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                    <text>Development and State of Research on Conservation Treatment of Underwater Cultural
Heritage in Korea
Bo-hyun Lee (Conservation Science Research Curator, National Research Institute of
Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
Conservation treatment of large waterlogged wooden historic ships improved gradually as historic ships were
excavated one after another. After 40 years, exhibition halls and conservation treatment centers have been
established and in operation in Mokpo and Taean. Taean is equipped with Asia's largest vacuum freezer and
Mokpo conservation treatment place with a long history is being transformed into a new conservation treatment
center. In addition, the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, which has Korea's only
underwater cultural heritage conservation and treatment facility, has been publishing treatment reports and
guidelines for many years. However, as the acidic aging was discovered on the Sinan shipwreck like the Vasa
and Mary Rose, it has become an issue and various studies were conducted to identify the cause and treatment
method accordingly. It is unreasonable to apply the results of test pieces in the laboratory directly to the entire
Sinan shipwreck, which was restored and displayed at the exhibition hall. Therefore, it is planned to conduct a
partial test gradually to find a method that can handle exhibition and treatment at the same time.
Keywords: underwater cultural heritage, conservation treatment, research status, challenges
List of Tables
Table 1. State of conservation treatment of historic ships recovered from underwater (as of May 2023)
Table 2. List of publications on conservation of underwater cultural heritage

INTRODUCTION
This study deals with overall matters related to the conservation treatment of underwater cultural
heritage (UCH) in Korea which started in 1976.
The research was partially addressed in Conservation Treatment of Historic Ships Collected from the
Sea published by the National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage (NRIMCH) in 2021.
This study intends to deal with the current state of research on conservation science of UCH in Korea
in detail from more various perspectives. In addition, this study intends to highlight the current
research projects and future tasks.
We will examine the process of development before touching upon the current state of conservation
science of UCH in Korea.
DEVELOPMENT OF CONSERVATION TREATMENT OF UNDERWATER CULTURAL
HERITAGE IN KOREA
Conservation treatment of UCH in Korea began with the excavation of the Sinan shipwreck in 1976.
However, excavation of the Sinan shipwreck which started in the sea, a special environment, presented
many challenges from the beginning. There was no infrastructure to speak of such as professionals,
budget and treatment facility and there was a big problem of how to treat super-large wooden historic
ships. At that time conservation treatment technology of Japan was more advanced than that of Korea
but the conservation treatment technology for wooden historic ships in East Asia was not comparable
to that of Europe. Accordingly, Korea started direct exchanges with museums in many parts of Europe
including Switzerland, Germany, Denmark, Sweden and the UK in order to learn Europe’s historic
ship conservation treatment method and restoration technology in 1983. Korea dispatched domestic
experts to international courses for wooden cultural heritage conservation sponsored by UNESCO and
ICCROM and started forming academic exchanges. Thanks to this, the current state of wooden

1

�historic ships in Europe and various treatment methods became widely known in Korea. In the 1990s,
the waterlogged wooden conservation treatment area took its root firmly in Korea’s cultural heritage
conservation science.
In addition, PEG-2 step treatment method was applied to the Sinan shipwreck through joint basic
experiment and research conducted together with the German Maritime Museum. PEG-2 step is a
method of impregnating a low-molecular PEG400 solution at a low concentration, and then heating the
high-molecular solid PEG4000 at 40-45 °C and impregnating it to a high concentration (Kim Ik-joo
2004, 68-69). This method still works for submerged shipwrecks.
Table 1. State of conservation treatment of historic ships recovered from underwater (as of May 2023)
No.

Name

Size (length x
width (m)) /
No. of pieces

Treatment
method

Date of treatment
period

Treatment
status

Location

1

Sinan shipwreck

34 x 11 /
1, 729 pieces

1981-2004

Exhibition

Mokpo
Museum

2

Wando shipwreck

9 x 3.5 /
1, 81 pieces

1984-1998

Exhibition

Mokpo
Museum

3

Dalido shipwreck

10.5 x 2.7 /
1, 33 pieces

Jul. 1995- Dec. 2009

Exhibition

Mokpo
Museum

4

Sipyidongpado
shipwreck

7 x 2.5 /
1, 14 pieces

2004-2016

Exhibition

Mokpo
Museum

5

Jindo shipwreck

16.8 x 2.3 /
1, 2 pieces

Jun. 1992-present

Dried

Mokpo
Conservation
Center

6

Anjwado
shipwreck

14.7 x 4.5 /
1, 39 pieces

Aug. 2005-present

Dried

Mokpo
Conservation
Center

7

Daebudo
shipwreck

6.6 x 1.4 /
1, 7 pieces

Dec. 2006-present

Dried

Mokpo
Conservation
Center

8

Taean shipwreck

8.2 x 1.5 /
1, 7 pieces

May 2008-present

Reinforced
(70%)

Taean
Conservation
Center

9

Mado
no. 1

shipwreck

10.8 x 3.7 /
1, 40 pieces

Oct. 2009-present

Reinforced
(70%)

Taean
Conservation
Center

10

Mado
no. 2

shipwreck

12.8 x 5 /
1, 41 pieces

-

Oct. 2010-present

Desalinated

Taean
Conservation
Center

11

Mado
no. 3

shipwreck

12 x 8 /
1, 21 pieces

-

-

Conserved
on site

-

12

Yeongheungdo
shipwreck

6 x 1.5 /
1, 3 pieces

-

Jul. 2013-present

Desalinated

Mokpo
Conservation
Center

13

Mado
no. 4

12 x 5 /
1, 22 pieces

-

-

Conserved
on site

-

14

Daebudo
shipwreck no. 2

9.2 x 2.9 /
1, 50 pieces

-

Jul. 2015-present

Desalinated

Mokpo
Conservation
Center

15

Jebudo shipwreck
no. 1

9.2 x 2.9

-

-

Conserved
on site

-

16

Jebudo shipwreck
no. 2

9.2 x 2.9

-

-

Conserved
on site

-

shipwreck

PEG
2-Step
method
(400/4000)

2

�The Sinan shipwreck was unveiled in 2004 after 18 years of conservation treatment and 10 years of
hull restoration.
After excavation of Sinan shipwreck, historic ships were discovered one after another in the West Sea
of Korea, including Wando shipwreck (1984), Jindo Pyokpari Tongnamu Pae (1992), Dalido
shipwreck (1995), Sipyidongpado shipwreck (2004), Anjwado shipwreck (2005), Daebudo shipwreck
(2006), Taean shipwreck (2008), Mado shipwreck no. 1 (2009), Mado shipwreck no. 2 (2010), Mado
shipwreck no. 3 (2011), Yeongheungdo shipwreck (2013), Mado shipwreck no. 4 (2014), Daebudo
shipwreck no. 2 (2015), Jebudo shipwreck no. 1 (2016) and Jebudo shipwreck no. 2 (2016). Table 1
summarizes where these ships have been treated for conservation or in the process of conservation
treatment, while some are conserved on site.
As historic ships have been excavated continuously, Korea’s underwater archeology and conservation
treatment technology of historic ships have grown remarkably. The conservation treatment
infrastructure, organization and budget have become one of the top in Asia.
The NRIMCH, which started in Mokpo Conservation Center in 1982, is now operating museums in
Mokpo (Jeollanam-do) and Taean (Chungcheongnam-do) respectively and has its own conservation
treatment facility. Mokpo conservation center, which started with two employees about 42 years ago,
has now ten employees in Mokpo and five in Taean. Taean conservation center has installed and run
test operation of Asia's largest vacuum freezer.
CURRENT STATE OF CONSERVATION SCIENCE FOR UCH IN KOREA
Cultural heritage excavated from water is very diverse in materials such as metal, ceramics, wood, and
stone. Various kinds of artifacts are excavated from ships as ships are a carrier of transport goods,
which contains living space on the ship. Therefore, conservation methods should be applied differently
depending on materials.
Korea has already prepared guidelines on conservation treatment by material with dividing artifacts
into those excavated from land and those from underwater and has treated them by referring to these
guidelines.
Recovered Artifacts so far are mainly made of wood (hull components, etc.) and ceramics (transport
goods), so the proportion of conservation treatment for historic ships and ceramics is high.
Out of 50,762 artifacts excavated, 47,036 pieces are ceramics, accounting for more than 93 per cent. In
addition, all five pieces which are nationally designated cultural property and in possession are
ceramics.
Natural scientific analysis of ceramics excavated from the sea began in earnest in the early 2000s.
Depending on the excavation site and function, various analyzes have been conducted, such as the
base soil, firing temperature, minor components, and estimation of the production site. Starting from
this year, research is being conducted to scientifically reveal the relationship between the production
and the consumption areas, and the correlation between the times and materials based on the existing
research results.

3

�Table 2. List of publications on conservation of UCH
Major content

No
.

Title

Date

1

Guideline on
Conservation
Treatment of
Artifacts
Excavated from
Underwater

2013

A guideline on conservation treatment of
artifacts excavated from underwater including
treatment cases.

2

Conservation
Manual of
Maritime
Archaeological
Objects in Korea

2014

English version of the guideline on conservation
treatment of artifacts excavated from
underwater, introducing how to treat wooden
artifacts, ceramics and metal artifacts.

3

Conservation
Treatment of
Ceramics
Excavated from
Underwater

2020

Classifying pottery which was excavated the
largest in volume into pottery, celadon and white
porcelain and reporting treatment methods and
cases.

4

Conservation
Treatment of
historic Ships
Excavated from
Underwater

2021

Containing the process of conservation
treatment for Sinan shipwreck, Wando
shipwreck, Jindo shipwreck, Dalido shipwreck
and Sipyidongpado shipwreck and natural
scientific analysis details.

5 Comprehensive
Report on Sinan
Ship
Conservation
Project

2022

Summarizing the research on analysis on aging
of Sinan shipwreck and conservation treatment
method comprehensively.

Cover

ISSUES REGARDING CONSERVATION SCIENCE OF UCH IN KOREA
Korea's historic ship conservation treatment can be divided into two fields. First, conservation
treatment of waterlogged wood using PEG and infrastructure. Second, neutralization treatment of
acidic aging that occurs in historic ships treated with PEG.
First, the conservation of waterlogged wood with PEG is to treat the wood using PEG-2 step method
as mentioned earlier. Reinforcement treatment is done with PEG 400-PEG 4000 and not vacuum
lyophilization but control drying is done for conservation. Taean conservation treatment room is
equipped with the latest vacuum lyophilizer that can treat 10 m. The Mokpo Conservation Center
needs facility replacement as it was established in 1981.
Conservation treatment of waterlogged wood using PEG and infrastructure
The hull varies in length from about 2 m to 10 m for each member and a specially designed tank is
required for reinforcement treatment. The tank should be made of stainless steel with strong corrosion
resistance, and a heat source (boiler hot water and electric coil) and temperature sensor should be
attached to maintain a constant temperature. In addition, in order to mix the high molecular weight

4

�PEG well, a solution circulation pump facility that can exchange the upper and lower solutions is
required. Moreover, boiler, expansion tank, and hot water pipe facilities should be in place in the boiler
room upon heating treatment using boiler hot water.
Assuming that the hull members are 5-6 m long, 0.1 m thick, and 0.5 m wide, the weight usually
reaches 300 kg. Hoists, cranes, and lifts that can lift and move these members safely and easily are
essential. Therefore, in order to conserve and treat large-sized timbers such as hulls, a large-scale
processing facility should be established.
The NRIMCH started seismic construction of PEG reinforcement treatment in 2022, and planned PEG
reinforcement treatment internal construction (water drainage, piping, electricity, etc.) and tank (10 m
x 1 m x 1 m * 1 unit, 6 m x 1 m x 1 m * 6 units), desalination treatment room improvement in 2025
and drying treatment room improvement in 2026.
Acidic aging of historic ships treated with PEG
Acidic aging is caused by the presence of iron compounds in wood and prolonged exposure, and the
same phenomenon has already appeared in foreign ships such as Vasa, Mary Rose, and Batavia, and
efforts have been made to solve this problem.
The Sinan shipwreck experienced acidic aging since 2010 and various methods were tried inside and
outside the laboratory to solve the problem. Constant temperature and humidity monitoring has been
conducted to secure raw data and the aging condition of the hull has been recorded with 3D scanning
using 3D digital methods. After that, surface contaminants were removed through dry cleaning, and a
deterioration map was also prepared to compare changes in surface conditions. Integrated Pest
Management is being implemented to prevent harmful organisms in exhibition halls and storage areas
and to establish a stable conservation environment. Various acidic aging treatment experiments were
conducted in the laboratory and the Comprehensive Report on Sinan Ship Conservation Project that
contains the results of experiments was recently released. This experiment is the result of the
experiment on a test piece carried out in the laboratory, but it is difficult to practically apply chemical
treatment to the 924 m2 exhibition room. Therefore, the Heritage Science Team of the NRIMCH plans
to expand the treatment area in the future, starting with a direct spot test on the Sinan shipwreck,
which was exhibited from this year. Our future task will be how to open the exhibition site to the
audience safely as the conservation treatment is underway in the exhibition hall.

Acknowledgements
I would like to thank organizers and committee members for making a decision for Korea to host APConf 2023. I would also
like to express my gratitude to my seniors and colleagues who have worked hard for conservation science at the NRIMCH.
Bibliography
Kim, Ik-Joo. “Conservation of Waterlogged Ancient Ship in Korea.” The Conservation and Restoration of Shinan Ship, the
20 Years History (2004): 58-71 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Conservation Manual of Maritime Archaeological Objects in Korea, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 31.
Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2013 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. The Conservation of Ceramics Excavated from Underwater, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 61. Mokpo:
NRIMCH, 2020 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. The Conservation of Shipwrecks Excavated from Underwater, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 63. Mokpo:
NRIMCH, 2021 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. The Comprehensive Report on Conservation Project of Sinan Shipwreck, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH
74. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2022 (In Korean).

5

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                <text> Lee, Bo-hyun. 2023. “Development and State of Research on Conservation Treatment of Underwater Cultural Heritage in Korea.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1961 </text>
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                    <text>Potential Climate Change Threats to underwater cultural heritage
Sirine Saad El-Dine Ghiye (Lebanese Archeologist, Diver)
Msc Student, Ulster University Ghiye-S@ulster.ac.uk / ghsirin@gmail.com
Abstract
Climate change is our greatest challenge. The paper is looking for the impact on underwater cultural heritage
(UCH), deep oceans, and coastal zone through literature reference and case studies. It will discuss the causes of
climate change, the results, with a focus on the sea surface temperature (SST) changes in the Mediterranean Basin
and the Pacific. SST will be calculated using Landsat 8 which is equipped by two bands of thermal infrared sensor
(TIRS). It is suitable for coastal zone monitoring due to its high resolution. The study depends on the use of
Landsat 7 which carried the Enhanced Thematic Mapper Plus (ETM+) sensor. Both images are interpreted and
analyzed on the QGIS to calculate the radiance and reflectance of each image to conclude the value of SST. The
paper will finish by presenting the cycle factors which threaten the UCH and summarize the relationship between
the change of climate and the UCH and how they help researchers understand climate in the past and the
adaptation by humans in past.
Keywords: climate change, SST, UCH, satellites imagery
List of Abbreviations
Carbone dioxide …. CO2
Normal Difference Vegetation Index …. NDVI
Operational Land Imager …. OLI
Sea surface temperature …. SST
Sea surface salinity …. SSS
Thermal Infrared Sensor …. TIRS
Thematic Mapper …. TM

U.S. Geological Survey …. USGS
Underwater cultural heritage …. UCH
List of figures
Figure 1. Lebanese land map
Figure 2. Chekka area with the cements factory’s location (Landsat 8, 2022)
Figure 3. Temperature during summer, Landsat 8, 2021, Temperature during summer, Landsat 7 1999
Figure 4. SST during the last 20 years ago during the winter

4
5
7
8

INTRODUCTION
The topic of this paper fits best within this Session “Major Threats to Underwater Cultural Heritage and
its environment,” because it will discuss the main disturbances and problems facing the maritime
archeological sites and underwater cultural heritage (UCH) due to climate change. This paper defines
the relation between climate and seas and oceans health, where the relationship is strong and
interdependent.
Climate can be defined into two levels: local climate, which is related to a specific area, city or country;
and global climate of Earth. The global climate is the connected system of sun, land and oceans, wind,
rain and snow, forests, deserts and savannas, and human activity (Lange 2020). All these local factors
are connected and responsible for the balance of ecosystems; any change in one ecosystem leads to
change in global climate. For example, global warming which is increasing of heat or energy in the
atmosphere of the Earth led to climate change (Rockman and Hritz 2019). Rising temperature of the
atmosphere led to melting of the ice in the poles which led to sea level change, this event was recognized
at the beginning of 19th century (Kennedy et al. 2002).
Anthropogenic factors are the main factor of climate change at a population of 7.8 billion people (World
Bank 2023). This is well defined and explained by the assessment reports of the Intergovernmental
1

�Panel on Climate Change which describe the influence of human activities that lead to warmer
atmosphere. Urbanization, development, and lots of industrial businesses accelerate the deterioration of
seas and oceans due to illegal infringement on the coast, increased illegal fishing, and toxic gas
emissions, all those led to change the main property of climate. One of results of climate change is the
increasing of the sea surface temperature, which led to change the chemical property of salt water
(Splading 2011). The paper presents the changes of sea surface temperature (SST) in Chekka, Lebanon
with satellites imagery on QGIS.

CASE STUDIES
The case studies under consideration are the following regions: the Mediterranean and the Pacific
basins. This paper detects the changes in sea surface temperature in the Mediterranean basin through
focusing in one example taking from Lebanon: Chekka area- North Lebanon (Figure 1). The aim of
taking this example is to prove how the human activity next to the sea, lead to change and increase in
the SST and land surface temperature in general. Chekka is a coastal area located in the Lebanese
northern provenance facing the Mediterranean Sea (Figure 2). Chekka provides two potential locations
for harbours, one to the north and one to the south of the headland of Chekka and its harbour is
mentioned when it was occupied by the Arwad’s fleet1 (Safadi 2014). The town was covered by olive
trees and salt marshes on the coast. These conditions of the town have been changed after the
construction of the first cement factory in the area dated back to 1931 CE followed by another company
after two decades. The coastline changed becoming heavily populated and many agricultural areas
vanished.
The main reason of this paper is to detect and monitor the changes of SST in the Chekka area as a
typical example for human activity effect on the seas and oceans health. The study is going to compare
the SST during summer and winter seasons during the last 20 years. This will be using satellites imagery
of Landsat program is the longest-running enterprise for acquisition of satellite imagery of Earth. It is
a joint NASA / USGS2 program and launched on 23 July 1972.
The study is also looking at the changes in SST of Pacific region and identifying the main reason for
these changes. The North Pacific has a temperature higher than the South, and that is because of the
ratio of land to sea areas is larger in the Northern Hemisphere and because Antarctica and the Southern
Ocean also influence water temperature (Cotter et. al. 2023). From the studying of those two regions,
the paper is identifying the results and consequences of changes in SST and the effect on the ocean, and
therefore to determine the effects on the maritime sites in seas and deep oceans. Radiance and
reflectance of images captured by the thematic sensor of Landsat are essential to calculate the value of
temperature. This will be explained in detail in the methodology.

1

It developed into a trading city in the Bronze Age, as did most of the Phoenician cities on this coast. It had a powerful
navy, and its ships are mentioned in the monuments of Egypt and Assyria (Safadi 2014).
2 The U.S. Geological Survey is the nation's largest water, earth, and biological science and civilian mapping agency (USGS
website)

2

�Med. Sea

Figure 1. Lebanese land map

3

�Med. Sea

Figure 2. Chekka area with the cements factory’s location (Landsat8 2022)

METHODOLOGY / RESOURCES
The use of remote sensing and geographic information system as the QGIS free and open source,
becomes a new technique used in studying many marine (Ramdani et al. 2021).
The paper studies the changes in SST through satellites imagery, calculate and measure the temperatures
on QGIS tools, in reason the detect the increasing of temperature during the last 20 years taking into
consideration the seasons: winter and summer. The study is based on literature and previous study on
the effect of climate change on the maritime sites, and how the maritime resource becomes a factor to
understand the climate change.
The algorithm created on ERDAS imagery 2014 for calculating the land surface temperature (LST), it’s
the same concept for SST (Advan and Jovanovska 2016). The layers used in the project are raster and
vector interpret and analyzed on QGIS version 3.6. The main coordinate system used is the WGS84
UTM zone 36N, ESPG: 32636.
The Landsat 8 which is working on infrared radiometer band 10 and 11 provides huge data covered the
Lebanese land. The sensors deployed on satellites imagery Landsat8 Operational Land Imager (OLI)
and the Thermal Infrared Sensor (TIRS) instruments allow to assess water parameter efficiently.
Through TIRS we can measure the land temperature in two thermal bands with a new technology that
applies quantum physics to detect heat. The process worked by measuring the amount of infrared light
emitted from the earth and the radiant temperature of water bodies (Bourouhou and Salmoun 2021).
Both sensors are covered the landmass with 30m of resolution (visible, NIR, SWIR); 100 meters
(thermal); and 15 meters (panchromatic). The primary features on Landsat 7 include a panchromatic
band with 15-meter spatial resolution, an onboard full aperture solar calibrator, five percent absolute
4

�radiometric calibration, and a thermal infrared channel with a four-fold improvement in spatial
resolution over Thematic Mapper (TM) (NASA, 2021).
Steps of calculating SST
1. Calculating the Top of Atmosphere radiance which is the raw images captured by sensor of
satellites, the radiance is the amount of radiation coming from the area, surface and cloud.
2. Calculating top of atmosphere reflectance which provides the ratio of radiation reflected to the
incident solar radiation on a given surface, and also from the cloud and atmospheric aerosols and
gases.
3. The brightness temperature is the measurement of radiance of the microwave radiation traveling
upward from the top of atmosphere to the satellites.
The process continues in progression to find the emissivity Ɛ of each pixel to convert the brightness
temperature into land surface temperature or in the other hand the sea surface temperature. The
emissivity is originated from the value of Normal Difference Vegetation Index NDVI which is provided
by the visible red and near infrared bands. The result returns the maximum and minimum values of
NDVI which are used in finding the proportion of vegetation in reason to rescale the NDVI between
values representing bare soil and total vegetation.
The operation is going to show the difference of temperature during the last 20 years with taking into
consideration the same seasons, where the result section interprets the analysis value through literature
resources of the impact of SST changes on UCH.

