify the past and living cultural voices associated with an ecosystem, helping ensure the fullest possible public engagement in efforts including resource management, marine spatial planning, and ocean exploration. This holistic approach integrates the complexities and power of contemporary science with historical, archaeological, and cultural knowledge and the human values of love of 4 �place. Adopting a Cultural Landscape Approach strengthens our will and enhances our capacities to steward wisely the world we inhabit. Inter-tribal Workshops Three inter-tribal workshops were conducted in the Fall of 2013, bringing together federal and tribal partners to identify best practices and general resources significant to tribal communities. The host tribe of each workshop engaged neighboring tribes with coastal ties, as well as regional staff of federal and state agencies, to identify best practices and general resources significant to tribal communities. An Analysis Guide describing these best practices and processes for identifying tribal cultural landscapes, including common terminology, is being drafted, to be augmented as necessary throughout the duration of the project. Each of the three participating tribes is designing and implementing their respective case studies identifying tribal cultural landscapes, and will create and manage their own databases and record systems. Throughout the project, partners will conduct outreach describing the process, including methodologies, analysis and non-sensitive data. The workshops provided tribes with a connection to the Pacific Ocean an opportunity to contribute to the development of the methodology. We began with constructing a definition of the key concept: Tribal Cultural Landscape. During the first workshop, hosted by CTGR, participating tribes developed a draft definition for consideration by agency representatives. Both groups discussed applicability and opportunities for implementation within current legislation and mandates. During the second workshop, hosted by the Makah Tribe, and the third workshop, hosted by the Yurok Tribe, participants reviewed and refined the definition and discussed existing federal legislation where cultural landscape studies may be most applicable and beneficial to tribes and agencies. Workshop participants also began a glossary of terms for the Analysis Guide, and discussed the role of natural resources in cultural landscapes. The working definition is: “…any place in which a relationship, past or present, exists between a spatial area, resource, and an associated group of indigenous people whose cultural practices, beliefs, or identity connects them to that place. A Tribal Cultural Landscape is determined by and known to a culturally related group of indigenous people with relationship to that place” (Fig. 1). 5 �Fig. 1 TCL Project team conducts a panel discussion during the Inter-tribal Workshop hosted by Yurok Tribe in Klamath, CA. (V. Grussing) Fig. 2 Memorial Post at the mouth of the Salmon River, to honor the Neschesne people and the village that stood there, Carved by Grand Ronde artist, Travis Stewart. (T. Stewart) Beyond Traditional Cultural Properties Tribal Cultural Landscapes (TCLs) as defined in this way are areas of cultural importance to communities that have multi-generational ties to geographic regions. This definition is broader and more open than that of Traditional Cultural Properties (TCPs), as defined in National Register Bulletin 38, in several ways (Parker and King, 1998). Most importantly, TCPs are locations with distinctly defined extents. The National Register definition does not allow for indigenous groups to show the interconnection of places that are integrally related but not within sight of each other. This broader definition of TCLs can encompass how TCPs and other cultural sites are related to a group’s worldview and its geographic expanse. Second, TCLs enable the consideration of a community’s worldview and identity. The primary focus of identity for a given society or cultural group is how its members understand their world and interact with it. Their stories, places of cultural practice, villages, places of creation, and religious locations define not just usage and worldview, but also an intimate relationship between space and identity. By expounding the worldview of an indigenous group, we can more 6 �clearly understand a people’s concept of identity and how it is transferred between generations. Third, for most indigenous cultures, the practice of culture is not something rooted in the past. It is a living, breathing, interactive part of modern identity. TCPs and many standard archaeological methods situate the practice of indigenous culture in the past. By looking at contemporary indigenous groups’ cultural practices, we can more clearly understand past and future use of a given place, and the value it has to a community. Importantly, TCLs are determined by indigenous people with a relationship to that place. As summarized by McKinnon (et al., In press), community archaeology is based on indigenous people exercising agency in their cultural heritage, and “collaborating in the decision making about research topics, sites, data, curation, and the production of materials that are culturally appropriate and useful”. The concept of Tribal Cultural Landscapes has broad applicability for tribes and agencies. Workshop participants noted its general applicability under NEPA, and parts of Section 101 and 106 of NHPA. This would allow TCL studies to be used in planning processes by agencies with land management responsibilities, and for regulatory and compliance requirements for most federal agencies and other designated parties. Implementation of the proposed process was identified by both tribal and agency representatives as being most meaningful and relevant during the pre-planning phase of project development commonly referred to as scoping. Workshop participants unanimously acknowledged the importance of information originating with tribes and being vetted through tribal process (Fig. 2). Case studies and Analysis guide In the case studies, cultural resource types to be identified may include traditional cultural properties, traditional subsistence and commerce activities, residential and occupational activities, spiritual and ceremonial sites and activities. Case study activities may include archival research, field investigations and site visits, community outreach, oral histories and transcriptions. Each participating tribe will determine its own research goals and priorities, in collaboration with BOEM and NOAA to ensure that they are contributing to overall project goals and outcomes. The project team will incorporate information and processes from the workshops and case studies into an Analysis Guide, which will include common terminology and provide a methodology for identifying tribal 7 �cultural landscapes. The purpose is to devise a semi-replicable system that would be held internally by Tribes and specifically structured for recording information relevant to culturally-sensitive areas. In tandem with the data structure created and maintained by each tribe, there will be a working guide for the holder of the database as well as a counterpart document for use by federal agencies so they can ask questions appropriate to the data held and maintained by Tribes. This will allow for the collection and control of information by groups with the cultural understanding of the information, but also ensures that agencies have sufficient understanding of the information being held in order to ask appropriate questions as they relate to any proposed undertakings. The development of the Analysis Guide will:  Address the cultural understanding and context of cultural resources from an indigenous perspective;  Address and suggest mechanisms for maneuvering through the sensitivity concerns of tribes;  Develop a list of topics that should be consistently asked for by project proponents; and  Develop a suggested template or guide for tribes to collect and hold information that can be queried internally with the ability to provide summary results to external parties. The objective is to ensure that information is protected and retained by respective tribal communities, while ensuring that the information can be sufficiently synthesized and made available for review by federal agencies for any proposed undertakings. The case studies will record information related to tribal cultural landscapes, and the Analysis Guide will address pertinent querying and application of the data, emphasizing synthesis of the information without dishonoring the significance or sacredness of sites. Benefits The project will be completed by December 2014, and will result in an approach that can be adapted by other tribes and tribal