RESULTS
The results observed after calculating the SST through the Landsat images present an increasing of
temperature by almost 1 ºC during the last 20 years. Extracting results from maps shows the increasing
of temperature on the coastline near the cement factory, where the SST in the middle of sea become
more less. Figure 3 present clearly these changes, where the temperature on the coastline during summer
in 1999 was 24ºC -25 ºC, and it was almost 23 ºC far from the coast, but today the temperature on the
coastline in 28 ºC-29 ºC, and it’s almost 27 ºC far from the coast.
The results are also extracted from the SST map during the winter season for 2000 and 2021, where the
average temperature in Chekka area increased 2 ºC during the last 20 years (Figure 4).

5

�Figure 3. Summer temperature today (TOP, Landsat8 2021).
Summer temperature 20 years ago (BOTTOM Landsat7 1999)

6

�Figure 4. Winter SST today (left) and 20 years ago (right) (Landsat8 2021; Landsat7 1999).

This example describes the changes in SST due to the rising of toxic gases from the cement factories
next to the coastline. The main issue is to understand how the increasing of SST effect on the seas and
oceans health, thus on the maritime and coastal sites. There are an estimated three million shipwrecks
on the floors of the world’s oceans (Gregory et al. 2022), and more than 1000 coastal sites are under
threat and damage because of sea level rise (Reiman et al. 2018)
Increasing of CO2 in the atmosphere due to pollution and toxic gases, it leads to increase the
temperature of air, thus, to melt the ice of poles where this lead to rise the sea level. Research confirms
the rise of sea level by 1m by the end of 21st century, together with an increase in ocean surface
temperatures (i.e., water to a depth of approximately 100m) of between 0.2 and 0.5°C (Gregory et al.
2022). In summary, rising of sea level led to many unprecedented weather events which impact directly
on the coastal sites and erosion of coastline due to high tides. (Sesana et al. 2020). The effect of sealevel rise led to flooding and storms especially during the heavy rainfall, where the coastal sites become
underwater sites with time. The effect of sea level not only on culture heritage but also on the marine
boundary higher level will result in legal maritime boundaries become less well defined (Perez-Alvaro
2016).
In addition, the submerged sites will be affected by the sea level rise because adding more water led to
put the UCH under more depth, and more mass of water quantity on the shipwreck lying on the seabed
which may be more than they can withstand (Sesana et al. 2020). Furthermore, the most recent IPCC
report indicates not only an impact on surface ocean, temperatures but also on the deep ocean, with
increases of 0.6–2.0°C chemical reaction rates double for every 10°C increase in temperature (Kennedy
et al. 2002). This would reduce the amount of time a diver can remain underwater.
Increased CO2 in the atmosphere, which is absorbed by the oceans, leads to increase in the acidification
of seas and oceans where the PH of water decrease and influences the iron and steel of shipwrecks by
7

�increasing the rate of corrosion (Perez-Alvaro 2016; Wright 2016). With more evaporation and
precipitation and formation of sea ice lead all together to increase the salinity in water and change the
chemical and physical property of sea and ocean, that will create new bacteria and new organisms,
which affect and threaten the archeological features especially the shipworms, causing damage to
underwater wooden structures (Sesana et al. 2020).
This study shows the high impact of climate change and the relation with the UCH, which became a
main part of marine environment, the changes of sites help to understand the changes in climate.

CONCLUSION / DISCUSSION
We conclude that climate change will directly affect coastal and underwater sites, including the
deterioration of our UCH. The relation between climate change and maritime archeological sites is very
connected because shipwrecks become part of the marine environment such as artificial reefs.
Today, maritime archeology help researchers to understand the past climate and the human past
adaptation with climate change, where maritime and coastal sites illustrate the environmental changes.
Several projects provide the opportunity for maritime archaeology research on climate in the past and
then educate humanity to better understand the climate crisis. For example, several studies that focus
on the human-environment interaction such as migration in ancient periods, and human uses of aquatic
environment may inform what may happen in the future. It is important to involve cultural heritage in
climate action because heritage includes the identity of people that they want to pass to future
generations, and which may be at risk due to climate change.

8

�Bibliography
Advan and Jovanovska 2016
Bourouhou I., and Salmun F. Sea surface temperature estimation using remotely sensed imagery of Landsat 8 along the
coastline of Tangier - Ksar Sghir region, The International Conference on Innovation, Modern Applied Science &amp;
Environmental Studies (ICIES2020), Vol 234, 2021.
Bardach, Cotter and Morgan. Pacific Ocean,
https://www.britannica.com/place/Pacific-Ocean

Encyclopedia

Britannica.

Accessed

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March

2023

URL

Gregory, Dawson, Elkin, Van Tilburg, Underwood, Richards, Viduka, Westley, Wright, Hollesen. Of time and tide: the
complex impacts of climate change on coastal and underwater cultural heritage, Journal of Antiquity 96, no. 390 (2022):
1396–1411.
Kennedy, Twilley, Kleypas, Cowan, Hare. Coastal and marine ecosystems and global climate change: potential effects on US
Resources, Journal of Environment, Pew Centre on Global Climate Change. 2002.
Lange M. Climate Change in the Mediterranean: Environmental Impacts and Extreme Events, European Institute of the
Mediterranean, In: IEMED URLhttps://www.iemed.org/publication/climate-change-in-the-mediterranean-environmentalimpacts-and-extreme-events/. 2020.
Perez-Alvaro, E. Climate change and underwater culture heritage: Impacts and challenges, Journal of Culture Heritage 21,
(2016): 842-848.
Ramdani, Wirasatriya, Jalil. Monitoring the Sea Surface Temperature and Total Suspended Matter Based on Cloud Computing
Platform of Google Earth Engine and Open-Source Software, Conf. The 6th International Conference on Tropical and Coastal
Region Eco-Development, IOP Conf. Ser.: Earth Environ. Sci. 750, 2021.
Reimann, Vafeidis, Brown, Hinkel, Tol. Mediterranean UNESCO World Heritage at risk from coastal flooding and erosion
due to sea-level rise, Journal of Nature Communications 9, no. 4161 2018. URLhttps://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-01806645-9
Reul, Grodsky, Arias, Boutin, Catany, Chapron, Amico, Dinnat, Donlon, Fore, Fournier, Guimbard, Hasson, Kolodziejczyk,
Lagerloef, Lee, Le Vine, Lindstrom, Maes, Mecklenburg, Yueh. Sea surface salinity estimates from spaceborne L-band
radiometers: An overview of the first decade of observation (2010–2019), Journal of Remote sensing of Environment Vol.
242, no. 111769. 2020. URL https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0034425720301395
Rockman M., Hritz C. Expanding use of archaeology in climate change response by changing its social environment,
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 15, (2019): 8295–8302. URL
https://www.pnas.org/doi/full/10.1073/pnas.1914213117
Safadi C. Bronze age and Iron age Levantine harbor: an evaluation of their maritime accessibility and protection [Thesis],
Southampton University 2014.
Sesana E., et al., Climate change impacts on cultural heritage: A literature review, Ed: Carter T, et all., Journal of Wiley
Interdisciplinary Reviews 12, no. 42020,
Splading M. Perverse Sea change: underwater culture heritage in the ocean is facing chemical and physical changes, culture
heritage &amp; art review. 2011.

9

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                <text> Ghiye, Sirine Saad El-Dine. 2023. “Potential Climate Change Threats to underwater cultural heritage.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Elena Perez-Alvaro, and Ole Varmer. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1960</text>
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                    <text>The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Port of San Jacinto and the galleon shipwrecks
in Ticao Pass, Central Philippines
Catherine E. Villamor (Graduate student, University of the Philippines, School of Archaeology)
ABSTRACT
During the Spanish colonial period, European explorers noted that Ticao Island in the Central Philippines was the
source of water, wood, and other galleon provisions. Hence, the Port of San Jacinto in Ticao was one of the last
ports the galleons touched before sailing into the Pacific, and vice versa. Ticao Pass is the graveyard of galleons
such as Encarnación (1649) and Santo Cristo de Burgos (1726) to the east of the island. Through the years, local
histories have been written about the island's glorious past as a galleon port. However, only a little archaeology
has been done on this subject. Thus, this study aims to report the status of the archaeological research on Ticao’s
role in the galleon trade. This paper charts relevant historical sites, i.e., potential archaeological sites, for future
reconnaissance. The resources available to conduct the work include ethnohistorical data, archival maps, maritime
charts, archaeological reports, site discovery forms, and artefacts. These resources are deemed ample to illustrate
the maritime cultural landscape of the Port of San Jacinto, the underwater archaeology of the galleon shipwrecks
in Ticao Pass, and the lasting impact of galleon trade in the island, especially in the town of San Jacinto.
Keywords: Ticao, Port of San Jacinto, galleon trade, galleon shipwrecks
List of Figures
Figure 1. Locational map of San Jacinto, Ticao Island and Ticao Pass - Murillo-Velarde map (1734)
Figure 2. The location of the galleon shipwrecks in Ticao Pass
Figure 3. Maritime Cultural Landscape of Port San Jacinto Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (1565-1815)
Figure 4. a. Reproduction of Cosme Bertodano’s Plano de el Puerto de San Jacinto (1792); b—Plan &amp; View of
St. Jacinto on Ticao (1763); and c. Plano de el Puerto de San Jacinto (1792)

INTRODUCTION
The history of Ticao Island in Central Philippines (Figure 1) is primarily intertwined with maritime
traditions. In the Spanish colonial period, Ticao Pass was part of the treacherous route of the ManilaAcapulco Galleon Trade (1565-1812 CE) known as the Embocadero or the Paso de Acapulco (Schurz
1939). So, the Port of San Jacinto on this island ‘was celebrated for it served as a harbour for the famed
galleons’ (Montero 1886, 338). It was also the source of water and wood; thus, it was the last port the
galleons touched before sailing to the Pacific (Careri 1983).
This paper investigates the extent of archaeological research on the role of Ticao Island and Ticao Pass
in the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade. It reviews the underwater archaeology done on the galleon
shipwrecks in Ticao Pass. The study also illustrates the maritime cultural landscape of the galleon port
of San Jacinto from archival maps, nautical charts, and ethnohistorical accounts, which could be
investigated archaeologically. Ultimately, this work discusses the lasting impact of the galleon trade on
Ticao Island, especially in San Jacinto.

1

�Figure 1. Locational map of San Jacinto, Ticao Island and Ticao Pass [Satellite image: ESRI World Imagery] in relation
to the route of Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade as shown in the Murillo-Velarde map (1734), the overview map on this
figure [Source: Library of Congress]

METHODS
Library and archival research were conducted to gather historical and archaeological data that are
relevant to the roles of Ticao in the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade. This research also involves
georeferencing archival maps published from 1565 to 1815 and geotagging relevant placenames and
spatial references from ethnohistorical accounts using QGIS version 3.28.2. Some ethnohistorical

2

�sources are not directly linked to the galleon trade but apply to the maritime traditions in Ticao Island
within its period, such as indigenous warfare, sea piracy, and slave raiding.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
According to Schurz (1939), from Cavite on Manila Bay, the galleons passed through the Embocadero
towards San Bernardino Strait. However, storms would often coincide with the voyage, hence ‘galleons
were… frequently becalmed for days’ (La Follette and Deur 2018, 169) and were ‘always delayed at
San Jacinto on Ticao, or some other port in the vicinity’ (Schurz 1939, 222).
The Galleon Shipwrecks in Ticao Pass
Since Ticao Pass is part of the galleon trade route, it became the graveyard of galleons and other vessels
during the Spanish colonial period. Some of the galleons that were wrecked in this passage were Nuestra
Señora de la Encarnación (1649 CE), Santo Cristo de Burgos (1726 CE), San Cristóbal (1733 CE),
Magallanes (1793 CE), and San Andrés (1798 CE) (Philippine Commission of Independence 1923;
Schurz 1939; Warren 2012) (Figure 2). In the past thirty years, at least two of those galleons have been
investigated archaeologically, namely Nuestra Señora de la Encarnación (1649 CE) and Santo Cristo
de Burgos (1726 CE). Jago-on and Orillaneda first discussed the investigations of Encarnación and
Santo Cristo de Burgos in the essay ‘Archaeological Researches on the Manila Galleon Wrecks in the
Philippines’ (2019).
Encarnación
On its way to Manila, on 5 October 1649, Nuestra Señora de la Encarnación was struck by a typhoon
near Bulan, Sorsogon. This maritime tragedy is attributed to Encarnación’s late departure from
Acapulco. Two hundred passengers died, and all its cargo was sunk along with the galleon (Warren
2012, 195).
On 28 November to 10 December 1985, the National Museum of the Philippines investigated the
possible wreck of Encarnación. According to them, it was located approximately 1.5 kilometres westnorthwest of Bulan. Their team could not recover the ceramics and other cargoes of the galleons. On
the other hand, they found ‘the double wall sidings of a wooden ship, the base of its mast, a probable
cannon with heavy encrustations and a large piece of heavily rusted iron’ (Cuevas 1985, 1).
An archaeological excavation was conducted from 28 December 1985 to 22 January 1986, where the
team exposed wooden planks and ballast stones. However, due to strong currents, the team ceased the
excavations ‘temporarily’ for their safety (Malones 1986, 1-2). Based on the available records, the
wreck of Encarnación has not been re-excavated since then.

3

�Figure 2. The location of the galleon shipwrecks in Ticao Pass

Santo Cristo de Burgos
The Acapulco-bound Santo Cristo de Burgos was hit by a typhoon near the shores of Ticao Island on
23 July 1726 CE. The galleon was described as a ‘500-ton fully laden vessel with a valuable cargo and
unspecified number of passengers and more than 250 sailors. The only casualty of this tragedy was the
ship’s master of the galley (Fish 2011, 508). However, while the, ‘crew and the passengers escaped…
the cargo was mysteriously burned’ (Schurz 1939). Therefore, this maritime disaster underwent severe
scrutiny from the Spanish authorities, who received tons of charges from aggrieved merchants (Schurz
1939, 260). They discovered that the galleon sunk during the storm because it was not anchored in its
usual anchorage in the Port of San Jacinto. In October 1726 CE, the investigation committee concluded
that the captain, chief pilot, and six officers were guilty of the loss of the galleon and its cargo. They
were imprisoned, and the government seized their properties to compensate the aggrieved parties (Fish
2011).
The National Museum of the Philippines surveyed the possible Santo Cristo de Burgos wreck site in
July 1985. This underwater survey was mentioned and charted by Conese in the article ‘Underwater
Archaeology in the Philippines’ (1989). The wreck, first discovered by a fisherman, is about 4.5
kilometres north of the Port of San Jacinto. Based on the survey form, they recovered tradeware sherds,
earthenware sherds, and glass bottle pieces. Three anchors were also taken ashore, one of which was 15
feet long.
From April to May 2004, the Far Eastern Foundation for Nautical Archaeology, Inc. (FEFNA) launched
the Santo Cristo Archaeological Exploration Project in San Fernando, approximately 10 kilometres
south of the Port of San Jacinto. The artefacts recovered included an iron ring, a shell artefact, and
ceramics (Alba 2004). It is important to note that the area FEFNA explored is about 14 kilometres from
the San Jacinto Wreck Site. Moreover, the report for this exploration project did not reference the San
Jacinto Wreck Site, which was first considered as the possible wreck site of Santo Cristo de Burgos.

4

�The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Galleon Port of San Jacinto

Figure 3. The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Port of San Jacinto during
the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (1565-1815 CE)

According to Westerdahl (2011, 735), ‘The occurrence of historic shipwrecks must have relied on a
logistic network of the past which could be recorded in the same process’. Currently, the galleon port
of San Jacinto has not been investigated archaeologically. Hence, archival maps and ethnohistorical
accounts were reviewed to illustrate its maritime cultural landscape during the Manila-Acapulco
Galleon Trade.
Westerdahl (1992, 6) defines maritime cultural landscape as ‘the whole network of sailing routes, old
as well as new, with ports and harbours along the coast, and its related constructions and remains of
human activity, underwater as well as terrestrial’. In the Port of San Jacinto, this network includes places
that are relevant to maritime activities (e.g., trade, shipbuilding, and piracy), such as sources of
provisions, docks, ports, shipyards, and fortifications (Figure 3). These landmarks were geotagged
based on the Bertodano 1792 CE map (Figure 4a) and ethnohistorical sources.
In the late 1600s, Italian adventurer Gemelli Careri notes in his travel accounts that San Jacinto was a
‘good port with the conveniency of fresh water and wood and is, therefore, the last land the ships bound
for New Spain touch at’ (Careri 1983, 42). Based on the Dalrymple 1763 CE map (Figure 4b) and the
notes on the Bertodano 1792 CE map (Figure 4c), the most accessible source of freshwater for the
vessels (such as the galleons) was the river northeast of the Punta de Bodega called Aguada. The other
sources were the tributaries of the Estero de Santa Rosa. There were also two wells on both sides of the
bay.

5

�Figure 4. a. Reproduction of the Cosme Bertodano’s Plano de el Puerto de San Jacinto (1792) by Príncipe de la Paz; b.
Plan &amp; View of St. Jacinto on Ticao (1763) by Alexander Dalrymple; and c. Plano de el Puerto de San Jacinto (1792)
by Cosme Bertodano [Sources: Biblioteca Nacional de España and Archivo Museo Naval de Madrid]

6

�On the other hand, the wood was probably acquired from the ‘hillocky’ cove on both sides of the
anchorage (See Figure 3b). In particular, the Patag, east of Población, was the area where hardwoods
such as Ipil (Intsia bijuga), Barayong (Afzelia rhomboidea), and Hamorawon (Vitex parviflora) were
sourced during the Spanish colonial period (Merillo 1981). Due to its proximity to the port, it was
probably also the source of wood for the galleons.
In addition, along the Port of San Jacinto, there were places relevant to the prosaic maritime activities.
To the east of the Punta de San Juan was a ‘historical beach’ where small indigenous watercraft such
as banca (small dugout boat) and cumpit (fishing vessel) docked. In addition, based on the local history,
Sitio Fabrica near Rondajan was a dockyard for bancas and ships (Merillo 1981). Interestingly, the Real
Astillero de Mobo on the island of Masbate was located at Barangay Fabrica (Non 1993; Pelorina 2015).
It is important to note that in the Spanish colonial period, ships and other vessels were built in the
Philippine archipelago to facilitate fishing, transportation, and trade and were instrumental in fighting
against sea pirates and slave raiders (Non 1993). In San Jacinto, inhabitants ‘rode small bancas
pretending to be fishing within the town's bay and outside the bay's mouth, which would distract the
entrance of sea pirates’ (Merillo 1981, 45). A round-the-clock patrol was also done on land in Rondajan,
and because of the rampant piracy, ‘In 1701 a formal union of the settlers was formed with the end in
view to protect themselves from the Moro marauders’ (Almodal 1953, 2). This marked the birth of the
Población (settlement) in the Port of San Jacinto.
Aside from building houses, the inhabitants built ‘more and better fortifications’ (Almodal 1953, 2).
Cannons were installed in several areas, such as the Garita Rock (Spanish for ‘sentry box’), the
Bagalayag Rock (probably near the Punta de Bodega), and the Binantayan Rock (also known as
Binantayan Point) (Merillo 1981). Watch posts (vernacular: bantai/bantay/bantayan) were also
established in strategic points such as the Punta de Tajiran, Punta de Binantayan, and Punta Lagan.
Moreover, two watch posts were installed on Bantayan hills. There, the sentinels would blow their
balalong (hollowed tree trunk) or bodiong (carabao horn or conch) to warn the inhabitants of the
incoming raiders (Morado 1953; Barrun 1953; Mallari 1989). More importantly, guards were assigned
to the fortress and the church, which served as the primary refuge for the inhabitants amidst intrusions
(Merillo 1981).
These defence structures protected the inhabitants from the indigenous sea pirates but also against Dutch
and British intruders. In 1646 CE, the bay of San Jacinto was the venue of one of the skirmishes of the
Battle of La Naval de Manila between the Spanish fleet and the Dutch squadron. On 22 June 1646 CE,
a sentinel reported seven Dutch warships approaching the waters of San Jacinto. A day later, the Dutch
forces attempted to seize the Garita Rock to ambush two galleons. However, they were vanquished by
the local and Spanish forces. As a result, the Dutch seized the Port of San Jacinto until 24 July 1646
CE. More than a century later, during the British Occupation of Manila (1762-1764 CE), one of the
ships of the British fleet attempted to anchor in the Port of San Jacinto but received cannon fire from
the fortress. On 20 December 1797 CE, the inhabitants of the Población fled after they were warned of
the atrocities of some British entities. These intruders were demanding foodstuffs, cattle, and
freshwater. When the Spanish and local authorities refused to give in, the intruders fired at the church
with ammunition before finally leaving the port (Gerona 2012).
The other ports in Ticao Island during the galleon trade
Based on the Murillo-Velarde Map (Figure 1), the galleons usually anchored on the Port of Ticao
(present-day San Fernando). It was approximately 10 kilometres south of the Port of San Jacinto.
Another anchorage lies on the northernmost tip of the island, known as the Port of San Miguel. It was
probably a port of call during the galleon trade since the galleons were ‘turning ENE around the Punta
de San Miguel and the Punta del Diablo [both in San Miguel]; [before] coasting around the east side of
Ticao to the anchorage at San Jacinto’ (Schurz 1939, 222).