communities to help record geospatial information and attributes on areas of tribal importance. As more tribal communities engage in the confidential identification of their own significant resources and areas of use, this approach can be beneficial to three overarching processes. It can give tribal 8 �communities a more powerful voice during regional energy planning, coastal and marine spatial planning, and MPA establishment and management. This project is intended to help agencies such as BOEM and stakeholders engage with tribal and indigenous communities prior to the proposal of activities that may impact tribal resources and areas. In so doing, regional energy planning and siting decisions, and related impact assessments, can be made more soundly and efficiently, thus minimizing potential conflicts, controversies, legal challenges and delays. This approach can also help fill a critical data gap in ocean planning and management, and be applied to coastal and marine spatial planning efforts through the National Ocean Council and Regional Planning Bodies. Although this project is not directly related to these specific efforts, the approach can be valuable in helping agencies such as NOAA and stakeholders communicate more effectively and appropriately with tribes, and involve them in the process. It can also facilitate communication among tribes, as well as clarify and promote tribal interests in specific planning areas. The approach has the potential to be useful in the management of existing MPAs, as well as for tribal and indigenous communities interested in establishing their own MPAs. Many, if not all, existing MPAs are within the traditional territory of tribal and indigenous peoples. In some regions where tribes were dislocated from their territory early in the colonial era, tribal cultural resources may be seen to consist primarily of archaeological sites, historic landscapes, and archival resources. In these cases, where managers may have insufficient capacity to document and inventory these resources, the analysis guide and case studies created by this project could help researchers to conduct a more comprehensive landscape-level analysis while maximizing limited funds. In regions where tribes have extant reservations, treaty or ceded territory, or usual and accustomed use areas (off-reservation areas of treaty-reserved fishing, hunting, and gathering rights), tribal cultural resources can also include natural resources and areas significant for current use by tribes. Increasingly, federal, state and local management agencies are incorporating tribal and indigenous interests, perspectives, and knowledge into agency management policies and practices. In order for these interests to be appropriately considered, indigenous peoples must be integrally involved in management processes. The approach created during this project can illuminate tribal 9 �interests within MPAs and facilitate communication among management agencies, stakeholders, and tribes, ultimately giving tribal communities a stronger voice in both the protection of an MPA’s cultural resources, as well as appropriate management of its natural resources. Furthermore, tribal communities who apply this approach to characterize their own significant resources and places may subsequently be able to leverage the products into the establishment of indigenous MPAs under indigenous authority and management. Acknowledgements Valerie would like to thank her co-authors for their vital roles in bringing this concept and project to fruition, as well as Brian Jordan, James Delgado, Robert Steelquist, Roberta Cordero, Jon Townsend, Janine Ledford, Rebekah Monette, Robert McConnell, Rosie Clayburn, Jennifer Ewald, and Roy Watters. Our esprit de corps as we conduct this meaningful work is invaluable. References Executive Order 13547, July 22, 2010, 75 FR 43023. McKinnon, J., Mushynsky, J., and Cabrera, G., In Press. A Fluid Sea in the Mariana Islands: Mapping the Seascape of Saipan. Journal of Maritime Archaeology. MPA FAC., 2011. Recommendations for Integrated Management Using a Cultural Landscape Approach in the National MPA System, retrieval 27 Dec 2012 from http://marineprotectedareas.noaa.gov/pdf/helpfulresources/mpafac_rec_cultural_landscape_12_11.pdf Parker, P. L., and King, T. F., 1998. (rev.), National Register Bulletin 38: Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional Cultural Properties, retrieval 27 Dec 2012 from http://www.nps.gov/nr/publications/bulletins/nrb38/ Tuhiwai-Smith, L., 2012. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. 2nd Ed. Zed Books, London. Biographies Valerie Grussing is the Cultural Resources Coordinator for the National Marine Protected Areas Center. She works with federal, state, academic and NGO underwater archaeologists, coastal tribes, and other marine resource managers to foster partnerships and create information and tools to help protect and preserve the nation’s 10 �coastal and marine cultural resources. She obtained her BA in History from North Carolina State University in 2000, and her MA in Anthropology from the University of Iowa in 2002, and her PhD in Coastal Resources Management from East Carolina University in 2009, specializing in the Maritime Studies track. Dave Ball is the Pacific Region Historic Preservation Officer and Diving Safety Officer for the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM). Before joining BOEM he worked for several archaeological firms in the Pacific Northwest. He received his BA in anthropology from Sonoma State University in 1992 and MA in anthropology from Florida State University in 1998. Dave has over 20 years’ experience in archaeology and has directed field research on both terrestrial and underwater archaeological sites across the country, including inundated prehistoric sites, World War II shipwrecks, and deepwater shipwrecks in the Gulf of Mexico. He is currently serving on the Board of Directors for the Advisory Council on Underwater Archaeology. Eirik Thorsgard is a tribal member of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde Community of Oregon. He is the Tribe’s appointed Historic Preservation Officer and coordinator of the Cultural Protection Program. He received his MA in Archaeology from Oregon State University and is completing his PhD in the same discipline. He regularly participates in cultural events and practices sponsored by his Tribe. He is actively engaged in research relevant to the identification and protection of TCPs in his ancestral lands and beyond. He has been appointed to numerous professional councils and committees focused on cultural heritage protection and identification. Briece Edwards is Archaeologist for the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde Community of Oregon, based in the Tribal Historic Preservation Office. He coordinates cultural resource actions on Tribal Lands and develops and maintains the Tribe’s Site Inventory. He serves as the Tribe’s Cultural Resources compliance review contact, and coordinates interns and special projects within the THPO/Cultural Resources Protection Program. He developed the Program’s GIS system to record, track, and monitor tribally important cultural resources. Briece received his BA in Anthropology from the University of Maryland, MA from North Carolina State University and MPhil from the University of Bradford. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Session 2: New Approaches in UCH Management in the US Subject The topic of the resource Video interview with Session 2 chair Dr. Hans Van Tilburg and links to the papers included in the session. Description An account of the resource In 2009, responding to the effort to protect the significant natural and cultural resources within the marine environment for the benefit of present and future generations, the U.S. National Marine Protected Areas Center formed a Cultural Heritage Resources Working Group to provide expert advice on improving the conservation and management of maritime heritage resources. The resulting White Paper provided a series of recommendations to both the U.S. Department of Commerce and the Department of the Interior, including new definitions for cultural heritage, marine cultural resources, tribes, indigenous peoples, and cultural landscapes. Central to these recommendations was a strong endorsement for the Cultural Landscape Approach in the understanding and management of maritime heritage resources (or UCH). Subsequently, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s (NOAA) Maritime Heritage Program has adopted the recommendations of this paper and is implementing a “maritime cultural landscape” approach to the management of cultural resources within the National Marine Sanctuary System. Also as a part of this initiative, NOAA and the Bureau of Ocean Energy and Management (BOEM) have teamed up to support maritime cultural landscape studies of heritage resources by Native American Tribes and Native Hawaiian communities in the Pacific region. These projects on the U.S. West Coast and in the Hawaiian Islands demonstrate the necessity of adapting a broader range of recognized cultural resources and a more inclusive and participatory management and preservation process. Charismatic resources like historic shipwrecks will always provide unique information for archaeologists and historians, but we do ourselves a disservice if we focus solely on these types of properties, and neglect other perspectives and the broader nature of all types and traces of human existence that lie underwater. Participants in this session will focus on the status of these ongoing ground-breaking projects, the advantages of a broader and more inclusive approach compared to the previous cultural heritage management paradigm in the U.S., and the challenges that this creates. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Hans Van Tilburg Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Characterizing Tribal Cultural Landscapes for Resource Preservation and Protection: Documenting culturally important areas - for tribes, by tribes Description An account of the resource Understanding locations and types of significant archaeological and cultural resources is essential to their preservation and consideration during ocean and coastal planning processes. The goal of this project is to develop a proactive approach to working with Native American communities to identify such areas of tribal significance. Information from this effort will facilitate decision-making practices that consider the importance of these locales, giving tribal communities a stronger voice during regional planning. This project is a collaborative effort among the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM), National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), Tribal Facilitators, and the Tribal Historic Preservation Offices of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde in Oregon, Yurok Tribe in California, and Makah Tribe in Washington. This project uses a holistic cultural landscape approach that integrates science with historical, archaeological and traditional knowledge. The resulting tool describes methodologies and best practices for tribes to identify and communicate areas of significance; case studies from the three tribes will demonstrate how to use this tool. This effort will provide transferable, transparent and cost-effective methods for tribes to document places and resources, past and present, significant to their communities and outside agencies, thus enhancing their capability for consultation. The project will produce an approach adaptable by other tribal communities to help them record information on areas of tribal importance, and give them a stronger voice during regional planning processes. This project can help agencies and stakeholders engage with tribes prior to the proposal of activities that may impact tribal resources and areas. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Valerie Grussing David Ball Eirik Thorsgard Briece Edwards, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5/13/2014 Asia-Pac Session 2 2014 https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/64ad8a22c5cfe1fe1f59018aba5e92dc.pdf 9e58dafb955ba10bfe12719524c7f38c PDF Text Text From Infrastructure to Icon: a Historical and Archaeological Analysis of the Randell Dry Dock. Britt Burton1 Abstract On the banks of the Murray River in the small township of Mannum, South Australia, lies an impressive and rare feat of early colonial maritime infrastructure; the Randell Dry Dock. Originally constructed as a timber floating dock in 1873, it was purchased by Captain William Randell and towed to Mannum. The imposing structure docked over half of all the paddle steamers on the Murray-Darling river system before being superseded in 1927. It is now only one of a handful of timber docks from this period still existing internationally. Archaeological investigations have been minimal on maritime infrastructure sites along the River Murray. A heritage trail has been implemented by the SA Department of Environment and Natural Resources and the SA Tourism Commission. The Randell Dry Dock is part of this trail and on the State Heritage Register. Archaeological investigations have revealed new information about the dock’s unique construction. This paper will outline the history and construction of this architectural gem, the seriousness of its current condition, and the ongoing fight against the clock by archaeologists and the local community to protect this rare and significant example of South Australian Murray River history. Introduction The Murray-Darling Basin river system in Australia began to take shape over forty million years ago. Encompassing three-quarters of New South Wales, over half of Victoria, an area of Queensland and the south-east corner of South Australia; it is approximately one-seventh of the entire Australian continent (Bennett 2004:8). The Murray River combines environmental beauty, rich cultural heritage and is the world’s sixteenth longest river at 2,530 kilometres (Griffiths & Jeffery n.d.). Rising water levels in the Murray are good news for the river’s health, but for Flinders University archaeologists working to conserve the unique nineteenth century Randell dry dock in the small riverside town of Mannum, South Australia, it creates an added sense of urgency. The project was first brought to the attention of the Flinders University Archaeology Department by the Mannum Dock Museum, because of their concern regarding the long term conservation and management of the dock. 1 1/23 Towers Terrace, South Plympton , South Australia, Australia, 5038, Email: burt0081@flinders.edu.au, Mobile: 61 0427 865 602 1 �Figure 1. Locality map, South Australia. The dock is located approximately 85 kilometres east of Adelaide (Image courtesy of H. & J. Griffiths, 2010 <www.jestercruises.com.au>). At the time Randell’s dock was built, iron was the prominent material for dock construction. This research is significant because few timber floating docks have survived into the modern era, and relatively little is known about their construction. Over one hundred years and countless physical changes later, it appears that elements of the dock’s original construction remain. As a result, it has the potential to yield information about the construction and development of timber floating docks. Historical Background The pattern of settlement and development along the River Murray from the 1850s onwards was determined by distance from large trade centres (like Adelaide) overland and the methods of transport available. Transport by water was very cost effective, and the River Murray provided the opportunity to open up huge areas inland (Swanbury Penglase 2002:9). 1848 saw the arrival of Albert Henry Landseer to South Australia. He capitalised on the huge expansion in river trade during the 1860s and 1870s (Swanbury Penglase 2002:11). After relocating his headquarters to Milang at the mouth of the Murray River, Landseer proposed a floating dock to provide an alternative to the slip at Goolwa (Southern Argus 2 �22nd August 1873: n.p.). Constructed in 1873, the dock was originally designed as a floating dock for use on Lake Alexandrina (Swanbury Penglase 2002:14). A floating dock is a structure that can be submerged to permit the entry and docking of a vessel, which is then raised to lift the vessel from the water for repairs (Gaythwaite 2004:446). Referred to as ‘the largest floating dock ever built in the southern hemisphere’ (Southern Argus 19th September 1873: n.p.), the Randell dry dock was the only floating dock active on the Murray-Darling river system. Built of red gum, an abundant source of reliable timber along the Murray, it contained framing and two layers of planking very similar to the structure of a wooden vessel. Historical sources suggest that the original length of the dock was 144 feet long, 40 feet wide, 9 feet deep and was estimated to carry 1000 tons (Southern Argus 19th September 1873: n.p.). As relatively new technology in Australia, there were only two similar facilities in the colony at the time the dock was built: the floating dock at King George Sound in Albany, Western Australia built in 1866 (Perth Gazette and West Australian Times 4th May 1866: n.p.) and Maggie, a Tasmanian wooden floating dock constructed in the 1880s (Richards 2003:145). Not suited to the shallow waters of Lake Alexandrina, the dock was purchased by Captain William Richard Randell, a prominent river pioneer, for use as a dry dock at Mannum. Randell arrived at Mannum with the dock after a harrowing trip up the Murray. He