7

�The Impact of the Galleon Trade on Ticao Island and San Jacinto
When the Spanish arrived, Ticao Island had sporadic communities with trading and burial traditions
(See Evangelista and Paniza 1962). Its centre was also named Ticao (present-day San Fernando).
According to local history, Ticao became a pueblo in 1701 CE (Merillo 1980). However, unlike the
galleon port of San Jacinto, protected by a fortress and at least five watch posts, Ticao was virtually
defenceless. As a result, that town was easily crushed by Iranun slave raiders in 1757 CE (Warren 2002).
After the atrocities, ‘All the inhabitants of Ticao Island were re-concentrated in the port of San Jacinto’
(Dery 1986, 160). By 1804 CE, San Jacinto was established as the new and only town on Ticao Island
(De la Cavada 1876, 262).
More than two centuries later, San Jacinto remains a quaint town with a seaport and various fish ports.
Its past as a galleon port is immortalised in its church. Now called the Church of the Santo Cristo de
Burgos, this parish used to house the relic of Jesus Christ that was saved from the burning galleon Santo
Cristo (Gerona 2012, 78). Moreover, the galleon Santo Cristo's tragedy has been integrated into the oral
tradition of San Jacinto, which has been passed down in the community for almost three centuries.
In terms of resources, the southwest tip of Estero de Sta. Rosa (now the Tutuban River) in the Bertodano
1792 CE map (Figure 3c) is still the source of freshwater in the village of Tutuban. Its tributary pointing
to the south is now a fishpond in Pararatngan, leading to Cueva in Burgos's village, ‘the source of the
water system in San Jacinto’ (Espares 1953, 6).
Lastly, the galleon trade and the Dutch and British intrusions made the port (and later the port town) of
San Jacinto cosmopolitan. Hence, it has been passed down through oral tradition and local history that
some Dutch, English, Portuguese, and Spanish crewmembers of the frigates and other vessels, such as
the galleons, intermarried with the town’s inhabitants (Magdaraog 1968.; Merillo 1981). In particular,
the ‘original families’ in the village of Tutuban, where the freshwater for the galleon was acquired,
‘were of mixed breed—Spanish, Dutch, and English’ (Villamor c. 1953, 1).

BIBLIOGRAPHY
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National Library of the Philippines, c. 1953.
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Conese, Eduardo E. Underwater Archaeology in the Philippines. Unpublished Manuscript, Manila: National Museum of the
Philippines, 1989.

8

�Cuevas, Maharlika. Ticao Pass (Bulan) Underwater Archaeological Project: A Field Report. Unpublished Manuscript,
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y Giraudier, 1876.
Dery, Luis C. ‘The Era of the Kris: The Moro Raids in Sorsogon and Kabikolan and their impact on Philippine history, 15711896.’ National Academy of Science &amp; Technology, 11 (1989): 145-166.
Evangelista, Alfredo E., and Inocentes P. Paniza. A Preliminary Report on the Archaeological Survey of Burias, Ticao and
Masbate Islands (April 1 to May 31, 1962). Unpublished Manuscript, Manila: National Museum of the Philippines, 1962.
Espares, Bienvenido A. “History of the Barrio of Burgos,” Historical Data Papers (San Jacinto, Masbate). Manila: National
Library of the Philippines, c. 1953.
Fish, Shirley. The Manila-Acapulco Galleons: The Treasure Ships of the Pacific: With an Annotated List of the Transpacific
Galleons 1565-1815. Milton Keynes: Authorhouse, 2011.
Gerona, Danilo M. Las Islas de Masbate: A Beacon of Faith, A Fortress of Resistance. Masbate: Diocese of Masbate, 2012.
Gerona, Danilo M. El Puerto Y Astillero Real de Pasacao. Pasacao: Office of the Mayor, 2018.
Jago-on, S.C.B., Orillaneda, B.C. “Archaeological Researches on the Manila Galleon Wrecks in the Philippines.” In
Archaeology of Manila Galleon Seaports and Early Maritime Globalization, The Archaeology of Asia-Pacific Navigation, vol.
2, edited by Chunming Wu, Roberto Junco Sanchez, and Miao Liu, 129-145. Springer, Singapore, 2019.
La Follette, Cameron, and Douglas Deur. 2018. “Views Across the Pacific: The Galleon Trade and Its Traces in Oregon.”
Oregon Historical Quarterly 119, no. 2 (2018): 160-191.
Magdaraog, Victor. 1968. “San Jacinto, Ticao Island.” In The Historical and Cultural Heritage of the Bicol People, 2 nd
Edition, edited by James J. O’Brien. Naga: Ateneo de Naga.
Mallari, Francisco. “Camarines Towns: Defenses against Moro Pirates.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 17, no.
1 (1989): 41–66.
Malones, Antonio Jr. The Encarnation. Unpublished Manuscript, Manila: National Museum of the Philippines, 1985
Merillo, Damaso. History of San Jacinto and Ticao Island Masbate. Unpublished Typescript, 1981.
Montero y Vidal, Jose. El archipiélago Filipino y las islas Marianas, Carolinas y Palaos. Madrid: Imprenta y Fundación de M.
Tello, 1886.
Morado, Arturo B. c. 1953. “The Origin of the name “Bagahanglad” and its sitios,” Historical Data Papers (San Jacinto,
Masbate). Manila: National Library of the Philippines, c. 1953.
Non, Domingo M. “Moro Piracy during the Spanish Period and Its Impact.” Southeast Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (1993): 401419.
Pelorina, Renato. “Plunder of Paradise: The History of Forest Denudation of Masbate Island, the Philippines, 1870-1946.”
Researchers World: Journal of Arts, Science &amp; Commerce 6, no. 2 (2015): 52-66.
Philippine Commission of Independence. Beautiful Philippines: A Handbook of General Information. Manila: Bureau of
Printing, 1923.
Realubit, Maria Lilia F. Bikols of the Philippines. Naga: A.M.S. Press, 1983.
Schurz, William Lytle. The Manila Galleon. New York: E. P. Dutton &amp; Co., Inc., 1939.
Villamor, Domingo S. “History and Common Life of the Barrio of Tutuban,” Historical Data Papers (San Jacinto, Masbate).
Manila: National Library of the Philippines. c. 1953.

9

�Warren, James Francis. Iranun and Balangingi: globalization, maritime raiding and the birth of ethnicity. Singapore: NUS
Press, 2002.
Warren, James. ‘Weather, History and Empire: The Typhoon Factor and the Manila Galleon Trade, 1565-1815.’ In Anthony
Reid and the Study of the Southeast Asian Past, edited by Geoff Wade, and Li Tana, 183-220. Singapore: ISEAS, 2012.
Westerdahl, Christer. “The maritime cultural landscape.” The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 21, no. 1 (1992):
5-14.
Westerdahl, Christer. “The Maritime Cultural Landscape.” In The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology, edited by
Alexis Catsambis, Ben Ford, and Donny L. Hamilton, 733-76. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.

10

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                <text> Villamor, Catherine E.. 2023. “The Maritime Cultural Landscape of the Port of San Jacinto and the galleon shipwrecks in Ticao Pass, Central Philippines.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Jose L Casaban. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1959</text>
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                    <text>Developing a zooarchaeological approach to studying the impacts of the Manila Galleon
Trade on the landscapes and cultures of the Philippines
Joan Quincy Lingao1, Eduardo Corona-M.2, Grace Barretto-Tesoro1, Patrick Roberts3,4, Maricar
Belarmino5, Mary Jane Louise Bolunia5, Bobby Orillaneda5, Leee Anthony Neri1, Victor Paz1,
Noel Amano3,6, Juan Rofes1,5,7
1

School of Archaeology, University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City 1101, Philippines.
Centro INAH Morelos &amp; Seminario Relaciones Hombre-Fauna, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
México.
3
isoTROPIC Research Group, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, Kahlaische Str. 10, 07745
Jena, Germany.
4
School of Social Sciences, University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane, Australia.
5
National Museum of the Philippines, P. Burgos Drive, City of Manila 1000, Philippines.
6
Zooarchaeology Research Group, Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology, Kahlaische Str. 10, 07745 Jena,
Germany
7
Archéozoologie, Archéobotanique : Sociétés, Pratiques et Environnements (AASPE, UMR 7209), CNRS/MNHN,
CP56, 55 rue Buffon, 75005, Paris, France.
2

ABSTRACT
After the discovery of the tornaviaje, or return trip to New Spain (Mexico), numerous galleons sailed from the
Philippines to Mexico and back again for nearly two and a half centuries (1565–1815 CE). The Manila Galleon
Trade played a major role in solidifying a maritime trade network between East and Southeast Asia and the
Americas during the Spanish colonial period, stimulating the introduction of plants and animals that had major
ramifications for the environments, economies, and societies of the Philippines. However, formal archaeological
analyses of animal remains from the Spanish colonial period remain limited. Most studies related to the Manila
Galleon Trade focus on shipbuilding, tradeware ceramics, and plants. Historical accounts have provided clues as
to what animals may have been introduced to the Philippines during the Manila Galleon Trade and how they were
integrated into the local economy and society. Demonstrating these introductions archaeologically is nevertheless
an ongoing effort. By undertaking zooarchaeological research (study of faunal materials), we seek to improve the
level of detail about the animals that arrived on Philippine shores during this time period. We recommend that
extending the study of the Manila Galleon Trade to explore its impact on the landscape and culture of the
Philippines will yield novel insights to animal translocations, animal husbandry practices, land-use, and changes
in dietary preferences during the Spanish colonial period.
Keywords: Galleon Trade, zooarchaeology, maritime archaeology, underwater archaeology, Spanish colonial
period
List of Figures
Figure 1. Map of the sites and other relevant locations.
Figure 2. Faunal remains from the San Diego wreck
Figure 3. Faunal remains from the Intendencia ruins

INTRODUCTION
The Philippines was under Spanish rule for more than 300 years (1565–1898 CE), and this period
witnessed major changes in the economies (e.g., Legarda 1999), cultures (e.g., Dakudao 1992; BarrettoTesoro 2015), and landscapes (e.g., Amano et al. 2021; Findley et al. 2022) of the Philippines. After
Ferdinand Magellan reached the Philippines in 1521 CE (Field 2006), Spain had sent several expeditions
to the archipelago, with an initial goal of penetrating the spice trade in Southeast Asia (Iaccarino 2011).
These expeditions saw an already existing maritime trade network between China (as well as other
1

�southeast and east Asian regions) and some islands in the Philippines, highlighting the benefits of a trade
network with China to European colonizers (Blair and Robertson 1903). By the 1570s, Spanish explorers
led by Miguel López de Legazpi headed to Manila and designated it as the capital of its new colony of
the Spanish East Indies (Iaccarino 2011). Fray Andrés de Urdaneta, one of the members of López de
Legazpi’s expedition, also successfully mapped the tornaviaje, or the eastbound return trip to Mexico,
which shortened the voyage from the Philippines to the Americas. This ushered the beginning of the
Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade: a 250-year (1565–1815 CE) trans-Pacific maritime trade network that
bridged together the two Spanish colonies (Legarda 1999; Reyes 2017).
Archival records provide accounts of faunal introductions to the Philippines through the Manila Galleon
Trade (Morga 1609; Iaccarino 2011; Javellana 2015). The thriving maritime trade in the Philippines at
that time, particularly in Manila, not only welcomed plants and animals from New Spain (Mexico) but
also from other East and Southeast Asian countries such as China and Cambodia (Alcina 1668; Legarda
1999; Javellana 2015; Amano et al. 2021). Animal husbandry practices and incorporation of the
introduced taxa into the local diet were present in the archival records as well (Alcina 1668; Javellana
2015; Doeppers 2016). However, formal archaeological studies on these topics are limited.
The historical archaeology of the Spanish occupation of the Philippines has tended to focus on buildings
(e.g., churches and stone-based houses), shipyards, and tradeware (Barretto-Tesoro 2015; 2021; Jagoon and Orillaneda 2019). In contrast, there are limited zooarchaeological studies covering this period,
including the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (Amano et al. 2021). The information provided by
archival records only offers glimpses of the past, sometimes with conflicting accounts from different
historical documents (Morga 1609; Dizon 1993; Goddio 1996a). Direct analysis of archaeological
materials, especially animal remains, will not only complement and contrast archival records but may
also provide new insights not explicitly indicated in historical documents (Amano et al. 2021).
Zooarchaeological studies in general can offer inferences on the interaction of humans with their
environment (Reitz and Wing 2008). Incorporating zooarchaeology within an historical framework will
add to our current understanding of the historical archaeology of the Manila Galleon Trade and its legacy
in the maritime trade networks in Asia during the Spanish occupation of the Philippines. Formal
zooarchaeological analysis of faunal remains also serves as preparation for future in-depth analysis of
animal remains using biomolecular approaches such as stable isotope analysis and ancient DNA (e.g.,
Guiry et al. 2015; Díaz-Lameiro et al. 2022), which can contribute to improving the resolution of our
inferences regarding animal translocation, husbandry practices, and land use during the Spanish colonial
period.

SELECTED HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF ANIMAL TRANSLOCATION TO THE
PHILIPPINES
Several historical accounts of the early Spanish colonial period have mentioned various animals that
were translocated to the Philippines. Antonio de Morga noted large scale cattle farms reared in several
parts of the archipelago, with breeds coming from China and New Spain. In addition, he mentioned other
animals and their introduction to the Philippines: ‘There are no ewes or rams, for though frequently
brought from New Spain, they never increase because so far the climate and pasturage seem unsuitable.
There were neither horses, mares nor asses in these islands until the Spaniards had them brought over
from China and New Spain’ (Morga 1609, 255). However, there may have been horses already present
in the Philippines before the colonial introductions, especially in Mindanao (Bankoff 2004; Amano et
al. 2021). Morga also mentioned that ‘tame buffaloes, geese like swans in appearance; horses, mules,
and donkeys, even caged birds some of which talk, while other sing, and make them play lots of tricks’
(Morga 1609, 306) were brought to the Philippines from China before loading them into the galleons
bound for Acapulco.
2

�Similarly, Fr. Ignacio Francisco Alcina (or Alzina), a Jesuit friar who recorded a detailed natural history
of the Visayas in the seventeenth century (Arcilla 1996), recorded that several animals were brought to
the Philippines during the early Spanish colonial period, likely via the Galleon Trade. Some of the
animals include cattle, goats, donkeys, and horses. He also mentioned how some of these animals were
not readily accepted by the people in the islands and how some did not survive in their new environment.
Alcina also mentioned that the cattle from New Spain interbred with those from China (Alcina 1668).
Doeppers (2016, 137) mentioned that the “local breed of horse evolved in the archipelago in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries from larger imported stock and, though small, was well adapted to
the available forage supply”. The resulting breed was described as medium-sized, strong, vigorous, and
hard workers (Bankoff 2004). This is in comparison to those from China, which Morga described as
“small, strong, long steppers, but treacherous, vicious and ill conditioned” (Morga 1609, 255).

RESEARCH FRAMEWORK
The initial objective of this study was to identify the animal taxa present in colonial sites and infer from
the faunal assemblages the taxa that could have been translocated to the Philippines, based on available
historical data and chronological information. With this goal in mind, faunal remains from the 2020
Archaeological Impact Assessment (AIA) of the Intendencia Ruins, Intramuros, Manila (Paz et al. 2020)
and some bones from the 1992 and 1993 excavations of the San Diego wreck (Desroches, Casal, and
Goddio 1996) were examined. Skeletal elements with diagnostic features were identified to the highest
taxonomic level using the available comparative reference collection at the University of the Philippines
School of Archaeology (UPSA) Zooarchaeology Laboratory, atlases, and online databases (e.g.,
“Anthro - Dynamic Imaging Engine” n.d.; “Digital Resource Platform for Archaeozoology” n.d.;
Cornwall 1956; Gilbert, Martin, and Savage 1985; O’Connor 2000; Reitz and Wing 2008).
To improve the resolution of the taxonomic identification, measurements of diagnostic features (Driesch
1976; Gilbert, Martin, and Savage 1985) were also taken using a digital calliper, and the summarised
values were compared with those in the literature. In cases of limited features that can be used to identify
a specimen, taxonomic identification was performed to the genus, or at least the family, level. The faunal
remains were also subject to in-depth taphonomic examination to identify the presence of anthropogenic
modifications (e.g., cut marks, chop marks, and burning). The specific taphonomic features were
compared with those from the collection in the UPSA Zooarchaeology Laboratory as well as those
available in atlases and other literature (e.g., Behrensmeyer 1978; Fernández-Jalvo and Andrews 2016).

3

�CASE STUDIES

Figure 1. Map of the sites and other relevant locations. (Left) Map of the Philippines. (Inset) The San Diego wreck and
Intendencia ruins are marked with a yellow pin.

San Diego Wreck (Nasugbu, Batangas, Philippines)
The San Diego wreck site is located northeast of Fortune Island, off the coast of Nasugbu, Batangas
(Figure 1). San Diego was initially a merchant ship that was retrofitted into a warship during the battle
against the Dutch led by Oliver van Noort in December 1600. The San Diego was commanded by
Antonio de Morga, whose accounts of the event were scrutinized for their inaccuracy and exaggeration
(Dizon 1993; Goddio 1996a; 1996b).
An initial survey and exploration were conducted in 1991 to determine the site of the wreck, as there
were contradicting historical accounts as to the approximate location where the vessel sunk (Dizon 1993;
Goddio 1996a). The first phase of the excavation was undertaken in 1991 followed by the recording of
the ship hull in 1993. The diving activities were headed by Franck Goddio with the supervision of the
National Museum of the Philippines, who did the accessioning, cataloguing, inventory, and recording
of the archaeological materials recovered. Hundreds of ceramics (in the form of dishes, plates, bottles,
pots, and jars), some cannons and muskets, navigational instruments, silver coins, two anchors, and
many bone fragments were recovered from this site (Ronquillo 1993; Cuevas 1996).
For this study, a fraction of the animal remains from the San Diego wreck were accessed from the
repository of the National Museum of Anthropology. Of the reported 2,727 skeletal remains (combined
number of animal and human bones), only 44 were accessed and confirmed as animal bones; some of
the animal bones were fragmented and commingled with human bones, which made it difficult to sort
them, while some of the bones may have been stored elsewhere.
Among the bones analysed, 14 were pig bone fragments (Figure 2A), likely from the species Sus scrofa.
The third lower molar (Figure 2A, topmost) is a good anatomical feature for identifying this species
(Ingicco et al. 2017). The bovines in the assemblage were entirely represented by rib fragments (Figure
2B). Interestingly, anthropogenic modifications in the form of cut and chop marks (Figure 2B, arrows)
were mostly observed on these bones, suggesting that bovines may have been butchered before they
were loaded onto the galleon. The meat from the butchered animals was usually preserved in either brine
or salt and then stored in barrels or jars (Guiry et al. 2015; Migaud 2011). Aside from pig and bovine
bones, chicken (Gallus gallus) bones were also present in the faunal assemblage of the San Diego.
Complete long bones of these birds were recovered from the site, with abrasions of the epiphyseal ends
being observed due to the preservation underwater.
4

�Figure 2. Faunal remains from the San Diego wreck. (A) Pig skeletal remains, likely Sus scrofa (not necessarily from
the same individual): (from top to bottom of panel A) a left mandible fragment with an intact third lower molar (m3),
a humerus distal end, and a thoracic vertebra. (B) A bovine rib fragment with chop marks (arrows) at the sternal end.
(C) A complete chicken (Gallus gallus) femur.

Given the limited number of bones available from the original collection, it is difficult to make further
inferences regarding the site. In the reports from the San Diego wreck survey and excavation, Secuya
(1993) and Migaud and Pérez (in Veyrat 1996) provided insights into life on board the San Diego based
on historical records and the initial analysis of the faunal remains from the site. According to the list of
provisions for the San Diego, which consisted of live chickens and preserved pork and beef, there was
a “certain predilection for pork hams, sides of beef, and chicken drumstick” (Veyrat 1996, 174). The
presence of live chickens, specifically laying hens, was demonstrated by the presence of remains of a
chick and eggshells, the major cortical ossification of certain long bones, as well as the accounts of the
battle (Veyrat 1996). However, the initial zooarchaeological analyses focused only on the life on board
the ship and did not provide possible explanations on the source of these animals (i.e., whether they were
raised in the vicinity of the port, or transported from nearby provinces) and any clues on animal
husbandry practices of that time (Migaud 2011; Veyrat 1996). More information regarding the origin of
these animals may be generated using biomolecular approaches such as ancient DNA and stable isotope
analyses.

Intendencia Ruins (Intramuros, City of Manila)
Not all shipwrecks will yield faunal remains for systematic zooarchaeological analysis. Aside from the
San Diego wreck, other underwater excavations in the Philippines recovered mostly ceramics and
metals, with almost no mention of faunal remains (Jago-on and Orillaneda 2019). Aside from the
difficulty in recovering and collecting animal bones underwater, they may not always be preserved
because they can be significantly eroded by tides and sea currents and are often used as substrate by
certain aquatic organisms (Migaud 2011). In addition, faunal remains from shipwrecks may not
necessarily represent the animals meant as livestock, but food rations and supplies of the passengers of
the galleon. Thus, it is also necessary to investigate inland and coastal sites to expand our understanding
of animal translocations and integration of introduced taxa to Philippine landscapes.
5

�In December 2020, an AIA was done on the Intendencia building inside Intramuros (Figure 1) to guide
the reconstruction and development plan of the National Archives of the Philippines. Intendencia, or a
building for offices, is a structure inside the Intramuros of Manila initially built as an aduana (customs
house) in the nineteenth century. The excavation revealed some artefacts from the nineteenth century
such as ceramic sherds, tiles, metal implements, coins, and faunal remains (Paz et al. 2020).
The Intendencia Ruins faunal assemblage consists of several animal taxa including pig, cattle, buffalo,
dog, and chicken. Furthermore, bones recovered from this site include a right tibiotarsus belonging to a
wild turkey (Meleagris gallopavo) (Figure 3A). Currently, there is only limited evidence of an early
introduction of turkey in the Philippines prior to the American period. Several turkey bone fragments
were excavated from an AIA in Sta. Ana, Manila, although these were likely modern based on the
associated materials in the sediment layer (Barretto-Tesoro et al. 2018). The discovery of a much older
turkey bone from a nineteenth century site suggests an earlier introduction of this animal to the
Philippines, possibly from the Americas which is considered the center of domestication for this bird
taxa (Manin et al. 2018). The presence of cut marks (not shown in the figure) suggests consumption of
this animal as early as the nineteenth century (Doeppers 2016).

Figure 3. Faunal remains from the Intendencia Ruins. (A) Right tibiotarsus of a turkey (Meleagris gallopavo). (B) A
bovine tibia with chop marks (arrows).

The abundance of bovine bones, either from cattle (Bos taurus) or water buffaloes (Bubalus bubalis),
was also observed in the faunal assemblage of the Intendencia Ruins. Evidence of butchery such as cut
and chop marks (Figure 3B, arrows) on the bovine bones was also recorded. However, it is yet to be
elucidated whether these animals were reared within or in the vicinity of Intramuros, or were supplied
from nearby provinces such as Batangas and Laguna (Doeppers 2016). It will be important to explore
archaeologically whether the practice of importing cattle and buffaloes from nearby provinces was in
place since the early Spanish colonial period, if not before, and if this network of inland trade had
supplied the food provisions of the Manila Galleons.

6

�Summary, Recommendations, and Future Analyses
Historical accounts record the introduction of certain animal taxa, such as cattle and horses, to the
Philippines during the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade. Currently, there is limited direct archaeological
evidence for these introductions, as this aspect of Philippine history is yet to be explored and examined
from the perspective of zooarchaeology. This academic paper presents two pilot studies of
zooarchaeological assemblages of potential relevance to the Manila Galleon Trade; however, it is
imperative to do further analyses of colonial sites, especially those of the early Spanish colonial period,
regardless of whether the archaeological materials come from underwater/coastal sites or from inland
sites. In addition, archaeological sites of the later Spanish colonial period should also be explored
because they may provide archaeological records of the adoption/rejection of certain animal taxa. Such
studies will provide a bigger picture of the extent of animal translocations and will improve the
resolution of our inferences about the integration of introduced taxa to local environments and human
lifestyles in the Philippines (Amano et al. 2021). Genetic studies will also help in tracing the ancestry of
the domestic animals from colonial sites, given the historical accounts of interbreeding of animals,
whereas isotopic data can provide insights to animal husbandry practices and how these contributes to
changing landscapes (e.g., Manin et al. 2018; Thornton, Emery, and Speller 2016; Conrad 2022;
Morandi et al. 2021; Freiwald and Pugh 2018; Guiry et al. 2015).

Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the following for their help in realizing this study: Rachelle Ureta of the Maritime and
Underwater Cultural Heritage Division of the National Museum of Anthropology (NMA), for assisting in accessing the reports
and materials from the San Diego wreck; Marian Reyes of the Archaeology Division of the NMA, for doing the initial
assessment of the bones from the San Diego wreck in their repository; Jane Carlos of the UP School of Archaeology (UPSA),
for coordinating the access to the animal remains from the Intendencia Ruins; Ian Cartalaba of the UPSA for taking photos of
some bones presented in this paper; and Diego Rebato, Jr. for sharing several reference materials on the Manila Galleon Trade.
This study is also supported by a thesis grant from the European Research Council through the PANTROPOCENE Project of
the Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology.

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9

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                <text>Developing a zooarchaeological approach to studying the impacts of the Manila Galleon Trade on the landscapes and cultures of the Philippines</text>
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                <text>After the discovery of the tornaviaje, or return trip to New Spain (Mexico), numerous galleons sailed from the&#13;
Philippines to Mexico and back again for nearly two and a half centuries (1565–1815 CE). The Manila Galleon&#13;
Trade played a major role in solidifying a maritime trade network between East and Southeast Asia and the&#13;
Americas during the Spanish colonial period, stimulating the introduction of plants and animals that had major&#13;
ramifications for the environments, economies, and societies of the Philippines. However, formal archaeological&#13;
analyses of animal remains from the Spanish colonial period remain limited. Most studies related to the Manila&#13;
Galleon Trade focus on shipbuilding, tradeware ceramics, and plants. Historical accounts have provided clues as&#13;
to what animals may have been introduced to the Philippines during the Manila Galleon Trade and how they were&#13;
integrated into the local economy and society. Demonstrating these introductions archaeologically is nevertheless&#13;
an ongoing effort. By undertaking zooarchaeological research (study of faunal materials), we seek to improve the&#13;
level of detail about the animals that arrived on Philippine shores during this time period. We recommend that&#13;
extending the study of the Manila Galleon Trade to explore its impact on the landscape and culture of the&#13;
Philippines will yield novel insights to animal translocations, animal husbandry practices, land-use, and changes&#13;
in dietary preferences during the Spanish colonial period.&#13;
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                <text>Joan Quincy Lingao</text>
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                <text>Eduardo Corona-M </text>
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                <text>Grace Barretto-Tesoro </text>
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                <text>Patrick Roberts </text>
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                <text>Maricar Belarmino </text>
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                <text>Mary Jane Louise Bolunia &#13;
 </text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6458">
                <text>Bobby Orillaneda </text>
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                <text>Leee Anthony Neri &#13;
 </text>
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                <text>Victor Paz &#13;
</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6461">
                <text>Noel Amano</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6462">
                <text>Juan Rofes</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="6463">
                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6466">
                <text> Lingao, Joan Quincy, Eduardo Corona-M, Grace Barretto-Tesoro, Patrick Roberts, Maricar Belarmino, Mary Jane Louise Bolunia, Bobby Orillaneda, Leee Anthony Neri, Victor Paz, Noel Amano, and Juan Rofes. 2023. “Developing a zooarchaeological approach to studying the impacts of the Manila Galleon Trade on the landscapes and cultures of the Philippines.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Roberto Junco. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1958 </text>
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                    <text>A Study on the Restoration of Hull Shapes in the Early Goryeo Dynasty: Focusing on the
Case of Sibidongpado Shipwreck
Kang Won-Chun (Curator, National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
The Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392 CE) was a period when marine activities were very active centering on
Byeokrando. The Sibidongpado and Wando shipwrecks are important data that can show marine activities in the
early Goryeo Dynasty. It is characteristic that most of the accompanying artifacts are celadon produced in the
Haenam region, and that curved longitudinal member was confirmed in the hull structure. To investigate the shape
variables necessary to identify hull shape of the Sibidongpado shipwreck the shape and structure were reviewed
from a shipbuilding engineering point of view. First, through 3D scanning of the remaining hull such as the bottom
plate, curved longitudinal member, and outer plate, the main dimensions were calculated, and 19 shape variables
necessary for hull restoration were extracted. Next, the data of each part of the ancient shipwrecks of similar period
was made into statistics, and the geometric dimension ratio was applied, or each pre-calculated shape variable was
defined based on the modeling data. Based on the defined shape variables, the hull shape was restored, and the
corresponding displacement and restorability were derived, and the ship restoration was attempted from the point
of view of shipbuilding engineering. Finally, based on the data of the excavated ancient shipwreck, the structure
of each part of the ship was reproduced in 3D shape. It is not easy to restore the original form of an ancient ship
based on the limited remaining hull fragments and historical sources. As ancient shipwrecks are an essential
element in identifying marine activities of the time, future research is expected.
Keywords: Goryeo Dynasty, ancient ship, Sibidongpado shipwreck, restoration of hull shape
List of Tables and Figures
[Table 1] Main shape parameters of Sibidongpado shipwreck
[Figure 1] Result of restoration of hull shape of Sibidongpado shipwreck
[Figure 2] Shape diagram of Sibidongpado shipwreck
[Figure 3] Hydrostatics Curve of Sibidongpado shipwreck

INTRODUCTION
In Korea, from the underwater excavation of Sinan shipwreck artifacts in 1976, and to the most recent
Daebudo no. 2 shipwreck, a total of 16 ancient shipwrecks have been identified in Korean waters. Ten
of these ancient ships are Goryeo Dynasty shipwrecks, along with celadon, grains and salted fish, and
coal spoons.
Sibidongpado and Wando shipwrecks are important data that can show marine activities in the early
Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392 CE). It is characteristic that most of the accompanying artifacts are celadon
produced in the Haenam region, and that curved longitudinal member was identified in the hull structure.
It is not easy to presume the overall scale only with the limited remaining hull fragments, which are
mainly concentrated on the bottom of the ship. The shape variables necessary to identify the hull shape
of the Sibidongpado shipwreck were examined from a shipbuilding engineering point of view.
The process of 3D scanning and calculating major dimensions of the remaining hull, such as the bottom
plate, was reviewed, and 19 shape variables required for hull restoration were extracted and data of each
part was made into statistics or each shape variable was defined based on geometric dimension ratio and
modeling data. We attempted restoration of the hull shape according to shape variables, deduction of
displacement and stability through hydraulic calculation, review of the hull shape from the point of view
of shipbuilding engineering, and 3D shaping.
CALCULATION OF MAJOR DIMENSIONS BY 3D SCANNING
The remaining hull found in the excavation investigation of Sibidongpado shipwreck is a total of 11
including six bottom plates in three rows, two curved longitudinal members in portside and three bow

1

�materials, showing the flat bottom structure of a traditional Korean ship (National Maritime Artifacts
Museum 2005, 50-66). For the bottom plates, the two central bottom plates were connected by a
concave-convex tenon joint method, and the left and right bottom plates were connected by a shiplap
method. It is highly likely that one member was added to the center bottom plate, and there must have
been more materials connected butt-to-butt on the left and right bottom plate. As for curved longitudinal
member, only two members of the first stage were recovered from the portside. We assume two stages
of curved longitudinal member. The bow members are in three fragments, vertically butted together and
fixed with a long line, and on the left and right sides, grooved jaws that meet the outer plate have saw
tooth markings.
For these 11 members, 3D scanning was conducted to estimate the shape of the lost parts of the
shipwreck after securing the exact size, connecting methods, and data about the hull shape of the
excavated hull pieces. Individual hull pieces are photographed at 24 to 26 locations with a broadband
scanner and photogrammetry, and the acquired data are individually made into surface modelling
through post-processing such as noise removal, matching, and mapping, and the merged modeling data
was regenerated. After that, the image of the scan data was used to calculate the main dimensions and
the basic shape of the ship by picking the inner and outer lines, patterns, cracks, and damaged parts.
EXTRACTION AND DEFINITION OF SHAPE VARIALBES
For the Sibidongpado shipwreck 3D scanning, variables were selected from a statistical point of view
using data from ancient ships of a similar age.
As the main variables constituting the shape of the shipwreck, the following 19 variables were selected,
and among them, the length, bottom width, and bow length of the ship were fixed to the values of the
excavated hull pieces from reports of Mado no. 1, Anjwado, and Wando shipwrecks.

Subject
Value
Subject
Value
Subject
Value

Length
(LOA)
14.5 m
Height
of a bow
structure
2.84 m
Angle
of hog
sheer
0.94°

Table 1. Main shape parameters of Sibidongpado shipwreck
Deadrise
Bottom
Bottom
Beam
Depth
Bow angle
angle
length
width
5.41 m
2.45 m
26°
11.2 m
1.81 m
21.67°
Height
Angle of a
Length of
Length of
Angle of a tail
Width of a
of a tail
bow
a bow
a tail
structure
bow structure
structure
structure
structure
structure
2.58 m

68°

Displacement

45°

1.7 6m

2.48 m

1.18 m/1 m

Stern angle
14.67°
Width of a
tail structure
138 m/1.07
m

Waterline
1.25 m

The shipwreck is estimated at 14 to 15 meters (m) (NRIMCH 2005). As for the width and the depth of
the shipwreck, they were estimated at geometric dimension ratios at 2.45 m respectively.
The deadrise angle is the dimension of the slope from the bottom plate to the side of the ship.
Sibidongpado shipwreck has a large angle of deadrise as there are two curved longitudinal members. As
the exact dimensions of the second stage of curved longitudinal member is not identified, the deadrise
of the bottom plate and curved longitudinal member was identified.
The bottom plate is identified as the straight-line distance from the part where the bow material and
bottom plate are connected to the part where the stern is connected. It is difficult to identify the exact
size of the Sibidongpado shipwreck, as the bow and stern parts are lost, although three rows of bottom
plates were excavated. In particular, in the process of precise measurement and hull restoration, traces
of mortise were confirmed at the stern end of two central bottom plate members, confirmation that the
central bottom plate was composed of three members.

2

�The bottom length of the remaining hull is about 6.8 m from the bow end of center bottom plate of one
member to the stern end of left bottom plate of two members. However, there is one more central bottom
plate, estimated to be larger. Therefore, based on the length of a ship and the width of the bottom of the
bow member, installation angle and height of the bow member and the stern member, the profile of the
side of the bottom plate was restored, and the length of the bottom plate was estimated 11.2 m.
The bow and stern angles are from the baseline to the part where the bottom plate touches the bottom of
the bow or stern members. The value is not uniform because the bottom plate does not extend at an exact
angle from the baseline to the bow and stern members but is bent round. To estimate the angles of bow
and stern, the values of Mado no. 1, Anjwado and Wando shipwrecks, whose structures remain, were
made into statistics and 21.67˚/14.67˚ were applied.
The stem length is estimated at 1.65 m from 3D scanning results. Whereas the stern length is estimated
at 2.5 m. For this latter length we calculated the stern angle, stern member angle, and stern height (see
table 1). As the dimensions of the upper and lower surfaces of the bow and stern members are different,
they were defined separately. The widths of the top and bottom of the bow members are 1.18 m and 1
m, and the widths of the top and bottom of the stern members are 1.38 m and 1.07 m, respectively.
The angles of bow and stern were defined as the angle between the bow and stern members and the
baseline. It was estimated based on the V-shaped processing traces on the bottom of two remaining
members of the stem and the value of Mado no. 1, and the angle of the bow material is 68˚. In order to
estimate the angle of stern member, the data of Mado no. 1, Anjwa, and Dalido shipwrecks were
statistically applied and resulted in the value 45˚.
As the heights of bow and stern members were estimated through the height ratio of the core and bow
and stern members of Mado no.1 and Dalido shipwrecks, and the heights of the Sibidongpado shipwreck
are 2.83 m and 2.34 m, respectively.
The hog sheer angle is the ratio between the curve formed by the upper deck and the distance from the
bow to the stern, or LOA, when the hull is viewed from the side. Among the ancient shipwrecks
excavated underwater, the ship whose hog sheer angle can be measured is the Mado no. 1, which is
about 0.95 m. The Sibidongpado shipwreck is estimated with similar dimensions.
Draft is a dimension representing the vertical distance from the position where the ship's midship touches
the water surface to the bottommost part of the ship when the ship is afloat. The draft was determined
from the bottom plate to the modeled side profile at 1.25 m.
It means the weight of the ship, which indicates the weight of the water displaced when the ship is afloat.
When the weight of the ship and the load are unclear, the displacement can be estimated according to
the draft. We use the draft.

3

�REALIZATION AND REVIEW OF SHAPE OF SIBIDONGPADO SHIPWRECK
Based on the major dimensions above we produced a 3D model using CATIA V5.

Figure 1. Result of restoration of hull shape of Sibidongpado shipwreck

Figure 2. Shape diagram of Sibidongpado shipwreck

Hydrostatics calculations was performed to estimate displacement according to draft. This calculation
estimates various linear coefficients and hull characteristics. The hydrostatics curve from the baseline
to the range including the draft of 1.25 m are provided in figure 3.

4

�Figure 3. Hydrostatics curve of Sibidongpado shipwreck

CONCLUSIONS
Sibidongpado shipwreck is an example of marine activities in the early Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392 CE).
Most of the accompanying artifacts are celadons produced in the Haenam region, and that curved
longitudinal member was identified in the hull structure. Nineteen shape variables necessary to identify
the hull shape and structure were examined.
Three-dimensional scanning was performed on the excavated hull, including a bottom plate. Statistical
data of each part of ancient ships belonging to the similar period of the Sibidongpado shipwreck, or 19
shape variables necessary for restoration of the shape of a ship, were extracted and defined based on
geometric dimension ratio and modeling data. Based on the defined shape variables, the Sibidongpado
shipwreck hull shape was estimated.
As a result, the bottom plate of the structure of each part of Sibidongpado shipwreck shows a flat bottom
structure like other traditional Korean ships, and the bow and stern show a gently curved line. The
bottom plate is composed of three pieces in a row, and the center bottom plate is connected by a tenon
joint, and the left and right bottom plates are connected by a butt joint and a shiplap method. The ‘Lshaped’ curved longitudinal member is raised in two stages with a chin cut out on the outer upper surface

5

�of the bottom plate, and a hole connected to the bottom plate is made in the part where it rests on the
chin, and it is joined with a pisak. Each stage of curved longitudinal member consists of three pieces
and is connected by a shiplap method.
The bow is structured with three members vertically, and on the left and right are sawtooth-shaped
grooves. The shape of the lower part connected to the bottom plate was processed into a ‘V’ shape, and
a concave jaw was cut out on the upper surface of the bottom plate, and the bow member was erected at
an angle of 68˚. Excluding the curved longitudinal member, all the outer plates are raised in five layers,
and each layer is composed of three to four members. lateral outer plates curve gently up toward the
bow and stern. From a plan view the central part was about three times wider than the bow and stern.
The stern structure was formed by removing concave chins on the inside of the outer plate and the upper
surface of the end of the bottom plate, with plates horizontally raised.
As the garyong was identified in the curved longitudinal member that came out, the interior of the ship
was divided into four sections by referring to the garyong spacing. Wando and Dalido shipwrecks shown
in port side curved longitudinal member 1-1 and 1-2. Chagaryong was installed on the first and third
layers of the outer plate, and the curved longitudinal materials and the rest of the outer plate were
reinforced with a garyong and a yoke. As the upper structure has been lost, it is not clear to what extent
the deck was installed, but it is assumed that it was installed in the space for sailors' activities that are
essential for navigation, and basically protects cargo inside the ship. Therefore, the deck was installed
in the stern space where the boatman manipulates the key, and in the central part of the hull and the bow
space where the sail and anchor can be raised and lowered.
An anchor is essential in the process of anchoring and departing a ship, and a lantern that raises and
lowers it too. A cylindrical member thought to be a lantern tube, and a pedestal supporting it, were
excavated. The pedestal was connected to the structural wood connecting the square groove on the inner
side of the bow member and the garyong. As for the sail, a wood groove on the center bottom plate 2
and a mast structure from Mado no. 3 were applied. A Dang-a horn was installed on the chagaryong on
the third layer of the outer plate, this holds the mast in the wood groove. The mast was likely located in
front of the garyong in the wood groove of the curved longitudinal member. Through the Okchi structure
that goes inside the hull, based on the angle of the stern and the structural stability of a key, the structure
and shape of the ship in the early Goryeo Dynasty were identified.
Bibliography
Cultural Heritage Administration of the Ministry of Culture and Public Information, Underwater Artifacts of Wando, Mokpo:
Sanwa Printing Co., 1985 (In Korean).
National Maritime Museum, Dalido Shipwreck, Mokpo, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 3, Mokpo: National Maritime
Museum, 1999 (In Korean).
NRIMCH, Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 1 Underwater Excavation, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 20, Mokpo:
NRIMCH, 2010 (In Korean).
NRIMCH, Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 2 Underwater Excavation, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 22, Mokpo:
NRIMCH, 2011 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Report on Conservation and Restoration of Dalido Shipwreck, Shipbuilding Technique of Traditional Vessel I.
Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2012 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Report on Restoration of Jo-un ship (Mado No. 1 shipwreck), Shipbuilding Technique of Traditional Vessel V.
Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2015 (In Korean).
National Maritime Museum, The Underwater Excavation of the Sea off Sibidongpado, Gunsan, Series of Research Report of
NRIMCH 8, Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2005 (In Korean).
National Maritime Museum, The Excavation of Anjwaship, Sinan, Series of Research Report of NRIMCH 9, Mokpo: NRIMCH,
2006 (In Korean).