reported that the dock ‘moved like a snake’ because it had no keel, making navigation extremely difficult (Swanbury Penglase 2002:16). In order to install the 43.89 metre long structure, the river bank had to be excavated. It was eventually floated into place in February 1876 and officially opened on 5th June (Southern Argus 17th February 1876: n.p.). Over its forty-seven year commercial life about half of the steamers on the Murray and Darling Rivers spent some time in the dock (Swanbury Penglase 2002:5). It was officially closed with the introduction of a new slip upstream at Morgan (Swanbury Penglase 2002:5). The dock gradually silted up until the late 1980s when it was rediscovered and cleaned out by the local community with the aim of using it to dock and restore the paddle steamer PS Marion. After the restoration of the Marion, a pump kept the dock free of water so it could become the centrepiece of the Mannum Dock Museum (Swanbury Penglase 2002:29). Archaeological Investigations Four archaeological investigations for this research were carried out over a two year period beginning in 2009. Initial non-invasive investigations consisted of visual and GPR surveys as well as the creation of a full site plan. Two field seasons followed, which led to excavation on a number of areas in and around the Randell dry dock, photographic documentation, a second GPR survey and further site and feature drawings. 3 �December, 2009 Excavations in December 2009 yielded some of the dock’s structural secrets. The largest trench (Trench 1) was opened on the northern side of the dock. This focused on excavating to the base of the dock (two metres down) to assess the condition of the timbers and identify any original floating dock features. Trench 1 revealed the beginning of prominent structural features including a walkway and retaining wall (visible in historic photographs). The vertical posts running along the northern perimeter have attached joists. The wooden beams uncovered throughout the trench were in a similar pattern as those found immediately to the north-west and as such constitute part of the same structure. A cavity at a depth of 0.70 metres had a joist forming the south-eastern hip of the cavity which was supported by a large horizontal pile, 0.47 metres in diameter. This pile also supported the joist in the north-west corner. Excavation also commenced underneath three of the newer floor planks (Trench 3), which revealed three large vertical pylons. In between the pylons were a series of flush planks, still in very good condition due to their muddy and wet environment. They are assumed to be the final layer of planking or the ‘base’ of the dock. Figure 2. Looking east along the uncovered walkway in Trench 1. (Photograph by B. Burton, 2009). 4 �September, 2010 A team of archaeologists returned to the site with the aim of revealing a section of the outer structure on the northern side of the dock. The project combined surveys and the excavation of two trenches and two test pits in order to expose and document the structure underneath the dock. Reopening Trench 1 revealed a second horizontal pile, similar to the one discovered during the December excavations. The work on the outer wall of the dock revealed 1.5 planks of a substantial size (0.25 metres wide). While obviously dried out and deteriorated, the flushness of the planks indicated that at one time they would have been watertight. Trench 4 was not in the original excavation plan for the September dig and was added at the request of the Museum. Excavation of the trench ceased when the digger uncovered two timber planks at 1.12 metres. These were horizontal planks running parallel in a north-south orientation, but confusingly did not sit flush with the edge of the outer wall of the dock. The planks were 0.25 metres by 0.06 metres and were at least a length of 1.50 metres but the full length could not be determined as they ran into the southern embankment. Test pits 1 and 2 contained similar planking to that of Trench 4 but at a shallower depth of 0.62 to 0.70 metres. Test Pit 1 contained two planks 0.25 metres by 0.06 metres, which ran a length of 0.58 metres from the outer dock wall south into the embankment. The wood was in poor condition, appearing very damp and spongy; the result of fluctuating river levels. Test Pit 2 was 2.70 metres long by 0.65 metres wide. Three timber planks were identified at a depth of 0.62 metres. The planks were not straight and had varying widths and sizes. As in Trench 4 and Test Pit 1, the planks were running parallel with a north-south orientation. Similar to the wood in Test Pit 1, the timbers visible in Test Pit 2 were damp, spongy and badly corroded. There appeared to be some sort of black stain on the planks. This could have been caused by the dark clay staining the wood or perhaps evidence of tarring. Discussion What remains of the original floating dock structure? It cannot be said with absolute certainty that there is nothing left of the dock’s floatation apparatus. Not reaching the base of the dock during the two excavations means that the remains of a chamber somewhere at the base cannot be discounted. However, it can be deduced that two things do survive from the floating dock era: the vertical outer walls and the walkway. During excavations in Trench 1 and Trench 4, it was found that the vertical walls had a black substance on the outside. This appears to be evidence of tarring which would have been used to keep the dock waterproof. Working in Trench 1 determined that towards the base of the dock, the walls must still be waterproof as river water was leaking into the trench and not out into the dock. Historical research has found that some wooden floating docks had overhanging side walkways, such as floating dock Alpha in New Zealand. This would allow workmen to move about the dock freely and allow another vessel to 5 �berth alongside (Maritime Museum, Port Chalmers, 24 September 2010). The results of Trench 1 suggest that the walkway appears similar in design to that attached to Alpha in New Zealand. Randell’s dock has three layers of planking attached to 0.67 metre vertical support beams. However, unlike Alpha, there are no diagonal support beams underneath the walkway to ensure its stability. A more likely scenario is that the walkway was constructed at Mannum. An attached walkway was a possibility for a floating dock and could have been potentially detached, modified and reattached later. It is much more plausible however, that this is a later addition to the site; constructed elsewhere and moved into place on top of the surrounding clay. There are historical photographs showing the walkway on the northern side along with a retaining wall. The vertical piles appear to be the supports for the retaining wall. An additional and unlikely possibility was that it was purpose built. If so, it was an exuberant piece of construction. With three layers of planking at 20 metres long, it would have been quite heavy and therefore have been a nightmare to manoeuvre. What is puzzling about this walkway is that it does not appear to be attached permanently or solidly to the dock. This suggests it may have been a temporary structure that eventually became permanent. Figure 3. PS Cumberoona in the dock circa 1885 showing a walkway and retaining wall on the northern side (left) of the dock. (Photograph in Swanbury Penglase Architects, courtesy of the Mannum Local History Collection No.288, 2006). 6 �The large horizontal piles in Trench 1 were unexpected. With their size and placement, it appears as if they may have been used for structural support when the dock was inserted into the bank at Mannum. Due to the difficulty of manoeuvring the floating dock, Randell would have excavated an area slightly bigger than the structure in order to ensure the insertion process ran smoothly. It is then possible that the large piles were rolled into place on the northern side pushing the dock hard up against the southern side to stop it moving. However, the piles are not lying flush alongside the outer walls of the dock. Is there evidence of the dock’s floating apparatus? While it has been acknowledged above that little evidence of the dock’s floatation chambers survive, it does not confirm or disallow the possibility of such structures during its time as a floating dock. A floating dock, by definition, needs to have pontoons to help it float and they need to be substantial enough to support whatever vessel it is carrying at the time. Due to the minimal tidal movement on Lake Alexandrina, the dock probably would have had watertight chambers on the sides and underneath the floor. The dock has a double floor with 0.20 metres of space between the two layers of planking. This is not sufficient enough to float a dock reputed to weigh 350 tonnes. The