6

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                <text>The Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392 CE) was a period when marine activities were very active centering on&#13;
Byeokrando. The Sibidongpado and Wando shipwrecks are important data that can show marine activities in the&#13;
early Goryeo Dynasty. It is characteristic that most of the accompanying artifacts are celadon produced in the&#13;
Haenam region, and that curved longitudinal member was confirmed in the hull structure. To investigate the shape&#13;
variables necessary to identify hull shape of the Sibidongpado shipwreck the shape and structure were reviewed&#13;
from a shipbuilding engineering point of view. First, through 3D scanning of the remaining hull such as the bottom&#13;
plate, curved longitudinal member, and outer plate, the main dimensions were calculated, and 19 shape variables&#13;
necessary for hull restoration were extracted. Next, the data of each part of the ancient shipwrecks of similar period&#13;
was made into statistics, and the geometric dimension ratio was applied, or each pre-calculated shape variable was&#13;
defined based on the modeling data. Based on the defined shape variables, the hull shape was restored, and the&#13;
corresponding displacement and restorability were derived, and the ship restoration was attempted from the point&#13;
of view of shipbuilding engineering. Finally, based on the data of the excavated ancient shipwreck, the structure&#13;
of each part of the ship was reproduced in 3D shape. It is not easy to restore the original form of an ancient ship&#13;
based on the limited remaining hull fragments and historical sources. As ancient shipwrecks are an essential&#13;
element in identifying marine activities of the time, future research is expected.&#13;
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                <text>Kang Won-Chun</text>
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                <text>Won-Chun, Kang . 2023. “A Study on the Restoration of Hull Shapes in the Early Goryeo Dynasty: Focusing on the Case of Sibidongpado Shipwreck.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kury Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1957 </text>
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                    <text>Medieval Ships of East Asia Illustrated in Goryeo Dogyeong
Jin Ho-shin (National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
The paper focuses on the ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia. Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong1 illustrates
the early period of Goryeo, a time that lacks of historical records. The book contains information of official ships
that envoys took and private ships in Song dynasty. It details their shape, weight, length, passenger capacity, and
ship accessories. Illustrations include a patrol vessel, official vessel, Songbang 2 , Makseon 3 , hhaeseon 4 , etc.,
according to the regions and usages of Korean shipping. The study is carried out by analyzing features of official
and private ships represented in Goryeo Dogyeong, comparing them to features of hhinese ships and their
accessories recovered from underwater, and figuring out their scantling lists. Also, usages and measurements of
ships in the Goreyo period represented in the historical records, such as Songbang and Makseon, were compared
with shipwrecks discovered underwater.
The research on ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia is expected to flourish information of vessels in
the early Goryeo period (918–1392 hE) as well as vessels in Song dynasty (960-1279 hE). Similarities and
differences are in the vessels of the Middle Ages discovered from underwater of East Asia. The research is focused
on analyzing types and features of vessels used at that period, according to the countries and regions, based on
Goryeo Dogyeong.
Keywords: Gwanseon, Songbang, Goryeo Dogyeong, Sunseon

INTRODUCTION
This paper is about ships of East Asia in the twelfth century. Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong
contains abundant data on ships of the time when historical data on early Goryeo period is scarce.
Therefore, the ships of the Song Dynasty in Goryeo Dogyeong correspond to Shenzhou ships and
Kezhous ships that the envoys took and it contains lots of information on Chinese ships in the twelfth
century. In addition, the Goryeo ships that appeared at the reception ceremony for the delegation on
June 6, 1123 CE, when Seogeung and a party of envoys from Song arrived at Gunsan Island, were
Sunseon, Gwanseon, Songbang, and Makseon. It would have basically taken the form of a Hanseon5.
So far, researches on sunken ships such as Wando shipwreck, Dalido shipwreck, Anjwa shipwreck,
Taean shipwreck and Mado shipwreck excavated from the seas of Korean Peninsula were conducted
mainly in terms of the information on Korean ships during Goryeo period; but it seems that various
kinds of ships existed given the Korean ships mobilized for the welcoming ceremony at Gunsando in
Goryeo Dogyeong. Therefore, this paper examines various kinds of ships utilized on the Korean
Peninsula in the early Goryeo period (918–1392 CE) through the records of Goryeo Dogyeong in
addition to Kezhous ships that the envoys took from Song Dynasty in 1123 CE.

1
2
3
4
5

Full name of Goryeo Dogyeong
Big vessel made up of bamboos
Vessel closed by curtains
Vessel used for the performance
Korean ship
1

�SHIPS OF GORYEO ILLUSTRATED IN GORYEO DOGYEONG
Sunseon (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Sunseon is a flat-bottomed ship, which has very simple structure as it is said that a mast was erected in
the middle, there was no boathouse on the deck, and only oars and rudder. Ten Sunseon were at the
gateway to the northern island of Seonyoodo from Namhaemun gate between southern island of
Seonyoodo and Munyeodo. It seems that Sunseon was a ship that local officials near Gunsando used to
welcome envoys and for regular tours of the jurisdiction. Judging from the fact that there is only one
mast on the deck and no pavilion, it is presumed to be a Goryeo ship used as a ship for sailing with the
size of Chonmaseon or small flat-bottomed ship. It seems that the ships were mobilized from the nearby
area for welcoming and escorting envoys.
Gwanseon (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Gwanseon has a pavilion covered with a roof on the deck and there were doors and windows below
them. There were handrails around the deck and the place prepared by connecting the crossbar (yoke)
to the plate to stretch it to the outside and deck is wider than lower plate. The hull did not have plate6
and it is considered that the bent log was fixed like a wedge by straightening it (to the left and right
plates).
On the bow is a wheel for winding the anchor line and a large mast was on the deck. One-fifth of the
uppermost sail was laid out (punched) without stitching and it is for the preparation of the sailing against
the wind. When envoys enter the territory of Goryeo, more than ten ships called Jeopban, Seoneon,
Gwangu, and Gongju come from the east. The size is the same, but the tent was installed only on
Jeopbanseon.
Ships in the records of the Goryeo Dynasty included the Nuseon and the Gwaseon as Gunseon and the
Chomaseon and the Pyeongjeoseon as Jowoonseon. There are no detailed records about the size,
structure, and decoration of the ship including the mast. However, the following records provide some
relevant detail:
1. There is a record of ‘增治舟舸百餘艘, 大船十數, 各方十六步, 上起樓櫓, 可以馳馬’ in the
Goryeosa. In History of Ships by Kim Jae-geun, the size of Nuseon was measured about 30 meters in
length.
2.
In
the
record
of
Goryeosa,
‘定十二倉,
漕船之數,
石頭·通陽·河陽·永豐·鎭城·芙蓉·長興·海龍·海陵·安興, 各船六艘, 並哨馬船, 一船載一千石.
德興二十艘, 興元二十一艘, 並平底船, 一船載二百石.’ is mentioned, which means 160,000 kg can
be loaded on one Chomaseon and 32,000 kg can be on one Pyeongjeoseon.
3. In the Japanese historical record of Shoyuki (1019 CE), the tenth year of King Hyeongjong that a
Japanese woman captured by pirates was rescued by Goryeo naval forces and returned to Japan: ‘Goryeo
ships had four oars on left and right sides respectively and there were seven to eight oars on one side
and various tools and weapons were stored in the middle of the ship. It was said that there were five to
six boatmen and 20 soldiers on the ship. In addition, it was recorded that a horn made of iron was
attached to the front of the battle ship. Some information was described incorrectly from the perspective
of a woman who does not have professional knowledge on ship and some characters are hard to interpret,
limiting correct understanding of the information but what is clear is that it refers to Gwaseon of Goryeo.
‘上爲茅蓋, 下施戶牖’ in Goryeo Dogyeong mentions Gwanseon refers to post of Panokseon in Joseon
period, which refers to Nuseon in the Goryeo historical record. As mentioned in the first reference above,
6

Bulkhead, in the case of hhinese ships, attached outer plates by making a number of watertight compartments
2

�the full length is about 30 meters. However, it is considered to be Nuseon with simple post structure on
the deck as there was no description on the structure of upper deck of Panokseon in Joseon period.
In Goryeo Dogyeong, it is said that ‘six ships carrying soldiers escort envoy ships’ so Gwanseon recorded
by Seogeung is Gwaseon of Goreyo.
Songbang (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Songbang is a ship of Gunsando. It has straight bow and stern and there are five cabins covered with a
belt and there were small rooms on the front and back sides. A table and shade were placed. At the center
was silk mat situated, which is the most splendid. Only high-ranking officials could be on that place.
In the record of history of Korean ships, there was no information on Songbang and it is shown only in
Goryeo Dogyeong. While Segeung used ‘船’ to describe Suncheon, Gwanseon and Markseon, he used
‘舫’ which is very unfamiliar for Songbang. Given the type of record in Goryeo Dogyeong, given the
fact that ‘船’ was used to consider functions and operation of the ship, ‘松’ and ‘舫’ should be considered
separately.
First of all, ‘舫’ is called a double-hulled ship in the Chinese dictionary and it is described as
‘舫就是一種將兩船併爲一體的單體船’ in the ancient shipbuilding section of the Fujian Provincial
Agency for Cultural Affairs. It is interpreted to be a single ship that combines two ships. And in the
painting of Nakshinbudo drawn by Gao Ji in the Song Dynasty, a picture of a painting in the Eastern Jin
Dynasty, and it is a ‘double-body ship’.
Then, it is a question of what meaning the ‘松’ character has. The connection between the pine tree ‘松’
and the pear is not immediately connected. If so, Seogeung called Songbang ‘a ship from Gunsando’
and it is reasonable to assume that this word was made for a one-time event to suit the purpose of the
event.
Therefore, Songbang can be considered as a ship specially designed for welcoming ceremony in
Gunsando for high-ranking officials from Song Dynasty. Likely a double body ship, where two flatbottomed ships are connected with broad deck for the convenience of the highest-ranking officials. In
addition, Chaebang shown in the drawings of Gunsando are a kind of Songbang, which is more specially
decorated. There is a painting called Feast for Pyeongyang Governor in Joseon period and it shows the
feast for Pyeongyang governor together with citizens on the background of Daedonggang River and
Pyeongyangseong. At that time many ships and people on the ship were drawn in the order of the social
ranking and ranking of government officials. On the back of the largest ship a main character is located
at the center, there is a ship where three ships are connected and three people rowing. This ship can be
recorded with the Chinese character ‘舫’.
Makseon (Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong, volume 33)
Makseons are placed on all three islands, and middle and lower ranking envoys are carried on them. The
roof was made of blue cloth at the top, and poles were used as pillars at the bottom, and the four corners
were each tied with colored strings. It is a ship decorated with a design with four pillars erected on the
deck of the ship and covered with a blue cloth roof. The three islands refer to Gunsando, Mado, and
Jayeondo, which were anchored during the course from the time Seogeung and his party entered the
Goryeo Sea to the Yeseonggang River.

3

�CHINESE SHIP ILLUSTRATED IN GORYEO DOGYEONG
Specifications and structure of Kezhou
Transportation with the Korean Peninsula was blocked by Liao and Jin during the Northern Song
Dynasty (960–1279 CE), so the transportation to Goryeo mainly used the sea route. In the fifth year of
Seonhwa (1123 CE), senior envoy No Yun-jeok and assistant envoy Bu Muk-gyeong rented and
remodeled Gaekseon to carry the government officials and attendants among the double boats built as
civilian ships in Fujian Province. Seogeung said, ‘Shenhou Ships and Kezhou Ships were similar in
terms of shape’, and recorded Kezhou as Gaekju. Gaekju is said to be ‘其長十餘丈, 深三丈,
闊二丈五尺’, and if you look at the specifications, it is about 31 m in length, about 9.3 m in height and
7.7 m in width. The depth of the ship is recorded at 9.3 m, which is a big difference compared to other
double ships of the same time.
1. Nanhai ship 1 of Song Dynasty was 30 m in length, 3.5 m in depth and 9.8 m in width
2. Shipwreck excavated from Cheonju in Song Dynasty (960–1279 CE) was 34 m in length, 4 m in
depth and 11 m in width
3. Sinan shipwreck from Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368 CE) was 34 m in length, 3.7 m in depth and 11 m
in width
4. Hai fanchuan (the escort ship for Ryukyu Kingdom) from Qing Dynasty (1644–1911 CE) was 30 m
in length, 3.5 m in depth and 7.4 m in width.
Kezhou of Seogueng, Nanhai shipwreck no. 1, Sinan shipwreck and Cheonju are double ships from the
same time with similar length and width but Gaekju has twice higher depth than other ships. That is
considered that Seogeung referred to the eight areas of stern.
Segeung used the word ‘division’ while explaining the internal structure of Kezhou. The word division
is used for dividing plane structure and lateral structure. Therefore, it is necessary to look at the spatial
division first. First of all, plane structure is divided as follows. From the bow are pointed area, square
area, mast place, area for tools for ships, area for food and area for water as well as crew room and room
for living goods, firing and weapons and wheelhouse. Side structure is divided at the lowest bottom,
stones, coins and windows were placed to put load for utilizing the space as ships’s blast. The second
floor was for crew activity space and the third floor had cooking room and place for storing mast, sail
and other items. The fourth floor was place for high-ranking officials such as senior envoy and assistant
envoy. According to the division mentioned in Goryeo Dogyeong, fire pit and water pot were placed in
the outer window on plane side and the first floor on the lateral perspective. The rooms for soldiers are
located on the second floor. There are four rooms on the second floor. It has double deck structure on
the third and fourth floor.
Accessory of Kezhou
At the center of the side pillars of the bow is a wheel and a rattan rope on top of it and its length is 500
cheok7. At the bottom is an anchor stone and both sides of the anchor stone had wooden anchor support.
If there is a big wave, Yujeong was added and the method of use is similar to that of Daejeong. It is
placed on the both sides of the anchor. While sailing, it is withheld by wheeling. At the stern of Kezhou
are small and large two wooden structures and they are changed depending on the depth of sea route.
Upon sailing in open ocean, two oars are lowered to the sea and this is called the third control. In addition,
large bamboo baskets were placed at the sides of the ship to block waves and water flowing into the

7

Measuring unit for length (1 cheock is similar to 30.3 cm)
4

�ship. Each ship has 10 oars. The main mast is about 10 jang8 in height and bow mast is about 8 jang in
length. When the wind is not strong, 50 pieces are spread and when there is a side wind Yibong sail is
used. The wind strength is controlled by adjusting the sail from left and right. When there is a mild wind,
Pobeom added to the top of the main mast is used. However, if there is a reverse wind from the front
side, the ship cannot move forward. After placing post, the wind direction is identified with bird’s feather,
which is called Oryang.
CONCLUSIONS
As explained above, there were various shapes and kinds of ships in East Asia in the twelfth century
based on Goryeo Dogyeong. Senzhou is Gwanseon made into big and splendid ship by Song Dynasty
(960-1279 CE) for diplomatic purpose and Kezhou was improvement of private vessel used in Zhesiang
and Fujian regions and used for envoy ships. The way of making Shenzhou and Kezhou seemed to
continue in the tradition of making Jeonghwaboseon in Ming Dynasty (1368-1644 CE) and Bongju
when envoy from Ming Dynasty went to other countries. The escort ship used when envoys from Song
Dynasty arrived included Gwaseon, Nuseon, Chomaseon and Pyeongjeosun which succeeded the
traditional Goryeo ship pattern. Seogeung expressed the shape of Nuseon and Gwaseon, utilized in
Gunsando as Gwanseon and expressed Chomaseon and Pyeongjeoseon as Sunseon. What is noteworthy
is Songbang and Chaebang. As explained earlier, Songbang is a special purpose ship for escort by
connecting two ships for spacious area. All Goryeo ships shown in Goryeo Dogyeong were Korean ships
that succeeded the tradition of Goryeo Ship and its style continued to Panokseon and Jowoonseon in
Joseon period (1392-1897 CE).
Bibliography
Primary sources
Goryeosa
The Goddess of the Luo River
Xuānhwafengshi Gaolitujing
Shoyuki
Celebrations for the Governor of Pyeong-an

Secondary sources
Kim, Jaegeun. A Study on History of Korean Vessels. Seoul: SNUPress, 1998 (In Korean).
Kim, Jaegeun. History of Korean Vessels. Seoul: SNUPress, 1999 (In Korean).
Kim, Jaegeun. Korean Vessels. Seoul: SNUPress, 2002 (In Korean).
Heo, Il., Kim, Seongjun., and Choi, Unbong. Chinese Vessels. Busan: Jeonmang (2005).
Jang, Seok., and Ban, Seokho. Comprehension of Ships. Ansan: Korea Ocean Research &amp; Development Institute (2002).
Mun, Gyung-Ho. Gunsando Island and Gunsanjeong Pavilion, As Seen in Goryeodogyeong, Journal of Local History and
Culture 18, no. 2 (2015): 1-73 (In Korean).
Mun, Gyung-Ho. The International Situation throughout the East-Asian Region in the 12th hentury and the Shenzhou’s Seaway
to Goryeo, Journal of Korean Medieval History 55, no. 55 (2018): 11-46 (In Korean).

8

Measuring unit for length (1 jang is similar to 3.03m)
5

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                <text>The paper focuses on the ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia. Seonhwa Bongsa Goryeo Dogyeong1&#13;
illustrates&#13;
the early period of Goryeo, a time that lacks of historical records. The book contains information of official ships&#13;
that envoys took and private ships in Song dynasty. It details their shape, weight, length, passenger capacity, and&#13;
ship accessories. Illustrations include a patrol vessel, official vessel, Songbang2&#13;
 , Makseon3&#13;
 , hhaeseon4&#13;
 , etc.,&#13;
according to the regions and usages of Korean shipping. The study is carried out by analyzing features of official&#13;
and private ships represented in Goryeo Dogyeong, comparing them to features of hhinese ships and their&#13;
accessories recovered from underwater, and figuring out their scantling lists. Also, usages and measurements of&#13;
ships in the Goreyo period represented in the historical records, such as Songbang and Makseon, were compared&#13;
with shipwrecks discovered underwater.&#13;
The research on ships in the Middle Ages of East Asia is expected to flourish information of vessels in&#13;
the early Goryeo period (918–1392 hE) as well as vessels in Song dynasty (960-1279 hE). Similarities and&#13;
differences are in the vessels of the Middle Ages discovered from underwater of East Asia. The research is focused&#13;
on analyzing types and features of vessels used at that period, according to the countries and regions, based on&#13;
Goryeo Dogyeong.&#13;
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                <text> Shin, Jin Ho. 2023. “Medieval Ships of East Asia Illustrated in Goryeo Dogyeong.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1956 </text>
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                    <text>Types and Characteristics of Ships in the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392 CE)
Jeong Hong-il (Curator, National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
Ships of Goryeo come in various types and purposes, such as military ships like the large Taejo Wang Geon,
Jounseon1 merchant ships used for trade with China, Gwaseon2 that defeated pirates from Jurchen, ships used for
Japanese expedition and coastal carriers. This paper intends to examine the types, size, and structure of ships
depending on internal and external impacts through literature review on archeological ships in Goryeo area, and
note changes of ships by period. Based on the literature review and analysis on the use of ships of the Goryeo
Dynasty in historical materials, the existence of ships in various types and sizes at that time was confirmed. The
size and structure of ships changed due to internal and external influences after the early Goryeo Dynasty. In naval
activities the number of ships in operation gradually increases as the types of ships diversify and the role of large
ships increase. Jounseon experienced structural developments and decreased in size.
These factors of change can be confirmed through frequent naval activities at the time. The change in
the naval force was also an important cause of external influences such as Yuan's intervention, Three Elite Patrols’
rebellion, and invasion by Japanese pirates, as well as internal factors such as the maintenance and strengthening
of the naval organization and the development of shipbuilding technology. Jounseon appeared as a result of
external factors such as Japanese pirates and internal factors such as corruption including private use. Various
usages of ships in Goryeo Dynasty could be identified.
Through literature review, it was possible to confirm types and changes of ships by period in Goryeo
and accordingly, social and economic changes can be identified as well. Military ships operated by the naval forces
of the Goryeo Dynasty were not active in the early days and their uses were not mentioned much. However, ships
operated by the naval forces have various uses and shapes in the later period. Jounseon and envoy ships appeared
in the later period. We expect to hypothesize socio-economic changes of the time based on the changes in the type,
size, and structure of ships.
Keywords: Goryeo Dynasty, ships, military, cargo

INTRODUCTION
Goryeo conducted naval activities actively with Later Baekje during the Later Three Kingdoms period.
Through these maritime activities, it unified Three Kingdoms and shipping to transport grains to the
capital through sea transportation. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Goryeo established trade with
China during the Song Dynasty (960–1279 CE). In the latter half of the thirteenth century, worked with
Mongolia to visit Japan and conducted various maritime activities.
This paper examines the nautical archaeology literature to note the pattern and causes of changes
including size and structure of ships, and aligns these changes with internal and external influences of
Goryeo period. Various usages, types and changes of ships in Goryeo dynasty were identified; and
accordingly, social and economic changes.
TYPES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF SHIPS IN THE EARLY GORYEO DYNASTY
Military ships
Daeseon of Goryeo Taejo
Taejo used various warships in the naval battle with Gyeon Hwon during the Later Three Kingdoms
period. From 903 to 932 CE, the size of the naval forces mobilized by both sides was generally between
70 and 100 ships and around 2,000 to 3,000 soldiers during several naval battles. There is a record of
1
2

Ships used for carrying tax to the capital
Ships equipped with spears.

1

�the size of Taejo Wang Geon's battleship in The History of Goryeo I.
A) Taejo governed 100 military ships, 10 of which were large Daeseon with the size 16 bo3 to the
extent that were big enough to ride a horse. He went to Naju with 3,000 soldiers.
The historical record above stated that Taejo had 100 ships built, 10 of which were large ships, and a
watchtower was built on the deck to run horses. In addition, even though it is said that the size of the
Daeseon was 16 bo4 (Kim 1984, 37), as the length and width cannot be same, the length is assumed to
have been 16 bo (96 cheok).
Gwaseon
After the eleventh century, Goryeo was invaded by the Jurchens from the northeast, and for its defense,
the navy was deployed and the Seonbyeongdo department was set up to prepare for the invasion of the
Jurchens (History of Goryeo 5. 20th year of King Hyeongjong. Feb.). At that time, the military ship
operated by the Goryeo naval forces was Gwaseon. Gwaseon was a representative ship of Goryeo
military ships during the reign of King Hyeonjong, and spears were inserted throughout the hull to
prevent enemy soldiers from climbing to the deck during close combat. In addition, iron horns were
attached to the bow to collide with the enemy ship, breaking the hull and causing it to sink, serving as
an assault ship.
Jounseon and underwater excavation ship
From the beginning of the country, Goryeo installed 13 warehouses throughout the country to transport
local taxes. In the 10 warehouses adjacent to the coast had Chomaseons that can carry 1,000 seok5 and
21 and 20 Pyeongjeoseon were placed that can carry 200 seok. The specific size of Jounseon can be
assumed from Gyeonggukdaejeon in Joseon Dynasty. Pyeongjeoseon is generally a middle-sized ship
and Chomaseon is a large ship.
Since the first Goryeo ship was discovered on the seabed of Wando in 1985, several Goryeo ships have
since been discovered. Most of these ships sank on route to their destinations, carrying various cargoes
including ceramics.
The upper structure of the Sibidongpado shipwreck was lost, and only parts of the ship, such as bottom
plate, shell plate, bow materials were found (see Kang Won-Chun this session). The ships discovered
from underwater showed slight differences by time. In the ships from earlier Goreo period L-shaped
connection member exists at the center between lower and external plates, holes were made through half
of the lower plate without penetrating the whole lower plate.6 Except for these, the bottom plates are flat
and the size of ships are adjusted by row of the bottom plate and connection member. Through the
structure of these ships, it is possible to check the changes in shipbuilding technology by comparing the
changes in structure with that of ships in later Goryeo Dynasty.
TYPES AND CHARACTERISTICIS OF SHIPS IN THE LATE GORYEO DYNASTY
Military ships
Various types of military ships appeared with various naval activities such as Yuan's intervention, Three
Elite Patrols’ rebellion, and invasion by Japanese pirates in the later Goryeo period (late thirteenth to
fourteenth centuries).
Yuan made two expeditions in 1274 CE and 1281 CE together with Goreyo. The ships built at that time
3

Measuring unit to count the distance.
1 bo = 6 check (1 cheok = 30.3 cm).
5 Measuring unit of volume.
6 Ships excavated from underwater in later Goryeo showed structure that penetrates through the lower part of bottom plate.
4

2

�were made in Goryeo and there were 300 large ships called Gyeongkwaeseon and Geupsusoseon
respectively (Kim 1984, 32). The ships for expedition to Japan would be different from existing warships
as the ships should cross the ocean far from Goreyo.
The first expedition of combined Jurchen and Mongolia forces had 900 warships, and composition and
shipboard crews are mentioned in the following historical sources (The History of Goryeo 29. Sixth year
of King Chungyeol. Nov.):
B) There are a total of 900 military ships and 18,000 should be on 300 ships. The population was
decreasing so how did were 300 ships filled? To Japan 126 large ships were not filled. The
population was at 15,000 people, including farmers. If these were all mobilized how were the
remaining 3,000 people recruited?
The record B) is about the military ships and crews preparing for the expedition to Japan in 1281 CE. It
is stated that about 18,000 people were required for 300 large ships, indicating that about 60 crews were
required per ship.
Records confirmed the number of Goryeo military ships at the time include 100 military ships led by
Nase and Choi Mu-seon and the oppression of the Mukho Rebellion in Jeju Island during the reign of
King Gongmin (The History of Goryeo 44. 23rd year of King Gongmin. Jul.; 113. Choi Young):
C-1) Kim Yu was made to the commander to defeat Jeju. There were 314 warships and 25,605 elite
troops.
C-2) It is said to officials: “If a marshal in a distant region loses with the small number of soldiers,
he will be referred to military law. What about those who ran away without fighting, with 50 large
warships and 1,000 fighters?
Various kinds of military ships in addition to Daeson were utilized in later Goryeo period. Mongchoong7
was used in the naval warfare with Sambyeolcho. It refers to ships damaging the enemy by hitting it,
which is one of the representative warships of China with pointed and long hull.
Kwaeseon8 is assumed to be small and speedy ship. Geomseon prevented enemies from climbing up the
ship by inserting knife without empty space on the board (Goryeosajeolyo 30. third year of Sinwoo.
Mar.).
Cargo and underwater excavation ships
In the Later Goryeo Dynasty, it is shown that small cargo and envoy ships were used. Small cargo ships
were developed structurally to minimize the damage from Japanese pirates.
It is thought that it was probably transported in several ships rather than transporting a large amount at
once. When rice was transported at the request of King Chungryeol, it seems that an average of 100 seok
per ship were loaded. This boat is smaller than a pontoon with a capacity of 200 seok. These changes in
carriers appear after the latter half of the thirteenth century, when the invasion of Yuan, Three Elite
Patrols’ Rebellion, and the plunder of Japanese pirates became extreme.
Ships presumed from the late thirteenth century including Mado no. 3 shipwreck (after 1265 CE), Dalido
shipwreck (thirteenth to fourteenth centuries), and Anjwado shipwreck (late fourteenth century).
Those built in the late Goryeo Dynasty has lower and external plates connected directly without any
7

When general Yang Dong-mu rushed toward enemies with Mongchoong, they were scattered and fled and he could escape
as the position was collapsed (History of Goryeo. 104, Kim Bang-gyeong)
8 As Japanese pirates were on defensive, many people fell off the cliff and died. Remaining pirates fled to the sea and stole
small ships to run away. Jeon Soyoon and Na Gongeon chased after them with Kwaeseon and killed all enemies and captured
13 (History of Goryeo 134, seventh year of King Woowang Apr.)

3

�connection unit. Over time, the thickness becomes thin and stern became narrow to have sharp hull
shape. This shape is related to the speed of ships. This is because advancement of shipbuilding
technology possibly related to increased ship speed, in case of robbery of Japanese pirates.
FACTORS IN CHANGING SHIPS IN THE GORYEO DYNASTY
Ships of Goryeo period changed types and size with internal and external influences such as activity of
naval force in Late Goryeo Dynasty, role of Daeseon and way of dealing with Japanese pirate.
In Early Goryeo Dynasty, Jounseon belonged to warehouse with Chomaseon and Pyeongjeoseon with
its regulations. However, the change in the naval force was also an important cause of external influences
such as Yuan's intervention, Three Elite Patrols’ rebellion, and invasion by Japanese pirates, as well as
internal factors such as the maintenance and strengthening of the naval organization and the
development of shipbuilding technology.
Coastal cargo ship was developed to have the sharp shape compared to those in the Early Goryeo
Dynasty to minimize the damage from Japanese pirates. The capacity per carrier was about 150 seok in
Late Goryeo Dynasty. It was equivalent to or smaller than the loading capacity of Pyeongjeoseon (200
seok). In 1350 CE, at the end of Goryeo period, the raids by pirates became severe nationwide and
damage to Jounseon and other cargo ships9 was severe, so transportation was conducted between June
and November, which is different from operation rule (February to April).
Shipwrecks discovered on the coastal route of the Southwest Sea show structural changes in ships based
on the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. First, the existence of L-shape that connects the lower and
external plates as shown in the ships in the Early Goryeo Period. Second, existence of Chagaryong.
Chagarong is the member of longitudinal strength shown in ships in the Late Goryeo Period. The
differences and structural method can be identified as Garyong and Chagaryong holes, these remain in
the Dalido shipwreck (the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries) and Anjwado shipwreck (the fourteenth
century).
Anjwado shipwreck indicates changes in shipbuilding technology in the Early and Late Goryeo period.
As reviewed above, Anjwado shipwreck comes with a similar structure to Dalido shipwreck, yet more
advanced. Pointedly, the outer plate method and the mast reinforcement. The bottom plate becomes
narrow and the line becomes sharp. These changes in shipbuilding technology are attributed to both
external reason of expedition to Japan and pirate10 issues and internal of development of shipbuilding
technology.
CONCLUSIONS
In this paper, the types and changes of ships in Goryeo period were examined. Ships in the Goryeo
Dynasty changed in terms of size and shape due to internal and external influences around the thirteenth
century. First, cargo ships including Jounseon became smaller with structural advancement after the
thirteenth century. This seems to be related to external factors such as raid by Japanese pirates as well
as internal factors such as accumulation and development of shipbuilding technology. Second, in the
naval activities, the types were diversified into Mongchoong, Kwaeseon and Geomseon and the role of
Daeseon increased. Such changes were related to external factors such as Japanese pirate in late Goryeo
and internal factors such as maintenance and reinforcement of navy.
9

Betrayers of Jeju invaded port of Heoheyongheyon, Haejehyeon and Haenamhyeon in March and April this year to raid
Jounseon of the area and raided in large scale in May in Hoeryeonghyeon and Tamjinhyeon. 20 ships and 3,200 seok of grains
were stolen and 12 were killed and 24 were abducted (History of Goryeo 27, thirteenth year of Wonjong. Jun.).

10

If we are armed with warships and defend key areas by king off the enemies along the sea route, how can they cross the sea
even though they are accustomed to water? If the situation becomes advantageous, we can eradicate the enemies (History of
Goryeo)

4

�As such, the diversification of the types and sizes of ships in the Goryeo Dynasty and the changes in
their shapes should be considered from various aspects. Shipbuilding technology of Goryeo inherited
past technology, and coped with social changes. This is reflected in the technological advances such as
structural changes.
It is found that examining changes in ship structure in relation to social context is important in
understanding the size, shape and structural changes of ships.
Bibliography
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Sanwa Printing Co., 1985 (In Korean).
Hong, Sun-jae. “Change in the Structure and production Technology of Goryeo Shipwrecks.” The Journal of Maritime Cultural
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Kim, Byung-keun. “Study on Structure and Chronicling of Goryeo Vessel Excavated Underwater.” The Journal of Maritime
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Kim, Geon-su. “Study of ships on Three Kingdom Period through boat-shaped vessel.” The Journal of Marine and Island
Cultures 42 (2013): 81-103 (In Korean).
Kim, Jae-geun. “Problems of Korean Shipbuilding and Shipbuilding Technology.” The Journal of the Society of Naval
Architects of Korea 7 no. 2 (1970): 97-103 (In Korean).
Kim, Jae-geun. A Study on the History of Korean Ships, The General Administration of Cultural Research in Korea 24, Seoul:
Seoul National University Pres,1984 (In Korean).
Kim, Seong-beom. “Two Goryeo Wrecks Unearthed from Penglai Shuicheng in China.” The Journal of Korean Medieval
History 27 (2009): 233-184 (In Korean).
Kwak, Yu-seok. “A Study on Ship and Shipbuilding of Goryeo Period.”Department of Korea Regional History Graduate School of Mokpo
National University (2010) (In Korean).
Lee, Jun-hyuk. “The Change of Ship in the Goryeo Period and Its Meanings.” The Journal of the History &amp; the World 38
(2010): 145-177 (In Korean).
Lee, Jun-hyuk. “The Development of Shipbuilding Technology in the Early Joseon Period and Mado Shipwreck No.4.” The
Journal of the Chiyeok Kwa Yeoksa 42 (2018): 199-227 (In Korean).
Mun, Gyuung-ho. “A Study on the Structure and Cargo of Tonsinsa Ship in 1811 via Sinmitongsinilrok .” The Journal
of Korean Classics 58 (2021): 203-244 (In Korean).
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NRIMCH 8. Mokpo: National Maritime Museum, 2005 (In Korean).
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Maritime Museum, 2006 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 1 Underwater Excavation, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of
Maritime Cultural Heritage 20. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2010 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 2 Underwater Excavation, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of
Maritime Cultural Heritage 22. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2011 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Report on Conservation and Restoration of Dalido Shipwreck. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2012 (In Korean).

5

�NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 3 Underwater Excavation, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of
Maritime Cultural Heritage 27. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2012 (In Korean).
NRIMCH. Incheon Ongiingun Yeongheungo Shipwreck Underwater Excavation, Series of Research Report of National
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NRIMCH. Taean Mado Shipwreck No. 4 Underwater Excavation, Series of Research Report of National Research Institute of
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Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage 55. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2018 (In Korean).
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Korean).

6

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                <text>Types and Characteristics of Ships in the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392 CE)</text>
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                <text>Ships of Goryeo come in various types and purposes, such as military ships like the large Taejo Wang Geon,&#13;
Jounseon1 merchant ships used for trade with China, Gwaseon2&#13;
that defeated pirates from Jurchen, ships used for&#13;
Japanese expedition and coastal carriers. This paper intends to examine the types, size, and structure of ships&#13;
depending on internal and external impacts through literature review on archeological ships in Goryeo area, and&#13;
note changes of ships by period. Based on the literature review and analysis on the use of ships of the Goryeo&#13;
Dynasty in historical materials, the existence of ships in various types and sizes at that time was confirmed. The&#13;
size and structure of ships changed due to internal and external influences after the early Goryeo Dynasty. In naval&#13;
activities the number of ships in operation gradually increases as the types of ships diversify and the role of large&#13;
ships increase. Jounseon experienced structural developments and decreased in size.&#13;
These factors of change can be confirmed through frequent naval activities at the time. The change in&#13;
the naval force was also an important cause of external influences such as Yuan's intervention, Three Elite Patrols’&#13;
rebellion, and invasion by Japanese pirates, as well as internal factors such as the maintenance and strengthening&#13;
of the naval organization and the development of shipbuilding technology. Jounseon appeared as a result of&#13;
external factors such as Japanese pirates and internal factors such as corruption including private use. Various&#13;
usages of ships in Goryeo Dynasty could be identified.&#13;
Through literature review, it was possible to confirm types and changes of ships by period in Goryeo&#13;
and accordingly, social and economic changes can be identified as well. Military ships operated by the naval forces&#13;
of the Goryeo Dynasty were not active in the early days and their uses were not mentioned much. However, ships&#13;
operated by the naval forces have various uses and shapes in the later period. Jounseon and envoy ships appeared&#13;
in the later period. We expect to hypothesize socio-economic changes of the time based on the changes in the type,&#13;
size, and structure of ships.</text>
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                <text>Jeong Hong-il</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>2023</text>
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                <text>Hong-il, Jeong . 2023. “Types and Characteristics of Ships in the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392 CE).” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1955 </text>
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                    <text>A Study on the Structure of the Fourteenth Century Chinese Merchant Ship (Sinan
Shipwreck)
Hong sun-jae (Curator, National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage)
ABSTRACT
Further research on Sinan shipwreck structure is required. The questions raised by Lee Cheol-han and Lee Changeok in Report on Sinan Ship Conservation and Restoration and those in the new edition of Sinan Shipwreck are
summarized in this paper. They are summarized as follows: First question is about the understanding of bar keel;
second is the combining structure and inclination angle of bar keel and plate stem; third is whether additional side
plate was possible and major measurement of hull and molded depth; fourth is whether to consider the deck side
structure as deck as before; fifth is the recognition of the sectional shape of the hull center - if the four questions
above are solved; sixth is whether oars were installed; seventh is the other mast legs and liquid tank. To address
these questions, I first organized terminology and corrected incorrect terms, I then examined the literature on
analysis of structural characteristics. For methodology, my lens was that of a professional shipbuilding engineer. I
considered major structures in the excavation reports, conservation and restoration reports, and original shape
estimation report. I added missing structures that have come to light since these reports were produced. I aim to
identify the comprehensive structure of ancient Korean merchant ships for comparative studies with Chinese and
Japanese ships and development of ships by period.
Keywords: Sinan shipwreck, keel, floor, shell plating

INTRODUCTION
Sinan underwater excavation (Office of Cultural Properties of Ministry of Culture and Information 1983;
1984; 1985; 1988; National Maritime Museum 2004; National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural
Heritage 2018) began on August 20, 1975 when Chinese ceramics (six items including a celadon vase)
were caught by fisherman Choi Pyeong-ho’s net. Excavation was conducted by the Cultural Heritage
Administration in cooperation with the Navy for nine years from 1976 to 1984 CE.
Sinan shipwreck sank 4 km away from Imjado Island and Hoedo Island in the offshore of Heodo-myeon,
Sinan-gun, Jeollanam-do, likely due to maritime weather and environmental factors while sailing from
China to Japan. Sinan shipwreck is a V-shaped pointed bottom type that was produced a lot during Song
and Yuan Dynasties (960-1368 CE) of China. The coins and copper mirrors arranged in the Big Dipper
in the middle of the keel followed the traditional ritual for a safe return and wellbeing of ships in China,
this detail leads us to presume it is a Chinese trade ship. In addition, the hull is made of Krempf’s Pine
and Pinus massoniana, red pine and black pine; and internal structure is Cinnamomum spp; fendering
apparatus is Cunninghamia lanceolata. The analysis of such materials showed that it was a Chinese trade
ship made about 700 years ago (National Maritime Museum 2004, 16-25).
In 1981, Kim Jae-geun conducted study on Sinan shipwreck by comparing the structure of ships of
Goryeo and China and he presented the hull structure and specifications and tested his ideas by making
miniature model. In 1989, Lee Cheol-han examined the process of making it to restore original shape of
hull of Sinan shipwreck and its significance. In 2004, Kim Yong-han classified hull pieces and identified
structural characteristics for shape and restoration scale of Sinan shipwreck. He compared and reviewed
literature and data on old Chinese ships. In 2004, Choi Hang-soon analyzed Sinan shipwreck by making
3D images to see displacement, weight, deadweight, resistance performance and structural strength from
the perspective of shipbuilding engineering. This presented major specifications of Sinan shipwreck. In
2004, NRIMCH treated hull pieces for conservation, restored remaining condition and published reports.
Further studies on 3D precision measurement of restored Sinan shipwreck in 2018, 3D printing model,
basic and detailed design, ship engineering analysis, and model to estimate original shape. However,
despite all the research, the questions raised by researchers about structure of Sinan shipwreck are not
clearly answered.