cavities created by the sloping walls of the dock are another possibility. However, even if they were part of the original floating dock, they are different sizes and would therefore be uneven in weight and air distribution. If they were the same size, along with the floor; the combined air chambers would still not be substantial enough to raise and lower the dock as well as accommodate any vessels. Conservation Issues While the dock has been maintained by the Mannum Dock Museum and local community in accordance with the original conservation plan, it became apparent from the dock’s rapid deterioration that the original conclusions needed to be reviewed. After it was closed commercially the dock was kept filled so that the bulk of it was generally below river level and in safe anaerobic conditions. After the dock was cleaned out, the timber of the inner lining was virtually crack free, smooth and level. Today the wood of the dock is badly desiccated and undulating with very obvious corrosion. Less obvious but more worrying is the biological deterioration (or rotting) in the cells of the structure. Deterioration is occurring at a much faster rate than envisaged due to fluctuating river levels. The widespread clearance of native vegetation for agriculture and irrigation has led to an increase in the infiltration of rainfall to the groundwater. This has raised the local and regional groundwater table greatly increasing salinity in the river systems (Harris 1992:2). Over the past few years the river has fallen about 1.8 metres, even though Mannum is 150 kilometres from the Murray mouth (Swanbury Penglase 2006:6). It has recently begun to rise again and once more the dock is completely submersed. Fluctuating river levels are a constant danger to the dock, as they create cycles which increase 7 �deterioration and change the surrounding soil from an anaerobic to aerobic environment. Figure 4. Looking east across the dock (Photograph by M. Fowler, courtesy of the Maritime Archaeology Program, Flinders University, 2010). Conservator Christopher Payne from Art Lab Conservation in Adelaide voluntarily gave his time regularly throughout the project to assist the Mannum 8 �Dock Museum and the author with an analysis of the condition of the dock’s timbers. The principal modes of deterioration have been identified as follows: Increased rates of weathering Previously with higher water levels, water evaporating from the surface was being replaced by more water drawn up through the wood. When the underside of the floor was not in contact with water, the topside was drying out badly with deepening cell collapse, showing as deep splitting in the wood (C. Payne, Adelaide, 24 March 2010). Increased rate of rotting of underside timber This is due to a change from anaerobic to aerobic conditions in the soil under and around the dock as the water level falls. This provides optimum levels of moisture and air for biological activity, encouraging rotting (C. Payne, Adelaide, 24 March 2010). Increase in soil activity An increase in acid sulphate has been reported at many river sites with unstable river levels which rapidly increase weakness in the structure (C. Payne, Adelaide, 24 March 2010). Increase rate in floor movement This is due to uneven drying out of soil beneath the dock. Some parts of the dock appear to be still secured to the piles, but others are not. This gives rise to the undulating effect in the floor. Observed over the past two years, this movement is creating greater strains on the structure especially where timber is already damaged by corroding iron fastenings (C. Payne, Adelaide, 24 March 2010). Future Conservation and Management With the current rate of deterioration there is an urgent need to support and stabilise the dock’s timbers. Conservationists have reassessed the dock and the outlook is bleak. There is a window of less than ten years in which to take major preservative action before the dock becomes too rotten to save due to fluctuating river levels rotting away its timbers from beneath. The active Save Our Dry Dock (SODD) group at Mannum has researched options to slow down the increasing rate of deterioration. These have included treating the dock in situ with boron based wood preservative chemicals or keeping the dock filled with water and introducing biocides to keep it clear and therefore visible to museum visitors. Unfortunately, both of these solutions would cause chemical leakage into the Murray River, and therefore contamination to flora, fauna and a widely used water supply. A more expensive option would be to excavate it entirely, lift it from the area and put it undercover where it can be preserved without risk to the environment. While the significance of the dock can justify the expense, it will ultimately remove it from its historical context. In the short term, the construction of a roof to protect the dock is being considered. With a goal to see the dock on 9 �the National Heritage Register and public awareness increased about this rare feat of engineering, it is important that a solution is found and implemented to ensure the longevity of this site. One hundred and thirty seven years on, it is amazing that this incredible example of colonial maritime engineering still survives. With relatively little known about wooden floating docks from the nineteenth century, the Randell dry dock holds vital information about the river trade industry; it is a significant historical landmark for Mannum and is evidence of South Australia’s colonial adaptation to the River Murray. Acknowledgements When I first started this project I could not have foreseen what an adventure it would be and how many people were willing to come along for the ride. Thank you to everyone who helped me out in some way, especially: my supervisor Associate Professor Mark Staniforth; the wonderful people at the Mannum Dock Museum; the SA Department of Environment and Natural Resources; the Flinders University Archaeology Department; and the maritime archaeologists across the world who took the time to respond to my barrage of emails. Finally, a big thank you and lots of love to my family for their support and a few special people who I couldn’t have done this without: Kako, Amy, Denise and Brad. Abbreviations DENR South Australian Department of Environmental and Natural Resources Bibliography Bennett, K., 2004 Gaythwaite, J., 2004 Griffiths, L. & Jeffery, B., No Date Harris, C.R., 1992 Perth Gazette and West Australian Times 1866 Richards, N., Paddle steamers of the Murray River. Lothian Books, South Melbourne. Design of marine facilities for the berthing, mooring and repair of vessels. 2nd Edition, American society of Engineers, Virginia. SA river boat trail, South Australia Department of Environment and Natural Resources (State Heritage Branch) with the South Australian Tourism Commission, Adelaide. ‘Issues and management responses in the Murray Darling Basin’, in (eds.) S. Kenderdine and B. Jeffery Muddy Waters – proceedings of the first conference on the submerged and terrestrial archaeology of historic shipping on the River Murray, , State Heritage, Branch, Department of Environment and Natural Resources, Adelaide. (WA: 1864-1874), No title. 4th May. Unfit for further use: a guide to the watercraft discard 10 �2003 Southern Argus, 1973 Southern Argus, 1874 Southern Argus, 1876 Swanbury Penglase Architects, 2002 Swanbury Penglase Architects, 2006 sites of Tasmania (1808-1977), Tasmanian Heritage Office, Hobart. No title. 19th September. No title. 22nd August. No title. 17th February. Randell Dry Dock conservation plan, first report for the PS Marion and Mannum Dock Museum Board, Swanbury Penglase Architects, Adelaide. The Mannum Dock Museum Board Randell Dry Dock conservation plan review, Ref: 02070, Swanbury Penglase Architects, Adelaide. 11 � Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource From Infrastructure to Icon: a Historical and Archaeological Analysis of the Randell Dry Dock Subject The topic of the resource Session 7 Preservation and conservation of wet archaeological materials and site management Description An account of the resource On the banks of the Murray River in the small township of Mannum, South Australia, lies an impressive and rare feat of early colonial maritime infrastructure; the Randell Dry Dock. Originally constructed as a timber floating dock in 1873, it was purchased by Captain William Randell and towed to Mannum. The imposing structure docked over half of all the paddle steamers on the Murray-Darling river system before being superseded in 1927. It is now only one of a handful of timber docks from this period still existing internationally. Archaeological investigations have been minimal on maritime infrastructure sites along the River Murray. A heritage trail has been implemented by the SA Department of Environment and Natural Resources and the SA Tourism Commission. The Randell Dry Dock is part of this trail and on the State Heritage Register. Archaeological investigations have revealed new information about the dock’s unique construction. This paper will outline the history and construction of this architectural gem, the seriousness of its current condition, and the ongoing fight against the clock by archaeologists and the local community to protect this rare and significant example of South Australian Murray River history. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Britt Burton Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 2011 Asia-Pac Session 7 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ancient Japan Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Brown, Delmer M. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Brown, Delmer M. Item Type Book Call Number DS835 .C36 1988 v.1 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 Library Catalog USM/Bowdoin Place Cambridge Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Series The Cambridge History of Japan Title A name given to the resource Ancient Japan Volume 1 Japan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Yamato Kingdom Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Brown, Delmer M. Brown, Delmer M. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1993 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author Brown, Delmer M. Editor Brown, Delmer M. Item Type Book Section Book Title Ancient Japan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1993 Pages 108-62 Place Cambridge Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Series The Cambridge History of Japan Title A name given to the resource The Yamato Kingdom Volume 1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Records of the Grand Historian Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sima Qian Burton Watson Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Renditions-Columbia University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1993 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Sima Qian Translator Burton Watson Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1993 Edition Rev. ed. Number of Volumes 2 Place New York Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Renditions-Columbia University Press Title A name given to the resource Records of the Grand Historian China Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Book of the Wonders of India: Mainland, Sea and Islands Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Buzurg ibn Shahriyar of Ramhormuz G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available East-West Publication Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1981 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author Buzurg ibn Shahriyar of Ramhormuz Translator G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1981 Place London Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available East-West Publication Title A name given to the resource The Book of the Wonders of India: Mainland, Sea and Islands India Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Affair of the Madre De Deus; a Chapter in the History of the Portuguese in Japan. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource C. R. 1904- (Charles Ralph) Boxer Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available London, K. Paul, Trench, Trubner Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1929 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Zotero Author C. R. 1904- (Charles Ralph) Boxer Item Type Book Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1929 Library Catalog OCLC WorldCat FirstSearch Num Pages 94 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available London, K. Paul, Trench, Trubner Title A name given to the resource The Affair of the Madre De Deus; a Chapter in the History of the Portuguese in Japan. Japan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Court and Province in mid- and late T’ang Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource C.A. Peterson Denis Twitchett Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1979 Type The nature or genre of the resource Book Section Zotero Author C.A. Peterson Editor Denis Twitchett Item Type Book Section Book Title Sui and T’ang China Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1979 Pages 464-560 Place Cambridge Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Cambridge University Press Series Number The Cambridge History of China Title A name given to the resource Court and Province in mid- and late T’ang Volume 3 China https://apconf-much.org/proceedings/files/original/782acd285ffa7a58a072fceacdbb25bf.pdf 113e389dccf9573c30fbff5ba2779966 PDF Text Text Ancient Mediterranean, Red Sea and Afro-Asia links across the Western Indian Seaboard. Recent Underwater Discoveries in Mafia Archipelago, Central Coast of Tanzania. Caesar Bita Underwater Archaeologist, National Museums of Kenya (mcbita@gmail.com) ABSTRACT Coastal communities of the east African coast have, for millennia, traded with the Far East, the Mediterranean Region, India and the Red Sea going back to at least the first millennium BCE or before. These trade links across the Indian Ocean seaboard reached to lands as far as China and the Americas. The east African seaboard, popularly referred in the ancient time as Azania, was, by the first millennium BCE, also known to the Romans who visited and reported about this territory and its settlements. Terrestrial archaeological studies along this coast have shown existence of trade routes connecting the coast with the hinterland of Africa where some merchandise for international commerce was collected. Recently underwater archaeological surveys have recovered materials that indicate ancient global maritime trade connections extending back to the Graeco-Roman period. That the east Africa coast was a major player in the ancient international maritime trade makes it an important area for maritime archaeological studies. This paper reports on findings from a recent underwater archaeological survey in the Mafia archipelago in the central coast of Tanzania. The findings confirm the existence of ancient international maritime connectivity between the East African coast and the Mediterranean region, Red Sea, India and the Far East. Key Words: Mafia, Transoceanic, Maritime, Indian Ocean INTRODUCTION Tanzania is one of the east African coastal countries bordering the Western Indian Ocean (WIO). The country has one of the longest coastlines on mainland east Africa after Somali and Mozambique. Tanzania has three of the five largest islands of this region including Zanzibar, Pemba, and Mafia. Archaeological studies have shown that the country’s coast has the earliest evidence of ancient links with the Mediterranean region, Red Sea, Persia, India and south east Asia going back to the first century CE. Initially, much of this evidence however came from terrestrial archaeology since underwater archaeology is not developed in the country. Similarly, evidence of these earliest links has been reported in Mafia archipelago and Rufiji areas of central Tanzanian coast. Mafia archipelago is located in the central coast of Tanzania at S 7⁰ 37´ 8⁰ 10´, E 39⁰ 30´ 39⁰ 55´about 120 km south of Dar es Salaam city and 21 km offshore of Rufiji Delta (Fig. 1). It is the fifth largest island on the coast of east Africa after Madagascar to the south, Zanzibar, Pemba and Lamu all to the north (Chami, 1994; Shikoni et al. 2019). It is also an archipelago composed of a number of islands including Miewe, Chole, Juani, Jibondo, Bwejuu to the south of the main one by the same name Mafia Island. There are also several smaller islets of Mbarakuni, Shungimbili and Nyongoro found to the north. The main Mafia Island is elliptically shaped, lying in a NE-SW orientation; narrowing to the North east (Fig. 4). At its longest, the island measures approximately 47 km from the Southwest end to the Northeast tip and its widest point is 17 km (Fig. 4; Bita et al. 2023). Mafia has always been perceived as having evidential remains associated with the ancient Western Indian Ocean trade connections. This has largely resulted from land based archaeological findings recovered from the archipelago and its immediate hinterland. Although the archipelago has received progressive terrestrial archaeological research, no underwater archaeological studies were done to corroborate findings from land archaeology. It is only recently, after locals reported of offshore submerged features in the north-eastern side of the archipelago that subsea surveys begun. 