1

�REVIEW ON THE STRUCTURE OF SINAN SHIPWRECK
The structure can be divided into four: main body, reinforcement, design and auxiliary.
Main body
Keel
Keel is the most important structure of the hull. In likeness to the spine in human body, it is composed
of three connected materials. The way of connecting three materials is scarf joint for mutual joint and in
order to harden the scarf joint, wedge was used. In the joint of keel, it has a hole for inserting coins
indicating that it is a Chinese ship and a shallow circular hole was dug between bow and center keel to
put circular mirror made of cupronickel. Nine holes were made on horizontal section of the central and
stern keel and bronze coin called Tai Ping Tong Bao was put in each hole and covered with wooden
stopper. There is elevated structure with floor to separate the areas on the top surface of keel. In
particular, the keel at the center, out of three keels, have elevated central part with slight curve at the
edge downwards. It is designed to improve the navigation performance intentionally rather than external
shock during sailing or wreckage.
Floor
Floor is a structure located between the keel and bulkhead. The shape is same as bulkhead but it is
thicker. Because thicker material was used, the bulkhead and frame are placed on the floor and connected
each other. In addition, frame is installed to divide the front and back sides based on bulkhead. The
frames are installed on the front side from I to IV (to the direction of bow) and on the back side from V
to VII (to the direction of stern). The way of connection and fixing was traditional Chinese style to
strengthen the structure by placing floor at the groove on the top of keel. One of the important features
of floor structure is a square hole at the center that prevents the water inflow between compartments.
This structure applies sophisticated shipbuilding technology to prevent sinking due to flooding by
blocking holes. However, the excavation report mentioned this structure as ‘waste water corridor’ where
water accumulated on the floor passes. Therefore, additional study is required.
Transom floor
Transom floor is a structure that is located at the stern and connected to the keel. The shape of the first
stage of stern has the same floor type and connection structure but it does not have square hole at the
bottom center. However, it has elevated structure on a half of the top surface to install floor. The member
of the hull is recorded as stern frame structure. The research shows that the stern frame structure is
installed on the floor like bulkhead, it is reasonable to consider the structure installed at the stern area
on top of keen as transom floor and the thinner plate than lower stages was placed on top of the floor.
Garboard strake
Garboard strake is located between keel and the first stage of shell plating. Its shape is similar to that of
shell plating but its thickness is about 20 cm, which is significantly thicker than shell plating whose
thickness is 12 cm. Keel, floor, and garboard strakes are connected by placing the keel whose sectional
shape is square and L-shaped groove is made on both sides of the top side to attach garboard strake. The
floor is attached to the top of the keel and inside of the garboard strake. For fastening each member, iron
bar was used to maintain enough strength.
Bulkhead
Bulkhead is composed of seven bulkheads and eight windows from the shell plating (it is estimated to
be deck structure at that time) with eight compartments in total. Bulkhead is a major member that
composes frame of the hull, serving as the basis for ship shape. It serves as the fixing framework for the
assembly of shell plating. It maintains the same interval to prevent trim phenomenon and improve lateral
strength. Fourth, it secures space to be used for different purpose. Bulkheads I-VI are installed vertically
straight but stern bulkhead is connected with inclination toward stern direction and bulkhead VII is

2

�connected to the bow direction with more inclination. The section between bulkhead I to bulkhead IV
has frame to the direction of bow while stiffener structure is located to the stern direction. The frame of
bulkhead V-VI is located in the stern direction while stiffener is located in the bow direction. The
bulkhead fixing method is to use iron bar on the front and back side.
Shell plating
The shell plating is located between garboard strake and deck and is the body of the ship that composes
the final shape. This accounts for the highest share among remaining hull pieces and 176 pieces of 13
starboard and four port sections remain. The shell plating joint method is divided into longitudinal and
transverse joint. The longitudinal joint method is based on rabbeted clinker joint 1 while the bow
direction has half-lap miter joint2. Traverse joint uses tongue and groove joint3 method and half-lamp
miter joint and the plate is added and fixed by nailing. The way of connecting shell plating is one of the
representative characteristics of Sinan Ship.
Pointed stem
Pointed stem is a structure located at the very front of the ship. The shape of the bow is two-layer flat
plate structure in the shape of trapezoid close to inverted triangle. At the left and right edge of pointed
stem, L-shaped groove was made to be connected to shell plating and inner side was added by plate for
reinforcement. The thickness of pointed stem is about 11-12 cm and structural characteristics is to use
half-lap miter joint.
Bulwark
Bulwark is located on the upper starboard side of the central of Sinan shipwreck. Bulwark has a clinker
joint structure like the joint structure of shell plating. The material made of cedar tree with the thickness
of 1.5-2 cm to protect the structure. This is to have sea water inflow and be released through the same
circular holes. The upper bulwark has the same circular hole, making it reasonable to interpret it not as
the bulwark structure but as structure of shell plating. The reason can be assumed that, as it is lower than
waterline comparing to the dead weight and gross weight based, it is far away from the bulwark structure
which is side plate of the board.
Bulwark Stay
Bulwark stay is located at the top of shell plating and connected to bulwark (assumed to be the
fourteenth-fifteenth stages of the shell plate). This structure plays the role of bulkhead. Three members
of this structure were lifted from the starboard side. It is composed of thick wooden plate with 13 cm in
thickness and root was connected between structures so each angle was maintained. The bulwark stay
is located before and after circular hole located at the center of bulwark. The structure and role as well
as interpretation of terms for bulwark stay are required.
Deck
Analysis of bulwark and bulwark stay showed that deck is estimated to be the structure that support
fourteenth-fifteenth stages of shell plating. Therefore, it is reasonable to interpret the structure of deck
as structure of shell plating inside. In addition, the plate made of cedar tree with the thickness of 1.5-2
cm is added to the top side. The thickness is 10 cm and width 43 cm. There is groove 10 cm wide at the
bottom of the outer side area that is connected to the top of the thirteenth stage of the shell plating of
bulwark. At the end of the inner side area, scarf joint structure is designed to connect it to the board. As
Sinan shipwreck is estimated to be 4.0 m, the shell plating free board is estimated to be 1.5-1.9 m in

Way of joining by making L-shaped groove on the top of the shell plating and groove was made inside the bottom part of the
top shell plating.
2 Joining two members with the same thickness by digging half of the thickness of the plate and then joining them together
(Architecture dictionary)
3 Connection to prevent the timbers from being pushed to the side (architecture dictionary)
1

3

�height. Then it is known that the deck should be installed at a sufficient height.
Reinforcement
Butt Strap
Butt strap was used to maintain the strength to reinforce the joint area by connecting joint structure to
make the length of shell plating member. The method of connection is to put 1-18 iron bars, nine on left
and right sides of the joined member respectively. The but strap has fished joint structure.
Stiffener
Stiffener is a structure that firmly fixes shell plating member attached to the bulkhead to prevent it from
being pushed to the outside. Each stage of each section has this stiffener. Stiffener reinforce shell plating
and bulkhead has a trapezoidal shape4, and the part attached to the bulkhead has a small shape about a
quarter of the size of the trapezoid. The fixing method was made strong by driving iron pins.
Bulkhead Frame and Forward Cant Frame
Bulkhead frame is installed on one side of each bulkhead to connect the bulkhead and shell plating
firmly. Forward cant frame is located between VII bulkhead and pointed stem. The forward cant frame
has twice wider gap compared to I-VII bulkhead. The bigger the space of the section, the weaker the
strength of the shell plate so it is assumed that forward cant frame was installed to reinforce shell plating.
Bulkhead frame continues from the floor to the deck rostrum and the shape is like stair type according
to the shell plating. Iron bar was used for firm fastening.
Scarf-skin
Scarf-skin protects keel, shell plating, bulwark and deck. The thickness is 1.5-2 cm and it is made of
cedar and it seems that scarf-skin was added to protect it from harmful insects.
Design
Mast
Mast is located on the front side of IV and VII bulkheads. The structure of the mast is divided into mast,
mast leg, mast leg support and cross bar as well as mast leg press (Office of Cultural Properties of
Ministry of Culture and Information 1984, 138-139). However, the floor is wider than the floor located
at the bottom of bulkhead as it is aligned with the size of the mast and width of the mast leg, a support
structure. The role of the floor structure is the basis to pile up the upper structure and support the keel.
Moreover, in the report, it is said that floor is the lower structure together with keel and strake (Office
of Cultural Properties of Ministry of Culture and Information 1984, 129). However, the mast support at
that time played the role of supporting mast leg and that is why it is called mast leg support as it was
considered to be part of the mast.
Auxiliary
Liquid tank
Liquid tank is located between IV and V bulkheads and is placed on the left and right shell plating. The
shell plating is placed on the front and back direction of the liquid tank support and the bottom plate is
placed according to the inclination of the liquid tank support; side plates are placed on four sides. It is
watertight to prevent water leakage. In order to erect bottom plate and site plate, the structure same as
bulkhead is applied for reinforcement.

4

A quadrilateral with two sides (upper and lower) parallel

4

�CONCLUSIONS
The examination on structural characteristics confirmed that the ship has important characteristics from
the perspective of the history of shipbuilding technology.
1. It has a V-shaped pointed-bottom hull, which enables the ship to withstand deep water, high
and rough waves and swell, wind waves and to perform fast navigation and stability.
2. It secured durability by planning seven bulkheads and eight windows for the space where trade
items are piled to secure durability and it has the structure of compartment to store trade items
safely.
3. It is equipped with two or more propulsion structures, it has a ‘sailboat structure’ that can sail
against the wind.
4. The front of the ship is equipped with an inverted triangular ‘trapezoidal structure’ to minimize
wave resistance during sailing.
5. It has the water tank structure at the center and left and right of the ship for drinking water
supply and balance of the ship.
6. It has the reinforcement structure that has double or triple connection through butt strap,
stiffener, frame and cant frame.
7. It has the waterproof and watertight structure to prevent the inflow of water from one
compartment to another.
8. The shape is to have a narrow bow and wide stern in order to improve sailing performance.
9. It is equipped with the hull protection structure where a scarf-skin is attached to the outer side
of the shell plating, penetrating sea bugs from entering into the hull.
The nine characteristics showed that the ship is equipped with the best shipbuilding technology and
structure in Song and Yuan Dynasties of China.

Bibliography
Cultural Heritage Administration of the Ministry of Culture and Public Information, Sinan Underwater Artifacts, Sourcebook
I. Mokpo: Cultural Heritage Administration, 1983 (In Korean).
Cultural Heritage Administration of the Ministry of Culture and Public Information, Sinan Underwater Artifacts, Sourcebook
II. Mokpo: Cultural Heritage Administration, 1984 (In Korean).
Cultural Heritage Administration of the Ministry of Culture and Public Information, Sinan Underwater Artifacts, Sourcebook
III. Mokpo: Cultural Heritage Administration, 1985 (In Korean).
Cultural Heritage Administration of the Ministry of Culture and Public Information, Sinan Underwater Artifacts,
Comprehensive Edition. Mokpo: Cultural Heritage Administration, 1988 (In Korean).
National Maritime Museum, Conservation and Restoration Report of Shinan Ship. Mokpo: National Maritime Museum, 2004
(In Korean).
NRIMCH, A Study on Restoration of Original Shape of Sinan Shipwreck. Mokpo: NRIMCH, 2018 (In Korean).

5

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                <text>A Study on the Structure of the Fourteenth Century Chinese Merchant Ship (Sinan Shipwreck)&#13;
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                <text>Further research on Sinan shipwreck structure is required. The questions raised by Lee Cheol-han and Lee Changeok in Report on Sinan Ship Conservation and Restoration and those in the new edition of Sinan Shipwreck are&#13;
summarized in this paper. They are summarized as follows: First question is about the understanding of bar keel;&#13;
second is the combining structure and inclination angle of bar keel and plate stem; third is whether additional side&#13;
plate was possible and major measurement of hull and molded depth; fourth is whether to consider the deck side&#13;
structure as deck as before; fifth is the recognition of the sectional shape of the hull center - if the four questions&#13;
above are solved; sixth is whether oars were installed; seventh is the other mast legs and liquid tank. To address&#13;
these questions, I first organized terminology and corrected incorrect terms, I then examined the literature on&#13;
analysis of structural characteristics. For methodology, my lens was that of a professional shipbuilding engineer. I&#13;
considered major structures in the excavation reports, conservation and restoration reports, and original shape&#13;
estimation report. I added missing structures that have come to light since these reports were produced. I aim to&#13;
identify the comprehensive structure of ancient Korean merchant ships for comparative studies with Chinese and&#13;
Japanese ships and development of ships by period.&#13;
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                <text>Hong Sun-jae</text>
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                <text>Hong, Sun-jae. 2023. “Study on the Structure of Shinan Shipwreck, the Chinese Merchant Ship in the 14th Century.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Juhee Kim. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1954 </text>
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                    <text>Maritime Ritual Ruins of Korea
Tahk Kyung-Baek¹
¹National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, Korea.
Corresponding Author: jsa461@gmail.com

ABSTRACT
Since ancient times, the sea has been an important transportation route and a place where food can be obtained.
However, there were various dangers, which were personified as a fear of supernatural beings. As supernatural
beings were gradually elevated to gods who ruled over danger, humans relieved their fears and gained comfort for
themselves through the rituals. Rituals include all activities of praying for a wish to a god they are reasonable (Yu
1997, 1-2). The space where the ritual ceremonies took place is the ritual rite site, and the ritual site related to the
sea can be called the maritime ritual ruins. The remains of marine ritual ruins are formed by a tangible space where
sacrifices are held while worshiping gods, and a jejang (a limited site related to sacrifice), an intangible space
around it. So far, studies on the remains of ritual ruins have been conducted, focusing on archaeological sites,
historical records, excavated artifacts, and intangible elements of ritual ruins. However, only the intangible space
was maintained as a heritage of the village community, and the altar and other facilities were changed several
times, so research on them was difficult to conduct. However, the sacred building continued to be maintained
despite the change in appearance. Accordingly, this study focused on the rituals and identified the meaning of the
ritual ruins along with the rituals by dividing them into one-building and two-building types.
Keywords: Maritime, Ritual ruins, Altar, Records

LISTS OF TABLE
Table 1: Characteristics of ritual ruins

1. INTRODUCTION
Since ancient times, maritime rituals have been performed in the area of maritime activities. People
wanted to overcome danger by praying for safety and a good catch of fish. The space where the ritual
ceremonies took place is the ritual rite site, and the ritual site related to the sea can be called the maritime
ritual ruins.
In Korea, many maritime ritual ruins have been confirmed along the coast, showing many forms of ritual
faith. Maritime ritual sites can be classified into three types: sites where ritual ruins are held at sea:
remains where ritual ruins are held in the open air on land close to the sea; ruins where ritual rites are
held in designated spaces with buildings such as altars. Archaeological excavations of the ruins of
Susungdang in Jukmak-dong, Buan, revealed ritual ceremonies had been performed from the second
half of the third century to the present.
A sacred building where the god is believed to have settled was constructed close to where the ritual
ceremonies were held. Two types were adopted: one-building and two-building types. These systems
were found within the ruins of Jukmak-dong of Buan, Oryongmyo shrine, Sangdea harbor ruins, etc.
The systems involved construction with mostly one- or two-sided three-fronts. It was minimal in size
compared to traditional Korean buildings. However, the space of influence is extended towards the sea
in addition to the space where the ritual ceremony is held, and it appears as a sacred space with
considerable dominance. The sacred building had an important role in maritime ritual ruins and can be
considered central to maritime ritual heritage.

1

�2. TYPES OF MARITIME RITUAL RUINS
There are many maritime ruins that can be classified into three types in Korea, which is surrounded by
the sea on three sides. Among them, there are ritual ruins revealed through excavation and research,
including shell mounds in Gungok-ri, Haenam, Neuk Island in Sacheon, Yongdam-dong in Jeju Island,
and Jukmak-dong in Buan (Jeonju National Museum 1995, 8-13).In addition, ritual ruins and various
auxiliary facilities are set up at Wondang on Dae-ri Wi Island, where ritual ruins related to the sea are
held, and at Yeongdang in Hwang Island’s Big Fish Festival. Or, using the difference between the high
tide and the low tide, some ritual ceremonies are performed in the open air on the seashore.
As such, maritime ritual sites can be classified into about three types: relics where ritual ceremonies are
held at sea; remains where ritual ceremonies are held in the open air on land close to the sea; The ruins
where ritual rites are held in designated spaces with buildings such as altars. Among them, buildings
such as altars were built, and where ritual ruins were held, they have been maintained by village residents
or groups praying to gods. It is mostly found on the west coast, and it is thought to be a phenomenon
that has been used as a sea route to China for a long time. Considering the excavated relics, Suseongdang
in Jukmak-dong can be known to have begun in the late third century. And it is possible to estimate the
time when the ritual started through the origin of the gods enshrined in some altars.

3. TYPES OF SPACES FOR ALTARS
The altar is a space where gods related to the sea are enshrined and where rituals are still held, and it is
the core space of the ritual ruins. However, until now, altars have been regarded only as a part of folk
religion, and research has been incomplete. The marine ritual ruins with nine altars were investigated,
and the ritual ruins built in these ritual remains will be reviewed.
3.1 Sizes and Structures
A total of 13 altars in nine ruins were identified, including cases where only one altar was installed in
the ritual ruins site and where two were installed. The number of bays generally does not exceed one to
three bays on the front and two bays on the side. However, when viewed from the side, Cheonghaejincastle, Wan Island, consists of a half-bay open to the outside, Wondang Dae-ri, Wi Island of a half-bay
divided into spaces from the inside, and Jeonhoeng Shrine in Dangsan, Oeyeon Island, of one and a half
bays. In particular, the smaller the altar is, the larger space is, and the case of one altar is generally larger
than the case of two.
Columnar brackets are mostly Mulikgong-style (undecorated in Korean), while Jangjwa-ri Cheonghae
Castle Shrine is Choikgong-style (one-sided decoration in Korean). Wondang, the main shrine of the
Yeongdang for the festival of good catching of fish is two-Ikgong-style (double-sided decoration in
Korean), and Sanshin-dang, the vice-shrine is Choikgong-style. However, it is somewhat difficult to
classify it as a typical columnar bracket form because the form is excessive and used as a subtraction.

2

�Table 1: Characteristics of ritual ruins

Location

Jukmak-dong, Buan

Name

Susungdang

Dongho-ri, Gochang Yeongshindang

Cheonghaejin-castle
Wan Island

Sadang

Size
(front×
side)

Size of
one bay
(m)

2×1

front:
2.1
side:
3.1

3 purlins

west

on the cliff

○

Gaeyanghalm
i
Grandmother

(1801)
1996

3×2

front:
1.85
side:
1

3 purlins

west

on the hill

○

Soulgod

1841

3×1.5

front:
1.5
side:
1/2.8

5 purlins

west

on the hill

×

Jang Bo-Go

2009

5 purlins

west

top of Mt.

○

8 gods

2000

Structure Direction Situation

OpenWorshiped Construction
air
god
date (CE)
altars

Dae-ri Wi Island

Wondang

2×1.5

front:
2.6/2.4
side:
1.1/2

Gyodong Island

Sashindang

1×1

unknown

unknown

north

on the hill

○

Oryongmyo
(Araetdang)

3×2

front: 1.8
side: 1.52

3 purlins

east

below the
ridge

×

Witdang

1×1

unknown

unknown

east

below the
ridge

×

Wondang

1×1

unknown

unknown

on the hill

×

Sanshindang

1×1

unknown

unknown

northwest
northwest

on the hill

×

Mt. god

After 1945

Jinridang
(Bd. Near gate)

3×1

unknown

3 purlins

north

on the hill

○

Danggaksi
Bride et al.

1938
2009

Yongshindang

1×1

unknown

unknown

east

on the hill

○

unknown

2009

Jeonhoeng sadang

1×1.5

front:
3.3
side:
0.6/1.6

3 purlins

unknow
n

in the
forest

×

Jeon Hoeng
et al.

1936

Sanjedang

3×1

unknown

3 purlins

unknow
n

in the
forest

×

unknown

unknown

Seonyu Island

Yeongdang Hwang
Island

Dangsan Heuksan
Island

Dangsan Oeyeond
Island

Jashindang
halabuji
1969
Grandfather
Ohguyuwan (Before 1123)
g king et al.
1947
Lim family
from
unknown
Naju City
Im GyeongAfter 1945
Eop General

While the structure is generally three purlins when the side has one bay, Yeongsindang in Dongho-ri,
Gochang has two sides but three purlins. In addition, Cheonghaejin castle, Wan Island, and Daeri
Wondang and Wi Island have a side of one and a half bays and a structure of five purlins. Gable roofs
are generally dominant, but Yeongsindang in Dongho-ri, Gochang, Oryongmyo in Seonyu Island, and
Wondang in Yeongdang andHwang Island have gablet roofs. Witdang in Seonyu Island has a hip roof,
and Sanshindang in Yeongdang, Hwang Island, has a pyramid roof.
3.2 Locations and open-air altars
The direction is generally westward, and the reason is assumed to be to look at the West Sea. However,
Sashindang on Gyodong Island faces north, and you can see the sea while looking at the altar. It is

3

�located on the top of a hill or mountain with a good view of the sea. Open-air altars are usually present
when only one altar is situated, but only Dangsan on Heuksan Island has two of those.
3.3 Records of constructions interpreted through worshiped god
The gods enshrined in the ritual ruins are different for each ritual rite, and the objects in the ruins vary
by region. First, a record indicates that Suseongdang was built in 1801, so the construction record is
different from the actual excavated artifacts. It is presumed that the ritual ruins were reused after they
stopped being used. Gaeyanghalmi’s grandmother is the main sea deity of the Chilsan Sea seen from
Suseongdang. Jangjwa-ri Shrine is said to have held ritual ceremonies with the portraits of great monks,
including Song Jing, Jeong Nyeon, and Hye Il, but it has now been changed to the portraits of Jang Bogo. The current altar was built in 2009, but its location is within Cheonghaejin Castle (installed in 828),
so its origin is presumed to be old. Wondang on Dae-ri Wi Island is located facing Suseongdang and is
also a place where ritual ceremonies are held to pray for a good catch in Chilsan Sea. Originally, there
were paintings of 11 gods, but now only paintings of eight gods remain (National Folk Museum 1984,
10). Oryongmyo on Seonyu Island, where Ohguyuwang, whose name means five dragons, is enshrined,
unlike other shrines that pray for the safety of the sails and success in trade. In particular, the record
remains in Xuānhwafengshi Gaolitujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經) (Seo 1124, 1-7). Originally, the main hall
of Yeongdang on Hwang Island was dedicated to the snake god, but it was changed to enshrine General
Im Gyeong-Eop in the seventeenth century. There are two theories: one that it was made after 1945,
when it was demolished during the Japanese colonial period, and the other that it has been there for 140
years. Dangsan on Oeyeon Island is related to Jeon Hoeng (? - BCE 202), and the current altar was built
in 1936.

4. CONCLUSIONS
So far, the value of cultural heritage has been relatively underestimated in Korea. In this paper, the
characteristics of nine altars were reviewed, and the records of their establishment were examined,
especially through the enshrined god. In the future, it is expected that the cultural heritage value of ritual
ruins in Korea can be re-evaluated by conducting research on ritual ruins throughout the country.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Seo, Gung. Xuānhwafengshi Gaolitujing, Hangzhou, 1024.
Ha, Hyo-Gil. Folklore of Wido Island-Ritual ceremony of Wondang, Dae-ri, Seoul: National Folklore Museum, 1984.
Jeonju National Museum. Relics of Ritual ceremony of Jukmak-dong, Buan, Jeonju: Jeonju National Museum, 1994.
Jeju National Museum. Sea and Ritual ceremony- Relics of Ritual ceremony of Jukmak-dong, Buan, Jeonju: Jeonju National
Museum, 1995.
National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage. Sea routes in the Southwest Sea region seen through maritime
exchanges, Mokpo: National Research Institute of Maritime Cultural Heritage, 2014.
Yu, Byung-Ha. Sea god and ancestral rites of Relics of Jukmak-dong, Buan - Focused on a comparative review of the ancestral
rites-, Master's, Seoul: Seoul National University, 1997.
Korean Society of History and Folklore. History and Folklore, Seoul: Korean Society of History and Folklore, 2005.
Choi, Jung-Gi. Gyodongdo Island, Seoul: Folk Garden, 2015.

4

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                <text>Since ancient times, the sea has been an important transportation route and a place where food can be obtained.&#13;
However, there were various dangers, which were personified as a fear of supernatural beings. As supernatural&#13;
beings were gradually elevated to gods who ruled over danger, humans relieved their fears and gained comfort for&#13;
themselves through the rituals. Rituals include all activities of praying for a wish to a god they are reasonable (Yu&#13;
1997, 1-2). The space where the ritual ceremonies took place is the ritual rite site, and the ritual site related to the&#13;
sea can be called the maritime ritual ruins. The remains of marine ritual ruins are formed by a tangible space where&#13;
sacrifices are held while worshiping gods, and a jejang (a limited site related to sacrifice), an intangible space&#13;
around it. So far, studies on the remains of ritual ruins have been conducted, focusing on archaeological sites,&#13;
historical records, excavated artifacts, and intangible elements of ritual ruins. However, only the intangible space&#13;
was maintained as a heritage of the village community, and the altar and other facilities were changed several&#13;
times, so research on them was difficult to conduct. However, the sacred building continued to be maintained&#13;
despite the change in appearance. Accordingly, this study focused on the rituals and identified the meaning of the&#13;
ritual ruins along with the rituals by dividing them into one-building and two-building types.&#13;
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                <text>Kyung-Baek, Tahk . 2023. “Maritime ritual ruins of Korea.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1953 </text>
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                    <text>Prehistoric Community, Maritime Interaction, and the Development of Southeast Asian
Shipbuilding: A Case Study from Material Cultures Discovered in Thailand
Sira Ploymukda1
1

Center of Maritime Archaeology, University of Southampton, UK.

Corresponding Author - sp2u14@soton.ac.uk

ABSTRACT
Southeast Asian people have been involved in maritime interaction since prehistoric times. Although Neolithic
archaeology in mainland Southeast Asia revealed that people might have sailed in open seas for marine resource
gathering, second century Before Common Era (BCE) watercrafts were considered the oldest empirical evidence of
sailing in the Thai-Malay peninsula. Elsewhere in the Bronze-Iron Age of Southeast Asia, there was an adoption of
bronze-iron production technology. This was confirmed by the presence of bronze drum crucibles from Nong Nong
Hor, Thailand, and the geographical distribution of third century BCE iron smelting sites in northern Thailand.
Shipwrecks made from local and foreign building techniques dating back to approximately the second century BCE
have been found in the Thai-Malay peninsula.
This research is designed to provide supported evidence with regards to the approach that, apart from an intensive
cross-continent maritime interaction in the early stages, by integrating technologies, cultures, and materials of
prehistoric communities played an important role in the development of Southeast Asian shipbuilding. To achieve
the research question, boats, boat burials, dugout coffins, bronze-iron tools, and material culture from bronze-iron
production sites, as well as ethnographic research in Southeast Asia, have been accounted for. As a result, the study
confirms Southeast Asian people were skilled craft specialists as they made use of simple metal implements for their
carpenter work. Further, insights in either boatbuilding or bronze and iron production also yield an understanding of
relevant factors of cultural development within the Thai-Malay peninsula.
Keywords: Southeast Asian shipbuilding, Shipwright tools, Iron-bronze age, Traceology

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
PKK
Pak Khlong Kluay
KSK
Khao Sam Khaew
PKT
Phu Khao Thong
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: A sample image of preserved identification at the Pak Khlong Kluay Shipwreck

1. INTRODUCTION
In Southeast Asian waters, archaeological research at the Kok Phanom Di and Nong Nor sites revealed a
large number of marine resources during the Neolithic period at around 4,500 BP (Higham 2004, 42).
Linguistic studies by diffusionism point out that the massive cross-ocean migration of Neolithic people
who speak Austro-Asiatic and Austronesian languages into mainland Southeast Asia was done using
watercraft (Bellwood 2004, 29). However, it can be argued that at this moment, there is no empirical
evidence of a pre-Metal Age Southeast Asian ship older than around the second century BCE (Ploymukda
2020, 57). Moreover, the development of Southeast Asian shipbuilding has usually been linked to
maritime contacts when the region played an important role in establishing maritime trade networks
(Kimura 2022, 99). Although ancient port sites in the Thai-Malay peninsula have developed within this
1

�period, as well as the presence of shipwrecks dated to the second century BCE (Ploymukda 2020, 57;
Bellwood et al. 2007, 16; Kimura 2022, 98), questions can be proposed, such as what factors should be
counted as major considerations in Southeast Asian shipbuilding development. This paper intends to
expand an understanding of how metal tools contributed to the development of Southeast Asian
shipbuilding technology during the transition from prehistoric to historical periods.

2. METHODOLOGY
This paper concerns the integration of multi-disciplinary subjects in maritime archaeology. First,
mainland Southeast Asian archaeological records and publications during the metal period and early-stage
settlement at around the second century BCE had been assessed, and historical archives were reviewed.
Secondly, an investigation into ethnographic resources provides many aspects of shipbuilding sequences
and tools among people who can be traced back through their language use and their unique sea trail
culture through time. Furthermore, a comparative study between samples of actual tools recovered from
ancient port sites and the traceology of tools from shipwrecks has been done simultaneously. Traceology,
the study of preserved tool marks from shipwrecks, wood, and timber, might provide insights into the
measurements of the marks, angle of marks, direction of marks, and depth of marks (Maragoudaki 2017,
236). The discipline aids archaeologists in identifying or reconstructing types, dimensions, and functions
of shipwrecks (Maragoudaki and Kavvouras 2012, 205-207). However, this paper presents only reviews
of specific sites and time scales from the Metal Age to early-stage settlement within the Thai-Malay
peninsula. The results from traceology will be confined to the basics such as shapes, dimensions, and
functions. The results beyond these points will be mentioned in the future, as the research is still being
developed at this moment.

3. RESULTS
3.1 Southeast Asian shipbuilding from prehistoric-protohistoric communities
In northern Vietnam, a fifth century BCE (Before the Common Era) Vietkhe boat-shaped coffin has been
discovered. The coffins and associated finds revealed a link between the coffin and the Dongson culture
(Van Liem 2007, 117- 119). Moreover, the Dongxa boat burial also in Northern Vietnam illustrated the
recycling of the dugout boat by turning the actual boat into a coffin. Significantly, a boat dated to 200
BCE represents the use of a mortise and tenon joint with a peg at its’ gunwale edge (Bellwood et al. 2007,
16- 17).
Another example of pegged mortise and tenon can be found in the second century BCE planked boat
discovered in 2019 at the Pak Khlong Kluay (PKK) site in Ranong province, Thailand. The boat has been
found near the ancient port site called Phu Khao Thong (Ploymukda 2020, 42; Kimura 2022, 100). Both
the port site and the ship shared the same chronological order. The ship featured 10cm width x 24cm
height x 2cm thickness tenons with 2- 2.5cm diameter pegs. Moreover, wood identification revealed that
all ship components have been made from Southeast Asian wood species (Ploymukda 2020, 49-50).
Despite the idea of wood jointing by mortise and tenon, as can be seen from the Han Dynasty architecture
in China (Jiao 2007, 1021-1022), the mortise and tenons do not show the exact same characters compared
to the boat joints (Bellwood et al. 2007, 19).
2

�The PKK joinery seems completely matched to the technique in various shipwrecks in the Mediterranean
region as well as the Han dynasty boat in at Wei River in Shaanxi, China (Shaanxi Academy of
Archeology 2015, 3). The joinery and tools have been depicted in terrestrial sites, for example, the Tomb
Ti Saqqara dated to the twenty-fifth – twenty-fourth century BCE in Egypt (McGrail 2015, 4-5), the
Khufu I boat burial deck house (Cheops), (Lipke 1984, 106; McGrail 2015, 5; Ward 2004, 14), The
Mersa/Wadi Gawasis timber from around the nineteenth century BCE, (Ward and Zazzaro 2010, 27), in
Egypt. Moreover, the fourteenth century BCE Uluburun shipwreck has a pegged mortise and tenon
technique adopted for its plank fastening (Bass 1986, 270; Pulak 2012, 870). This technique in the
Mediterranean lasted until around the seventh century CE and was used in many shipwrecks. For
example, Kyrenia (fourth century BCE) (Katzev and Swiny 2019, 8), Ma’agan Mikhael (fifth century
CE), (Kahanov, Doherty, and Shalev 1999, 277-278), and Yassi Ada (seventh century CE) (Bass and Van
Doorninck 1982, 4).
3.2 Tools from boat-shaped log coffin cultures
In Mae Hongson, Thailand, boat-shaped log coffin culture and carpenter tools left marks in the shape of
axes, adze, chisels, and picks (Shoocongdej 2014, 88) have been discovered within the site of a fifth
century BCE – first century CE (Wannasri, Pumijumnong, and Shoocongdej 2007, 11-13; Gorman 1970,
93). These tools may have belonged to the people of log coffin culture who specialized either in
woodworking skill or tool handling ability (Shoocongdej 2014, 75), as the coffins had been decorated by
curving technique into animal figures (Anantawetayanon 1987, 53). They were produced by wrought iron
that had been smelted by the direct smelting technique (Shoocongdej 2014, 90). Moreover, within the area
of 50 km from where the boat-shaped log coffin culture settled, a massive cluster of 50 iron smelting sites
were condensed at Li- Ban Hong Basin, Lamphun (Sukkasem 2022, 16). These sites consist of furnace
constructions, waste smelting slags from the direct smelting process, and iron ores, which can be dated
back to the third century BCE (Sukkasem 2022, 16). Another 230 BCE boat-shaped log coffin and iron
implements had been detected inside the Ong Ba cave (Sorensen 1973, 138; Anantawetayanon 1987, 33).
Iron implements have been found in the shape of an ax, adze, chisel, hack, and pick (Sorensen 1973, 159 163). Significantly, a fragment of the Heger type 1 Dongson drum has been found within the cave, which
shows the possibility of either local bronze production (Sorensen 1973, 168), or internal contact within
Southeast Asia. Even though Dongson’s iconic drums can be found across the region, some types of
Dongson drums have been made locally. The crucible from the Non Nong Hor archaeological site
matches perfectly with the actual drum found in the same area. These findings pointed out that
commodities and metal production technology were transferred during the Bronze - Iron Age at around
the third century BCE within Southeast Asia (Sanguanwong 2021, 48).
3.3 Tools from ancient port sites
In 200 BCE, at the Khao Sam Kaew ancient port site in Chumphon, Thailand (Pryce, Bellina-Pryce, and
Bennett 2006, 297), iron smiting slags were recovered from the excavation alongside 60 tools (Biggs et al.
2013, 312). The multiple shapes of Khao Sam Kaew’s tools made from iron and bronze implements
consist of an axe, an adze, and a pick (Pryce, Bellina-Pryce, and Bennett 2006, 298 - 300). An in-depth
study of the tool’s chemical identity reveals that the tools were made from direct smelting processes; thus,
the tools might have been smitten at the site (Biggs et al. 2013, 326). It is important to note that at both
the Khao Sam Khaew (KSK) and Khaosek sites, there have been fragments of bronze drums found within

3

�these ancient port sites (Pryce and Bellina-Pryce, 2017, 2; Pryce, Bellina-Pryce and Bennett 2006, 303 –
304; Murillo-Barroso et al. 2010, 1765).
At the Phukhao Thong archaeological complex, a cluster of archaeological sites was identified as an
ancient second-century BCE port site (Chaisuwan and Naiyawat 2009, 129 – 139; Kangked 2009, 126).
The excavations revealed the mixing of local artifacts with foreign artifacts from India, Persia, and China
(Kangked 2009, 49 – 50; Chaisuwan and Naiyawat 2009, 107). Apart from iron implements made from
the direct smelting process, a nail has been recovered from the sites that were chemically analyzed. The
result shows that the nail has been made of the supplied iron smelted in an indirect process (Biggs et al.
2013, 326). In the Khao Ta Plai (KTP) hinterland port site, the excavations reveal multiple periods of
human occupation from 13,000 BP (Before the Present) to 2,230 BP (Bowonsachoti 2023, 53). The site
consisted of numerous imported artefacts such as glass beads, stone beads, potteries, and iron implements
in the shape of a chisel, knife, and pick (Bowonsachoti 2023, 4).
3.4 Sea Gypsies, boats, and tools
Ethnographic research from living sea people, or sea gypsies, in this case referred to Moken, Moklen, and
Urak Lawoi. Although they are people who live and spend most of their life at sea, they have their own
culture, beliefs, lifestyle, and wisdom (Arunotai et al. 2006, 1-2). The significance of these sea gypsies
has been confirmed by tracing their language, as they speak a branch of Austronesian and Austro-Asiatic
language (Dancause et al. 2009, 86). Moklen’s boat (Kabang boat) is characterised by a distinctive
notched bow and stern (Ivanoff and Bountry 2017; Hogan 1972, 222-223). The Moken made use of
simple tools for boat building. The axe is one of the most multi-purpose tools, as it has been used for
cutting trees, felling trees, splitting logs, plank shaping, and clearing pathways. Adze has been used for
dugouts and shaping the timber by removing any waste or excess from the middle of the canoe. Notably, a
side-folded adze has been used for trimming or smoothing the timber in the final phase of building.
Although the Moken made use of measuring sticks and measuring lines, they invented their measuring
system based on their body parts. For instance, arms, fingers, and the height of the body. Moreover, they
also use tree leaves as an indicator for the log roasting process (Na Pompetch, Arunotai, and Bantaotook
2006, 17-29). To sum up, ethnography illustrated a clear vision of the process of boatbuilding and
provided beneficial insights into the shipwright tool kit of the Thai-Malay peninsula.
3.5 Traceology of preserved marks
At this stage of the research, the paper discusses preserved marks from one shipwreck, which is the PKK
shipwreck. These marks provided rough details of tools as they depicted blade shapes, blade
measurements, angles, dimensions, and locations (Maragoudaki and Kavvouras 2012, 200; Maragoudaki
2017, 239).
3.5.1 Pak Khlong Kluay shipwreck
Adze marks featured a flat 4-5 cm, blade width and 0.5 mm depth. The angle of mark is remarkably
noticeably less than ten degrees; this points out that the handling position of adzes is almost aligned
side-by-side with the timber, which can be deduced that adzes function as the tool for smoothening in the
finishing stage of building (See Figure 1 PKK1-2M5). Turning to the mark of the chisel, two different
sizes of flat shape with 1 cm and 2 cm blade marks have been recorded. The marks showed that the tools
had been handled vertically while the boat was built, as they left a 90-degree angle mark with 1.5-2 mm.
4

�depth of the wood. The function of a chisel with a narrow blade (1 cm) is to cut across the wood grain.
For example, mortises require cutting deep holes (See Figure 1 PKK1-2M7). The wider chisel (2 cm) may
function as a shaping tool or digging tool (See Figure 1 PKK1-2M2). Marks from gouges with a 5 – 1 cm
blade have been detected around the peg holes (See Figure 1 PKK1-2M6). They have been specifically
designed for hole-cutting purposes, as the trace showed gouge marks settled around only the rim of the
peg hole.

Figure 1: A sample image of preserved mark identification at the Pak Khlong Kluay Shipwreck, Thailand

4. DISCUSSION AND SUMMARY
The paper raised the possibility of Southeast Asian shipbuilding development, which, although it could
develop within the time period when Southeast Asians adopted iron production technology from either
India or China through maritime contact. The integration of local and foreign technology through
maritime exchanges should be included as a major consideration that pushed Southeast Asia to become a
more complex society. This can be seen for many reasons, as follows: First, tools made of iron from the
direct smelting technique were discovered within mainland Southeast Asia, showing that the production
technique was considered comparable with an Indian iron smelting technique and an early-stage Chinese
iron smelting tradition (Higham 2014, 198).

5

�However, the nail from the Phu Khao Thong (PKT) site has probably been linked to Chinese indirect
smelting technology (Biggs et al. 2013, 326). Secondly, due to a lack of evidence on the development
stage of bronze production in Southeast Asia, the bronze product showed a significantly high level of
complexity at the beginning, which is considered an obvious indicator of an adoption of matured
technology from China (Higham et al. 2011, 264). Throughout Southeast Asia, both bronze artefacts and
their technology probably have been transferred, as bronze drums were distributed within the region.
Simultaneously, bronze production in Thailand has been confirmed by crucibles from the Non Nonghor
site in northeast Thailand (Sanguanwong 2021, 48). Furthermore, since the third century BCE, several
iron production sites have been reported to exist within Thailand, such as the Mae-Lan, and Lamphun
sites (Sukkasem 2022, 16). This can be roughly as follows: at least during the fifth century BCE, iron
production technology has been adopted, regardless of its origins. Iron implements, boat burials, and
boat-shaped coffins from log coffin cultures illustrate that the craft specialisation of highland people have
been done by using just simple carpenter tools as coffin decorations but showing high woodworking
quality (Shoocongdej 2014, 75). This means that iron implements have been widely built and used by
prehistoric people in Southeast Asia for a long period of time, since at least the third century BCE. The
proposal can be drawn that the development of bronze and iron production in Southeast Asia occurred a
bit before or at the same time when the region fully stepped into the rich transoceanic exchange network
since the second century BCE, as evidenced by the many ancient port sites found during this period
(Pryce, Bellina-Pryce, and Bennett 2006; Chaisuwan and Naiyawat 2009; Bowonsachoti 2023; Kangked
2009). Somehow, foreign mortise and tenon shipbuilding techniques from the Dong Xa boat burial and
PKK shipwreck have been considered indicators for maritime exchanges (Kimura 2022, 100). Wood
identification pointed out that these ships have been constructed from Southeast Asian wood species
(Ploymukda 2020, 42). This can be implied that Southeast Asian people integrated new imported boat
building technology with simple tools and materials that had been taken locally, as they not only made use
of watercrafts but were skilled carpenters and boat builders. The traceology from shipwrecks revealed that
simple tool kits in the shape of an axe, adze, chisel, and gouge have been used in various shipbuilding
sequences. This also supports the proposal for the development of shipbuilding technology within the
region that there is no requirement for the use of advanced tools for shipbuilding technology in the early
stages of Southeast Asia, as these simple tool kits adequately provide practical functions to serve either
locally developed or adopted shipbuilding technology in cases of dugouts, and mortise and tenon. This
can be seen from the similarity of the tool shapes that have been observed at different archaeological sites
across the region. Furthermore, ethnography provided a reasonable perception of the tool’s function as it
points out that sea people made use of simple tools for their boat building (Ivanoff and Bountry 2017; Na
Pompetch, Arunotai, and Bantaotook 2006, 17-18). This might indicate the integration of cultures,
wisdom, insights, materials, and technologies of people who settled in mainland Southeast Asia during
the early stages of settlement.

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gathering, second century Before Common Era (BCE) watercrafts were considered the oldest empirical evidence of&#13;
sailing in the Thai-Malay peninsula. Elsewhere in the Bronze-Iron Age of Southeast Asia, there was an adoption of&#13;
bronze-iron production technology. This was confirmed by the presence of bronze drum crucibles from Nong Nong&#13;
Hor, Thailand, and the geographical distribution of third century BCE iron smelting sites in northern Thailand.&#13;
Shipwrecks made from local and foreign building techniques dating back to approximately the second century BCE&#13;
have been found in the Thai-Malay peninsula.&#13;
This research is designed to provide supported evidence with regards to the approach that, apart from an intensive&#13;
cross-continent maritime interaction in the early stages, by integrating technologies, cultures, and materials of&#13;
prehistoric communities played an important role in the development of Southeast Asian shipbuilding. To achieve&#13;
the research question, boats, boat burials, dugout coffins, bronze-iron tools, and material culture from bronze-iron&#13;
production sites, as well as ethnographic research in Southeast Asia, have been accounted for. As a result, the study&#13;
confirms Southeast Asian people were skilled craft specialists as they made use of simple metal implements for their&#13;
carpenter work. Further, insights in either boatbuilding or bronze and iron production also yield an understanding of&#13;
relevant factors of cultural development within the Thai-Malay peninsula.&#13;
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                <text>Sira Ploymukda</text>
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                <text>The Museum of Underwater Archaeology</text>
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                <text>2023</text>
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            <description>A bibliographic reference for the resource. Recommended practice is to include sufficient bibliographic detail to identify the resource as unambiguously as possible.</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="6408">
                <text>Ploymukda, Sira . 2023. “Prehistoric community, Maritime Interaction, and the development of Southeast Asian shipbuilding: Case study from material cultures discovered in Thailand.” Edited by Jennifer Craig, Jay Mok, T. Kurt Knoerl, Bobby C. Orillaneda, and Wijerathne Bohingamuwa. In Proceedings of Fifth Asia Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage: Gwangju, The Republic of Korea, November 13-18 2023. The Museum of Underwater Archaeology. URL: https://apconf.omeka.net/exhibits/show/apconfproceedings/item/1952 </text>
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