1 �Figure 1: Tanzanian coast showing location of Mafia Islands (H. Pazza) Tanzania and Ancient transoceanic connections That the ancient east African coast was internationally known very early in time is no longer in doubt. Roman records including Strabo’s Geography, Pliny’s Natural History, the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea / Periplus Maris Erythraei, Claudio Ptolemy’s Geography and Accounts of Cosmas Indicopleustes mentioned and documented this coast (Casson 1989; McLaughlin 2018; Datoo 1970; Huntingford 1980; Freeman-Grenville 1975; Berggren and Jones 2001). Graeco-Roman sailors and traders of the Roman era from 64 BCE to 170 CE have described the geography, names of places, people, trade and other economic activities that took place on this coast (Miller 1969; Casson 1989; Chami 2006; 2009; McLaughlin 2018). Some of the places and people described are in the Coast of Tanzania. For instance, Periplus mentioned an 2 �island in the Azanian coast as Mafiaco, which is similar to the modern-day Mafia Island (Freeman Grenville 1962). Periplus also described the people living in Mafiaco being recognized as Rafiji, which is very similar to the modern-day Rufiji people who occupy the modern Rufiji area of Tanzania (Oldfather 1961; Freeman-Grenville 1962; 1975; Datoo 1970; Huntingford 1980; Casson 1989; Lacroix 1998; McLaughlin 2018). Archaeological studies in Mafia and Rufiji areas have recovered ancient trade items that corroborate these Graeco-Roman records. Studies have unearthed beads some identified as having been manufactured at Rhodes Island in the Roman Mediterranean Sea (Fig. 2 a-b). Other findings include Roman tera sigillata ceramics (Fig. c-d; Chami 1999b; 2001; 2021; Mandela et al. 2022). Figure 2: Ancient artifacts of foreign origin (a) Indian beads from Rufiji delta; (b) Phoenician Beads; (c and d) and Red Roman terra Sigillata ceramics recovered in Mafia archipelago (Chami, 1999a; 2021; Mandela et al. 2020) Underwater Archaeology of Tanzanian coast The coastal parts of east Africa from Somali to Mozambique were part of the ancient vibrant international trade networks across the Indian Ocean Seaboard linking India, Europe, Persian Gulf Red Sea and the Far East. Remains recovered in this region and associated with these ancient networks include shipwrecks, beads, ceramics and cultural traditions that continue to occur in many parts of this coast. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, this region has witnessed increased terrestrial archaeological research that has revealed these global transoceanic connections. However, despite the vibrancy of terrestrial research and the huge potential in underwater archaeology, underwater archaeological research in the region is still in its infancy. In Tanzania, there have been very few underwater archaeological surveys. Although there are many shipwrecks recorded in the waters of the country, except for Patience (2006) who did many commercial salvage operations on the east African coast and documented numerous wrecks, not much surveys have been undertaken of Tanzanian coastal waters. The few cases involved documentation of maritime practices including folklore associated with fishing communities (Ichumbaki 2015; Lubao and Ichumbaki 2023) and nautical infrastructure including boat landing places, jetties, lighthouses, navigational guides (Pollard 2008a; 2008b). Other studies have involved documentation of marine crafts (boats), exploitation of marine resources and social and religious manifestations of maritime cultural traditions (Pollard and Ichumbaki 2017; Ichumbaki et al. 2022). Although archaeological research in Mafia began at the advent of colonization (Revington 1936; Piggott 1941; Wheeler 1955; Baumann 1957; Chittick 1957; 1961; Freeman-Grenville 1962), no maritime studies of the archipelago have been undertaken prior to this study (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023). The only study that had a maritime component was involved in maritime history and looked at long-term history and long-distance trade in Mafia archipelago yet no attempts were made at underwater archaeological surveys (Wynne-Jones 2006; Crowther et al. 2014). Others looked at fishing practices to demonstrate differences in access to maritime resources between members of different categories of the community in Juani island (Christie 2011). As argued by Lane (2012), although these studies were not of an underwater archaeological approach, they contributed a great deal to the understanding of maritime infrastructure and landscape development, traditions, resource exploitation and history of long-distance trade during the first half of the second millennium CE. 3 �The only detailed underwater archaeological survey in Tanzania prior to this, was done of the ancient port of Kilwa, one of the most important ancient ports in South East Tanzania. The study recovered Persian and Midde Eastern artefacts including glass jars and a stone anchor (Fig. 3; Pollard et al. 2016). Stone anchors are known to have been in use for a long time extending to about 3,000 BC (Vosmer 1999). Their discovery in association with imported ceramics is an indication of long international maritime connections (Bita 2015; Tripati and Bita 2015). Figure 3: Kilwa Kisiwani Port showing (a) scatter of artefacts underwater and (b) stone anchor (Pollard et al. 2016) The earliest record of submerged archaeological finds in Mafia was in 1977 when locals reported brass cannons, anchors, fragments of cannon balls and a bronze bell off Juani Island (Lane 2005; 2012). However, there were no underwater archaeological survey efforts until 2016 when fishermen reported of submerged wall-like features, locally referred as Makutani or Mwamba Ukuta, north of the archipelago (Fig. 4; Bita 2019; Chami 2021). Ukuta is the local people’s Swahili word for a wall. Mwamba Ukuta means a sturdy wall. It is after this, that sustained underwater archaeological studies in this part of Tanzania began (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023). 4 �Figure. 4: Mafia archipelago showing Chole, Makutani and other areas mentioned in the text (Bita et al. 2023) Methodology and findings Underwater archaeology surveys and interviews were the main methodology used in this research. Following interviews with local fishermen, divers surveyed the area observing, and recording archaeology finds. Other methods employed included sub-sea probing with specially designed metal probes to determine and record cultural heritage buried beneath the sea floor. Foreshore and intertidal reconnaissance were conducted that entailed systematically walking over the foreshore and intertidal zones to locate areas with higher concentration of cultural heritage. These were carried out at the reported submerged site of Makutani to the north and Chole Bay to the south of the archipelago respectively (Fig. 4). Submerged wall features Underwater surveys north of Mafia were done with a purpose to confirm the reported submerged wall features in Makutani, and whether these are ancient settlements and whether these are in sync with findings from terrestrial surveys (Shikoni et al. 2019; Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023; Mandela and Chami 2021). Investigations noted that the feature is located about three km from the northern shore of Mafia Island and is a spherical enclosure made of four sections which remain fully submerged with only small sections visible during low ocean tides (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023). Some sections have been broken and eroded creating imaginary separations. It is this phenomenon that has informed locals to give them different names. The inner circumference is 8.17 km and has an inside area of 2.42 km². It has two openings located west and north commonly referred to by local fishermen as gates, because these are the only access ways at high tides through the feature (Fig. 5). Figure 5: The submerged Makutani wall feature with the four sections (C. Bita) Underwater surveys around the submerged feature observed linear boulders collapsed in a line indicative of a perimeter surrounding wall. The blocks were found to be of flat surface, compact and ranged between three m long, 2.5 m wide and 0.3 m thick (Fig. 6 a). Petrological analysis showed these are concrete, made of cement and lime. Their composition includes lime and different grog fragments to temper the block and as cementing material, which was a Roman technology (Delatte 2001). The analysis also confirmed that these are made of materials not locally found in Mafia Island but brought from outside (Fig. 7). On the base of the standing sections, feature were observed concentrations of concreted objects (Fig. 6 b) from where some of the imported ceramics were recovered (Fig. 6 c-d). 5 �Figure 6: (a) Linear block underwater in Makutani, (b) standing Makutani wall section with concretions of pottery in the foreground (c) Base shard of a Roman amphorae (d) Middle Eastern pottery (Bita et al. 2023) Figure 7: Composition of analysed concrete from Makutani (Bita et al. 2023) Local pottery of Early Iron Working (EIW) tradition and Triangular Incised Ware (TIW) were also found in association with the imported ceramics. EIW is the local cultural tradition that spanned the dates between fourth century B.C. to fifth century CE (Chami 1994; 1998; Mapunda 1995). Its pottery is characterized by thick fluted / beveled rims in combination with comb-stamping or incisions and were of upturned or open bowls (Fig. 8c-d; Chami 1994; Soper 1967, Waltz and Kwekason 2022). TIW is the 6 �cultural tradition that succeeded the EIW tradition along the eastern Africa coast and dates 100 to 500 CE (Chami 1994-5). Triangular Incised Ware decorative elements seem to have been derived from the EIW tradition hence showing some cultural continuity (Chami 1994; 1998). Typical decoration in TIW pottery includes incised triangles, double lines of punctates / stamps, zigzagging double incisions, appliqués and oblique incisions (See Fig. 8 a-b). Recovery of these local pottery traditions in associated contexts with foreign ceramics is an indication of early external trade contacts with ancient communities of east Africa (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023). Figure 8: a-b TIW and c-d EIW pottery from the Makutani submerged site (Bita et al. 2023) Surveys at Chole Bay Underwater archaeology survey at Chole Bay recorded five sites with high concentrations of ceramics of both local and foreign origin (Fig. 9). These occurred in contexts ranging from five and 12 m in depth and included Middle Eastern, Mediterranean, Persian and Indian wares. While some were recovered under sand, others were heavily concreted onto coral (Fig. 9 e). Other studies around Bwejuu Island and Kisimani Mafia to the west, all closer to the Rufiji delta, have yielded ceramics from the Middle East and Mediterranean world dating to the period of BC / CE changeover (Mandela and Chami 2021). These recoveries corroborate the terrestrial archaeological findings that indicate very early international trade contacts with the wider east African coast. 7 �Figure 9: (a) Chole Bay showing underwater sites; (b) far Eastern jar; (c) Middle Eastern yellow glazed rim; (d) Mediterranean bowl with black fabric; (e) Indian pot in-situ underwater (Bita et al. 2021-22; 2023) DISCUSSION According to Chami (2006), the EIW communities were the same people reported in ancient Roman records (Casson 1989; 1974; Huntingford 1980; Mclaughlin 2018) and who in the ancient time occupied the Rufiji Delta region that is adjacent to Mafia archipelago and largely the central coast of Tanzania. The people reportedly traded with the Roman Empire during the early centuries CE with the lost city of Rhapta reported as their capital (see Casson 1989:61; Lacroix 1998; Chami 2021; Mandela and Chami 2021; Bita et al. 2023). Recent studies have discovered materials found to originate from various parts including Asia, India, the Red Sea and Mediterranean regions. For instance, recovery of Roman wares confirms ancient Roman classical records of the first century CE that mention and describe this coast. Similarly, these records also mention transoceanic connections between the east African coast and the Indo-Pacific region (Miller 1969; Casson 1974; Sedov 2007; McLaughlin 2018) as they did with the Red Sea region and Persian Gulf. Contacts between the east African coast and Persia are known to exist in antiquity (Gupta 2016; 2021; Bita 2013a; 2013b). The Arabs are said to have dominated the East African coastal strip long before the advent of the Roman and after the collapse of the Roman empire before the arrival of Portuguese (Hourani 1963; Mathew 1963). Recovery of Middle Eastern wares underwater in Mafia suggest contacts in the early centuries of the CE to the fifth century CE, a period within which the EIW cultural tradition of the east African coast is dated. These findings also lend credence to ancient Chinese records of third century CE that allude to the existence of contacts between the east African coast and the Arabian Peninsula (Hill 2004). This is a manifestation that local communities of this coast were not passive participants but were 8 �actively connected and involved in ancient international maritime trade across the Western Indian Ocean Seaboard (Fig. 10). Figure 10: Regions and routes involved in ancient maritime networks with east African Coast (C. Bita) CONCLUSION This paper has shown that ancient communities of Mafia archipelago had regular contact with other parts of the globe. Evidence of this contact had previously been recovered on the mainland especially along the Rufiji River delta. However, recent research has identified an abundance of this evidence submerged underwater in the archipelago. Previously, it was only from terrestrial studies in the archipelago that revealed evidence of the region’s involvement in ancient global maritime trading (Chami 1999c; 2021; Shikoni et al. 2019; Mandela and Chami 2021). Trading meant traders had to access the archipelago through the sea (Figs. 4; 9 a). However, there had not been archaeology data from underwater in the region to substantially link the archipelago with the vibrant ancient Indian Ocean trading of the Greco-Roman period as described in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea and Ptolemy’s Geographia. Recent studies have recovered a substantial amount of local and imported pottery that show existence of ancient trade connection between the archipelago, the hinterland and the wider Indian Ocean Seaboard to as far as India, South East Asia, Red Sea and the Mediterranean world. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author is thankful to the Recentring Afro-Asia Project for providing funds for this research. Special thanks to Prof. Chami and Dr. Pastory Bushozi of University of Dar es Salaam for identification of the local ceramics. Thanks to Prof. Sunil Gupta at Allhamadad Museum in India; Prof. Hakan Oniz and colleagues at Alkdeniz University, Turkey; Dr. Alexandra Ratzlaff from the Department of Classical Studies Mendel Center for the Humanities at University of Israel; Prof. Bridget Buxton of History Department at University of Rhode Island USA for identification of imported ceramics. Thanks to Mr. Hitson Pazza for the cartographic work and Brian Nyambu of National Museums of Kenya for the conservation treatment of artifacts. 9 �BIBLIOGRAPHY Baumann, D. Mafia Island. Tanganyika Notes and Records 45 (1957): 1-24 Berggren, J.L. and Jones, A. Ptolemy’s Geography: An annotated translation of the theoretical chapters. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press.(2001). 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Description An account of the resource Coastal communities of the east African coast have, for millennia, traded with the Far East, the Mediterranean Region, India and the Red Sea going back to at least the first millennium BCE or before. These trade links across the Indian Ocean seaboard reached to lands as far as China and the Americas. The east African seaboard, popularly referred in the ancient time as Azania, was, by the first millennium BCE, also known to the Romans who visited and reported about this territory and its settlements. Terrestrial archaeological studies along this coast have shown existence of trade routes connecting the coast with the hinterland of Africa where some merchandise for international commerce was collected. Recently underwater archaeological surveys have recovered materials that indicate ancient global maritime trade connections extending back to the Graeco-Roman period. That the east Africa coast was a major player in the ancient international maritime trade makes it an important area for maritime archaeological studies. This paper reports on findings from a recent underwater archaeological survey in the Mafia archipelago in the central coast of Tanzania. The findings confirm the existence of ancient international maritime connectivity between the East African coast and the Mediterranean region, Red Sea, India and the Far East. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Caesar Bita Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Museum of Underwater Archaeology Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Language A language of the resource English Bibliographic Citation A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible. Bita, Caesar . 2023. “Ancient Mediterranean, Red Sea and Afro-Asia links across the Western Indian Seaboard. Recent Underwater Discoveries in Mafia Archipelago, Central Coast of Tanzania.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Brian Fahy. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1986. Asia-Pac Session 9 2023